The Project Gutenberg eBook of History for ready reference, Volume 2, El Dorado to Greaves

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Title: History for ready reference, Volume 2, El Dorado to Greaves

Author: J. N. Larned

Illustrator: Alan C. Reiley

Release date: December 1, 2021 [eBook #66861]
Most recently updated: April 5, 2022

Language: English

Credits: Don Kostuch

[Transcriber's Notes:]

This volume is the continuation of volume 1,

These modifications are intended to provide continuity of the
text for ease of searching and reading.

1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly
   brackets "{123}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this
   case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.

2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is
   placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but
   without surrounding empty lines.

3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break
   between subjects.

5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are replaced
   with spaces and newlines.

6. Subjects are arranged thusly:
   Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case
   (as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

   Subtitles (if any) are indented three spaces and
   immediately follow the main title.

   Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles (if
   any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented three

   References to other articles in this work are in all upper case
   (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They usually
   begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in".

   Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces
   and in italics, as in the original. The bibliography in Volume
   1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,
   including URLs of available internet versions.

   ----------Subject: End----------
   indicates the end of a long group of subheadings or other
   large block.

[End Transcriber's Notes.]













The Riversider Press, Cambridge, Mass, U. S. A.
Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.


Map of Europe at the close of the Tenth Century, ... To follow page 1020
Map of Europe in 1768,                           ... To follow page 1086
Four maps of France,
  A. D. 1154, 1180, 1814 and 1860,               ... To follow page 1168
Two maps of Central Europe, A. D. 848 and 888,   ... On page 1404
Map of Germany at the Peace of Westphalia,       ... To follow page 1486
Maps of Germany, A. D. 1815 and 1866;
  of the Netherlands, 1880-1889; and
  of the Zollverein,	                         ... To follow page 1540


English history, ... To follow page 730
French history,  ... To follow page 1158
German history,	 ... To follow page 1428


The Fifth Century, ...  On page 1433
The Sixth Century, ...	On page 1434


   The quest of.

   "When the Spaniards had conquered and pillaged the civilized
   empires on the table lands of Mexico, Bogota, and Peru, they
   began to look round for new scenes of conquest, new sources of
   wealth; the wildest rumours were received as facts, and the
   forests and savannas, extending for thousands of square miles
   to the eastward of the cordilleras of the Andes, were covered,
   in imagination, with populous kingdoms, and cities filled with
   gold. The story of El Dorado, of a priest or king smeared with
   oil and then coated with gold dust, probably originated in a
   custom which prevailed among the civilized Indians of the
   plateau of Bogota; but El Dorado was placed, by the credulous
   adventurers, in a golden city amidst the impenetrable forests
   of the centre of South America, and, as search after search
   failed, his position was moved further and further to the
   eastward, in the direction of Guiana. El Dorado, the phantom
   god of gold and silver, appeared in many forms. ... The
   settlers at Quito and in Northern Peru talked of the golden
   empire of the Omaguas, while those in Cuzco and Charcas dreamt
   of the wealthy cities of Paytiti and Enim, on the banks of a
   lake far away, to the eastward of the Andes. These romantic
   fables, so firmly believed in those old days led to the
   exploration of vast tracts of country, by the fearless
   adventurers of the sixteenth century, portions of which have
   never been traversed since, even to this day. The most famous
   searches after El Dorado were undertaken from the coast of
   Venezuela, and the most daring leaders of these wild
   adventures were German knights."

      C. R. Markham,
      Introduction to Simon's Account of the
      Expedition of Ursua and Aguirre
      (Hakluyt Society 1861).

   "There were, along the whole coast of the Spanish Main,
   rumours of an inland country which abounded with gold. These
   rumours undoubtedly related to the kingdoms of Bogota and
   Tunja, now the Nuevo Reyno de Granada. Belalcazar, who was in
   quest of this country from Quito, Federman, who came from
   Venezuela, and Gonzalo Ximenez de Quesada, who sought it by
   way of the River Madalena, and who effected its conquest, met
   here. But in these countries also there were rumours of a rich
   land at a distance; similar accounts prevailed in Peru; in
   Peru they related to the Nuevo Reyno, there they related to
   Peru; and thus adventurers from both sides were allured to
   continue the pursuit after the game was taken. An imaginary
   kingdom was soon shaped out as the object of their quest, and
   stories concerning it were not more easily invented than
   believed. It was said that a younger brother of Atabalipa
   fled, after the destruction of the Incas, took with him the
   main part of their treasures, and founded a greater empire
   than that of which his family had been deprived. Sometimes the
   imaginary Emperor was called the Great Paytite, sometimes the
   Great Moxo, sometimes the Enim or Great Paru. An impostor at
   Lima affirmed that he had been in his capital, the city of
   Manoa, where not fewer than 3,000 workmen were employed in the
   silversmiths' street; he even produced a map of the country,
   in which he had marked a hill of gold, another of silver, and
   a third of salt. ... This imaginary kingdom obtained the name
   of El Dorado from the fashion of its Lord, which has the merit
   of being in savage costume. His body was anointed every
   morning with a certain fragrant gum of great price, and gold
   dust was then blown upon him, through a tube, till he was
   covered with it: the whole was washed off at night. This the
   barbarian thought a more magnificent and costly attire than
   could be afforded by any other potentate in the world, and
   hence the Spaniards called him El Dorado, or the Gilded One. A
   history of all the expeditions which were undertaken for the
   conquest of his kingdom would form a volume not less
   interesting than extraordinary."

      R. Southey,
      History of Brazil,
      volume 1, chapter 12.

   The most tragical and thrilling of the stories of the seekers
   after El Dorado is that which Mr. Markham introduces in the
   quotation above, and which Southey has told with full details
   in The Expedition of Orsua; and the Crimes of Aguirre.
   The most famous of the expeditions were those in which Sir
   Walter Raleigh engaged, and two of which he personally led--in
   1595, and in 1617-18. Released from his long imprisonment in
   the Tower to undertake the latter, he returned from it, broken
   and shamed, to be sent to the scaffold as a victim sacrificed
   to the malignant resentment of Spain. How far Raleigh shared
   in the delusion of his age respecting El Dorado, and how far
   he made use of it merely to promote a great scheme for the
   "expansion of England," are questions that will probably
   remain forever in dispute.

      Sir Walter Raleigh,
      Discoverie of the Large, Rich and
      Beautiful Empire of Guiana
      (Hakluyt Society 1848).

      ALSO IN:
      J. A. Van Heuvel,
      El Dorado.

      E. Edwards,
      Life of Raleigh,
      volume 1, chapters 10 and 25.

      P. F. Tytler,
      Life of Raleigh,
      chapters 3 and 6.

      E. Gosse,
      chapters 4 and 9.

      A. F. Bandelier,
      The gilded man.

   Its rise and constitution.
   Its secularization and extinction.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1125-1152,
      and 1347-1493;
      also, 1801-1803,
      and 1805-1806.


      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1876-1877.

   Presidential, of the United States of America.



   "Electricity, through its etymology at least, traces its
   lineage back to Homeric times. In the Odyssey reference is
   made to the 'necklace hung with bits of amber' presented by
   the Phœnician traders to the Queen of Syra. Amber was highly
   prized by the ancients, having been extensively used as an
   ornamental gem, and many curious theories were suggested as to
   its origin. Some of these, although mythical, were singularly
   near the truth, and it is an interesting coincidence that in
   the well-known myth concerning the ill-fated and rash youth
   who so narrowly escaped wrecking the solar chariot and the
   terrestrial sphere, amber, the first known source of
   electricity, and the thunder-bolts of Jupiter are linked
   together. It is not unlikely that this substance was indebted,
   for some of the romance that clung to it through ages, to the
   fact that when rubbed it attracts light bodies. This property
   it was known to possess in the earliest times: it is the one
   single experiment in electricity which has come down to us
   from the remotest antiquity. ... The power of certain fishes,
   notably what is known as the 'torpedo,' to produce
   electricity, was known at an early period, and was commented
   on by Pliny and Aristotle.
   ... Up to the sixteenth [century] there seems to have been no
   attempt to study electrical phenomena in a really scientific
   manner. Isolated facts which almost thrust themselves upon
   observers, were noted, and, in common with a host of other
   natural phenomena, were permitted to stand alone, with no
   attempt at classification, generalization, or examination
   through experiment. ... Dr. Gilbert can justly be called the
   creator of the science of electricity and magnetism. His
   experiments were prodigious in number, and many of his
   conclusions were correct and lasting. To him we are indebted
   for the name 'electricity,' which he bestowed upon the power
   or property which amber exhibited in attracting light bodies,
   borrowing the name from the substance itself, in order to
   define one of its attributes. ... This application of
   experiment to the study of electricity, begun by Gilbert three
   hundred years ago, was industriously pursued by those who came
   after him, and the next two centuries witnessed a rapid
   development of science. Among the earlier students of this
   period were the English philosopher, Robert Boyle, and the
   celebrated burgomaster of Magdeburg, Otto von Guericke. The
   latter first noted the sound and light accompanying electrical
   excitation. These were afterwards independently discovered by
   Dr. Wall, an Englishman, who made the somewhat prophetic
   observation, 'This light and crackling seems in some degree to
   represent thunder and lightning.' Sir Isaac Newton made a few
   experiments in electricity, which he exhibited to the Royal
   Society. ... Francis Hawksbee was an active and useful
   contributor to experimental investigation, and he also called
   attention to the resemblance between the electric spark and
   lightning. The most ardent student of electricity in the early
   years of the eighteenth century was Stephen Gray. He performed
   a multitude of experiments, nearly all of which added
   something to the rapidly accumulating stock of knowledge, but
   doubtless his most important contribution was his discovery of
   the distinction between conductors and non-conductors. ...
   Some of Gray's papers fell into the hands of Dufay, an officer
   of the French army, who, after several years' service, had
   resigned his post to devote himself to scientific pursuits.
   ... His most important discovery was the existence of two
   distinct species of electricity, which he named 'vitreous' and
   'resinous.' ... A very important advance was made in 1745 in
   the invention of the Leyden jar or phial. As has so many times
   happened in the history of scientific discovery, it seems
   tolerably certain that this interesting device was hit upon by
   at least three persons, working independently of each other.
   One Cuneus, a monk named Kleist, and Professor Muschenbroeck,
   of Leyden, are all accredited with the discovery. ... Sir
   William Watson perfected it by adding the outside metallic
   coating, and was by its aid enabled to fire gunpowder and
   other inflammables."

      T. C. Mendenhall,
      A Century of Electricity,
      chapter 1.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1745-1747.
   Franklin's identification of Electricity with Lightning.

   "In 1745 Mr. Peter Collinson of the Royal Society sent a
   [Leyden] jar to the Library Society of Philadelphia, with
   instructions how to use it. This fell into the hands of
   Benjamin Franklin, who at once began a series of electrical
   experiments. On March 28, 1747, Franklin began his famous
   letters to Collinson. ... In these letters he propounded the
   single-fluid theory of electricity, and referred all electric
   phenomena to its accumulation in bodies in quantities more
   than their natural share, or to its being withdrawn from them
   so as to leave them minus their proper portion." Meantime,
   numerous experiments with the Leyden jar had convinced
   Franklin of the identity of lightning and electricity, and he
   set about the demonstration of the fact. "The account given by
   Dr. Stuber of Philadelphia, an intimate personal friend of
   Franklin, and published in one of the earliest editions of the
   works of the great philosopher, is as follows:--'The plan
   which he had originally proposed was to erect on some high
   tower, or other elevated place, a sentry-box, from which
   should rise a pointed iron rod, insulated by being fixed in a
   cake of resin. Electrified clouds passing over this would, he
   conceived, impart to it a portion of their electricity, which
   would be rendered evident to the senses by sparks being
   emitted when a key, a knuckle, or other conductor was
   presented to it. Philadelphia at this time offered no
   opportunity of trying an experiment of this kind. Whilst
   Franklin was waiting for the erection of a spire, it occurred
   to him that he might have more ready access to the region of
   clouds by means of a common kite. He prepared one by attaching
   two cross-sticks to a silk handkerchief, which would not
   suffer so much from the rain as paper. To his upright stick
   was fixed an iron point. The string was, as usual, of hemp,
   except the lower end, which was silk. Where the hempen string
   terminated, a key was fastened. With this apparatus, on the
   appearance of a thunder-gust approaching, he went into the
   common, accompanied by his son, to whom alone he communicated
   his intentions, well knowing the ridicule which, too generally
   for the interest of science, awaits unsuccessful experiments in
   philosophy. He placed himself under a shed to avoid the rain.
   His kite was raised. A thunder-cloud passed over it. No signs
   of electricity appeared. He almost despaired of success, when
   suddenly he observed the loose fibres of his string move
   toward an erect position. He now pressed his knuckle to the
   key, and received a strong spark. How exquisite must his
   sensations have been at this moment! On his experiment
   depended the fate of his theory. Doubt and despair had begun
   to prevail, when the fact was ascertained in so clear a
   manner, that even the most incredulous could no longer
   withhold their assent. Repeated sparks were drawn from the
   key, a phial was charged, a shock given, and all the
   experiments made which are usually performed with
   electricity.' And thus the identity of lightning and
   electricity was proved. ... Franklin's proposition to erect
   lightning rods which would convey the lightning to the ground,
   and so protect the buildings to which they were attached, found
   abundant opponents. ... Nevertheless, public opinion became
   settled ... that they did protect buildings. ... Then the
   philosophers raised a new controversy as to whether the
   conductors should be blunt or pointed; Franklin, Cavendish,
   and Watson advocating points, and Wilson blunt ends. ... The
   logic of experiment, however, showed the advantage of pointed
   conductors; and people persisted then in preferring them, as
   they have done ever since."


      P. Benjamin,
      The Age of Electricity,
      chapter 3.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1753-1820.
   The beginnings of the Electric Telegraph.

   "The first actual suggestion of an electric telegraph was made
   in an anonymous letter published in the Scots Magazine at
   Edinburgh, February 17th, 1753. The letter is initialed 'C.
   M.,' and many attempts have been made to discover the author's
   identity. ... The suggestions made in this letter were that a
   set of twenty-six wires should be stretched upon insulated
   supports between the two places which it was desired to put in
   connection, and at each end of every wire a metallic ball was
   to be suspended, having under it a letter of the alphabet
   inscribed upon a piece of paper. ... The message was to be
   read off at the receiving station by observing the letters
   which were successively attracted by their corresponding
   balls, as soon as the wires attached to the latter received a
   charge from the distant conductor. In 1787 Monsieur Lomond, of
   Paris, made the very important step of reducing the twenty-six
   wires to one, and indicating the different letters by various
   combinations of simple movements of an indicator, consisting
   of a pith-ball suspended by means of a thread from a conductor
   in contact with the wire. ... In the year 1790 Chappe, the
   inventor of the semaphore, or optico-mechanical telegraph,
   which was in practical use previous to the introduction of the
   electric telegraph, devised a means of communication,
   consisting of two clocks regulated so that the second hands
   moved in unison, and pointed at the same instant to the same
   figures. ... In the early form of the apparatus, the exact
   moment at which the observer at the receiving station should
   read off the figure to which the hand pointed was indicated by
   means of a sound signal produced by the primitive method of
   striking a copper stew pan, but the inventor soon adopted the
   plan of giving electrical signals instead of sound signals.
   ... In 1795 Don Francisco Salva ... suggested ... that instead
   of twenty-six wires being used, one for each letter, six or
   eight wires· only should be employed, each charged by a Leyden
   jar, and that different letters should be formed by means of
   various combinations of signals from these. ... Mr.
   (afterwards Sir Francis) Ronalds ... took up the subject of
   telegraphy in the year 1816, and published an account of his
   experiments in 1823," based on the same idea as that of
   Chappe. ... "Ronalds drew up a sort of telegraphic code by
   which words, and sometimes even complete sentences, could be
   transmitted by only three discharges. ... Ronalds completely
   proved the practicability of his plan, not only on [a] short
   underground line, .... but also upon an overhead line some
   eight miles in length, constructed by carrying a telegraph
   wire backwards and forwards over a wooden frame-work erected
   in his garden at Hammersmith. ... The first attempt to employ
   voltaic electricity in telegraphy was made by Don Francisco
   Salva, whose frictional telegraph has already been referred
   to. On the 14th of May, 1800, Salva read a paper on 'Galvanism
   and its application to Telegraphy' before the Academy of Sciences
   at Barcelona, in which he described a number of experiments
   which he had made in telegraphing over a line some 310 metres
   in length. ... A few years later he applied the then recent
   discovery of the Voltaic pile to the same purpose, the
   liberation of bubbles of gas by the decomposition of water at
   the receiving station being the method adopted for indicating
   the passage of the signals. A telegraph of a very similar
   character was devised by Sömmering, and described in a paper
   communicated by the inventor to the Munich Academy of Sciences
   in 1809. Sömmering used a set of thirty-five wires corresponding
   to the twenty-five letters of the German alphabet and the ten
   numerals. ... Oersted's discovery of the action of the
   electric current upon a suspended magnetic needle provided a
   new and much more hopeful method of applying the electric
   current to telegraphy. The great French astronomer Laplace
   appears to have been the first to suggest this application of
   Oersted's discovery, and he was followed shortly afterwards by
   Ampere, who in the year 1820 read a paper before the Paris
   Academy of Sciences."

      G. W. De Tunzelmann,
      Electricity in Modern Life,
      chapter 9.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1786-1800.
   Discoveries of Galvani and Volta.

   "The fundamental experiment which led to the discovery of
   dynamical electricity [1786] is due to Galvani, professor of
   anatomy in Bologna. Occupied with investigations on the
   influence of electricity on the nervous excitability of
   animals, and especially of the frog, he observed that when the
   lumbar nerves of a dead frog were connected with the crural
   muscles by a metallic circuit, the latter became briskly
   contracted. ... Galvani had some time before observed that the
   electricity of machines produced in dead frogs analogous
   contractions, and he attributed the phenomena first described
   to an electricity inherent in the animal. He assumed that this
   electricity, which he called vital fluid, passed from the
   nerves to the muscles by the metallic arc, and was thus the
   cause of contraction. This theory met with great support,
   especially among physiologists, but it was not without
   opponents. The most considerable of these was Alexander Volta,
   professor of physics in Pavia. Galvani's attention had been
   exclusively devoted to the nerves and muscles of the frog;
   Volta's was directed upon the connecting metal. Resting on the
   observation, which Galvani had also made, that the contraction
   is more energetic when the connecting arc is composed of two
   metals than where there is only one, Volta attributed to the
   metals the active part in the phenomenon of contraction. He
   assumed that the disengagement of electricity was due to their
   contact, and that the animal parts only officiated as
   conductors, and at the same time as a very sensitive
   electroscope. By means of the then recently invented
   electroscope, Volta devised several modes of showing the
   disengagement of electricity on the contact of metals. ... A
   memorable controversy arose between Galvani and Volta. The
   latter was led to give greater extension to his contact
   theory, and propounded the principle that when two
   heterogeneous substances are placed in contact, one of them
   always assumes the positive and the other the negative
   electrical condition. In this form Volta's theory obtained the
   assent of the principal philosophers of his time."

      A. Ganot,
      Elementary Treatise on Physics;
      translated by Atkinson, book 10, chapter 1.

   Volta's theory, however, though somewhat misleading, did not
   prevent his making what was probably the greatest step in the
   science up to this time, in the invention (about 1800) of the
   Voltaic pile, the first generator of electrical energy by
   chemical means, and the forerunner of the vast number of types
   of the modern "battery."


ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1810-1890.
   The Arc light.

   "The earliest instance of applying Electricity to the
   production of light was in 1810, by Sir Humphrey Davy, who
   found that when the points of two carbon rods whose other ends
   were connected by wires with a powerful primary battery were
   brought into contact, and then drawn a little way apart, the
   Electric current still continued to jump across the gap,
   forming what is now termed an Electric Arc. ... Various
   contrivances have been devised for automatically regulating
   the position of the two carbons. As early as 1847, a lamp was
   patented by Staite, in which the carbon rods were fed together
   by clockwork. ... Similar devices were produced by Foucault
   and others, but the first really successful arc lamp was
   Serrin's, patented in 1857, which has not only itself survived
   until the present day, but has had its main features
   reproduced in many other lamps. ... The Jablochkoff Candle
   (1876), in which the arc was formed between the ends of a pair
   of carbon rods placed side by side, and separated by a layer of
   insulating material, which slowly consumed as the carbons
   burnt down, did good service in accustoming the public to the
   new illuminant. Since then the inventions by Brush,
   Thomson-Houston, and others have done much to bring about its
   adoption for lighting large rooms, streets, and spaces out of

      J. B. Verity,
      Electricity up to Date for Light, Power, and Traction,
      chapter 3.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1820-1825.
   Oersted, Ampere, and the discovery of the Electro-Magnet.

   "There is little chance ... that the discoverer of the magnet,
   or the discoverer and inventor of the magnetic needle, will
   ever be known by name, or that even the locality and date of
   the discovery will ever be determined [see COMPASS]. ... The
   magnet and magnetism received their first scientific treatment
   at the hands of Dr. Gilbert. During the two centuries
   succeeding the publication of his work, the science of
   magnetism was much cultivated. ... The development of the
   science went along parallel with that of the science of
   electricity ... although the latter was more fruitful in novel
   discoveries and unexpected applications than the former. It is
   not to be imagined that the many close resemblances of the two
   classes of phenomena were allowed to pass unnoticed. ... There
   was enough resemblance to suggest an intimate relation; and
   the connecting link was sought for by many eminent
   philosophers during the last years of the eighteenth and the
   earlier years of the present century."

      T. C. Mendenhall,
      A Century of Electricity,
      chapter 3.

   "The effect which an electric current, flowing in a wire, can
   exercise upon a neighbouring compass needle was discovered by
   Oersted in 1820. This first announcement of the possession of
   magnetic properties by an electric current was followed
   speedily by the researches of Ampere, Arago, Davy, and by the
   devices of several other experimenters, including De la Rive's
   floating battery and coil, Schweigger's multiplier, Cumming's
   galvanometer, Faraday's apparatus for rotation of a permanent
   magnet, Marsh's vibrating pendulum and Barlow's rotating
   star-wheel. But it was not until 1825 that the electromagnet
   was invented. Arago announced, on 25th September 1820, that a
   copper wire uniting the poles of a voltaic cell, and
   consequently traversed by an electric current, could attract
   iron filings to itself laterally. In the same communication he
   described how he had succeeded in communicating permanent
   magnetism to steel needles laid at right angles to the copper
   wire, and how, on showing this experiment to Ampere, the
   latter had suggested that the magnetizing action would be more
   intense if for the straight copper wire there were substituted
   one wrapped in a helix, in the centre of which the steel
   needle might be placed. This suggestion was at once carried
   out by the two philosophers. 'A copper wire wound in a helix
   was terminated by two rectilinear portions which could be
   adapted, at will, to the opposite poles of a powerful
   horizontal voltaic pile; a steel needle wrapped up in paper
   was introduced into the helix.' 'Now, after some minutes'
   sojourn in the helix, the steel needle had received a
   sufficiently strong dose of magnetism.' Arago then wound upon
   a little glass tube some short helices, each about 2¼ inches
   long, coiled alternately right-handedly and left-handedly, and
   found that on introducing into the glass tube a steel wire, he
   was able to produce 'consequent poles' at the places where the
   winding was reversed. Ampère, on October 23rd, 1820, read a
   memoir, claiming that these facts confirmed his theory of
   magnetic actions. Davy had, also, in 1820, surrounded with
   temporary coils of wire the steel needles upon which he was
   experimenting, and had shown that the flow of electricity
   around the coil could confer magnetic power upon the steel
   needles. ... The electromagnet, in the form which can first
   claim recognition ... was devised by William Sturgeon, and is
   described by him in the paper which he contributed to the
   Society of Arts in 1825."

      S. P. Thompson,
      The Electromagnet,
      chapter 1.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1825-1874.
   The Perfected Telegraph.

   "The European philosophers kept on groping. At the end of five
   years [after Oersted's discovery], one of them reached an
   obstacle which he made up his mind was so entirely
   insurmountable, that it rendered the electric telegraph an
   impossibility for all future time. This was [1825] Mr. Peter
   Barlow, fellow of the Royal Society, who had encountered the
   question whether the lengthening of the conducting wire would
   produce any effect in diminishing the energy of the current
   transmitted, and had undertaken to resolve the problem. ... 'I
   found [he said] such a considerable diminution with only 200
   feet of wire as at once to convince me of the impracticability
   of the scheme.' ... The year following the announcement of
   Barlow's conclusions, a young graduate of the Albany (N. Y.)
   Academy--by name Joseph Henry--was appointed to the
   professorship of mathematics in that institution. Henry there
   began the series of scientific investigations which is now
   historic. ... Up to that time, electro-magnets had been made
   with a single coil of naked wire wound spirally around the
   core, with large intervals between the strands. The core was
   insulated as a whole: the wire was not insulated at all.
   Professor Schweigger, who had previously invented the
   multiplying galvanometer, had covered his wires with silk.
   Henry followed this idea, and, instead of a single coil of
   wire, used several. ... Barlow had said that the gentle
   current of the galvanic battery became so weakened, after
   traversing 200 feet of wire, that it was idle to consider the
   possibility of making it pass over even a mile of conductor
   and then affect a magnet.
   Henry's reply was to point out that the trouble lay in the way
   Barlow's magnet was made. ... Make the magnet so that the
   diminished current will exercise its full effect. Instead of
   using one short coil, through which the current can easily
   slip, and do nothing, make a coil of many turns; that
   increases the magnetic field: make it of fine wire, and of
   higher resistance. And then, to prove the truth of his
   discovery, Henry put up the first electro-magnetic telegraph
   ever constructed. In the academy at Albany, in 1831, he
   suspended 1,060 feet of bell-wire, with a battery at one end
   and one of his magnets at the other; and he made the magnet
   attract and release its armature. The armature struck a bell,
   and so made the signals. Annihilating distance in this way was
   only one part of Henry's discovery. He had also found, that,
   to obtain the greatest dynamic effect close at hand, the
   battery should be composed of a very few cells of large
   surface, combined with a coil or coils of short coarse wire
   around the magnet,--conditions just the reverse of those
   necessary when the magnet was to be worked at a distance. Now,
   he argued, suppose the magnet with the coarse short coil, and
   the large-surface battery, be put at the receiving station;
   and the current coming over the line be used simply to make
   and break the circuit of that local battery. ... This is the
   principle of the telegraphic 'relay.' In 1835 Henry worked a
   telegraph-line in that way at Princeton. And thus the
   electro-magnetic telegraph was completely invented and
   demonstrated. There was nothing left to do, but to put up the
   posts, string the lines, and attach the instruments."

      P. Benjamin,
      The Age of Electricity,
      chapter 11.

   "At last we leave the territory of theory and experiment and
   come to that of practice. 'The merit of inventing the modern
   telegraph, and applying it on a large scale for public use,
   is, beyond all question, due to Professor Morse of the United
   States.' So writes Sir David Brewster, and the best
   authorities on the question substantially agree with him. ...
   Leaving for future consideration Morse's telegraph, which was
   not introduced until five years after the time when he was
   impressed with the notion of its feasibility, we may mention
   the telegraph of Gauss and Weber of Göttingen. In 1833, they
   erected a telegraphic wire between the Astronomical and
   Magnetical Observatory of Göttingen, and the Physical Cabinet
   of the University, for the purpose of carrying intelligence
   from the one locality to the other. To these great
   philosophers, however, rather the theory than the practice of
   Electric Telegraphy was indebted. Their apparatus was so
   improved as to be almost a new invention by Steinheil of
   Munich, who, in 1837 ... succeeded in sending a current from
   one end to the other of a wire 36,000 feet in length, the
   action of which caused two needles to vibrate from side to
   side, and strike a bell at each movement. To Steinheil the
   honour is due of having discovered the important and
   extraordinary fact that the earth might be used as a part of
   the circuit of an electric current. The introduction of the
   Electric Telegraph into England dates from the same year as
   that in which Steinheil's experiments took place. William
   Fothergill Cooke, a gentleman who held a commission in the
   Indian army, returned from India on leave of absence, and
   afterwards, because of his bad health, resigned his
   commission, and went to Heidelberg to study anatomy. In 1836,
   Professor Mönke, of Heidelberg, exhibited an
   electro-telegraphic experiment, 'in which electric currents,
   passing along a conducting wire, conveyed signals to a distant
   station by the deflexion of a magnetic needle enclosed in
   Schweigger's galvanometer or multiplier.' ... Cooke was so
   struck with this experiment, that he immediately resolved to
   apply it to purposes of higher utility than the illustration
   of a lecture. ... In a short time he produced two telegraphs
   of different construction. When his plans were completed, he
   came to England, and in February, 1837, having consulted
   Faraday and Dr. Roget on the construction of the
   electric-magnet employed in a part of his apparatus, the
   latter gentleman advised him to apply to Professor Wheatstone.
   ... The result of the meeting of Cooke and Wheatstone was that
   they resolved to unite their several discoveries; and in the
   month of May 1837, they took out their first patent 'for
   improvements in giving signals and sounding alarms in distant
   places by means of electric currents transmitted through
   metallic circuits.' ... By-and-by, as might probably have been
   anticipated, difficulties arose between Cooke and Wheatstone,
   as to whom the main credit of introducing the Electric
   Telegraph into England was due. Mr. Cooke accused Wheatstone
   (with a certain amount of justice, it should seem) of entirely
   ignoring his claims; and in doing so Mr. Cooke appears to have
   rather exaggerated his own services. Most will readily agree
   to the wise words of Mr. Sabine: "It was once a popular
   fallacy in England that Messrs. Cooke and Wheatstone were the
   original inventors of the Electric Telegraph. The Electric
   Telegraph had, properly speaking, no inventor; it grew up as
   we have seen little by little."

      H. J. Nicoll,
      Great Movements,
      pages 424-429.

   "In the latter part of the year 1832, Samuel F. B. Morse, an
   American artist, while on a voyage from France to the United
   States, conceived the idea of an electromagnetic telegraph
   which should consist of the following parts, viz: A single
   circuit of conductors from some suitable generator of
   electricity; a system of signs, consisting of dots or points
   and spaces to represent numerals; a method of causing the
   electricity to mark or imprint these signs upon a strip or
   ribbon of paper by the mechanical action of an electro-magnet
   operating upon the paper by means of a lever, armed at one end
   with a pen or pencil; and a method of moving the paper ribbon
   at a uniform rate by means of clock-work to receive the
   characters. ... In the autumn of the year 1835 he constructed
   the first rude working model of his invention. ... The first
   public exhibition ... was on the 2d of September, 1837, on
   which occasion the marking was successfully effected through
   one third of a mile of wire. Immediately afterwards a
   recording instrument was constructed ... which was
   subsequently employed upon the first experimental line between
   Washington and Baltimore. This line was constructed in 1843-44
   under an appropriation by Congress, and was completed by May
   of the latter year. On the 27th of that month the first
   despatch was transmitted from Washington to Baltimore. ... The
   experimental line was originally constructed with two wires,
   as Morse was not at that time acquainted with the discovery of
   Steinheil, that the earth might be used to complete the circuit.
   Accident, however, soon demonstrated this fact. ... The
   following year (1845) telegraph lines began to be built over
   other routes. ... In October, 1851, a convention of deputies
   from the German States of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria,
   Würtemberg and Saxony, met at Vienna, for the purpose of
   establishing a common and uniform telegraphic system, under
   the name of the German-Austrian Telegraph Union. The various
   systems of telegraphy then in use were subjected to the most
   thorough examination and discussion. The convention decided
   with great unanimity that the Morse system was practically far
   superior to all others, and it was accordingly adopted. Prof.
   Steinheil, although himself ... the inventor of a telegraphic
   system, with a magnanimity that does him high honor, strongly
   urged upon the convention the adoption of the American
   system." ... The first of the printing telegraphs was patented
   in the United States by Royal E. House, in 1846. The Hughes
   printing telegraph, a remarkable piece of mechanism, was
   patented by David E. Hughes, of Kentucky, in 1855. A system
   known as the automatic method, in which the signals
   representing letters are transmitted over the line through the
   instrumentality of mechanism, was originated by Alexander Bain
   of Edinburgh, whose first patents were taken out in 1846. An
   autographic telegraph, transmitting despatches in the
   reproduced hand-writing of the sender, was brought out in
   1850, by F. C. Bakewell, of London. The same result was
   afterwards accomplished with variations of method by Charles
   Cros, of Paris, Abbé Caseli, of Florence, and others; but none
   of these inventions has been extensively used. "The
   possibility of making use of a single wire for the
   simultaneous transmission of two or more communications seems
   to have first suggested itself to Moses G. Farmer, of Boston,
   about the year 1852." The problem was first solved with
   partial success by Dr. Gintl, on the line between Prague and
   Vienna, in 1853, but more perfectly by Carl Frischen, of
   Hanover, in the following year. Other inventors followed in
   the same field, among them Thomas A. Edison, of New Jersey,
   who was led by his experiments finally, in 1874 to devise a
   system "which was destined to furnish the basis of the first
   practical solution of the curious and interesting problem of
   quadruplex telegraphy."

      G. B. Prescott,
      Electricity and the Electric Telegraph,
      chapter 29-40.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1831-1872.
   Electrical Machines, and Electric Motors.

   "The discovery of induction by Faraday, in 1831, gave rise to
   the construction of magneto-electro machines. The first of
   such machines that was ever made was probably a machine that
   never came into practical use, the description of which was
   given in a letter, signed 'P. M.,' and directed to Faraday,
   published in the Philosophical Magazine of 2nd August, 1832.
   We learn from this description that the essential parts of
   this machine were six horse-shoe magnets attached to a disc,
   which rotated in front of six coils of wire wound on bobbins."
   Sept. 3rd, 1832, Pixii constructed a machine in which a single
   horse-shoe magnet was made to rotate before two soft iron
   cores, wound with wire. In this machine he introduced the
   commutator, an essential element in all modern continuous
   current machines. "Almost at the same time, Ritchie, Saxton,
   and Clarke constructed similar machines. Clarke's is the best
   known, and is still popular in the small and portable
   'medical' machines so commonly sold. ... A larger machine
   [was] constructed by Stöhrer (1843), on the same plan as
   Clarke's, but with six coils instead of two, and three
   compound magnets instead of one. ... The machines, constructed
   by Nollet (1849) and Shepard (1856) had still more magnets and
   coils. Shepard's machine was modified by Van Malderen, and was
   called the Alliance machine. ... Dr. Werner Siemens, while
   considering how the inducing effect of the magnet can be most
   thoroughly utilised, and how to arrange the coils in the most
   efficient manner for this purpose, was led in 1857 to devise
   the cylindrical armature. ... Sinsteden in 1851 pointed out
   that the current of the generator may itself be utilised to
   excite the magnetism of the field magnets. ... Wilde [in 1863]
   carried out this suggestion by using a small steel permanent
   magnet and larger electro magnets. ... The next great
   improvement of these machines arose from the discovery of what
   may be called the dynamo-electric principle. This principle
   may be stated as follows:--For the generation of currents by
   magneto-electric induction it is not necessary that the
   machine should be furnished with permanent magnets; the
   residual or temporary magnetism of soft iron quickly rotating
   is sufficient for the purpose. ... In 1867 the principle was
   clearly enunciated and used simultaneously, but independently,
   by Siemens and by Wheatstone. ... It was in February, 1867,
   that Dr. C. W. Siemens' classical paper on the conversion of
   dynamical into electrical energy without the aid of permanent
   magnetism was read before the Royal Society. Strangely enough,
   the discovery of the same principle was enunciated at the same
   meeting of the Society by Sir Charles Wheatstone. ... The
   starting-point of a great improvement in dynamo-electric
   machines, was the discovery by Pacinotti of the ring armature
   ... in 1860. ... Gramme, in 1871, modified the ring armature,
   and constructed the first machine, in which he made use of the
   Gramme ring and the dynamic principle. In 1872,
   Hefner-Alteneck, of the firm of Siemens and Halske,
   constructed a machine in which the Gramme ring is replaced by
   a drum armature, that is to say, by a cylinder round which
   wire is wound. ... Either the Pacinotti-Gramme ring armature,
   or the Hefner-Alteneck drum armature, is now adopted by nearly
   all constructors of dynamo-electric machines, the parts
   varying of course in minor details." The history of the dynamo
   since has been one of a gradual perfection of parts, resulting
   in the production of a great number of types, which can not
   here even be mentioned.

      A. R. von Urbanitzky,
      Electricity in the Service of Man,
      pages 227-242.

      S. P. Thompson,
      Dynamo Electrical Machines.

   Electric Motors.

   It has been known for forty years that every form of electric
   motor which operated on the principle of mutual mechanical
   force between a magnet and a conducting wire or coil could
   also be made to act as a generator of induced currents by the
   reverse operation of producing the motion mechanically. And
   when, starting from the researches of Siemens, Wilde, Nollet,
   Holmes and Gramme, the modern forms of magneto-electric and
   dynamo-electric machines began to come into commercial use, it
   was discovered that any one of the modern machines designed as
   a generator of currents constituted a far more efficient
   electric motor than any of the previous forms which had been
   designed specially as motors.
   It required no new discovery of the law of reversibility to
   enable the electrician to understand this; but to convince the
   world required actual experiment."

      A. Guillemin, Electricity and Magnetism,
      part 2, chapter 10, section 3.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1835-1889.
   The Electric Railway.

   "Thomas Davenport, a poor blacksmith of Brandon, Vt.,
   constructed what might be termed the first electric railway.
   The invention was crude and of little practical value, but the
   idea was there. In 1835 he exhibited in Springfield,
   Massachusetts, a small model electric engine running upon a
   circular track, the circuit being furnished by primary
   batteries carried in the car. Three years later, Robert
   Davidson, of Aberdeen, Scotland, began his experiments in this
   direction. ... He constructed quite a powerful motor, which
   was mounted upon a truck. Forty battery cells, carried on the
   car, furnished power to propel the motor. The battery elements
   were composed of amalgamated zinc and iron plates, the
   exciting liquid being dilute sulphuric acid. This locomotive
   was run successfully on several steam railroads in Scotland,
   the speed attained was four miles an hour, but this machine
   was afterwards destroyed by some malicious person or persons
   while it was being taken home to Aberdeen. In 1849 Moses
   Farmer exhibited an electric engine which drew a small car
   containing two persons. In 1851, Dr. Charles Grafton Page, of
   Salem, Massachusetts, perfected an electric engine of
   considerable power. On April 29 of that year the engine was
   attached to a car and a trip was made from Washington to
   Bladensburg, over the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad track. The
   highest speed attained was nineteen miles an hour. The
   electric power was furnished by one hundred Grove cells
   carried on the engine. ... The same year, Thomas Hall, of
   Boston, Mass., built a small electric locomotive called the
   Volta. The current was furnished by two Grove battery cells
   which were conducted to the rails, thence through the wheels
   of the locomotive to the motor. This was the first instance of
   the current being supplied to the motor on a locomotive from a
   stationary source. It was exhibited at the Charitable
   Mechanics fair by him in 1860. ... In 1879, Messrs. Siemen and
   Halske, of Berlin, constructed and operated an electric
   railway at the Industrial Exposition. A third rail placed in
   the centre of the two outer rails, supplied the current, which
   was taken up into the motor through a sliding contact under
   the locomotive. ... In 1880 Thomas A. Edison constructed an
   experimental road near his laboratory in Menlo Park, N. J. The
   power from the locomotive was transferred to the car by belts
   running to and from the shafts of each. The current was taken
   from and returned through the rails. Early in the year of 1881
   the Lichterfelde, Germany, electric railway was put into
   operation. It is a third rail system and is still running at
   the present time. This may be said to be the first commercial
   electric railway constructed. In 1883 the Daft Electric
   Company equipped and operated quite successfully an electric
   system on the Saratoga & Mt. McGregor Railroad, at Saratoga,
   N. Y." During the next five or six years numerous electric
   railroads, more or less experimental, were built." October 31,
   1888, the Council Bluffs & Omaha Railway and Bridge Company
   was first operated by electricity, they using the
   Thomson-Houston system. The same year the Thomson-Houston Co.
   equipped the Highland Division of the Lynn & Boston Horse
   Railway at Lynn, Massachusetts. Horse railways now began to be
   equipped with electricity all over the world, and especially
   in the United States. In February, 1889, the Thomson-Houston
   Electric Co. had equipped the line from Bowdoin Square,
   Boston, to Harvard Square, Cambridge, of the West End Railway
   with electricity and operated twenty cars, since which time it
   has increased its electrical apparatus, until now it is the
   largest electric railway line in the world."

      E. Trevert,
      Electric Railway Engineering,
      appendix A.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1841-1880.
   The Incandescent Electric Light.

   "While the arc lamp is well adapted for lighting large areas
   requiring a powerful, diffused light, similar to sunlight, and
   hence is suitable for outdoor illumination, and for workshops,
   stores, public buildings, and factories, especially those
   where colored fabrics are produced, its use in ordinary
   dwellings, or for a desk light in offices, is impractical, a
   softer, steadier, and more economical light being required.
   Various attempts to modify the arc-light by combining it with
   the incandescent were made in the earlier stages of electric
   lighting. ... The first strictly incandescent lamp was
   invented in 1841 by Frederick de Molyens of Cheltenham,
   England, and was constructed on the simple principle of the
   incandescence produced by the high resistance of a platinum
   wire to the passage of the electric current. In 1849 Petrie
   employed iridium for the same purpose, also alloys of iridium
   and platinum, and iridium and carbon. In 1845 J. W. Starr of
   Cincinnati first proposed the use of carbon, and, associated
   with King, his English agent, produced, through the financial
   aid of the philanthropist Peabody, an incandescent lamp. ...
   In all these early experiments, the battery was the source of
   electric supply; and the comparatively small current required
   for the incandescent light as compared with that required for
   the arc light, was an argument in favor of the former. ...
   Still, no substantial progress was made with either system
   till the invention of the dynamo resulted in the practical
   development of both systems, that of the incandescent
   following that of the arc. Among the first to make
   incandescent lighting a practical success were Sawyer and Man
   of New York, and Edison. For a long time, Edison experimented
   with platinum, using fine platinum wire coiled into a spiral,
   so as to concentrate the heat, and produce incandescence; the
   same current producing only a red heat when the wire, whether
   of platinum or other metal, is stretched out. ... Failing to
   obtain satisfactory results from platinum, Edison turned his
   attention to carbon, the superiority of which as an
   incandescent illuminant had already been demonstrated; but its
   rapid consumption, as shown by the Reynier and similar lamps,
   being unfavorable to its use as compared with the durability
   of platinum and iridium, the problem was, to secure the
   superior illumination of the carbon, and reduce or prevent its
   consumption. As this consumption was due chiefly to oxidation,
   it was questionable whether the superior illumination were not
   due to the same cause, and whether, if the carbon were inclosed
   in a glass globe, from which oxygen was eliminated, the same
   illumination could be obtained.
   Another difficulty of equal magnitude was to obtain a
   sufficiently perfect vacuum, and maintain it in a hermetically
   sealed globe inclosing the carbon, and at the same time
   maintain electric connection with the generator through the
   glass by a metal conductor, subject to expansion and
   contraction different from that of the glass, by the change of
   temperature due to the passage of the electric current. Sawyer
   and Man attempted to solve this problem by filling the globe
   with nitrogen, thus preventing combustion by eliminating the
   oxygen. ... The results obtained by this method, which at one
   time attracted a great deal of attention, were not
   sufficiently satisfactory to become practical; and Edison and
   others gave their preference to the vacuum method, and sought
   to overcome the difficulties connected with it. The invention
   of the mercurial air pump, with its subsequent improvements,
   made it possible to obtain a sufficiently perfect vacuum, and
   the difficulty of introducing the current into the interior of
   the globe was overcome by imbedding a fine platinum wire in
   the glass, connecting the inclosed carbon with the external
   circuit; the expansion and contraction of the platinum not
   differing sufficiently from that of the glass, in so fine a
   wire, as to impair the vacuum. ... The carbons made by Edison
   under his first patent in 1879, were obtained from brown paper
   or cardboard. ... They were very fragile and short-lived, and
   consequently were soon abandoned. In 1880 he patented the
   process which, with some modifications, he still adheres to.
   In this process he uses filaments of bamboo, which are taken
   from the interior, fibrous portion of the plant."

      P. Atkinson,
      Elements of Electric Lighting,
      chapter 8.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1854-1866.
   The Atlantic Cable.

   "Cyrus Field ... established a company in America (in 1854),
   which ... obtained the right of landing cables in Newfoundland
   for fifty years. Soundings were made in 1856 between Ireland
   and Newfoundland, showing a maximum depth of 4,400 metres.
   Having succeeded after several attempts in laying a cable
   between Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, Field founded the
   Atlantic Telegraph Company in England. ... The length of the
   ... cable [used] was 4,000 kilometres, and was carried by the
   two ships Agamemnon and Niagara. The distance between the two
   stations on the coasts was 2,640 kilometres. The laying of the
   cable commenced on the 7th of August, 1857, at Valentia
   (Ireland); on the third day the cable broke at a depth of
   3,660 metres, and the expedition had to return. A second
   expedition was sent in 1858; the two ships met each other
   half-way, the ends of the cable were joined, and the lowering
   of it commenced in both directions; 149 kilometres were thus
   lowered, when a fault in the cable was discovered. It had,
   therefore, to be brought on board again, and was broken during
   the process. After it had been repaired, and when 476
   kilometres had been already laid, another fault was
   discovered, which caused another breakage; this time it was
   impossible to repair it, and the expedition was again
   unsuccessful, and had to return. In spite of the repeated
   failures, two ships were again sent out in the same year, and
   this time one end of the cable was landed in Ireland, and the
   other at Newfoundland. The length of the sunk cable was 3,745
   kilometres. Field's first telegram was sent on the 7th of
   August, from America to Ireland. The insulation of the cable,
   however, became more defective every day, and failed
   altogether on the 1st of September. From the experience
   obtained, it was concluded that it was possible to lay a
   trans-Atlantic cable, and the company, after consulting a
   number of professional men, again set to work. ... The Great
   Eastern was employed in laying this cable. This ship, which is
   211 metres long, 25 metres broad, and 16 metres in height,
   carried a crew of 500 men, of which 120 were electricians and
   engineers, 179 mechanics and stokers, and 115 sailors. The
   management of all affairs relating to the laying of the cable
   was entrusted to Canning. The coast cable was laid on the 21st
   of July, and the end of it was connected with the Atlantic
   cable on the 23rd. After 1,326 kilometres had been laid, a
   fault was discovered, an iron wire was found stuck right
   across the cable, and Canning considered the mischief to have
   been done with a malevolent purpose. On the 2nd of August,
   2,196 kilometres of cable were sunk, when another fault was
   discovered. While the cable was being repaired it broke, and
   attempts to recover it at the time were all unsuccessful; in
   consequence of this the Great Eastern had to return without
   having completed the task. A new company, the Anglo-American
   Telegraph Company, was formed in 1866, and at once entrusted
   Messrs. Glass, Elliott and Company with the construction of a
   new cable of 3,000 kilometres. Different arrangements were
   made for the outer envelope of the cable, and the Great
   Eastern was once more equipped to give effect to the
   experiments which had just been made. The new expedition was
   not only to lay a new cable, but also to take up the end of
   the old one, and join it to a new piece, and thus obtain a
   second telegraph line. The sinking again commenced in Ireland
   on the 13th of July, 1866, and it was finished on the 27th. On
   the 4th of August, 1866, the Trans-Atlantic Telegraph Line was
   declared open."

      A. R. von Urbanitzky,
      Electricity in the Service of Man,
      pages 767-768.

ELECTRICITY: A. D. 1876-1892.
   The Telephone.

   "The first and simplest of all magnetic telephones is the Bell
   Telephone." In "the first form of this instrument, constructed
   by Professor Graham Bell, in 1876 ... a harp of steel rods was
   attached to the poles of a permanent magnet. ... When we sing
   into a piano, certain of the strings of the instrument are set
   in vibration sympathetically by the action of the voice with
   different degrees of amplitude, and a sound, which is an
   approximation to the vowel uttered, is produced from the
   piano. Theory shows that, had the piano a much larger number
   of strings to the octave, the vowel sounds would be perfectly
   reproduced. It was upon this principle that Bell constructed
   his first telephone. The expense of constructing such an
   apparatus, however, deterred Bell from making the attempt, and
   he sought to simplify the apparatus before proceeding further in
   this direction. After many experiments with more, or less
   unsatisfactory results, he constructed the instrument ...
   which he exhibited at Philadelphia in 1876. In this apparatus,
   the transmitter was formed by an electro-magnet, through which
   a current flowed, and a membrane, made of gold-beater's skin,
   on which was placed as a sort of armature, a piece of soft
   iron, which thus vibrated in front of the electro-magnet when
   the membrane was thrown into sonorous vibration.
   ... It is quite clear that when we speak into a Bell
   transmitter only a small fraction of the energy of the
   sonorous vibrations of the voice can be converted into
   electric currents, and that these currents must be extremely
   weak. Edison applied himself to discover some means by which
   he could increase the strength of these currents. Elisha Gray
   had proposed to use the variation of resistance of a fine
   platinum wire attached to a diaphragm dipping into water, and
   hoped that the variation of extent of surface in contact would
   so vary the strength of current as to reproduce sonorous
   vibrations; but there is no record of this experiment having
   been tried. Edison proposed to utilise the fact that the
   resistance of carbon varied under pressure. He had
   independently discovered this peculiarity of carbon, but it
   had been previously described by Du Moncel. ... The first
   carbon transmitter was constructed in 1878 by Edison."

      W. H. Preece, and J. Maier,
      The Telephone,
      chapter 3-4.

   In a pamphlet distributed at the Columbian Exposition,
   Chicago, 1893, entitled "Exhibit of the American Bell
   Telephone Co.," the following statements are made: "At the
   Centennial Exposition, in Philadelphia, in 1876, was given the
   first general public exhibition of the telephone by its
   inventor, Alexander Graham Bell. To-day, seventeen years
   later, more than half a million instruments are in daily use
   in the United States alone, six hundred million talks by
   telephone are held every year, and the human voice is carried
   over a distance of twelve hundred miles without loss of sound
   or syllable. The first use of the telephone for business
   purposes was over a single wire connecting only two
   telephones. At once the need of general inter-communication
   made itself felt. In the cities and larger towns exchanges
   were established and all the subscribers to any one exchange
   were enabled to talk to one another through a central office.
   Means were then devised to connect two or more exchanges by
   trunk lines, thus affording means of communication between all
   the subscribers of all the exchanges so connected. This work
   has been pushed forward until now have been gathered into what
   may be termed one great exchange all the important cities from
   Augusta on the east to Milwaukee on the west, and from
   Burlington and Buffalo on the north to Washington on the
   south, bringing more than one half the people of this country
   and a much larger proportion of the business interests, within
   talking distance of one another. ... The lines which connect
   Chicago with Boston, via New York, are of copper wire of extra
   size. It is about one sixth of an inch in diameter, and weighs
   435 pounds to the mile. Hence each circuit contains 1,044,000
   pounds of copper. ... In the United States there are over a
   quarter of a million exchange subscribers, and ... these make
   use of the telephone to carry on 600,000,000 conversations
   annually. There is hardly a city or town of 5,000 inhabitants
   that has not its Telephone Exchange, and these are so knit
   together by connecting lines that intercommunication is
   constant." The number of telephones in use in the United
   States, on the 20th of December in each year since the first
   introduction, is given as follows;
      1877, 5,187;
      1878, 17,567;
      1879, 52,517;
      1880, 123,380;
      1881, 180,592;
      1882, 237,728;
      1883, 298,580;
      1884, 325,574;
      1885, 330,040;
      1886, 353,518;
      1887, 380,277;
      1888, 411,511;
      1889, 444,861;
      1890, 483,790;
      1891, 512,407;
      1892, 552,720.

----------End: Electricity----------

ELEPHANT, Order of the.

      A Danish order of knighthood instituted in 1693 by
      King Christian V.




   Among the ancient Greeks, "the mysteries were a source of
   faith and hope to the initiated, as are the churches of modern
   times. Secret doctrines, regarded as holy, and to be kept with
   inviolable fidelity, were handed down in these brotherhoods,
   and no doubt were fondly believed to contain a saving grace by
   those who were admitted, amidst solemn and imposing rites,
   under the veil of midnight, to hear the tenets of the ancient
   faith, and the promises of blessings to come to those who,
   with sincerity of heart and pious trust, took the obligations
   upon them. The Eleusinian mysteries were the most imposing and
   venerable. Their origin extended back into a mythical
   antiquity, and they were among the few forms of Greek worship
   which were under the superintendence of hereditary
   priesthoods. Thirlwall thinks that 'they were the remains of a
   worship which preceded the rise of the Hellenic mythology and
   its attendant rites, grounded on a view of Nature less
   fanciful, more earnest, and better fitted to awaken both
   philosophical thought and religious feeling.' This conclusion
   is still further confirmed by the moral and religious tone of
   the poets,--such as Æschylus,--whose ideas on justice, sin and
   retribution are as solemn and elevated as those of a Hebrew
   prophet. The secrets, whatever they were, were never revealed
   in express terms; but Isocrates uses some remarkable
   expressions, when speaking of their importance to the
   condition of man. 'Those who are initiated,' says he
   'entertain sweeter hopes of eternal life'; and how could this
   be the case, unless there were imparted at Eleusis the
   doctrine of eternal life, and some idea of its state and
   circumstances more compatible with an elevated conception of
   the Deity and of the human soul than the vague and shadowy
   images which haunted the popular mind. The Eleusinian
   communion embraced the most eminent men from every part of
   Greece,--statesmen, poets, philosophers, and generals; and
   when Greece became a part of the Roman Empire, the greatest
   minds of Rome drew instruction and consolation from its
   doctrines. The ceremonies of initiation--which took place
   every year in the early autumn, a beautiful season in
   Attica--were a splendid ritual, attracting visitors from every
   part of the world. The processions moving from Athens to
   Eleusis over the Sacred Way, sometimes numbered twenty or
   thirty thousand people, and the exciting scenes were well
   calculated to leave a durable impression on susceptible minds.
   ... The formula of the dismissal, after the initiation was
   over, consisted in the mysterious words 'konx,' 'ompax'; and
   this is the only Eleusinian secret that has illuminated the
   world from the recesses of the temple of Demeter and
   Persephone. But it is a striking illustration of the value
   attached to these rites and doctrines, that, in moments of
   extremest peril--as of impending shipwreck, or massacre by a
   victorious enemy,--men asked one another, 'Are you initiated?'
   as if this were the anchor of their hopes for another life."


      C. C. Felton,
      Greece, Ancient and Modern,
      chapter 2, lecture 10.

   "The Eleusinian mysteries continued to be celebrated during
   the whole of the second half of the fourth century, till they
   were put an end to by the destruction of the temple at
   Eleusis, and by the devastation of Greece in the invasion of
   the Goths under Alaric in 395."

      See GOTHS: A. D. 395.

      W. Smith,
      Note to Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
      chapter 25.

      ALSO IN:
      R. Brown,
      The Great Dionysiak Myth,
      chapter 6, section. 2.

      J. J. I. von Dollinger,
      The Gentile and the Jew,
      book 3 (volume 1).

      See, also, ELEUSIS.


   Eleusis was originally one of the twelve confederate townships
   into which Attica was said to have been divided before the
   time of Theseus. It "was advantageously situated [about
   fourteen miles Northwest of Athens] on a height, at a small
   distance from the shore of an extensive bay, to which there is
   access only through narrow channels, at the two extremities of
   the island of Salamis: its position was important, as
   commanding the shortest and most level route by land from
   Athens to the Isthmus by the pass which leads at the foot of
   Mount Cerata along the shore to Megara. ... Eleusis was built
   at the eastern end of a low rocky hill, which lies parallel to
   the sea-shore. ... The eastern extremity of the hill was
   levelled artificially for the reception of the Hierum of Ceres
   and the other sacred buildings. Above these are the traces of an
   Acropolis. A triangular space of about 500 yards each side,
   lying between the hill and the shore, was occupied by the town
   of Eleusis. ... To those who approached Eleusis from Athens,
   the sacred buildings standing on the eastern extremity of the
   height concealed the greater part of the town, and on a nearer
   approach presented a succession of magnificent objects, well
   calculated to heighten the solemn grandeur of the ceremonies
   and the awe and reverence of the Mystæ in their initiation.
   ... In the plurality of enclosures, in the magnificence of the
   pylæ or gateways, in the absence of any general symmetry of
   plan, in the small auxiliary temples, we recognize a great
   resemblance between the sacred buildings of Eleusis and the
   Egyptian Hiera of Thebes and Philæ. And this resemblance is
   the more remarkable, as the Demeter of Attica was the Isis of
   Egypt. We cannot suppose, however, that the plan of all these
   buildings was even thought of when the worship of Ceres was
   established at Eleusis. They were the progressive creation of
   successive ages. ... Under the Roman Empire ... it was
   fashionable among the higher order of Romans to pass some time
   at Athens in the study of philosophy and to be initiated in
   the Eleusinian mysteries. Hence Eleusis became at that time
   one of the most frequented places in Greece; and perhaps it
   was never so populous as under the emperors of the first two
   centuries of our æra. During the two following centuries, its
   mysteries were the chief support of declining polytheism, and
   almost the only remaining bond of national union among the
   Greeks; but at length the destructive visit of the Goths in
   the year 396, the extinction of paganism and the ruin of
   maritime commerce, left Eleusis deprived of every source of
   prosperity, except those which are inseparable from its
   fertile plain, its noble bay, and its position on the road
   from Attica to the Isthmus. ... The village still preserves
   the ancient name, no further altered than is customary in
   Romaic conversions."

      W. M. Leake,
      Topography of Athens;
      volume 2: The Demi, section 5.

ELGIN, Lord.
   The Indian administration of.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1862-1876.


   Elis was an ancient Greek state, occupying the country on the
   western coast of Peloponnesus, adjoining Arcadia, and between
   Messenia at the south and Achaia on the north. It was noted
   for the fertility of its soil and the rich yield of its
   fisheries. But Elis owed greater importance to the inclusion
   within its territory of the sacred ground of Olympia, where
   the celebration of the most famous festival of Zeus came to be
   established at an early time. The Elians had acquired Olympia
   by conquest of the city and territory of Pisa, to which it
   originally belonged, and the presidency of the Olympic games
   was always disputed with them by the latter. Elis was the
   close ally of Sparta down to the year B. C. 421, when a bitter
   quarrel arose between them, and Elis suffered heavily in the
   wars which ensued. It was afterwards at war with the
   Arcadians, and joined the Ætolian League against the Achaian
   League. The city of Elis was one of the most splendid in
   Greece; but little now remains, even of ruins, to indicate its
   departed glories.

      See, also, OLYMPIC GAMES.


      See LYGIANS.

   Czarina of Russia, A. D. 1741-1761..

   Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, and the Thirty Years War.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1618-1620; 1620; 1621-1623;
      1631-1632, and 1648.

   Elizabeth, Queen of England, A. D. 1558-1603.

    Elizabeth Farnese, Queen of Spain.

      See ITALY: A. D. 1715-1735; and
      SPAIN: A. D. 1713-1725, and 1726-1731.

   The first settlement of.

      See NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1664-1667.





ELLANDUM, Battle of.

   Decisive victory of Ecgberht, the West Saxon king, over the
   Mercians, A. D. 823.



ELLENBOROUGH, Lord, The Indian administration of.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1836-1845.

ELLSWORTH, Colonel, The death of.

      A. D. 1861 (MAY: VIRGINIA).


   A small kingdom of the Britons which was swallowed up in the
   English kingdom of Northumbria early in the seventh century.
   It answered, roughly speaking, to the present West-Riding of
   Yorkshire. ... Leeds "preserves the name of Loidis, by which
   Elmet seems also to have been known."

      J. R. Green, The Making of England, page 254.

ELMIRA, N. Y. (then Newtown).
   General Sullivan's Battle with the Senecas.

      A. D. 1779 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).


      See ALSACE.

ELTEKEH, Battle of.

   A victory won by the Assyrian, Sennacherib, over the
   Egyptians, before the disaster befell his army which is
   related in 2 Kings xix. 35. Sennacherib's own account of the
   battle has been found among the Assyrian records.


      A. H. Sayce,
      Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments,
      chapter 6.



ELVIRA, Battle of(1319).

      See SPAIN: A. D. 1273-1460.

ELY, The Camp of Refuge at.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1069-1071.


      See ELAM.


      See MACEDONIA.






      See PRINTING: A. D. 1617-1680.


      See IRELAND: A. D. 1811-1829.

EMANCIPATION, Compensated;
   Proposal of President Lincoln.


EMANCIPATION, Prussian Edict of.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1807-1808.

   President Lincoln's.

      A. D. 1862 (SEPTEMBER), and 1863 (JANUARY).

   King of Portugal, A. D. 1495-1521.

   Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, A. D. 1553-1580.

EMBARGO OF 1807, The American.

      A. D. 1804-1809, and 1808.

EMERICH, King of Hungary, A. D. 1196-1204.


   A colony of Roman veterans settled in Spain, B. C. 27, by the
   emperor Augustus. It is identified with modern Merida, in

      C. Merivale, History of the Romans, chapter 34, note.

   Capture by the Arabs (A. D. 636).

      See MAHOMETAN CONQUEST: A. D. 632-639.


      See FRANCE: A. D. 1789-1791;
      1791 (JULY-SEPTEMBER); and 1791-1792.



EMMAUS, Battle of.

   Defeat of a Syrian army under Gorgias by Judas Maccabæus,
   B. C. 166.

      Josephus, Antiquity of the Jews, book 12, chapter 7.


      See FRANCE: A. D. 1796 (APRIL-OCTOBER). .


      See IRELAND: A. D. 1801-1803.


   A title derived from the Roman title Imperator.

      See IMPERATOR.






      See IRELAND: A. D. 1843-1848.


      See PAPACY: A. D. 1864.


   "French literature had never been so brilliant as in the
   second half of the 18th century. Buffon, Diderot, D'Alembert,
   Rousseau, Duclos, Condillac, Helvetius, Holbach, Raynal,
   Condorcet, Mably, and many others adorned it, and the
   'Encyclopædia,' which was begun in 1751 under the direction of
   Diderot, became the focus of an intellectual influence which
   has rarely been equalled. The name and idea were taken from a
   work published by Ephraim Chambers in Dublin, in 1728. A noble
   preliminary discourse was written by D'Alembert; and all the
   best pens in France were enlisted in the enterprise, which was
   constantly encouraged and largely assisted by Voltaire. Twice
   it was suppressed by authority, but the interdict was again
   raised. Popular favour now ran with an irresistible force in
   favour of the philosophers, and the work was brought to its
   conclusion in 1771."

      W. E. H. Lecky, History of England in the 18th Century,
      chapter. 20 (volume 5).

      ALSO IN:
      J. Morley,
      Diderot and the Encyclopædists,
      chapter 5 (volume 1).

      E. J. Lowell,
      The Eve of the French Revolution,
      chapter 16.

ENDICOTT, John, and the Colony of Massachusetts Bay.

      See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1623-1629, and after.

ENDIDJAN, Battle of (1876).

      See RUSSIA: A. D. 1859-1876.


      See SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1396-1499.

ENGEN, Battle of (1800).

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1800-1801 (MAY-FEBRUARY).

ENGERN, Duchy of.


ENGHIEN, Duc d',
   The abduction and execution of.

      See FRANCE: 1804-1805.

   Before the coming of the English.
   The Celtic and Roman periods.

      See BRITAIN.

ENGLAND: A. D.449-547.
   The three tribes of the English conquest.
   The naming of the country.

   "It was by ... three tribes [from Northwestern Germany], the
   Saxons, the Angles, and the Jutes, that southern Britain was
   conquered and colonized in the fifth and sixth centuries,
   according to the most ancient testimony. ... Of the three, the
   Angli almost if not altogether pass away into the migration:
   the Jutes and the Saxons, although migrating in great numbers,
   had yet a great part to play in their own homes and in other
   regions besides Britain; the former at a later period in the
   train and under the name of the Danes; the latter in German
   history from the eighth century to the present day."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      volume 1, chapter 3.

   "Among the Teutonic settlers in Britain some tribes stand out
   conspicuously; Angles, Saxons, and Jutes stand out
   conspicuously above all. The Jutes led the way; from the
   Angles the land and the united nation took their name; the
   Saxons gave us the name by which our Celtic neighbours have
   ever known us. But there is no reason to confine the area from
   which our forefathers came to the space which we should mark
   on the map as the land of the continental Angles, Saxons, and
   Jutes. So great a migration is always likely to be swollen by
   some who are quite alien to the leading tribe; it is always
   certain to be swollen by many who are of stocks akin to the
   leading tribe, but who do not actually belong to it.
   As we in Britain are those who stayed behind at the time of
   the second great migration of our people [to America], so I
   venture to look on all our Low-Dutch kinsfolk on the continent
   of Europe as those who stayed behind at the time of the first
   great migration of our people. Our special hearth and cradle
   is doubtless to be found in the immediate marchland of Germany
   and Denmark, but the great common home of our people is to be
   looked on as stretching along the whole of that long coast
   where various dialects of the Low-Dutch tongue are spoken. If
   Angles and Saxons came, we know that Frisians came also, and
   with Frisians as an element among us, it is hardly too bold to
   claim the whole Netherlands as in the widest sense Old
   England, as the land of one part of the kinsfolk who stayed
   behind. Through that whole region, from the special Anglian
   corner far into what is now northern France, the true tongue
   of the people, sometimes overshadowed by other tongues, is
   some dialect or other of that branch of the great Teutonic
   family which is essentially the same as our own speech. From
   Flanders to Sleswick the natural tongue is one which differs
   from English only as the historical events of fourteen hundred
   years of separation have inevitably made the two tongues--two
   dialects, I should rather say, of the same tongue--to differ.
   From these lands we came as a people. That was our first
   historical migration. Our remote forefathers must have made
   endless earlier migrations as parts of the great Aryan body,
   as parts of the smaller Teutonic body. But our voyage from the
   Low-Dutch mainland to the isle of Britain was our first
   migration as a people. ... Among the Teutonic tribes which
   settled in Britain, two, the Angles and the Saxons, stood out
   foremost. These two between them occupied by far the greater
   part of the land that was occupied at all. Each of these two
   gave its name to the united nation, but each gave it on
   different lips. The Saxons were the earlier invaders; they had
   more to do with the Celtic remnant which abode in the land. On
   the lips then of the Celtic inhabitants of Britain, the whole
   of the Teutonic inhabitants of Britain were known from the
   beginning, and are known still, as Saxons. But, as the various
   Teutonic settlements drew together, as they began to have
   common national feelings and to feel the need of a common
   national name, the name which they chose was not the same as
   that by which their Celtic neighbours called them. They did
   not call themselves Saxons and their land Saxony; they called
   themselves English and their land England. I used the word
   Saxony in all seriousness; it is a real name for the Teutonic
   part of Britain, and it is an older name than the name
   England. But it is a name used only from the outside by Celtic
   neighbours and enemies; it was not used from the inside by the
   Teutonic people themselves. In their mouths, as soon as they
   took to themselves a common name, that name was English; as
   soon as they gave their land a common name, that name was
   England. ... And this is the more remarkable, because the age
   when English was fully established as the name of the people,
   and England as the name of the land, was an age of Saxon
   supremacy, an age when a Saxon state held the headship of
   England and of Britain, when Saxon kings grew step by step to
   be kings of the English and lords of the whole British island.
   In common use then, the men of the tenth and eleventh
   centuries knew themselves by no name but English."

      E. A. Freeman,
      The English People in its Three Homes
      (Lectures to American Audiences,
      pages 30-31, and 45-47).


ENGLAND: A. D. 449-473.
   The Beginning of English history.
   The conquest of Kent by the Jutes.

   "In the year 449 or 450 a band of warriors was drawn to the
   shores of Britain by the usual pledges of land and pay. The
   warriors were Jutes, men of a tribe which has left its name to
   Jutland, at the extremity of the peninsula that projects from
   the shores of North-Germany, but who were probably akin to the
   race that was fringing the opposite coast of Scandinavia and
   settling in the Danish Isles. In three 'keels'--so ran the
   legend of their conquest--and with their Ealdormen, Hengest
   and Horsa, at their head, these Jutes landed at Ebbsfleet in
   the Isle of Thanet. With the landing of Hengest and his
   war-band English history begins. ... In the first years that
   followed after their landing, Jute and Briton fought side by
   side; and the Picts are said to have been scattered to the
   winds in a great battle on the eastern coast of Britain. But
   danger from the Pict was hardly over when danger came from the
   Jutes themselves. Their numbers probably grew fast as the news
   of their settlement in Thanet spread among their fellow
   pirates who were haunting the channel; and with the increase
   of their number must have grown the difficulty of supplying
   them with rations and pay. The dispute which rose over these
   questions was at last closed by Hengest's men with a threat of
   war." The threat was soon executed; the forces of the Jutes
   were successfully transferred from their island camp to the
   main shore, and the town of Durovernum (occupying the site of
   modern Canterbury) was the first to experience their rage.
   "The town was left in blackened and solitary ruin as the
   invaders pushed along the road to London. No obstacle seems to
   have checked their march from the Stour to the Medway." At
   Aylesford (A. D. 455), the lowest ford crossing the Medway,
   "the British leaders must have taken post for the defence of
   West Kent; but the Chronicle of the conquering people tells
   ... only that Horsa fell in the moment of victory; and the
   flint-heap of Horsted which has long preserved his name ...
   was held in aftertime to mark his grave. ... The victory of
   Aylesford was followed by a political change among the
   assailants, whose loose organization around ealdormen was
   exchanged for a stricter union. Aylesford, we are told, was no
   sooner won than 'Hengest took to the kingdom, and Ælle, his
   son.' ... The two kings pushed forward in 457 from the Medway
   to the conquest of West Kent." Another battle at the passage
   of the Cray was another victory for the invaders, and, "as the
   Chronicle of their conquerors tells us, the Britons' forsook
   Kent-land and fled with much fear to London.' ... If we trust
   British tradition, the battle at Crayford was followed by a
   political revolution in Britain itself.  ... It would seem ...
   that the Romanized Britons rose in revolt under Aurelius
   Ambrosianus, a descendant of the last Roman general who
   claimed the purple as an Emperor in Britain. ... The
   revolution revived for a while the energy of the province."
   The Jutes were driven back into the Isle of Thanet, and held
   there, apparently, for some years, with the help of the strong
   fortresses of Richborough and Reculver, guarding the two
   mouths of the inlet which then parted Thanet from the
   "In 465 however the petty conflicts which had gone on along
   the shores of the Wantsum made way for a decisive struggle.
   ... The overthrow of the Britons at Wipped'sfleet was so
   terrible that all hope of preserving the bulk of Kent seems
   from this moment to have been abandoned; and ... no further
   struggle disturbed the Jutes in its conquest and settlement.
   It was only along its southern shore that the Britons now held
   their ground. ... A final victory of the Jutes in 473 may mark
   the moment when they reached the rich pastures which the Roman
   engineers had reclaimed from Romney Marsh. ... With this
   advance to the mouth of the Weald the work of Hengest's men
   came to an end; nor did the Jutes from this time play any
   important part in the attack on the island, for their
   after-gains were limited to the Isle of Wight and a few
   districts on the Southampton Water."

      J. R. Green,
      The Making of England,
      chapter 1.

      ALSO IN:
      J. M. Lappenberg,
      History of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings,
      volume 1, pages 67-101.


A Logical Outline of English History


   Physical or material (Orange).
   Ethnological (Dark Blue).
   Social and political (Green).
   Intellectual, moral and religious (Tan).
   Foreign (Black).

5th-7th centuries.
Conquest: and settlement by Saxons, Angles and Jutes.

   The Island of Britain, separated from the Continent of Europe
   by a narrow breadth of sea, which makes friendly commerce easy
   and hostile invasion difficult;--its soil in great part
   excellent; its northern climate tempered by the humid warmth
   of the Gulf Stream; its conditions good for breeding a robust
   population, strongly fed upon corn and meats; holding,
   moreover, in store, for later times, a rare deposit of iron
   and coal, of tin and potter's clay, and other minerals of like
   utility; was occupied and possessed by tribes from Northern
   Europe, of the strongest race in history; already schooled in
   courage and trained to enterprise by generations of sea-faring
   adventure; uncorrupted by any mercenary contact with the
   decaying civilization of Rome, but ready for the knowledge it
   could give.

7th-11th Centuries.

   Fused, after much warring with one another and with their
   Danish kin, into a nation of Englishmen, they lived, for five
   centuries, an isolated life, until their insular and
   independent character had become deeply ingrained, and the
   primitive system of their social and political
   organization--their Townships, their Hundreds, their Shires,
   and the popular Moots, or courts, which determined and
   administered law in each--was rooted fast; though their king's
   power waxed and the nobles and the common people drew farther

A. D. 1066.--Norman conquest.

   Then they were mastered (in the last successful invasion that
   their Island ever knew) by another people, sprung from their
   own stock, but whose blood had been warmed and whose wit had
   been quickened by Latin and Gallic influences in the country
   of the Franks.

11th-18th Centuries.

   A new social and political system now formed itself in England
   as the result:--Feudalism modified by the essential democracy
   inherent in Old English institutions--producing a stout
   commonality to daunt the lords, and a strong aristocracy to
   curb the king.

A. D. 1215. Magna Oharta.

   English royalty soon weakened itself yet more by ambitious
   strivings to maintain and extend a wide dominion over-sea, in
   Normandy and Aquitaine; and was helpless to resist when barons
   and commons came together to demand the signing and sealing of
   the Great Charter of Englishmen's rights.

A. D. 1265-1295--Parliament.

   Out of the conditions which gave birth to Magna Charta there
   followed, soon, the development of the English Parliament as a
   representative legislature, from the Curia Regis of the Normans
   and the Witenagemot of the older English time.

A. D. 1337-1453--The Hundred Years War.

   From the woful wars of a hundred years with France, which
   another century brought upon it, the nation, as a whole,
   suffered detriment, no doubt, and it progress was hindered in
   many ways; but politically the people took some good from
   the troubled times, because their kings were more dependant on
   them for money and men.

A. D. 1453-1485--War of the Roses

   So likewise, they were bettered in some ways by the dreadful
   civil Wars of the Roses, which distracted England for thirty
   years. The nobles well-nigh perished, as an order, in these
   wars, while the middle-class people at large suffered relatively
   little, in numbers or estate.

A. D. 1348--The Great Plague.

   But, previously, the great Plague, by diminishing the ranks of
   the laboring class, had raised wages and the standard of living
   among them, and had helped, with other causes, to multiply the
   small landowners and tenant farmers of the country, increasing
   the independent common class.

A. D. 1327-1377--Immigration of Flemish weavers.

   Moreover, from the time of Edward III., who encouraged Flemish
   weavers to settle in England and to teach their art to his
   people, manufactures began to thrive; trade extended; towns
   grew in population and wealth, and the great burgher
   middle-class rose rapidly to importance and weight in the

A. D. 1485-1603--Absolutism of the Tudors.

   But the commons of England were not prepared to make use of
   the actual power which they held. The nobles had led them in
   the past; it needed time to raise leaders among themselves,
   and time to organize their ranks. Hence no new checks on
   royalty were ready to replace those constraints which had been
   broken by the ruin of great houses in the civil wars, and the
   crown made haste to improve its opportunity for grasping
   power. There followed, under the Tudors, a period of
   absolutism greater than England had known before.

15th-16th Centuries--Renaissance.

   But this endured only for the time of the education of the
   commons, who conned the lessons of the age with eagerness and
   with understanding. The new learning from Greece and Rome; the
   new world knowledge that had been found in the West; the new
   ideas which the new art of the printer had furnished with
   wings,--all these had now gained their most fertile planting
   in the English mind. Their flower was the splendid literature
   of the Elizabethan age; they ripened fruits more substantial
   at a later day.

   The intellectual development of the nation tended first toward
   a religious independence, which produced two successive
   revolts--from Roman Papacy and from the Anglican Episcopacy
   that succeeded it.

   This religious new departure of the English people gave
   direction to a vast expansion of their energies in the outside
   world. It led them into war with Spain, and sent forth Drake
   and Hawkins and the Buccaneers, to train the sailors and pilot
   the merchant adventurers who would soon make England mistress
   of all the wide seas.

A. D. 1608-1688.
   The Stuarts.
   The Civil War.
   The Commonwealth.
   The Revolution.

   Then, when these people, strong, prosperous and intelligent,
   had come to be ripely sufficient for self-government, there
   fell to them a foolish race of kings, who challenged them to a
   struggle which stripped royalty of all but its fictions, and
   established the sovereignty of England in its House of Commons
   for all time.

18th-19th Centuries.
   Material progress.
   Economic enlightenment.

   Unassailable in its island,--taking part in the great wars of
   the 18th century by its fleets and its subsidies
   chiefly,--busy with its undisturbed labors at home,--vigorous
   in its conquests, its settlements and its trade, which it
   pushed into the farthest parts of the earth,--creating wealth
   and protecting it from spoliation and from waste,--the English
   nation now became the industrial and economic school of the
   age. It produced the mechanical inventions which first opened
   a new era in the life of mankind on the material side; it
   attained to the splendid enlightenment of freedom in trade; it
   made England the workshop and mart of the world, and it spread
   her Empire to every Continent, through all the seas.

--------- End: A Logical Outline of English History --------------------

ENGLAND: A. D. 477-527.
   The conquests of the Saxons.
   The founding of the kingdoms of Sussex, Wessex and Essex.

   "Whilst the Jutes were conquering Kent, their kindred took
   part in the war. Ship after ship sailed from the North Sea,
   filled with eager warriors. The Saxons now arrived--Ella and
   his three sons landed in the ancient territory of the Regni
   (A. D. 477-491). The Britons were defeated with great
   slaughter, and driven into the forest of Andreade, whose
   extent is faintly indicated by the wastes and commons of the
   Weald. A general confederacy of the Kings and 'Tyrants' of the
   Britons was formed against the invaders, but fresh
   reinforcements arrived from Germany; the city of
   Andreades-Ceastre was taken by storm, all its inhabitants were
   slain and the buildings razed to the ground, so that its site
   is now entirely unknown. From this period the kingdom of the
   South Saxons was established in the person of Ella; and though
   ruling only over the narrow boundary of modern Sussex, he was
   accepted as the first of the Saxon Bretwaldas, or Emperors of
   the Isle of Britain. Encouraged, perhaps, by the good tidings
   received from Ella, another band of Saxons, commanded by
   Cerdic and his son Cynric, landed on the neighbouring shore,
   in the modern Hampshire (A. D. 494). At first they made but
   little progress. They were opposed by the Britons; but
   Geraint, whom the Saxon Chroniclers celebrate for his
   nobility, and the British Bards extol for his beauty and
   valour, was slain (A. D. 501). The death of the Prince of the
   'Woodlands of Dyfnaint,' or Damnonia, may have been avenged,
   but the power of the Saxons overwhelmed all opposition; and
   Cerdic, associating his son Cynric in the dignity, became the
   King of the territory which he gained. Under Cynric and his
   son Ceaulin, the Saxons slowly, yet steadily, gained ground.
   The utmost extent of their dominions towards the North cannot
   be ascertained; but they had conquered the town of Bedford;
   and it was probably in consequence of their geographical
   position (A. D. 571) with respect to the countries of the
   Middle and East Saxons, that the name of the West Saxons was
   given to this colony. The tract north of the Thames was soon
   lost; but on the south of that river and of the Severn, the
   successors of Cerdic, Kings of Wessex, continued to extend
   their dominions. The Hampshire Avon, which retains its old
   Celtic name, signifying 'the Water,' seems at first to have
   been their boundary. Beyond this river, the British princes of
   Damnonia retained their power; and it was long before the
   country as far as the Exe became a Saxon March-land, or
   border. About the time that the Saxons under Cerdic and Cynric
   were successfully warring against the Britons, another colony
   was seen to establish itself in the territory or kingdom
   which, from its geographical position, obtained the name of
   East Saxony; but whereof the district of the Middle Saxons,
   now Middlesex, formed a part. London, as you well know, is
   locally included in Middle Saxony; and the Kings of Essex, and
   the other sovereigns who afterwards acquired the country,
   certainly possessed many extensive rights of sovereignty in
   the city. Yet, I doubt much whether London was ever
   incorporated in any Anglo-Saxon kingdom; and I think we must
   view it as a weak, tributary, vassal state, not very well able
   to resist the usurpations of the supreme Lord or Suzerain,
   Æscwin, or Ercenwine, who was the first King of the East
   Saxons (A. D. 527). His son Sleda was married to Ricola,
   daughter to Ethelbert of Kent, who afterwards appears as the
   superior, or sovereign of the country; and though Sleda was
   King, yet Ethelbert joined in all important acts of
   government. This was the fate of Essex--it is styled a
   kingdom, but it never enjoyed any political independence,
   being always subject to the adjoining kings."

      F. Palgrave,
      History of the Anglo Saxons,
      chapter 2.

   "The descents of [the West Saxons], Cerdic and Cynric, in 495
   at the mouth of the Itchen, and a fresh descent on Portchester
   in 501, can have been little more than plunder raids; and
   though in 508 a far more serious conflict ended in the fall of
   5,000 Britons and their chief, it was not till 514 that the
   tribe whose older name seems to have been that of the
   Gewissas, but who were to be more widely known as the West
   Saxons, actually landed with a view to definite conquest."

      J. R. Green,
      The Making of England,
      chapter 3.

   "The greatness of Sussex did not last beyond the days of its
   founder Ælle, the first Bretwalda. Whatever importance Essex,
   or its offshoot, Middlesex, could claim as containing the
   great city of London was of no long duration. We soon find
   London fluctuating between the condition of an independent
   commonwealth, and that of a dependency of the Mercian Kings.
   Very different was the destiny of the third Saxon Kingdom.
   Wessex has grown into England, England into Great Britain,
   Great Britain into the United Kingdom, the United Kingdom into
   the British Empire. Every prince who has ruled England before
   and since the eleventh century [the interval of the Danish
   kings, Harold, son of Godwine, and William the Conqueror, who
   were not of the West Saxon house] has had the blood of Cerdic
   the West Saxon in his veins. At the close of the sixth century
   Wessex had risen to high importance among the English
   Kingdoms, though the days of its permanent supremacy were
   still far distant."

      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 2, section 1.


ENGLAND: A. D. 547-633.
   The conquests of the Angles.
   The founding of their kingdoms.

   Northwards of the East Saxons was established the kingdom of
   the East Angles, in which a northern and a southern people
   (Northfolc and Suthfolc) were distinguished. It is probable
   that, even during the last period of the Roman sway, Germans
   were settled in this part of Britain; a supposition that gains
   probability from several old Saxon sagas, which have reference
   to East Anglia at a period anterior to the coming of Hengest
   and Horsa. The land of the Gyrwas, containing 1,200 hides ...
   comprised the neighbouring marsh districts of Ely and
   Huntingdonshire, almost as far as Lincoln. Of the East Angles
   Wehwa, or Wewa, or more commonly his son Uffa, or Wuffa, from
   whom his race derived their patronymic of Uffings or Wuffings,
   is recorded as the first king. The neighbouring states of
   Mercia originated in the marsh districts of the Lindisware, or
   inhabitants of Lindsey (Lindesig), the northern part of
   Lincolnshire. With these were united the Middle Angles. This
   kingdom, divided by the Trent into a northern and a southern
   portion, gradually extended itself to the borders of Wales.
   Among the states which it comprised was the little Kingdom of
   the Hwiccas, conterminous with the later diocese of Worcester,
   or the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, and a part of
   Warwick. This state, together with that of the Hecanas, bore
   the common Germanic appellation of the land of the Magesætas.
   ... The country to the north of the Humber had suffered the
   most severely from the inroads of the Picts and Scots. It
   became at an early period separated into two British states,
   the names of which were retained for some centuries, viz.:
   Deifyr (Deora rice), afterwards Latinized into Deira,
   extending from the Humber to the Tyne, and Berneich (Beorna
   rice), afterwards Bernicia, from the Tyne to the Clyde. Here
   also the settlements of the German races appear anterior to
   the date given in the common accounts of the first Anglian
   kings of those territories, in the middle of the sixth

      J. M. Lappenberg,
      History of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings (Thorpe),
      volume 1, pages 112-117.

   The three Anglian kingdoms of Northumberland, Mercia and East
   Anglia, "are altogether much larger than the Saxon and Jutish
   Kingdoms, so you see very well why the land was called
   'England' and not 'Saxony.' ... 'Saxonia' does occur now and
   then, and it was really an older name than 'Anglia,' but it
   soon went quite out of use. ... But some say that there were
   either Jutes or Saxons in the North of England as soon or
   sooner than there were in the south. If so, there is another
   reason why the Scotch Celts as well as the Welsh, call us
   Saxons. It is not unlikely that there may have been some small
   Saxon or Jutish settlements there very early, but the great
   Kingdom of Northumberland was certainly founded by Ida the
   Angle in 547. It is more likely that there were some Teutonic
   settlements there before him, because the Chronicle does not
   say of him, as it does of Hengest, Cissa and Cerdie, that he
   came into the land by the sea, but only that he began the
   Kingdom. ... You must fully understand that in the old times
   Northumberland meant the whole land north of the Humber,
   reaching as far as the Firth of Forth. It thus takes in part
   of what is now Scotland, including the city of Edinburgh, that
   is Eadwinesburh, the town of the great Northumbrian King
   Eadwine, or Edwin [Edwin of Deira, A. D. 617-633]. ... You
   must not forget that Lothian and all that part of Scotland was
   part of Northumberland, and that the people there are really
   English, and still speak a tongue which has changed less from
   the Old-English than the tongue of any other part of England.
   And the real Scots, the Gael in the Highlands, call the
   Lowland Scots 'Saxons,' just as much as they do the people of
   England itself. This Northumbrian Kingdom was one of the
   greatest Kingdoms in England, but it was often divided into
   two, Beornicia [or Bernicia] and Deira, the latter of which
   answered pretty nearly to Yorkshire. The chief city was the
   old Roman town of Eboracum, which in Old-English is Eoforwic,
   and which we cut short into York. York was for a long time the
   greatest town in the North of England. There are now many
   others much larger, but York is still the second city in
   England in rank, and it gives its chief magistrate the title
   of Lord-Mayor, as London· does, while in other cities and
   towns the chief magistrate is merely the Mayor, without any
   Lord. ... The great Anglian Kingdom of the Mercians, that is
   the Marchmen, the people on the march or frontier, seems to
   have been the youngest of all, and to have grown up gradually
   by joining together several smaller states, including all the
   land which the West Saxons had held north of the Thames. Such
   little tribes or states were the Lindesfaras and the Gainas in
   Lincolnshire, the Magesætas in Herefordshire, the Hwiccas in
   Gloucester, Worcester, and part of Warwick, and several
   others. ... When Mercia was fully joined under one King, it
   made one of the greatest states in England, and some of the
   Mercian Kings were very powerful princes. It was chiefly an
   Anglian Kingdom; and the Kings were of an Anglian stock, but
   among the Hwiccas and in some of the other shires in southern
   and western Mercia, most of the people must really have been

      E. A. Freeman,
      Old English History for Children,
      chapter 5.

ENGLAND: A. D. 560.

   Ethelbert becomes king of Kent.

ENGLAND: A. D. 593.

   Ethelfrith becomes king of Northumbria.

ENGLAND: A. D. 597-685.
   The conversion of the English.

   "It happened that certain Saxon children were to be sold for
   slaves at the marketplace at Rome; when Divine Providence, the
   great clock-keeper of time, ordering not only hours, but even
   instants (Luke ii. 38), to his own honour, so disposed it,
   that Gregory, afterwards first bishop of Rome of that name,
   was present to behold them. It grieved the good man to see the
   disproportion betwixt the faces and fortunes, the complexions
   and conditions, of these children, condemned to a servile
   estate, though carrying liberal looks, so legible was
   ingenuity in their faces. It added more to his sorrow, when he
   conceived that those youths were twice vassals, bought by
   their masters, and 'sold under sin' (Romans vii. 14), servants
   in their bodies, and slaves in their souls to Satan; which
   occasioned the good man to enter into further inquiry with the
   merchants (which set them to sale) what they were and whence
   they came, according to this ensuing dialogue:

   Gregory.--'Whence come these captives?'
   Merchants.--'From the isle of Britain.'
   Gregory.--'Are those islanders Christians?'
   Merchants.--'O no, they are Pagans.'
   Gregory.--'It is sad that the author of darkness should
   possess men with so bright faces. But what is the name of
   their particular nation?'
   Merchants.--'They are called Angli.'
   Gregory.--'And well may, for their "angel like faces"; it
   becometh such to be coheirs with the angels in heaven. In what
   province of England did they live?'
   Merchants.--'In Deira.'
   Gregory.--'They are to be freed de Dei irâ, "from the anger of
   God." How call ye the king of that country?'
   Gregory.--'Surely hallelujah ought to be sung in his kingdom
   to the praise of that God who created all things.'


   Thus Gregory's gracious heart set the sound of every word to
   the time of spiritual goodness. Nor can his words be justly
   censured for levity, if we consider how, in that age, the
   elegance of poetry consisted in rhythm, and the eloquence of
   prose in allusions. And which was the main, where his pleasant
   conceits did end, there his pious endeavours began; which did
   not terminate in a verbal jest, but produce real effects,
   which ensued hereupon."

      Thomas Fuller,
      The Church History of Britain,
      book 2, section 1.

   In 590 the good Gregory became Bishop of Rome, or Pope, and
   six years later, still retaining the interest awakened in him
   by the captive English youth, he dispatched a band of
   missionary monks to Britain, with their prior, Augustine, at
   their head. Once they turned back, affrighted by what they
   heard of the ferocity of the new heathen possessors of the
   once-Christian island of Britain; but Gregory laid his
   commands upon them again, and in the spring of 597 they
   crossed the channel from Gaul, landing at Ebbsfleet, in the
   Isle of Thanet, where the Jutish invaders had made their first
   landing, a century and a half before. They found Ethelbert of
   Kent, the most powerful of the English kings at that time,
   already prepared to receive them with tolerance, if not with
   favor, through the influence of a Christian wife--queen
   Bertha, of the royal family of the Franks. The conversion and
   baptism of the Kentish king and court, and the acceptance of
   the new faith by great numbers of the people followed quickly.
   In November of the same year, 597, Augustine returned to Gaul
   to receive his consecration as "Archbishop of the English,"
   establishing the See of Canterbury, with the primacy which has
   remained in it to the present day. The East Saxons were the
   next to bow to the cross and in 604 a bishop, Mellitus, was
   sent to London. This ended Augustine's work--and Gregory's--
   for both died that year. Then followed an interval of little
   progress in the work of the mission, and, afterwards, a
   reaction towards idolatry which threatened to destroy it
   altogether. But just at this time of discouragement in the
   south, a great triumph of Christianity was brought about in
   Northumberland, and due, there, as in Kent, to the influence
   of a Christian queen. Edwin, the king, with many of his nobles
   and his people, were baptised on Easter Eve, A. D. 627, and a new
   center of missionary work was established at York. There, too,
   an appalling reverse occurred, when Northumberland was
   overrun, in 633, by Penda, the heathen king of Mercia; but the
   kingdom rallied, and the Christian Church was reestablished,
   not wholly, as before, under the patronage and rule of Rome,
   but partly by a mission from the ancient Celtic Church, which
   did not acknowledge the supremacy of Rome. In the end,
   however, the Roman forms of Christianity prevailed, throughout
   Britain, as elsewhere in western Europe. Before the end of the
   7th century the religion of the Cross was established firmly
   in all parts of the island, the South Saxons being the latest
   to receive it. In the 8th century English missionaries were
   laboring zealously for the conversion of their Saxon and
   Frisian brethren on the continent.

      G. F. Maclear,
      Conversion of the West; The English.

      ALSO IN:
      The Venerable Bede,
      Ecclesiastical History.

      H. Soames,
      The Anglo Saxon Church.

      R. C. Jenkins,
      chapter 2.

   End of the 6th. Century.
   The extent, the limits and the character
   of the Teutonic conquest.

   "Before the end of the 6th century the Teutonic dominion
   stretched from the German ocean to the Severn, and from the
   English Channel to the Firth of Forth. The northern part of
   the island was still held by Picts and Scots, Celtic tribes,
   whose exact ethnical relation to each other hardly concerns
   us. And the whole west side of the island, including not only
   modern Wales, but the great Kingdom of Strathclyde, stretching
   from Dumbarton to Chester, and the great peninsula containing
   Cornwall, Devon and part of Somerset, was still in the hands
   of independent Britons. The struggle had been a long and
   severe one, and the natives often retained possession of a
   defensible district long after the surrounding country had
   been occupied by the invaders. It is therefore probable that,
   at the end of the 6th century and even later, there may have
   been within the English frontier inaccessible points where
   detached bodies of Welshmen still retained a precarious
   independence. It is probable also that, within the same
   frontier, there still were Roman towns, tributary to the
   conquerors rather than occupied by them. But by the end of the
   6th century even these exceptions must have been few. The work
   of the Conquest, as a whole, was accomplished. The Teutonic
   settlers had occupied by far the greater part of the territory
   which they ever were, in the strictest sense, to occupy. The
   complete supremacy of the island was yet to be won; but that
   was to be won, when it was won, by quite another process. The
   English Conquest of Britain differed in several important
   respects from every other settlement of a Teutonic people
   within the limits of the Roman Empire. ... Though the literal
   extirpation of a nation is an impossibility, there is every
   reason to believe that the Celtic inhabitants of those parts
   of Britain which had become English at the 6th century had
   been as nearly extirpated as a nation can be. The women would
   doubtless be largely spared, but as far as the male sex is
   concerned, we may feel sure that death, emigration or personal
   slavery were the only alternatives which the vanquished found
   at the hands of our fathers. The nature of the small Celtic
   element in our language would of itself prove the fact. Nearly
   every Welsh word which has found its way into English
   expresses some small domestic matter, such as women and slaves
   would be concerned with."

      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 2, section 1.

   "A glance at the map shows that the mass of the local
   nomenclature of England begins with the Teutonic conquest,
   while the mass of the local nomenclature of France is older
   than the Teutonic conquest. And, if we turn from the names on
   the map to the living speech of men, there is the most
   obvious, but the most important, of all facts, the fact that
   Englishmen speak English and that Frenchmen speak French.


   That is to say, in Gaul the speech of Rome lived through the
   Teutonic conquest, while in Britain it perished in the
   Teutonic conquest, if it had not passed away before. And
   behind this is the fact, very much less obvious, a good deal
   less important, but still very important, that in Gaul tongues
   older than Latin live on only in corners as mere survivals,
   while in Britain, while Latin has utterly vanished, a tongue
   older than Latin still lives on as the common speech of an
   appreciable part of the land. Here then is the final result
   open to our own eyes. And it is a final result which could not
   have come to pass unless the Teutonic conquest of Britain had
   been something of an utterly different character from the
   Teutonic conquest of Gaul--unless the amount of change, of
   destruction, of havoc of every kind, above all, of slaughter
   and driving out of the existing inhabitants, had been far
   greater in Britain than it was in Gaul. If the Angles and
   Saxons in Britain had been only as the Goths in Spain, or even
   as the Franks in Gaul, it is inconceivable that the final
   results should have been so utterly different in the two
   cases. There is the plain fact: Gaul remained a Latin-speaking
   land; England became a Teutonic-speaking land. The obvious
   inference is that, while in Gaul the Teutonic conquest led to
   no general displacement of the inhabitants, in England it did
   lead to such a general displacement. In Gaul the Franks simply
   settled among a subject people, among whom they themselves
   were gradually merged; in Britain the Angles and Saxons slew
   or drove out the people whom they found in the land, and
   settled it again as a new people."

      E. A. Freeman,
      The English People in its Three Homes
      (Lectures to American Audiences),
      pages 114-115.

   "Almost to the close of the 6th century the English conquest
   of Britain was a sheer dispossession of the conquered people;
   and, so far as the English sword in these earlier days
   reached, Britain became England, a land, that is, not of
   Britons, but of Englishmen. There is no need to believe that
   the clearing of the land meant the general slaughter of the
   men who held it, or to account for such a slaughter by
   supposed differences between the temper of the English and
   those of other conquerors. ... The displacement of the
   conquered people was only made possible by their own stubborn
   resistance, and by the slow progress of the conquerors in the
   teeth of it. Slaughter no doubt there was on the battlefield
   or in towns like Anderida, whose long defence woke wrath in
   their besiegers. But for the most part the Britons cannot have
   been slaughtered; they were simply defeated and drew back."

      J. R. Green,
      The Making of England,
      chapter 4.

   The view strongly stated above, as to the completeness of the
   erasure of Romano-British society and influence from the whole
   of England except its southwestern and north· western
   counties, by the English conquest, is combated as strongly by
   another less prominent school of recent historians,
   represented, for example, by Mr. Henry C. Coote (The Romans of
   Britain) and by Mr. Charles H. Pearson, who says: "We know
   that fugitives from Britain settled largely during the 5th
   century in Armorica and in Ireland; and we may perhaps accept
   the legend of St. Ursula as proof that the flight, in some
   instances, was directed to the more civilized parts of the
   continent. But even the pious story of the 11,000 virgins is
   sober and credible by the side of that history which assumes
   that some million men and women were slaughtered or made
   homeless by a few ship-loads of conquerors."

      C. H. Pearson,
      History of England during the Early and Middle Ages,
      volume 1, chapter 6.

   The opinion maintained by Prof. Freeman and Mr. Green (and, no
   less, by Dr. Stubbs) is the now generally accepted one.

ENGLAND: 7th Century.
   The so-called "Heptarchy."

   "The old notion of an Heptarchy, of a regular system of seven
   Kingdoms, united under the regular supremacy of a single
   over-lord, is a dream which has passed away before the light
   of historic criticism. The English Kingdoms in Britain were
   ever fluctuating, alike in their number and in their relations
   to one another. The number of perfectly independent states was
   sometimes greater and sometimes less than the mystical seven,
   and, till the beginning of the ninth century, the whole nation
   did not admit the regular supremacy of any fixed and permanent
   over-lord. Yet it is no less certain that, among the mass of
   smaller and more obscure principalities, seven Kingdoms do
   stand out in a marked way, seven Kingdoms of which it is
   possible to recover something like a continuous history, seven
   Kingdoms which alone supplied candidates for the dominion of
   the whole island." These seven kingdoms were Kent, Sussex,
   Essex, Wessex, East Anglia, Northumberland and Mercia.

      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 2.

   "After the territorial boundaries had become more settled,
   there appeared at the commencement of the seventh century
   seven or eight greater and smaller kingdoms. ... Historians
   have described this condition of things as the Heptarchy,
   disregarding the early disappearance of Sussex, and the
   existence of still smaller kingdoms. But this grouping was
   neither based upon equality, nor destined to last for any
   length of time. It was the common interest of these smaller
   states to withstand the sudden and often dangerous invasions
   of their western and northern neighbours; and, accordingly,
   whichever king was capable of successfully combating the
   common foe, acquired for the time a certain superior rank,
   which some historians denote by the title of Bretwalda. By
   this name can only be understood an actual and recognized
   temporary superiority; first ascribed to Ælla of Sussex, and
   later passing to Northumbria, until Wessex finally attains a
   real and lasting supremacy. It was geographical position which
   determined these relations of superiority. The small kingdoms
   in the west were shielded by the greater ones of
   Northumberland, Mercia and Wessex, as though by
   crescent-shaped forelands--which in their struggles with the
   Welsh kingdoms, with Strathclyde and Cumbria, with Picts and
   Scots, were continually in a state of martial activity. And so
   the smaller western kingdoms followed the three warlike ones;
   and round these Anglo-Saxon history revolved for two whole
   centuries, until in Wessex we find a combination of most of
   the conditions which are necessary to the existence of a great

      R. Gneist,
      History of the English Constitution,
      chapter 3.

ENGLAND: A. D. 617.
   Edwin becomes king of Northumbria.

ENGLAND: A. D. 634.
   Oswald becomes king of Northumbria.

ENGLAND: A. D. 655.
   Oswi becomes king of Northumbria.


ENGLAND: A. D. 670.
   Egfrith becomes king of Northumbria.

ENGLAND: A. D. 688.
   Ini becomes king of the West Saxons.

ENGLAND: A. D. 716.
    Ethelbald becomes king of Mercia.

ENGLAND: A. D. 758.
   Offa becomes king of Mercia.

ENGLAND: A. D. 794.
   Cenwulf becomes king of Mercia.

ENGLAND: A. D. 800.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Ecgberht.

ENGLAND: A. D. 800-836.
   The supremacy of Wessex.
   The first king of all the English.

   "And now I have come to the reign of Ecgberht, the great
   Bretwalda. He was an Ætheling of the blood of Cerdic, and he
   is said to have been the son of Ealhmund, and Ealhmund is said
   to have been an Under-king of Kent. For the old line of the
   Kings of Kent had come to an end and Kent was now sometimes
   under Wessex and sometimes under Mercia. ... When Beorhtric
   died in 800, he [Ecgberht] was chosen King of the West-Saxons.
   He reigned until 836, and in that time he brought all the
   English Kingdoms, and the greater part of Britain, more or
   less under his power. The southern part of the island, all
   Kent, Sussex, and Essex, he joined on to his own Kingdom, and
   set his sons or other Æthelings to reign over them as his
   Under-kings. But Northumberland, Mercia, and East-Anglia were
   not brought so completely under his power as this. Their Kings
   submitted to Ecgberht and acknowledged him as their over-lord,
   but they went on reigning in their own Kingdoms, and
   assembling their own Wise Men, just as they did before. They
   became what in after times was called his 'vassals,' what in
   English was called being his 'men.' ... Besides the English
   Kings, Ecgberht brought the Welsh, both in Wales and in
   Cornwall, more completely under his power. ... So King
   Ecgberht was Lord from the Irish Sea to the German Ocean, and
   from the English Channel to the Firth of Forth. So it is not
   wonderful if, in his charters, he not only called himself King
   of the West-Saxons or King of the West-Saxons and Kentishmen,
   but sometimes 'Rex Anglorum,' or 'King of the English.' But
   amidst all this glory there were signs of great evils at hand.
   The Danes came several times."

      E. A. Freeman,
      Old English History for Children,
      chapter 7.

ENGLAND: A. D. 836.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Ethelwulf.

ENGLAND: A. D. 855-880.
   Conquests and settlements of the Danes.
   The heroic struggle of Alfred the Great.
   The "Peace of Wedmore" and the "Danelaw."
   King Alfred's character and reign.

   "The Danish invasions of England ... fall naturally into three
   periods, each of which finds its parallel in the course of the
   English Conquest of Britain. ... We first find a period in
   which the object of the invaders seems to be simple plunder.
   They land, they harry the country, they fight, if need be, to
   secure their booty, but whether defeated or victorious, they
   equally return to their ships, and sail away with what they
   have gathered. This period includes the time from the first
   recorded invasion [A. D. 787] till the latter half of the
   ninth century. Next comes a time in which the object of the
   Northmen is clearly no longer mere plunder, but settlement.
   ... In the reign of Æthelwulf the son of Ecgberht it is
   recorded that the heathen men wintered for the first time in
   the Isle of Sheppey [A. D. 855]. This marks the transition
   from the first to the second period of their invasions. ... It
   was not however till about eleven years from this time that
   the settlement actually began. Meanwhile the sceptre of the
   West-Saxons passed from one hand to another. ... Four sons of
   Æthelwulf reigned in succession, and the reigns of the first
   three among them [Ethelbald, A. D. 858, Ethelberht, 860,
   Ethelred, 866] make up together only thirteen years. In the
   reign of the third of these princes, Æthelred I., the second
   period of the invasions fairly begins. Five years were spent
   by the Northmen in ravaging and conquering the tributary
   Kingdoms. Northumberland, still disputed between rival Kings,
   fell an easy prey [867-869], and one or two puppet princes did
   not scruple to receive a tributary crown at the hands of the
   heathen invaders. They next entered Mercia [868], they seized
   Nottingham, and the West-Saxon King hastening to the relief of
   his vassals, was unable to dislodge them from that stronghold.
   East Anglia was completely conquered [866-870] and its King
   Eadmund died a martyr. At last the full storm of invasion
   burst upon Wessex itself [871]. King Æthelred, the first of a
   long line of West-Saxon hero-Kings, supported by his greater
   brother Ælfred [Alfred the Great] met the invaders in battle
   after battle with varied success. He died and Ælfred
   succeeded, in the thick of the struggle. In this year [871],
   the last of Æthelred and the first of Ælfred, nine pitched
   battles, besides smaller engagements, were fought with the
   heathens on West-Saxon ground. At last peace was made; the
   Northmen retreated to London, within the Mercian frontier;
   Wessex was for the moment delivered, but the supremacy won by
   Ecgberht was lost. For a few years Wessex was subjected to
   nothing more than temporary incursions, but Northumberland and
   part of Mercia were systematically occupied by the Northmen,
   and the land was divided among them. ... At last the Northmen,
   now settled in a large part of the island, made a second
   attempt to add Wessex itself to their possessions [878]. For a
   moment the land seemed conquered; Ælfred himself lay hid in the
   marshes of Somersetshire; men might well deem that the Empire
   of Ecgberht and the Kingdom of Cerdic itself, had vanished for
   ever. But the strong heart of the most renowned of Englishmen,
   the saint, the scholar, the hero, and the lawgiver, carried
   his people safely through this most terrible of dangers.
   Within the same year the Dragon of Wessex was again victorious
   [at the battle of Ethandun, or Edington], and the Northmen
   were driven to conclude a peace which Englishmen, fifty years
   sooner, would have deemed the lowest depth of degradation, but
   which might now be fairly looked upon as honourable and even
   as triumphant. By the terms of the Peace of Wedmore the
   Northmen were to evacuate Wessex and the part of Mercia
   south-west of Watling-Street; they, or at least their chiefs,
   were to submit to baptism, and they were to receive the whole
   land beyond Watling-Street as vassals of the West-Saxon King.
   ... The exact boundary started from the Thames, along the Lea
   to its source, then right to Bedford and along the Ouse till
   it meets Watling-Street, then along Watling-Street to the
   Welsh border. See Ælfred and Guthrum's Peace,' Thorpe's 'Laws
   and Institutes,' i. 152. This frontier gives London to the
   English; but it seems that Ælfred did not obtain full
   possession of London till 886."
   The territory thus conceded to the Danes, which included all
   northeastern England from the Thames to the Tyne, was
   thenceforth known by the name of the Danelagh or Danelaw,
   signifying the country subject to the law of the Danes. The
   Peace of Wedmore ended the second period of the Danish
   invasions. The third period, which was not opened until a full
   century later, embraced the actual conquest of the whole of
   England by a Danish king and its temporary annexation to the
   dominions of the Danish crown.

      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 2, with foot-note.

   "Now that peace was restored, and the Danes driven out of his
   domains, it remained to be seen whether Alfred was as good a
   ruler as he was a soldier. ... What did he see? The towns,
   even London itself, pillaged, ruined, or burnt down; the
   monasteries destroyed; the people wild and lawless; ignorance,
   roughness, insecurity everywhere. It is almost incredible with
   what a brave heart he set himself to repair all this; how his
   great and noble aims were still before him; how hard he
   strove, and how much he achieved. First of all he seems to
   have sought for helpers. Like most clever men, he was good at
   reading characters. He soon saw who would be true, brave, wise
   friends, and he collected these around him. Some of them he
   fetched from over the sea, from France and Germany; our friend
   Asser from Wales, or, as he calls his country, 'Western
   Britain,' while England, he calls 'Saxony.' He says he first
   saw Alfred 'in a royal vill, which is called Dene' in Sussex.
   'He received me with kindness, and asked me eagerly to devote
   myself to his service, and become his friend; to leave
   everything which I possessed on the left or western bank of
   the Severn, and promised that he would give more than an
   equivalent for it in his own dominions. I replied that I could
   not rashly and incautiously promise such things; for it seemed
   to be unjust that I should leave those sacred places in which
   I had been bred, educated, crowned, and ordained for the sake
   of any earthly honour and power, unless upon compulsion. Upon
   this he said, "If you cannot accede to this, at least let me
   have your service in part; spend six months of the year with
   me here, and the other six months in Britain."' And to this
   after a time Asser consented. What were the principal things
   he turned his mind to after providing for the defence of his
   kingdom, and collecting his friends and counsellors about him?
   Law--justice--religion--education. He collected and studied
   the old laws of his nation; what he thought good he kept, what
   he disapproved he left out. He added others, especially the
   ten commandments and some other parts of the law of Moses.
   Then he laid them all before his Witan, or wise men, and with
   their approval published them. ... The state of justice in
   England was dreadful at this time. ... Alfred's way of curing
   this was by inquiring into all cases, as far as he possibly
   could, himself; and Asser says he did this 'especially for the
   sake of the poor, to whose interest, day and night, he ever
   was wonderfully attentive; for in the whole kingdom the poor,
   besides him, had few or no protectors.' ... When he found that
   the judges had made mistakes through ignorance, he rebuked them,
   and told them they must either grow wiser or give up their
   posts; and soon the old earls and other judges, who had been
   unlearned from their cradles, began to study diligently. ...
   For reviving and spreading religion among his people he used
   the best means that he knew of; that is, he founded new
   monasteries and restored old ones, and did his utmost to get
   good bishops and clergymen. For his own part, he strove to
   practise in all ways what he taught to others. ... Education
   was in a still worse condition than everything else. ... All
   the schools had been broken up. Alfred says that when he began
   to reign there were very few clergymen south of the Humber who
   could even understand the Prayer-book. (That was still in
   Latin, as the Roman missionaries had brought it.) And south of
   the Thames he could not remember one. His first care was to
   get better-educated clergy and bishops. And next to get the
   laymen taught also. ... He founded monasteries and schools,
   and restored the old ones which had been ruined. He had a
   school in his court for his own children and the children of
   his nobles. But at the very outset a most serious difficulty
   confronted Alfred. Where was he to get books? At this time, as
   far as we can judge, there can only have been one, or at most
   two books in the English language--the long poem of Cædmon
   about the creation of the world, &c., and the poem of Beowulf
   about warriors and fiery dragons. There were many English
   ballads and songs, but whether these were written down I do
   not know. There was no book of history, not even English
   history; no book of geography, no religious books, no
   philosophy. Bede, who had written so many books, had written
   them all in Latin. ... So when they had a time of  'stillness'
   the king and his learned friends set to work and translated
   books into English; and Alfred, who was as modest and candid
   as he was wise, put into the preface of one of his
   translations that he hoped, if anyone knew Latin better than
   he did, that he would not blame him, for he could but do
   according to his ability. ... Beside all this, he had a great
   many other occupations. Asser, who often lived with him for
   months at a time, gives us an account of his busy life.
   Notwithstanding his infirmities and other hindrances, 'he
   continued to carry on the government, and to exercise hunting
   in all its branches; to teach his workers in gold and
   artificers of all kinds, his falconers, hawkers, and
   dog-keepers; to build houses, majestic and good, beyond all
   the precedents of his ancestors, by his new mechanical
   inventions; to recite the Saxon books (Asser, being a
   Welshman, always calls the English, Saxon), and especially to
   learn by heart the Saxon poems, and to make others learn them;
   he never desisted from studying most diligently to the best of
   his ability; he attended the mass and other daily services of
   religion; he was frequent in psalm-singing and prayer;  ... he
   bestowed alms and largesses on both natives and foreigners of
   all countries; he was affable and pleasant to all, and
   curiously eager to investigate things unknown.'"

      M. J. Guest,
      Lectures on the History of England,
      lecture 9.

   "It is no easy task for anyone who has been studying his
   [Alfred's] life and works to set reasonable bounds to their
   reverence, and enthusiasm, for the man. Lest the reader should
   think my estimate tainted with the proverbial weakness of
   biographers for their heroes; let them turn to the words in
   which the earliest, and the last of the English historians of
   that time, sum up the character of Alfred.
   Florence of Worcester, writing in the century after his death,
   speaks of him as 'that famous, warlike, victorious king; the
   zealous protector of widows, scholars, orphans and the poor;
   skilled in the Saxon poets; affable and liberal to all;
   endowed with prudence, fortitude, justice, and temperance;
   most patient under the infirmity which he daily suffered; a
   most stern inquisitor in executing justice; vigilant and
   devoted in the service of God.' Mr. Freeman, in his 'History
   of the Norman Conquest,' has laid down the portrait in bold
   and lasting colours, in a passage as truthful as it is
   eloquent, which those who are familiar with it will be glad to
   meet again, while those who do not know it will be grateful to me
   for substituting for any poor words of my own. 'Alfred, the
   unwilling author of these great changes, is the most perfect
   character in history. He is a singular instance of a prince
   who has become a hero of romance, who, as such, has had
   countless imaginary exploits attributed to him, but to whose
   character romance has done no more than justice, and who
   appears in exactly the same light in history and in fable. No
   other man on record has ever so thoroughly united all the
   virtues both of the ruler and of the private man. In no other
   man on record were so many virtues disfigured by so little
   alloy. A saint without superstition, a scholar without
   ostentation, a warrior all whose wars were fought in the
   defence of his country, a conqueror whose laurels were never
   stained by cruelty, a prince never cast down by adversity,
   never lifted up to insolence in the day of triumph--there is
   no other name in history to compare with his. Saint Lewis
   comes nearest to him in the union of a more than monastic
   piety with the highest civil, military, and domestic virtues.
   Both of them stand forth in honourable contrast to the abject
   superstition of some other royal saints, who were so selfishly
   engaged in the care of their own souls that they refused
   either to raise up heirs for their throne, or to strike a blow
   on behalf of their people. But even in Saint Lewis we see a
   disposition to forsake an immediate sphere of duty for the
   sake of distant and unprofitable, however pious and glorious,
   undertakings. The true duties of the King of the French
   clearly lay in France, and not in Egypt or Tunis. No such
   charge lies at the door of the great King of the West Saxons.
   With an inquiring spirit which took in the whole world, for
   purposes alike of scientific inquiry and of Christian
   benevolence, Alfred never forgot that his first duty was to
   his own people. He forestalled our own age in sending
   expeditions to explore the Northern Ocean, and in sending alms
   to the distant Churches of India; but he neither forsook his
   crown, like some of his predecessors, nor neglected his
   duties, like some of his successors. The virtue of Alfred,
   like the virtue of Washington, consisted in no marvellous
   displays of super-human genius, but in the simple,
   straightforward discharge of the duty of the moment. But
   Washington, soldier, statesman, and patriot, like Alfred, has
   no claim to Alfred's further characters of saint and scholar.
   William the Silent, too, has nothing to set against Alfred's
   literary merits; and in his career, glorious as it is, there
   is an element of intrigue and chicanery utterly alien to the
   noble simplicity of both Alfred and Washington. The same union
   of zeal for religion and learning with the highest gifts of
   the warrior and the statesman is found, on a wider field of
   action, in Charles the Great. But even Charles cannot aspire
   to the pure glory of Alfred. Amidst all the splendour of
   conquest and legislation, we cannot be blind to an alloy of
   personal ambition, of personal vice, to occasional unjust
   aggressions and occasional acts of cruelty. Among our own
   later princes, the great Edward alone can bear for a moment
   the comparison with his glorious ancestor. And, when tried by
   such a standard, even the great Edward fails. Even in him we
   do not see the same wonderful union of gifts and virtues which
   so seldom meet together; we cannot acquit Edward of occasional
   acts of violence, of occasional recklessness as to means; we
   cannot attribute to him the pure, simple, almost childlike
   disinterestedness which marks the character of Alfred.' Let
   Wordsworth, on behalf of the poets of England, complete the

      'Behold a pupil of the monkish gown,
      The pious Alfred, king to justice dear!
      Lord of the harp and liberating spear;
      Mirror of princes! Indigent renown
      Might range the starry ether for a crown
      Equal to his deserts, who, like the year,
      Pours forth his bounty, like the day doth cheer,
      And awes like night, with mercy-tempered frown.
      Ease from this noble miser of his time
      No moment steals; pain narrows not his cares--
      Though small his kingdom as a spark or gem,
      Of Alfred boasts remote Jerusalem,
      And Christian India, through her widespread clime,
      In sacred converse gifts with Alfred shares.'"

      Thomas Hughes,
      Alfred the Great,
      chapter 24.

      ALSO IN:
      R. Pauli,
      Life of Alfred the Great.

      Life of Alfred.

      See, also, NORMANS, and EDUCATION, MEDIÆVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 901.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Edward, called The Elder.

ENGLAND: A. D. 925.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Ethelstan.

ENGLAND: A. D. 938.
   The battle of Brunnaburgh.

   Alfred the Great, dying in 901, was succeeded by his son,
   Edward, and Edward, in turn, was followed, A. D. 925, by his
   son Athelstane, or Æthalsten. In the reign of Athelstane a
   great league was formed against him by the Northumbrian Danes
   with the Scots, with the Danes of Dublin and with the Britons
   of Strathclyde and Cumbria. Athelstane defeated the
   confederates in a mighty battle, celebrated in one of the
   finest of Old-English war-songs, and also in one of the Sagas
   of the Norse tongue, as the Battle of Brunnaburgh or
   Brunanburh, but the site of which is unknown. "Five Kings and
   seven northern Iarls or earls fell in the strife. ...
   Constantine the Scot fled to the north, mourning his
   fair-haired son, who perished in the slaughter. Anlaf [or
   Olaf, the leader of the Danes or Ostmen of Dublin], with a sad
   and scattered remnant of his forces, escaped to Ireland. ...
   The victory was so decisive that, during the remainder of the
   reign of Athelstane, no enemy dared to rise up against him;
   his supremacy was acknowledged without contest, and his glory
   extended to distant realms."

      F. Palgrave,
      History of the Anglo-Saxons,
      chapter 10.

   Mr. Skene is of opinion that the battle of Brunnaburgh was
   fought at Aldborough, near York.

      W. F. Skene,
      Celtic Scotland,
      volume 1, page 357.

ENGLAND: A. D. 940.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Edmund.

ENGLAND: A. D. 946.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Edred.

ENGLAND: A. D. 955.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Edwig.


ENGLAND: A. D. 958.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Edgar.

ENGLAND: A. D. 958.
   Completed union of the realm.
   Increase of kingly authority.
   Approach towards feudalism.
   Rise of the Witenagemot.
   Decline of the Freemen.

   "Before Alfred's son Edward died, the whole of Mercia was
   incorporated with his immediate dominions. The way in which
   the thing was done was more remarkable than the thing itself.
   Like the Romans, he made the fortified towns the means of
   upholding his power. But unlike the Romans, he did not
   garrison them with colonists from amongst his own immediate
   dependents. He filled them, as Henry the Fowler did afterwards
   in Saxony, with free townsmen, whose hearts were at one with
   their fellow countrymen around. Before he died in 924, the
   Danish chiefs in the land beyond the Humber had acknowledged
   his overlordship, and even the Celts of Wales and Scotland had
   given in their submission in some form which they were not
   likely to interpret too strictly. His son and his two
   grandsons, Athelstan, Edmund, and Edred completed the work,
   and when after the short and troubled interval of Edwy's rule
   in Wessex, Edgar united the undivided realm under his sway in
   958, he had no internal enemies to suppress. He allowed the
   Celtic Scottish King who had succeeded to the inheritance of
   the Pictish race to possess the old Northumbrian land north of
   the Tweed, where they and their descendants learned the habits
   and speech of Englishmen. But he treated him and the other
   Celtic kings distinctly as his inferiors, though it was
   perhaps well for him that he did not attempt to impose upon
   them any very tangible tokens of his supremacy. The story of
   his being rowed by eight kings on the Dee is doubtless only a
   legend by which the peaceful king was glorified in the
   troubled times which followed. Such a struggle, so
   successfully conducted, could not fail to be accompanied by a
   vast increase of that kingly authority which had been on the
   growth from the time of its first establishment. The
   hereditary ealdormen, the representatives of the old kingly
   houses, had passed away. The old tribes, or--where their
   limitations had been obliterated by the tide of Danish
   conquest, as was the case in central and northern England--the
   new artificial divisions which had taken their place, were now
   known as shires, and the very name testified that they were
   regarded only as parts of a greater whole. The shire mote
   still continued the tradition of the old popular assemblies.
   At its head as presidents of its deliberations were the
   ealdorman and the bishop, each of them owing their appointment
   to the king, and it was summoned by the shire-reeve or
   sheriff, himself even more directly an officer of the king,
   whose business it was to see that all the royal dues were paid
   within the shire. In the more general concerns of the kingdom,
   the king consulted with his Witan, whose meetings were called
   the Witenagemot, a body, which, at least for all ordinary
   purposes, was composed not of any representatives of the
   shire-motes, but of his own dependents, the ealdormen, the
   bishops, and a certain number of thegns whose name, meaning
   'servants', implied at least at first, that they either were
   or had at one time been in some way in the employment of the
   king. ... The necessities of war ... combined with the
   sluggishness of the mass of the population to favour the
   growth of a military force, which would leave the tillers of
   the soil to their own peaceful occupations. As the conditions
   which make a standing army possible on a large scale did not
   yet exist, such a force must be afforded by a special class,
   and that class must be composed of those who either had too
   much land to till themselves, or, having no land at all, were
   released from the bonds which tied the cultivator to the soil,
   in other words, it must be composed of a landed aristocracy
   and its dependents. In working out this change, England was
   only aiming at the results which similar conditions were
   producing on the Continent. But just as the homogeneousness of
   the population drew even the foreign element of the church
   into harmony with the established institutions, so it was with
   the military aristocracy. It grouped itself round the king,
   and it supplemented, instead of overthrowing, the old popular
   assemblies. Two classes of men, the eorls and the gesiths, had
   been marked out from their fellows at the time of the
   conquest. The thegn of Edgar's day differed from both, but he
   had some of the distinguishing marks of either. He was not
   like the gesith, a mere personal follower of the king. He did
   not, like the eorl, owe his position to his birth. Yet his
   relation to the king was a close one, and he had a hold upon
   the land as firm as that of the older eorl. He may, perhaps,
   best be described as a gesith, who had acquired the position
   of an eorl without entirely throwing off his own
   characteristics. ... There can be little doubt that the change
   began in the practice of granting special estates in the
   folkland, or common undivided land, to special persons. At
   first this land was doubtless held to be the property of the
   tribe. [This is now questioned by Vinogradoff and others. See
   FOLCLAND.]  ... When the king rose above the tribes, he
   granted it himself with the consent of his Witan. A large
   portion was granted to churches and monasteries. But a large
   portion went in privates estates, or book land, as it was
   called, from the book or charter which conveyed them to the
   king's own gesiths, or to members of his own family. The
   gesith thus ceased to be a mere member of the king's military
   household. He became a landowner as well, with special duties.
   to perform to the king. ... He had special jurisdiction given
   him over his tenants and serfs, exempting him and them from
   the authority of the hundred mote, though they still remained,
   except in very exceptional cases, under the authority of the
   shire mote. ... Even up to the Norman conquest this change was
   still going on. To the end, indeed, the old constitutional
   forms were not broken down. The hundred mote was not
   abandoned, where freemen enough remained to fill it. Even
   where all the land of a hundred had passed under the
   protection of a lord there was little outward change. ...
   There was thus no actual breach of continuity in the nation.
   The thegnhood pushed its roots down, as it were, amongst the
   free classes. Nevertheless there was a danger of such a breach
   of continuity coming about. The freemen entered more and more
   largely into a condition of' dependence, and there was a great
   risk lest such a condition of dependence should become a
   condition of servitude. Here and there, by some extraordinary
   stroke of luck, a freeman might rise to be a thegn. But the
   condition of the class to which he belonged was deteriorating
   every day.
   The downward progress to serfdom was too easy to take, and by
   large masses of the population it was already taken. Below the
   increasing numbers of the serfs was to be found the lower
   class of slaves, who were actually the property of their
   masters. The Witenagemot was in reality a select body of
   thegns, if the bishops, who held their lands in much the same
   way, be regarded as thegns. In was rather an inchoate House of
   Lords, than an inchoate Parliament, after our modern ideas. It
   was natural that a body of men which united a great part of
   the wealth with almost all the influence in the kingdom should
   be possessed of high constitutional powers. The Witenagemot
   elected the king, though as yet they always chose him out of
   the royal family, which was held to have sprung from the god
   Woden. There were even cases in which they deposed unworthy

      S. R. Gardiner and J. B. Mullinger,
      Introduction to the Study of English History,
      part 1, chapter 2, section 16-21.

ENGLAND: A. D. 975.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Edward, called The Martyr.

ENGLAND: A. D. 979.
   Accession of the West Saxon king Ethelred, called The Unready.

ENGLAND: A. D. 979-1016.
   The Danish conquest.

   "Then [A. D. 979] commenced one of the longest and most
   disastrous reigns of the Saxon kings, with the accession of
   Ethelred II., justly styled Ethelred the Unready. The Northmen
   now renewed their plundering and conquering expeditions
   against England; while England had a worthless waverer for her
   ruler, and many of her chief men turned traitors to their king
   and country. Always a laggart in open war, Ethelred tried in
   1001 the cowardly and foolish policy of buying off the enemies
   whom he dared not encounter. The tax called Dane-gelt was then
   levied to provide 'a tribute for the Danish men on account of
   the great terror which they caused.' To pay money thus was in
   effect to hire the enemy to renew the war. In 1002 Ethelred
   tried the still more weak and wicked measure of ridding
   himself of his enemies by treacherous massacre. Great numbers
   of Danes were now living in England, intermixed with the
   Anglo-Saxon population. Ethelred resolved to relieve himself
   from all real or supposed danger of these Scandinavian
   settlers taking part with their invading kinsmen, by sending
   secret orders throughout his dominions for the putting to
   death of every Dane, man, woman, and child, on St. Brice's
   Day, Nov. 13. This atrocious order was executed only in
   Southern England, that is, in the West-Saxon territories; but
   large numbers of the Danish race were murdered there while
   dwelling in full security among their Saxon neighbours. ...
   Among the victims was a royal Danish lady, named Gunhilde, who
   was sister of Sweyn, king of Denmark, and who had married and
   settled in England. ... The news of the massacre of St. Brice
   soon spread over the Continent, exciting the deepest
   indignation against the English and their king. Sweyn
   collected in Denmark a larger fleet and army than the north
   had ever before sent forth, and solemnly vowed to conquer
   England or perish in the attempt. He landed on the south coast
   of Devon, obtained possession of Exeter by the treachery of
   its governor, and then marched through western and southern
   England, marking every shire with fire, famine and slaughter;
   but he was unable to take London, which was defended against
   the repeated attacks of the Danes with strong courage and
   patriotism, such as seemed to have died out in the rest of
   Saxon England. In 1013, the wretched king Ethelred fled the
   realm and sought shelter in Normandy. Sweyn was acknowledged
   king in all the northern and western shires, but he died in
   1014, while his vow of conquest was only partly accomplished.
   The English now sent for Ethelred back from Normandy,
   promising loyalty to him as their lawful king, 'provided he
   would rule over them more justly than he had done before.'
   Ethelred willingly promised amendment, and returned to reign
   amidst strife and misery for two years more. His implacable
   enemy, Sweyn, was indeed dead; but the Danish host which Sweyn
   had led thither was still in England, under the command of
   Sweyn's son, Canute [or Cnut], a prince equal in military
   prowess to his father, and far superior to him and to all
   other princes of the time in statesmanship and general
   ability. Ethelred died in 1016, while the war with Canute was
   yet raging. Ethelred's son, Edmund, surnamed Ironside, was
   chosen king by the great council then assembled in London, but
   great numbers of the Saxons made their submission to Canute.
   The remarkable personal valour of Edmund, strongly aided by
   the bravery of his faithful Londoners, maintained the war for
   nearly a year, when Canute agreed to a compromise, by which he
   and Edmund divided the land between them. But within a few
   months after this, the royal Ironside died by the hand of an
   assassin, and Canute obtained the whole realm of the English
   race. A Danish dynasty was now [A. D. 1016] established in
   England for three reigns."

      Sir E. S. Creasy,
      History of England,
      volume 1, chapter 5.

      ALSO IN:
      J. M. Lappenberg,
      England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings,
      volume 2, pages 151-233.

      See, also, MALDEN, and ASSANDUN, BATTLES OF.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1016.
   Accession and death of King Edmund Ironside.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1016-1042.
   The Reign of the Danish kings.

   "Cnut's rule was not as terrible as might have been feared. He
   was perfectly unscrupulous in striking down the treacherous
   and mischievous chieftains who had made a trade of Ethelred's
   weakness and the country's divisions. But he was wise and
   strong enough to rule, not by increasing but by allaying those
   divisions. Resting his power upon his Scandinavian kingdoms
   beyond the sea, upon his Danish countrymen in England, and his
   Danish huscarles, or specially trained soldiers in his
   service, he was able, without even the appearance of weakness,
   to do what in him lay to bind Dane and Englishman together as
   common instruments of his power. Fidelity counted more with
   him than birth. To bring England itself into unity was beyond
   his power. The device which he hit upon was operative only in
   hands as strong as his own. There were to be four great earls,
   deriving their name from the Danish word jarl, centralizing
   the forces of government in Wessex, in Mercia, in East Anglia,
   and in Northumberland. With Cnut the four were officials of
   the highest class. They were there because he placed them
   there. They would cease to be there if he so willed it. But it
   could hardly be that it would always be so. Some day or
   another, unless a great catastrophe swept away Cnut and his
   creation, the earldoms would pass into territorial
   sovereignties and the divisions of England would be made
   evident openly."

      S. R. Gardiner and J. B. Mullinger,
      Introduction to the Study of English History,
      chapter 2, section 25.


   "He [Canute] ruled nominally at least, a larger European
   dominion than any English sovereign has ever done; and perhaps
   also a more homogeneous one. No potentate of the time came
   near him except the king of Germany, the emperor, with whom he
   was allied as an equal. The king of the Norwegians, the Danes,
   and a great part of the Swedes, was in a position to found a
   Scandinavian empire with Britain annexed. Canute's division of
   his dominions on his death-bed, showed that he saw this to be
   impossible; Norway, for a century and a half after his strong
   hand was removed, was broken up amongst an anarchical crew of
   piratic and blood-thirsty princes, nor could Denmark be
   regarded as likely to continue united with England. The
   English nation was too much divided and demoralised to retain
   hold on Scandinavia, even if the condition of the latter had
   allowed it. Hence Canute determined that during his life, as
   after his death, the nations should be governed on their own
   principles. ... The four nations of the English,
   Northumbrians, East Angles, Mercians and West Saxons, might,
   each under their own national leader, obey a sovereign who was
   strong enough to enforce peace amongst them. The great
   earldoms of Canute's reign were perhaps a nearer approach to a
   feudal division of England than anything which followed the
   Norman Conquest. ... And the extent to which this creation of
   the four earldoms affected the history of the next
   half-century cannot be exaggerated. The certain tendency of
   such an arrangement to become hereditary, and the certain
   tendency of the hereditary occupation of great fiefs
   ultimately to overwhelm the royal power, are well
   exemplified. ... The Norman Conquest restored national unity
   at a tremendous temporary sacrifice, just as the Danish
   Conquest in other ways, and by a reverse process, had helped
   to create it."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 7, section 77.

    Canute died in 1035. He was succeeded by his two sons, Harold
    Harefoot (1035-1040) and Harthacnute or Hardicanute
    (1040-1042), after which the Saxon line of kings was
    momentarily restored.

      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 6.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1035.
   Accession of Harold, son of Cnut.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1040.
   Accession of Harthacnut, or Hardicanute.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1042.
   Accession of Edward the Confessor.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1042-1066.
   The last of the Saxon kings.

   "The love which Canute had inspired by his wise and
   conciliatory rule was dissipated by the bad government of his
   sons, Harold and Harthacnut, who ruled in turn. After seven
   years of misgovernment, or rather anarchy, England, freed from
   the hated rule  of Harthacnut by his death, returned to its
   old line of kings, and 'all folk chose Edward [surnamed The
   Confessor, son of Ethelred the Unready] to king,' as was his
   right by birth. Not that he was, according to our ideas, the
   direct heir, since Edward, the son of Edmund Ironside, still
   lived, an exile in Hungary. But the Saxons, by choosing Edward
   the Confessor, reasserted for the last time their right to
   elect that one of the hereditary line who was most available.
   With the reign of Edward the Confessor the Norman Conquest
   really began. We have seen the connection between England and
   Normandy begun by the marriage of Ethelred the Unready to Emma
   the daughter of Richard the Fearless, and cemented by the
   refuge offered to the English exiles in the court of the
   Norman duke. Edward had long found a home there in Canute's
   time. ... Brought up under Norman influence, Edward had
   contracted the ideas and sympathies of his adopted home. On
   his election to the English throne the French tongue became
   the language of the court, Norman favourites followed in his
   train, to be foisted into important offices of State and
   Church, and thus inaugurate that Normanizing policy which was
   to draw on the Norman Conquest. Had it not been for this,
   William would never have had any claim on England." The
   Normanizing policy of king Edward roused the opposition of a
   strong English party, headed by the great West-Saxon Earl
   Godwine, who had been lifted from an obscure origin to vast
   power in England by the favor of Canute, and whose son Harold
   held the earldom of East Anglia. "Edward, raised to the throne
   chiefly through the influence of Godwine, shortly married his
   daughter, and at first ruled England leaning on the
   assistance, and almost overshadowed by the power of the great
   earl." But Edward was Norman at heart and Godwine was
   thoroughly English; whence quarrels were not long in arising.
   They came to the crisis in 1051, by reason of a bloody tumult
   at Dover, provoked by insolent conduct on the part of a train
   of French visitors returning home from Edward's Court. Godwine
   was commanded to punish the townsmen of Dover and refused,
   whereupon the king obtained a sentence of outlawry, not only
   against the earl, but against his sons. "Godwine, obliged to
   bow before the united power of his enemies, was forced to fly
   the land. He went to Flanders with his son Swegen, while
   Harold and Leofwine went to Ireland, to be well received by
   Dermot king of Leinster. Many Englishmen seem to have followed
   him in his exile: for a year the foreign party was triumphant,
   and the first stage of the Norman Conquest complete. It was at
   this important crisis that William [Duke of Normandy], secure
   at home, visited his cousin Edward. ... Friendly relations we
   may be sure had existed between, the two cousins, and if, as
   is not improbable, William had begun to hope that he might
   some day succeed to the English throne, what more favourable
   opportunity for a visit could have been found? Edward had lost
   all hopes of ever having any children. ... William came, and
   it would seem, gained all that he desired. For this most
   probably was the date of some promise on Edward's part that
   William should succeed him on his death. The whole question is
   beset with difficulties. The Norman chroniclers alone mention
   it, and give no dates. Edward had no right to will away his
   crown, the disposition of which lay with King and Witenagemot
   (or assembly of Wise Men, the grandees of the country), and
   his last act was to reverse the promise, if ever given, in
   favour of Harold, Godwine's son. But were it not for some such
   promise, it is hard to see how William could have subsequently
   made the Normans and the world believe in the sacredness of
   his claim. ... William returned to Normandy; but next year
   Edward was forced to change his policy." Godwine and his sons
   returned to England, with a fleet at their backs; London
   declared for them, and the king submitted himself to a
   "The party of Godwine once more ruled supreme, and no mention
   was made of the gift of the crown to William. Godwine, indeed,
   did not long survive his restoration, but dying the year
   after, 1053, left his son Harold Earl of the West-Saxons and
   the most important man in England." King Edward the Confessor
   lived yet thirteen years after this time, during which period
   Earl Harold grew continually in influence and conspicuous
   headship of the English party. In 1062 it was Harold's
   misfortune to be shipwrecked on the coast of France, and he
   was made captive. Duke William of Normandy intervened in his
   behalf and obtained his release; and "then, as the price of
   his assistance, extorted an oath from Harold, soon to be used
   against him. Harold, it is said, became his man, promised to
   marry 'William's daughter Adela, to place Dover at once in
   William's hands, and support his claim to the English throne
   on Edward's death. By a stratagem of William's the oath was
   unwittingly taken on holy relics, hidden by the duke under the
   table on which Harold laid hands to swear, whereby, according
   to the notions of those days, the oath was rendered more
   binding." But two years later, when Edward the Confessor died,
   the English Witenagemot chose Harold to be king, disregarding
   Edward's promise and Harold's oath to the Duke of Normandy.

      A. H. Johnson,
      The Normans in Europe,
      chapters 10 and 12.

      ALSO IN:
      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapters 7-10.

      J. R. Green,
      The Conquest of England,
      chapter 10.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1066.
   Election and coronation of Harold.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1066 (spring and summer).
   Preparations of Duke William to enforce his claim to the
   English crown.

   On receiving news of Edward's death and of Harold's acceptance
   of the crown, Duke William of Normandy lost no time in
   demanding from Harold the performance of the engagements to
   which he had pledged himself by his oath. Harold answered that
   the oath had no binding effect, by reason of the compulsion
   under which it was given; that the crown of England was not
   his to bestow, and that, being the chosen king, he could not
   marry without consent of the Witenagemot. When the Duke had
   this reply he proceeded with vigor to secure from his own
   knights and barons the support he would need for the enforcing
   of his rights, as he deemed them, to the sovereignty of the
   English realm. A great parliament of the Norman barons was
   held at Lillebonne, for the consideration of the matter. "In
   this memorable meeting there was much diversity of opinion.
   The Duke could not command his vassals to cross the sea; their
   tenures did not compel them to such service. William could
   only request their aid to fight his battles in England: many
   refused to engage in this dangerous expedition, and great
   debates arose. ...William, who could not restore order,
   withdrew into another apartment: and, calling the barons to
   him one by one, he argued and reasoned with each of these
   sturdy vassals separately, and apart from the others. He
   exhausted all the arts of persuasion;--their present courtesy,
   he engaged, should not be tamed into a precedent, ... and the
   fertile fields of England should be the recompense of their
   fidelity. Upon this prospect of remuneration, the barons
   assented. ... William did not confine himself to his own
   subjects. All the adventurers and adventurous spirits of the
   neighbouring states were invited to join his standard. ... To
   all, such promises were made as should best incite them to the
   enterprise--lands,--liveries,--money,--according to their
   rank and degree; and the port of St. Pierre-sur-Dive was
   appointed as the place where all the forces should assemble.
   William had discovered four most valid reasons for the
   prosecution of his offensive warfare against a neighbouring
   people:--the bequest made by his cousin;--the perjury of
   Harold;--the expulsion of the Normans, at the instigation, as
   he alleged, of Godwin;--and, lastly, the massacre of the Danes
   by Ethelred on St. Brice's Day. The alleged perjury of Harold
   enabled William to obtain the sanction of the Papal See.
   Alexander, the Roman Pontiff, allowed, nay, even urged him to
   punish the crime, provided England, when conquered, should be
   held as the fief of St. Peter. ... Hildebrand, Archdeacon of
   the Church of Rome, afterwards the celebrated Pope Gregory
   VII., greatly assisted by the support which he gave to the
   decree. As a visible token of protection, the Pope transmitted
   to William the consecrated banner, the Gonfanon of St. Peter,
   and a precious ring, in which a relic of the chief of the
   Apostles was enclosed."

      Sir F. Palgrave,
      History of Normandy and England,
      volume 3, pages 300-303.

   "William convinced, or seemed to convince, all men out of
   England and Scandinavia that his claim to the English crown
   was just and holy, and that it was a good work to help him to
   assert it in arms. ... William himself doubtless thought his
   own claim the better; he deluded himself as he deluded others.
   But we are more concerned with William as a statesman; and if
   it be statesmanship to adapt means to ends, whatever the ends
   may be, if it be statesmanship to make men believe the worse
   cause is the better, then no man ever showed higher
   statesmanship than William showed in his great pleading before
   all Western Christendom. ... Others had claimed crowns; none
   had taken such pains to convince all mankind that the claim
   was a good one. Such an appeal to public opinion marks on one
   side a great advance."

      E. A. Freeman,
      William the Conqueror,
      chapter 6.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1066 (September).
   The invasion of Tostig and Harold Hardrada and their
   overthrow at Stamford Bridge.

   "Harold [the English king], as one of his misfortunes, had to
   face two powerful armies, in distant parts of the kingdom,
   almost at the same time. Rumours concerning the intentions and
   preparations of the Duke of Normandy soon reached England.
   During the greater part of the summer, Harold, at the head of
   a large naval and military force, had been on the watch along
   the English coast. But months passed away and no enemy became
   visible. William, it was said, had been apprised of the
   measures which had been taken to meet him. ... Many supposed
   that, on various grounds, the enterprise had been abandoned.
   Provisions also, for so great an army, became scarce. The men
   began to disperse; and Harold, disbanding the remainder,
   returned to London. But the news now came that Harold
   Hardrada, king of Norway, had landed in the north, and was
   ravaging the country in conjunction with Tostig, Harold's
   elder brother. This event came from one of those domestic
   feuds which did so much at this juncture to weaken the power
   of the English.
   Tostig had exercised his authority in Northumbria [as earl] in
   the most arbitrary manner, and had perpetrated atrocious
   crimes in furtherance of his objects. The result was an amount
   of disaffection which seems to have put it out of the power of
   his friends to sustain him. He had married a daughter of
   Baldwin, count of Flanders, and so became brother-in-law to
   the duke of Normandy. His brother Harold, as he affirmed, had
   not done a brother's part towards him, and he was more
   disposed, in consequence, to side with the Norman than with
   the Saxon in the approaching struggle. The army with which he
   now appeared consisted mostly of Norwegians and Flemings, and
   their avowed object was to divide not less than half the
   kingdom between them. ... [The young Mercian earls Edwin and
   Morcar] summoned their forces ... to repel the invasion under
   Tostig. Before Harold could reach the north, they hazarded an
   engagement at a place named Fulford, on the Ouse, not far from
   Bishopstoke. Their measures, however, were not wisely taken.
   They were defeated with great loss. The invaders seem to have
   regarded this victory as deciding the fate of that part of the
   kingdom. They obtained hostages at York, and then moved to
   Stamford Bridge, where they began the work of dividing the
   northern parts of England between them. But in the midst of
   these proceedings clouds of dust were seen in the distance.
   The first thought was, that the multitude which seemed to be
   approaching must be friends. But the illusion was soon at an
   end. The dust raised was by the march of an army of West
   Saxons under the command of Harold."

      R. Vaughan,
      Revolutions of English History,
      book 3, chapter 1.

   "Of the details of that awful day [Sept. 25, 1066] we have no
   authentic record. We have indeed a glorious description [in
   the Heimskringla of Snorro Sturleson], conceived in the
   highest spirit of the warlike poetry of the North; but it is a
   description which, when critically examined, proves to be
   hardly more worthy of belief than a battle-piece in the Iliad.
   ... At least we know that the long struggle of that day was
   crowned by complete victory on the side of England. The
   leaders of the invading host lay each man ready for all that
   England had to give him, his seven feet of English ground.
   There Harold of Norway, the last of the ancient Sea-Kings,
   yielded up that fiery soul which had braved death in so many
   forms and in so many lands. ... There Tostig, the son of
   Godwine, an exile and a traitor, ended, in crime and sorrow a
   life which had begun with promises not less bright than that
   of his royal brother. ... The whole strength of the Northern
   army was broken; a few only escaped by flight, and found means
   to reach the ships at Riccall."

      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 14, section. 4.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1066 (October).
   The Norman invasion and battle of Senlac or Hastings.

   The battle of Stamford-bridge was fought on Monday, September
   25, A. D. 1066. Three days later, on the Thursday, September
   28, William of Normandy landed his more formidable army of
   invasion at Pevensey, on the extreme southeastern coast. The
   news of  William's landing reached Harold, at York, on the
   following Sunday, it is thought, and his victorious but worn
   and wasted army was led instantly back, by forced marches,
   over the route it had traversed no longer than the week
   before. Waiting at London a few days for fresh musters to join
   him, the English king set out from that city October 12, and
   arrived on the following day at a point seven miles from the
   camp which his antagonist had entrenched at Hastings. Meantime
   the Normans had been cruelly ravaging the coast country, by
   way of provoking attack. Harold felt himself driven by the
   devastation they committed to face the issue of battle without
   waiting for a stronger rally. "Advancing near enough to the coast
   to check William's ravages, he intrenched himself on the hill
   of Senlac, a low spur of the Sussex Downs, near Hastings, in a
   position which covered London, and forced the Norman army to
   concentrate. With a host subsisting by pillage, to concentrate
   is to starve, and no alternative was left to William but a
   decisive victory or ruin. Along the higher ground that leads
   from Hastings the Duke led his men in the dim dawn of an
   October morning to the mound of Telham. It was from this
   point, that the Normans saw the host of the English gathered
   thickly behind a rough trench and a stockade on the height of
   Senlac. Marshy ground covered their right. ... A general
   charge of the Norman foot opened the battle; in front rode the
   minstrel Taillefer, tossing his sword in the air and catching
   it again while he chanted the song of Roland. He was the first
   of the host who struck a blow, and he was the first to fall.
   The charge broke vainly on the stout stockade behind which the
   English warriors plied axe and javelin with fierce cries of 'Out,
   Out,' and the repulse of the Norman footmen was followed by
   the repulse of the Norman horse. Again and again the Duke
   rallied and led them to the fatal stockade. ... His Breton
   troops, entangled in the marshy ground on his left, broke in
   disorder, and a cry arose, as the panic spread through the
   army, that the Duke was slain. 'I live,' shouted William as he
   tore off his helmet, 'and by God's help will conquer yet.'
   Maddened by repulse, the Duke spurred right at the standard;
   unhorsed, his terrible mace struck down Gyrth, the King's
   brother, and stretched Leofwine, a second of Godwine's sons,
   beside him; again dismounted, a blow from his hand hurled to
   the ground an unmannerly rider who would not lend him his
   steed. Amid the roar and tumult of the battle he turned the
   flight he had arrested into the means of victory. Broken as
   the stockade was by his desperate onset, the shield-wall of
   the warriors behind it still held the Normans at bay, when
   William by a feint of flight drew a part of the English force
   from their post of vantage. Turning on his disorderly
   pursuers, the Duke cut them to pieces, broke through the
   abandoned line, and was master of the central plateau, while
   French and Bretons made good their ascent on either flank. At
   three the hill seemed won, at six the fight still raged around
   the standard, where Harold's hus-carls stood stubbornly at bay
   on the spot marked afterward by the high altar of Battle
   Abbey. An order from the Duke at last brought his archers to
   the front, and their arrow-flight told heavily on the dense
   masses crowded around the King. As the sun went down, a shaft
   pierced Harold's right eye; he fell between the royal ensigns,
   and the battle closed with a desperate mélée over his corpse."

      J. R. Green,
      A Short History of the English People,
      chapter 2, section 4.

      ALSO IN:
      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 15, section 4.

      E. S. Creasy,
      Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World,
      chapter 8.

      Roman de Rou,
      translated by Sir A. Malet.


England: A. D. 1066-1071.
   The Finishing of the Norman Conquest.

   "It must be well understood that this great victory [of
   Senlac] did not make Duke William King nor put him in
   possession of the whole land. He still held only part of
   Sussex, and the people of the rest of the kingdom showed as
   yet no mind to submit to him. If England had had a leader left
   like Harold or Gyrth, William might have had to fight as many
   battles as Cnut had, and that with much less chance of winning
   in the end. For a large part of England fought willingly on
   Cnut's side, while William had no friends in England at all,
   except a few Norman settlers. William did not call himself
   King till he was regularly crowned more than two months later,
   and even then he had real possession only of about a third of
   the kingdom. It was more than three years before he had full
   possession of all. Still the great fight on Senlac none the
   less settled the fate of England. For after that fight William
   never met with any general resistance. ... During the year 1067
   William made no further conquests; all western and northern
   England remained unsubdued; but, except in Kent and
   Herefordshire, there was no fighting in any part of the land
   which had really submitted. The next two years were the time
   in which all England was really conquered. The former part of
   1068 gave him the West. The latter part of that year gave him
   central and northern England as far as Yorkshire, the extreme
   north and northwest being still unsubdued. The attempt to win
   Durham in the beginning of 1069 led to two revolts at York.
   Later in the year all the north and west was again in arms,
   and the Danish fleet [of King Swegen, in league with the
   English patriots] came. But the revolts were put down one by
   one, and the great winter campaign of 1069-1070 conquered the
   still unsubdued parts, ending with the taking of Chester.
   Early in 1070 the whole land was for the first time in
   Williams's possession; there was no more fighting, and he was
   able to give his mind to the more peaceful part of his
   schemes, what we may call the conquest of the native Church by
   the appointment of foreign bishops. But in the summer of 1070
   began the revolt of the Fenland, and the defence of Ely, which
   lasted till the autumn of 1071. After that William was full
   King everywhere without dispute. There was no more national
   resistance; there was no revolt of any large part of the
   country. ... The conquest of the land, as far as fighting
   goes, was now finished."

      E. A. Freeman,
      Short History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 8, section 9; chapter 10, section 16.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1067-1087.
   The spoils of the Conquest.

   "The Norman army ... remained concentrated around London [in
   the winter of 1067], and upon the southern and eastern coasts
   nearest Gaul. The partition of the wealth of the invaded
   territory now almost solely occupied them. Commissioners went
   over the whole extent of country in which the army had left
   garrisons; they took an exact inventory of property of every
   kind, public and private, carefully registering every
   particular. ... A close inquiry was made into the names of all
   the English partisans of Harold, who had either died in
   battle, or survived the defeat, or by involuntary delays had
   been prevented from joining the royal standard. All the
   property of these three classes of men, lands, revenues,
   furniture, houses, were confiscated; the children of the first
   class were declared forever disinherited; the second class,
   were, in like manner, wholly dispossessed of their  estates
   and property of every kind, and, says one of the Norman
   writers, were only too grateful for being allowed to retain
   their lives. Lastly, those who had not taken up arms were also
   despoiled of all they possessed, for having had the intention
   of taking up arms; but, by special grace, they were allowed to
   entertain the hope that after many long years of obedience and
   devotion to the foreign power, not they, indeed, but their
   sons, might perhaps obtain from their new masters some portion
   of their paternal heritage. Such was the law of the conquest,
   according to the unsuspected testimony of a man nearly
   contemporary with and of the race of the conquerors [Richard
   Lenoir or Noirot, bishop of Ely in the 12th century]. The
   immense product of this universal spoliation became the pay of
   those adventurers of every nation who had enrolled under the
   banner of the duke of Normandy. ... Some received their pay in
   money, others had stipulated that they should have a Saxon
   wife, and William, says the Norman chronicle, gave them in
   marriage noble dames, great heiresses, whose husbands had
   fallen in the battle. One, only, among the knights who had
   accompanied the conqueror, claimed neither lands, gold, nor
   wife, and would accept none of the spoils of the conquered.
   His name was Guilbert Fitz-Richard: he said that he had
   accompanied his lord to England because such was his duty, but
   that stolen goods had no attraction for him."

      A. Thierry,
      History of the Conquest of England by the Normans,
      book 4.

   "Though many confiscations took place, in order to gratify the
   Norman army, yet the mass of property was left in the hands of
   its former possessors. Offices of high trust were bestowed
   upon Englishmen, even upon those whose family renown might
   have raised the most aspiring thoughts. But, partly through
   the insolence and injustice of William's Norman vassals,
   partly through the suspiciousness natural to a man conscious
   of having overturned the national government, his yoke soon
   became more heavy. The English were oppressed; they rebelled,
   were subdued, and oppressed again. ... An extensive spoliation
   of property accompanied these revolutions. It appears by the
   great national survey of Domesday Book, completed near the
   close of the Conqueror's reign, that the tenants in capite of
   the crown were generally foreigners. ... But inferior
   freeholders were much less disturbed in their estates than the
   higher. ... The valuable labours of Sir Henry Ellis, in
   presenting us with a complete analysis of Domesday Book,
   afford an opportunity, by his list of mesne tenants at the
   time of the survey, to form some approximation to the relative
   numbers of English and foreigners holding manors under the
   immediate vassals of the crown. ... Though I will not now
   affirm or deny that they were a majority, they [the English]
   form a large proportion of nearly 8,000 mesne tenants, who are
   summed up by the diligence of Sir Henry Ellis. ...
   This might induce us to suspect that, great as the spoliation
   must appear in modern times, and almost completely as the
   nation was excluded from civil power in the commonwealth,
   there is some exaggeration in the language of those writers
   who represent them as universal reduced to a state of penury
   and servitude. And this suspicion may be in some degree just.
   Yet those writers, and especial the most English in feeling of
   them all, M. Thierry, are warranted by the language of
   contemporary authorities."

      H. Hallam,
      The Middle Ages.
      chapter 8, part 2.

   "By right of conquest William claimed nothing. He had come to
   take his crown, and he had unluckily met with some opposition
   in taking it. The crown-lands of King Edward passed of course
   to his successor. As for the lands of other men, in William's
   theory all was forfeited to the crown. The lawful heir had
   been driven to seek his kingdom in arms; no Englishman had
   helped him; many Englishmen had fought against him. All then
   were directly or indirectly traitors. The King might lawfully
   deal with the lands of all as his own. ... After the general
   redemption of lands, gradually carried out as William's power
   advanced, no general blow was dealt at Englishmen as such. ...
   Though the land had never seen so great a confiscation, or one
   so largely for the behoof of foreigners, yet there was nothing
   new in the thing itself. ... Confiscation of land was the
   every-day punishment for various public and private crimes.
   ... Once granting the original wrong of his coming at all and
   bringing a host of strangers with him, there is singularly
   little to blame in the acts of the Conqueror."

      E. A. Freeman,
      William the Conqueror,
      pages 102-104, 126.

   "After each effort [of revolt] the royal hand was laid on more
   heavily: more and more land changed owners, and with the
   change of owners the title changed. The complicated and
   unintelligible irregularities of the Anglo-Saxon tenures were
   exchanged for the simple and uniform feudal theory. ... It was
   not the change from alodial to feudal so much as from
   confusion to order. The actual amount of dispossession was no
   doubt greatest in the higher ranks."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 9, section. 95.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1069-1071.
   The Camp of Refuge in the Fens.

   "In the northern part of Cambridgeshire there is a vast extent
   of low and marshy land, intersected in every direction by
   rivers. All the waters from the centre of England which do not
   flow into the Thames or the Trent, empty themselves into these
   marshes, which in the latter end of autumn overflow, cover the
   land, and are charged with fogs and vapours. A portion of this
   damp and swampy country was then, as now, called the Isle of
   Ely; another the Isle of Thorney, a third the Isle of
   Croyland. This district, almost a moving bog, impracticable
   for cavalry and for soldiers heavily armed, had more than once
   served as a refuge for the Saxons in the time of the Danish
   conquest; towards the close of the year 1069 it became the
   rendezvous of several bands of patriots from various quarters,
   assembling against the Normans. Former chieftains, now
   dispossessed of their lands, successively repaired hither with
   their clients, some by land, others by water, by the mouths of
   the rivers. They here constructed entrenchments of earth and
   wood, and established an extensive armed station, which took
   the name of the Camp of Refuge. The foreigners at first
   hesitated to attack them amidst their rushes and willows, and
   thus gave them time to transmit messages in every direction,
   at home and abroad, to the friends of old England. Become
   powerful, they undertook a partisan war by land and by sea,
   or, as the conquerors called it, robbery and piracy."

      A. Thierry,
      History of the Conquest of England by the Normans,
      book 4.

   "Against the new tyranny the free men of the Danelagh and of
   Northumbria rose. If Edward the descendant of Cerdic had been
   little to them, William the descendant of Rollo was still
   less. ... So they rose, and fought; too late, it may be, and
   without unity or purpose; and they were worsted by an enemy
   who had both unity and purpose; whom superstition, greed, and
   feudal discipline kept together, at least in England, in one
   compact body of unscrupulous and terrible confederates. And
   theirs was a land worth fighting for--a good land and large:
   from Humber mouth inland to the Trent and merry Sherwood,
   across to Chester and the Dee, round by Leicester and the five
   burghs of the Danes; eastward again to Huntingdon and
   Cambridge (then a poor village on the site of an old Roman
   town); and then northward again into the wide fens, the land
   of the Girvii, where the great central plateau of England
   slides into the sea, to form, from the rain and river washings
   of eight shires, lowlands of a fertility inexhaustible,
   because ever-growing to this day. Into those fens, as into a
   natural fortress, the Anglo-Danish noblemen crowded down
   instinctively from the inland to make their last stand against
   the French. ... Most gallant of them all, and their leader in
   the fatal struggle against William, was Hereward the Wake,
   Lord of Bourne and ancestor of that family of Wake, the arms
   of whom appear on the cover of this book."

      C. Kingsley,
      Hereward the Wake,

   The defence of the Camp of Refuge was maintained until
   October, 1071, when the stronghold is said to have been
   betrayed by the monks of Ely, who grew tired of the
   disturbance of their peace. But Hereward did not submit. He
   made his escape and various accounts are given of his
   subsequent career and his fate.

      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest of England,
      chapter 20, section 1.

      ALSO IN:
      C. M. Yonge,
      Cameos from English History,
      first series, chapter 8.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1085-1086.
   The Domesday Survey and Domesday Book.

   "The distinctive characteristic of the Norman kings [of
   England] was their exceeding greed, and the administrative
   system was so directed as to insure the exaction of the
   highest possible imposts. From this bent originated the great
   registration that William [the Conqueror] caused to be taken
   of all lands, whether holden in fee or at rent; as well as the
   census of the entire population. The respective registers were
   preserved in the Cathedral of Winchester, and by the Norman
   were designated 'Ie grand rôle,' 'Ie rôle royal,' 'Ie rôle de
   Winchester'; but by the Saxons were termed 'the Book of the
   Last Judgment,' 'Doomesdaege Boc,' 'Doomsday Book.'"

      E. Fischel,
      The English Constitution,
      chapter 1.

   For a different statement see the following: "The recently
   attempted invasion from Denmark seems to have impressed the
   king with the desirability of· an accurate knowledge of his
   resources, military and fiscal, both of which were based upon
   the land. The survey was completed in the remarkably short
   space of a single year [1085-1086]. In each shire the
   commissioners made their inquiries by the oaths of the
   sheriffs, the barons and their Norman retainers, the parish
   priests, the reeves and six ceorls of each township.
   The result of their labours was a minute description of all
   the lands of the kingdom, with the exception of the four
   northern counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland
   and Durham, and part of what is now Lancashire. It enumerates
   the tenants-in-chief, under tenants, freeholders, villeins,
   and serfs, describes the nature and obligations of the
   tenures, the value in the time of King Eadward, at the
   conquest, and at the date of the survey, and, which gives the
   key to the whole inquiry, informs the king whether any advance
   in the valuation could be made. ... The returns were
   transmitted to Winchester, digested, and recorded in two
   volumes which have descended to posterity under the name of
   Domesday Book. The name itself is probably derived from Domus
   Dei, the appellation of a chapel or vault of the cathedral at
   Winchester in which the survey was at first deposited."

      T. P. Taswell-Langmead,
      English Constitutional History,
      chapter 2.

   "Of the motives which induced the Conqueror and his council to
   undertake the Survey we have very little reliable information,
   and much that has been written on the subject savours more of
   a deduction from the result than of a knowledge of the
   immediate facts. We have the statement from the Chartulary of
   St. Mary's, Worcester, of the appointment of the Commissioners
   by the king himself to make the Survey. We have also the
   heading of the 'Inquisitio Eliensis' which purports to give,
   and probably does truly give, the items of the articles of
   inquiry, which sets forth as follows:

   I. What is the manor called?
   II. Who held it in the time of King Edward?
   III. Who now holds it?
   IV. How many hides?
   V. What teams are there in demesne?
   VI. What teams of the men?
   VII. What villans?
   VIII. What cottagers?
   IX. What bondmen?
   X. What freemen and what sokemen?
   XI. What woods?
   XII. What meadow?
   XIII. What pastures?
   XIV. What mills?
   XV. What fisheries?
   XVI. What is added or taken away?
   XVII. What the whole was worth together, and what now?
   XVIII. How much each freeman or sokeman had or has?

   All this to be estimated three times, viz. in the time of King
   Edward, and when King William gave it, and how it is now, and
   if more can be had for it than has been had. This document is,
   I think, the best evidence we have of the form of the inquiry,
   and it tallies strictly with the form of the various returns
   as we now have them. ... An external evidence failing, we are
   driven back to the Record itself for evidence of the
   Conqueror's intention in framing it, and anyone who carefully
   studies it will be driven to the inevitable conclusion that it
   was framed and designed in the spirit of perfect equity. Long
   before the Conquest, in the period between the death of Alfred
   and that of Edward the Confessor, the kingdom had been rapidly
   declining into a state of disorganisation and decay. The
   defence of the kingdom and the administration of justice and
   keeping of the peace could not be maintained by the king's
   revenues. The tax of Danegeld, instituted by Ethelred at first
   to buy peace of the Danes, and afterwards to maintain the
   defence of the kingdom, had more and more come to be levied
   unequally and unfairly. The Church had obtained enormous
   remissions of its liability, and its possessions were
   constantly increasing. Powerful subjects had obtained further
   remission, and the tax had come to be irregularly collected
   and was burdensome upon the smaller holders and their poor
   tenants, while the nobility and the Church escaped with a
   small share in the burden. In short the tax had come to be
   collected upon an old and uncorrected assessment. It had
   probably dwindled in amount, and at last had been ultimately
   remitted by Edward the Confessor. Anarchy and confusion
   appears to have reigned throughout the realm. The Conqueror
   was threatened with foreign invasion, and pressed on all sides
   by complaints of unfair taxation on the part of his subjects.
   Estates had been divided and subdivided, and the incidence of
   the tax was unequal and unjust. He had to face the
   difficulties before him and to count the resources of his
   kingdom for its defence, and the means of doing so were not at
   hand. In this situation his masterly and order-loving Norman
   mind instituted this great inquiry, but ordered it to be taken
   (as I maintain the study of the Book will show) in the most
   public and open manner, and with the utmost impartiality, with
   the view of levying the taxes of the kingdom equally and
   fairly upon all. The articles of his inquiry show that he was
   prepared to study the resources of his kingdom and consider
   the liability of his subjects from every possible point of

      Stuart Moore,
      On the Study of Domesday Book
      (Domesday Studies, volume 1).

   "Domesday Book is a vast mine of materials for the social and
   economical history of our country, a mine almost
   inexhaustible, and to a great extent as yet unworked. Among
   national documents it is unique. There is nothing that
   approaches it in interest and value except the Landnámabók,
   which records the names of the original settlers in Iceland
   and the designations they bestowed upon the places where they
   settled, and tells us how the island was taken up and
   apportioned among them. Such a document for England,
   describing the way in which our forefathers divided the
   territory they conquered, and how 'they called the lands after
   their own names,' would indeed be priceless. But the Domesday
   Book does, indirectly, supply materials for the history of the
   English as well as of the Norman Conquest, for it records not
   only how the lands of England were divided among the Norman
   host which conquered at Senlac, but it gives us also the names
   of the Saxon and Danish holders who possessed the lands before
   the great battle which changed all the future history of
   England, and enables us to trace the extent of the transfer of
   the land from Englishmen to Normans; it shows how far the
   earlier owners were reduced to tenants, and by its enumeration
   of the classes of population--freemen, sokemen, villans,
   cottiers, and slaves--it indicates the nature and extent of
   the earlier conquests. Thus we learn that in the West of
   England slaves were numerous, while in the East they were
   almost unknown, and hence we gather that in the districts
   first subdued the British population was exterminated or
   driven off, while in the West it was reduced to servitude."

      I. Taylor,
      Domesday Survivals
      (Domesday Studies, volume 1).

      ALSO IN:
      E. A. Freeman,
      History of the Norman Conquest,
      chapters 21-22 and appendix A in volume 5.

      W. de Gray Birch,
      Domesday Book.

      F. W. Maitland,
      Domesday Book (Dict. Pol. Econ.).


ENGLAND: A. D. 1087-1135.
   The sons of the Conqueror and their reigns.

   William the Conqueror, when he died, left Normandy and Maine
   to his elder son Robert, the English crown to his stronger
   son, William, called Rufus, or the Red, and only a legacy of
   £5,000 to his third son, Henry, called Beauclerc, or The
   Scholar. The Conqueror's half-brother, Odo, soon began to
   persuade the Norman barons in England to displace William
   Rufus and plant Robert on the English throne. "The claim of
   Robert to succeed his father in England, was supported by the
   respected rights of primogeniture. But the Anglo-Saxon crown
   had always been elective. ... Primogeniture ... gave at that
   time no right to the crown of England, independent of the
   election of its parliamentary assembly. Having secured this
   title, the power of Rufus rested on the foundation most
   congenial with the feelings and institutions of the nation,
   and from their partiality received a popular support, which
   was soon experienced to be impregnable. The danger compelled
   the king to court his people by promises to diminish their
   grievances; which drew 30,000 knights spontaneously to his
   banners, happy to have got a sovereign distinct from hated
   Normandy. The invasion of Robert, thus resisted by the English
   people, effected nothing but some temporary devastations. ...
   The state of Normandy, under Robert's administration, for some
   time furnished an ample field for his ambitious uncle's
   activity. It continued to exhibit a negligent government in
   its most vicious form. ... Odo's politics only facilitated the
   Reannexation of Normandy to England. But this event was not
   completed in William's reign. When he retorted the attempt of
   Robert, by an invasion of Normandy, the great barons of both
   countries found themselves endangered by the conflict, and
   combined their interest to persuade their respective
   sovereigns to a fraternal pacification. The most important
   article of their reconciliation provided, that if either
   should die without issue, the survivor should inherit his
   dominions. Hostilities were then abandoned; mutual courtesies
   ensued; and Robert visited England as his brother's guest. The
   mind of William the Red King, was cast in no common mould. It
   had all the greatness and the defects of the chivalric
   character, in its strong but rudest state. Impetuous, daring,
   original, magnanimous, and munificent; it was also harsh,
   tyrannical, and selfish; conceited of its own powers, loose in
   its moral principles, and disdaining consequences. ... While
   Lanfranc lived, William had a counsellor whom he respected,
   and whose good opinion he was careful to preserve. ... The
   death of Lanfranc removed the only man whose wisdom and
   influence could have meliorated the king's ardent, but
   undisciplined temper. It was his misfortune, on this event, to
   choose for his favourite minister, an able, but an
   unprincipled man. ... The minister advised the king, on the
   death of every prelate, to seize all his temporal possessions.
   ... The great revenues obtained from this violent innovation,
   tempted both the king and his minister to increase its
   productiveness, by deferring the nomination of every new
   prelate for an indefinite period. Thus he kept many
   bishoprics, and among them the see of Canterbury, vacant for
   some years; till a severe illness alarming his conscience, he
   suddenly appointed Anselm to the dignity; ... His disagreement
   with Anselm soon began. The prelate injudiciously began the
   battle by asking the king to restore, not only the possessions
   of his see, which were enjoyed by Lanfranc--a fair
   request--but also the lands which had before that time
   belonged to it; a demand that, after so many years alteration
   of property, could not be complied with without great
   disturbance of other persons. Anselm also exacted of the king
   that in all things which concerned the church, his counsels
   should be taken in preference to every other. ... Though
   Anselm, as a literary man, was an honour and a benefit to his
   age, yet his monastic and studious habits prevented him from
   having that social wisdom, that knowledge of human nature,
   that discreet use of his own virtuous firmness, and that mild
   management of turbulent power, which might have enabled him to
   have exerted much of the influence of Lanfranc over the mind
   of his sovereign. ... Anselm, seeing the churches and abbeys
   oppressed in their property, by the royal orders, resolved to
   visit Rome, and to concert with the pope the measures most
   adapted to overawe the king. ... William threatened, that if
   he did go to Rome, he would seize all the possessions of the
   archbishopric. Anselm declared, that he would rather travel
   naked and on foot, than desist from his resolution; and he
   went to Dover with his pilgrim's staff and wallet. He was
   searched before his departure, that he might carry away no
   money, and was at last allowed to sail. But the king
   immediately executed his threat, and sequestered all his lands
   and property. This was about three years before the end of the
   reign. ... Anselm continued in Italy till William's death. The
   possession of Normandy was a leading object of William's
   ambition, and he gradually attained a preponderance in it. His
   first invasion compelled Robert to make some cessions; these were
   increased on his next attack: and when Robert determined to
   join the Crusaders, he mortgaged the whole of Normandy to
   William for three years, for 10,000 marks. He obtained the
   usual success of a powerful invasion in Wales. The natives
   were overpowered on the plains, but annoyed the invaders in
   their mountains. He marched an army against Malcolm, king of
   Scotland, to punish his incursions. Robert advised the
   Scottish king to conciliate William; Malcolm yielded to his
   counsel and accompanied Robert to the English court, but on
   his return, was treacherously attacked by Mowbray, the earl of
   Northumbria, and killed. William regretted the perfidious
   cruelty of the action. ... The government of William appears
   to have been beneficial, both to England and Normandy. To the
   church it was oppressive. ... He had scarcely reigned twelve
   years, when he fell by a violent death." He was hunting with a
   few attendants in the New Forest. "It happened that, his friends
   dispersing in pursuit of game, he was left alone, as some
   authorities intimate, with Walter Tyrrel, a noble knight, whom
   he had brought out of France, and admitted to his table, and
   to whom he was much attached. As the sun was about to set, a
   stag passed before the king, who discharged an arrow at it.
   ... At the same moment, another stag crossing, Walter Tyrrel
   discharged an arrow at it. At this precise juncture, a shaft
   struck the king, and buried itself in his breast. He fell,
   without a word, upon the arrow, and expired on the spot. ...
   It seems to be a questionable point, whether Walter Tyrrel
   actually shot the king. That opinion was certainly the most
   prevalent at the time, both here and in France. ...
   None of the authorities intimate a belief of a purposed
   assassination; and, therefore, it would be unjust now to
   impute it to anyone. ... Henry was hunting in a different part
   of the New Forest when Rufus fell. ... He left the body to the
   casual charity of the passing rustic, and rode precipitately
   to Winchester, to seize the royal treasure. ... He obtained
   the treasure, and proceeding hastily to London, was on the
   following Sunday, the third day after William's death, elected
   king, and crowned. ... He began his reign by removing the
   unpopular agents of his unfortunate brother. He recalled
   Anselm, and conciliated the clergy. He gratified the nation,
   by abolishing the oppressive exactions of the previous reign.
   He assured many benefits to the barons, and by a charter,
   signed on the day of his coronation, restored to the people
   their Anglo-Saxon laws and privileges, as amended by his
   father; a measure which ended the pecuniary oppressions of his
   brother, and which favoured the growing liberties of the
   nation. The Conqueror had noticed Henry's expanding intellect
   very early; had given him the best education which the age
   could supply. ... He became the most learned monarch of his
   day, and acquired and deserved the surname of Beauclerc, or
   fine scholar. No wars, no cares of state, could afterwards
   deprive him of his love of literature. The nation soon felt
   the impulse and the benefit of their sovereign's intellectual
   taste. He acceded at the age of 32, and gratified the nation
   by marrying and crowning Mathilda, daughter of the sister of
   Edgar Etheling by Malcolm the king of Scotland, who had been
   waylaid and killed."

      S. Turner,
      History of England during the Middle Ages,
      volume 1, chapters 5-6.

   The Norman lords, hating the "English ways" of Henry, were
   soon in rebellion, undertaking to put Robert of Normandy (who
   had returned from the Crusade) in his place. The quarrel went
   on till the battle of Tenchebray, 1106, in which Robert was
   defeated and taken prisoner. He was imprisoned for life. The
   duchy and the kingdom were again united. The war in Normandy
   led to a war with Louis king of France, who had espoused
   Robert's cause. It was ended by the battle of Brêmule, 1119,
   where the French suffered a bad defeat. In Henry's reign all
   south Wales was conquered; but the north Welsh princes held
   out. Another expedition against them was preparing, when, in
   1135, Henry fell ill at the Castle of Lions in Normandy, and

      E. A. Freeman,
      The Reign of William Rufus and accession of Henry I.

      ALSO IN:
      Sir F. Palgrave,
      History of Normandy and England,
      volume 4.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1135-1154.
   The miserable reign of Stephen.
   Civil war, anarchy and wretchedness in England.
   The transition to hereditary monarchy.

   After the death of William the Conqueror, the English throne
   was occupied in succession by two of his sons, William II., or
   William Rufus (1087-1100), and Henry I., or Henry Beauclerk
   (1100-1135). The latter outlived his one legitimate son, and
   bequeathed the crown at his death to his daughter, Matilda,
   widow of the Emperor Henry V. of Germany and now wife of
   Geoffrey, Count of Anjou. This latter marriage had been very
   unpopular, both in England and Normandy, and a strong party
   refused to recognize the Empress Matilda, as she was commonly
   called. This party maintained the superior claims of the
   family of Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, who had
   married the Earl of Blois. Naturally their choice would have
   fallen upon Theobald of Blois, the eldest of Adela's sons; but
   his more enterprising younger brother Stephen supplanted him.
   Hastening to England, and winning the favour of the citizens
   of London, Stephen secured the royal treasure and persuaded a
   council of peers to elect him king. A most grievous civil war
   ensued, which lasted for nineteen terrible years, during which
   long period there was anarchy and great wretchedness in
   England. "The land was filled with castles, and the castles
   with armed banditti, who seem to have carried on their
   extortions under colour of the military commands bestowed by
   Stephen on every petty castellan. Often the very belfries of
   churches were fortified. On the poor lay the burden of
   building these strongholds; the rich suffered in their
   donjeons. Many were starved to death, and these were the
   happiest. Others were flung into cellars filled with reptiles,
   or hung up by the thumbs till they told where their treasures
   were concealed, or crippled in frames which did not suffer
   them to move, or held just resting on the ground by sharp iron
   collars round the neck. The Earl of Essex used to send out
   spies who begged from door to door, and then reported in what
   houses wealth was still left; the alms-givers were presently
   seized and imprisoned. The towns that could no longer pay the
   blackmail demanded from them were burned. ... Sometimes the
   peasants, maddened by misery, crowded to the roads that led
   from a field of battle, and smote down the fugitives without
   any distinction of sides. The bishops cursed vainly, when the
   very churches were burned and monks robbed. 'To till the
   ground was to plough the sea; the earth bare no corn, for the
   land was all laid waste by such deeds, and men said openly
   that Christ slept, and his saints. Such things, and more than
   we can say, suffered we nineteen winters for our sins' (A. S.
   Chronicle). ... Many soldiers, sickened with the unnatural
   war, put on the white cross and sailed for a nobler
   battle-field in the East." As Matilda's son Henry--afterwards
   Henry II.--grew to manhood, the feeling in his favor gained
   strength and his party made head against the weak and
   incompetent Stephen. Finally, in 1153, peace was brought about
   under an agreement "that Stephen should wear the crown till
   his death, and Henry receive the homage of the lords and towns
   of the realm as heir apparent." Stephen died the next year and
   Henry came to the throne with little further dispute.

      C. H. Pearson,
      History of England During the Early and Middle Ages,
      chapter 28.

   "Stephen, as a king, was an admitted failure. I cannot,
   however, but view with suspicion the causes assigned to his
   failure by often unfriendly chroniclers. That their criticisms
   had some foundation it would not be possible to deny. But in
   the first place, had he enjoyed better fortune, we should have
   heard less of his incapacity, and in the second, these writers,
   not enjoying the same stand-point as ourselves, were, I think,
   somewhat inclined to mistake effects for causes. ... His
   weakness throughout his reign ... was due to two causes, each
   supplementing the other.
   These were--(1) the essentially unsatisfactory character of
   his position, as resting, virtually, on a compact that he
   should be king so long only as he gave satisfaction to those
   who had placed him on the throne; (2) the existence of a rival
   claim, hanging over him from the first, like the sword of
   Damocles, and affording a lever by which the malcontents could
   compel him to adhere to the original understanding, or even to
   submit to further demands. ... The position of his opponents
   throughout his reign would seem to have rested on two
   assumptions. The first, that a breach, on his part, of the
   'contract' justified ipso facto revolt on theirs; the second,
   that their allegiance to the king was a purely feudal
   relation, and, as such, could be thrown off at any moment by
   performing the famous diffidatio. This essential feature of
   continental feudalism had been rigidly excluded by the
   Conqueror. He had taken advantage, as is well known, of his
   position as an English king, to extort an allegiance from his
   Norman followers more absolute than he could have claimed as
   their feudal lord. It was to Stephen's peculiar position that
   was due the introduction for a time of this pernicious
   principle into England. ... Passing now to the other point,
   the existence of a rival claim, we approach a subject of great
   interest, the theory of the succession to the English Crown at
   what may be termed the crisis of transition from the principle
   of election (within the royal house) to that of hereditary
   right according to feudal rules. For the right view on this
   subject, we turn, as ever, to Dr. Stubbs, who, with his usual
   sound judgment, writes thus of the Norman period:--'The crown
   then continued to be elective. ... But whilst the elective
   principle was maintained in its fulness where it was necessary
   or possible to maintain it, it is quite certain that the right
   of inheritance, and inheritance as primogeniture, was
   recognized as coordinate. ... The measures taken by Henry I.
   for securing the crown to his own children, whilst they prove
   the acceptance of the hereditary principle, prove also the
   importance of strengthening it by the recognition of the
   elective theory.' Mr. Freeman, though writing with a strong
   bias in favour of the elective theory, is fully justified in
   his main argument, namely, that Stephen 'was no usurper in the
   sense in which the word is vulgarly used.' He urges,
   apparently with perfect truth, that Stephen's offence, in the
   eyes of his contemporaries, lay in his breaking his solemn
   oath, and not in his supplanting a rightful heir. And he aptly
   suggests that the wretchedness of his reign may have hastened
   the growth of that new belief in the divine right of the heir
   to the throne, which first appears under Henry II., and in the
   pages of William of Newburgh. So far as Stephen is concerned the
   case is clear enough. But we have also to consider the
   Empress. On what did she base her claim? I think that, as
   implied in Dr. Stubbs' words, she based it on a double, not a
   single, ground. She claimed the kingdom as King Henry's
   daughter ('regis Henrici filia '), but she claimed it further
   because the succession had been assured to her by oath ('sibi
   juratum') as such. It is important to observe that the oath in
   question can in no way be regarded in the light of an
   election. ... The Empress and her partisans must have largely,
   to say the least, based their claim on her right to the throne
   as her father's heir, and ... she and they appealed to the
   oath as the admission and recognition of that right, rather
   than as partaking in any way whatever of the character of a
   free election. ... The sex of the Empress was the drawback to
   her claim. Had her brother lived, there can be little question
   that he would, as a matter of course, have succeeded his
   father at his death. Or again, had Henry II. been old enough
   to succeed his grandfather, he would, we may be sure, have
   done so. ... Broadly speaking, to sum up the evidence here
   collected, it tends to the belief that the obsolescence of the
   right of election to the English crown presents considerable
   analogy to that of canonical election in the case of English
   bishoprics. In both cases a free election degenerated into a
   mere assent to a choice already made. We see the process of
   change already in full operation when Henry I. endeavours to
   extort beforehand from the magnates their assent to his
   daughter's succession, and when they subsequently complain of
   this attempt to dictate to them on the subject. We catch sight
   of it again when his daughter bases her claim to the crown,
   not on any free election, but on her rights as her father's
   heir, confirmed by the above assent. We see it, lastly, when
   Stephen, though owing his crown to election, claims to rule by
   Divine right ('Dei gratia'), and attempts to reduce that
   election to nothing more than a national 'assent' to his
   succession. Obviously, the whole question turned on whether
   the election was to be held first, or was to be a mere
   ratification of a choice already made. ... In comparing
   Stephen with his successor the difference between their
   circumstances has been insufficiently allowed for. At
   Stephen's accession, thirty years of legal and financial
   oppression had rendered unpopular the power of the Crown, and
   had led to an impatience of official restraint which opened
   the path to a feudal reaction: at the accession of Henry, on
   the contrary, the evils of an enfeebled administration and of
   feudalism run mad had made all men eager for the advent of a
   strong king, and had prepared them to welcome the introduction
   of his centralizing administrative reforms. He anticipated the
   position of the house of Tudor at the close of the Wars of the
   Roses, and combined with it the advantages which Charles II.
   derived from the Puritan tyranny. Again, Stephen was hampered
   from the first by his weak position as a king on sufferance,
   whereas Henry came to his work unhampered by compact or
   concession. Lastly, Stephen was confronted throughout by a
   rival claimant, who formed a splendid rallying-point for all
   the discontent in his realm: but Henry reigned for as long as
   Stephen without a rival to trouble him; and when he found at
   length a rival in his own son, a claim far weaker than that
   which had threatened his predecessor seemed likely for a time
   to break his power as effectually as the followers of the
   Empress had broken that of Stephen. He may only, indeed, have
   owed his escape to that efficient administration which years
   of strength and safety had given him the time to construct. It
   in no way follows from these considerations that Henry was not
   superior to Stephen; but it does, surely, suggest itself that
   Stephen's disadvantages were great, and that had he enjoyed
   better fortune, we might have heard less of his defects."

      J. H. Round,
      Geoffrey de Mandeville,
      chapter. 1.

      ALSO IN:
      Mrs. J. R. Green,
      Henry the Second,
      chapter 1.

      See, also,
      STANDARD, BATTLE OF THE (A. D. 1137).


ENGLAND: A. D. 1154-1189.
   Henry II., the first of the Angevin kings (Plantagenets)
   and his empire.

   Henry II., who came to the English throne on Stephen's death,
   was already, by the death of his father, Geoffrey, Count of
   Anjou, the head of the great house of Anjou, in France. From
   his father he inherited Anjou, Touraine and Maine; through his
   mother, Matilda, daughter of Henry I., he received the dukedom
   of Normandy as well as the kingdom of England; by marriage
   with Eleanor, of Aquitaine, or Guienne, he added to his empire
   the princely domain which included Gascony, Poitou, Saintonge,
   Perigord, Limousin, Angoumois, with claims of suzerainty over
   Auvergne and Toulouse. "Henry found himself at twenty-one
   ruler of dominions such as no king before him had ever dreamed
   of uniting. He was master of both sides of the English
   Channel, and by his alliance with his uncle, the Count of
   Flanders, he had command of the French coast from the Scheldt
   to the Pyrenees, while his claims on Toulouse would carry him
   to the shores of the Mediterranean. His subjects told with
   pride how 'his empire reached from the Arctic Ocean to the
   Pyrenees'; there was no monarch save the Emperor himself who
   ruled over such vast domains. ... His aim [a few years Inter]
   seems to have been to rival in some sort the Empire of the
   West, and to reign as an over-king, with sub-kings of his
   various provinces, and England as one of them, around him. He
   was connected with all the great ruling houses. ... England
   was forced out of her old isolation; her interest in the world
   without was suddenly awakened. English scholars thronged the
   foreign universities; English chroniclers questioned
   travellers, scholars, ambassadors, as to what was passing
   abroad.' The influence of English learning and English
   statecraft made itself felt all over Europe. Never, perhaps,
   in all the history of England was there a time when Englishmen
   played so great a part abroad." The king who gathered this
   wide, incongruous empire under his sceptre, by mere
   circumstances of birth and marriage, proved strangely equal,
   in many respects, to its greatness. "He was a foreign king who
   never spoke the English tongue, who lived and moved for the
   most part in a foreign camp, surrounded with a motley host of
   Brabançons and hirelings. ... It was under the rule of a
   foreigner such as this, however, that the races of conquerors
   and conquered in England first learnt to feel that they were
   one. It was by his power that England, Scotland and Ireland
   were brought to some vague acknowledgement of a common
   suzerain lord, and the foundations laid of the United Kingdom
   of Great Britain and Ireland. It was he who abolished
   feudalism as a system of government, and left it little more
   than a system of land tenure. It was he who defined the
   relations established between Church and State, and decreed
   that in England churchman as well as baron was to be held
   under the Common Law. ... His reforms established the judicial
   system whose main outlines have been preserved to our own day.
   It was through his 'Constitutions' and his 'Assizes' that it
   came to pass that over all the world the English-speaking
   races are governed by English and not by Roman law. It was by
   his genius for government that the servants of the royal
   household became transformed into Ministers of State. It was
   he who gave England a foreign policy which decided our
   continental relations for seven hundred years. The impress
   which the personality of Henry II. left upon his time meets us
   wherever we turn."

      Mrs. J. R. Green,
      Henry the Second,
      chapters 1-2.

   Henry II. and his two sons, Richard I. (Cœur de Lion), and
   John, are distinguished, sometimes, as the Angevin kings, or
   kings of the House of Anjou, and sometimes as the
   Plantagenets, the latter name being derived from a boyish
   habit ascribed to Henry's father, Count Geoffrey, of "adorning
   his cap with a sprig of 'plantagenista,' the broom which in
   early summer makes the open country of Anjou and Maine a blaze
   of living gold." Richard retained and ruled the great realm of
   his father; but John lost most of his foreign inheritance,
   including Normandy, and became the unwilling benefactor of
   England by stripping her kings of alien interests and alien
   powers and bending their necks to Magna Charta.

      K. Norgate,
      England under the Angevin Kings.

      ALSO IN:
      W. Stubbs,
      The Early Plantagenets.

      See, also,
      AQUITAINE (GUIENNE): A. D. 1137-1152;
      IRELAND: A. D. 1169-1175.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1162-1170.
   Conflict of King and Church.
   The Constitutions of Clarendon.
   Murder of Archbishop Becket.

   "Archbishop Theobald was at first the King's chief favourite
   and adviser, but his health and his influence declining,
   Becket [the Archdeacon of Canterbury] was found apt for
   business as well as amusement, and gradually became intrusted
   with the exercise of all the powers of the crown. ... The
   exact time of his appointment as Chancellor has not been
   ascertained, the records of the transfer of the Great Seal not
   beginning till a subsequent reign, and old biographers being
   always quite careless about dates. But he certainly had this
   dignity soon after Henry's accession. ... Becket continued
   Chancellor till the year 1162, without any abatement in his
   favour with the King, or in the power which he possessed, or
   in the energy he displayed, or in the splendour of his career.
   ... In April, 1161, Archbishop Theobald died. Henry declared
   that Becket should succeed,--no doubt counting upon his
   co-operation in carrying on the policy hitherto pursued in
   checking the encroachments of the clergy and of the see of
   Rome. ... The same opinion of Becket's probable conduct was
   generally entertained, and a cry was raised that 'the Church
   was in danger.' The English bishops sent a representation to
   Henry against the appointment, and the electors long refused
   to obey his mandate, saying that 'it was indecent that a man
   who was rather a soldier than a priest, and who had devoted
   himself to hunting and falconry instead of the study of the
   Holy Scriptures, should be placed in the chair of St.
   Augustine.' ... The universal expectation was, that Becket
   would now attempt the part so successfully played by Cardinal
   Wolsey in a succeeding age; that, Chancellor and Archbishop,
   he would continue the minister and personal friend of the
   King; that he would study to support and extend all the
   prerogatives of the Crown, which he himself was to exercise;
   and that in the palaces of which he was now master he would
   live with increased magnificence and luxury. ... Never was
   there so wonderful a transformation. Whether from a
   predetermined purpose, or from a sudden change of inclination,
   he immediately became in every respect an altered man.
   Instead of the stately and fastidious courtier, was seen the
   humble and squalid penitent. Next [to] his skin he wore
   hair-cloth, populous with vermin; he lived upon roots, and his
   drink was water, rendered nauseous by an infusion of fennel.
   By way of further penance and mortification, he frequently
   inflicted stripes on his naked back. ... He sent the Great
   Seal to Henry, in Normandy, with this short message, 'I desire
   that you will provide yourself with another Chancellor, as I
   find myself hardly sufficient for the duties of one office,
   and much less of two.' The fond patron, who had been so eager
   for his elevation, was now grievously disappointed and
   alarmed. ... He at once saw that he had been deceived in his
   choice. ... The grand struggle which the Church was then
   making was, that all churchmen should be entirely exempted
   from the jurisdiction of the secular courts, whatever crime
   they might have committed. ... Henry, thinking that he had a
   favourable opportunity for bringing the dispute to a crisis,
   summoned an assembly of all the prelates at Westminster, and
   himself put to them this plain question: 'Whether they were
   willing to submit to the ancient laws and customs of the
   kingdom?' Their reply, framed by Becket, was: 'We are willing,
   saving our own order.' ... The King, seeing what was
   comprehended in the reservation, retired with evident marks of
   displeasure, deprived Becket of the government of Eye and
   Berkhamstead, and all the appointments which he held at the
   pleasure of the Crown, and uttered threats as to seizing the
   temporalities of all the bishops, since they would not
   acknowledge their allegiance to him as the head of the state.
   The legate of Pope Alexander, dreading a breach with so
   powerful a prince at so unseasonable a juncture, advised
   Becket to submit for the moment; and he with his brethren,
   retracting the saving clause, absolutely promised 'to observe
   the laws and customs of the kingdom.' To avoid all future
   dispute, Henry resolved to follow up his victory by having
   these laws and customs, as far as the Church was concerned,
   reduced into a code, to be sanctioned by the legislature, and
   to be specifically acknowledged by all the bishops. This was
   the origin of the famous 'Constitutions of Clarendon.'''
   Becket left the kingdom (1164). Several years later he made
   peace with Henry and returned to Canterbury; but soon he again
   displeased the King, who cried in a rage, 'Who will rid me of
   this turbulent priest?' Four knights who were present
   immediately went to Canterbury, where they slew the Archbishop
   in the cathedral (December 29, 1170). "The government tried to
   justify or palliate the murder. The Archbishop of York likened
   Thomas à Becket to Pharaoh, who died by the Divine vengeance,
   as a punishment for his hardness of heart; and a proclamation
   was issued, forbidding anyone to speak of Thomas of Canterbury
   as a martyr: but the feelings of men were too strong to be
   checked by authority; pieces of linen which had been dipped in
   his blood were preserved as relics; from the time of his death
   it was believed that miracles were worked at his tomb; thither
   flocked hundreds of thousands, in spite of the most violent
   threats of punishment; at the end of two years he was
   canonised at Rome; and, till the breaking out of the
   Reformation, St. Thomas of Canterbury, for pilgrimages and
   prayers, was the most distinguished Saint in England."

      Lord Campbell,
      Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
      chapter 3.

   "What did Henry II. propose to do with a clerk who was accused
   of a crime? ... Without doing much violence to the text, it is
   possible to put two different interpretations upon that famous
   clause in the Constitutions of Clarendon which deals with
   criminous clerks. ... According to what seems to be the
   commonest opinion, we might comment upon this clause in some
   such words as these:--Offences of which a clerk may be accused
   are of two kinds. They are temporal or they are
   ecclesiastical. Under the former head fall murder, robbery,
   larceny, rape, and the like; under the latter, incontinence,
   heresy, disobedience to superiors, breach of rules relating to
   the conduct of divine service, and so forth. If charged with
   an offence of the temporal kind, the clerk must stand his
   trial in the king's court; his trial, his sentence, will be
   like that of a layman. For an ecclesiastical offence, on the
   other hand, he will be tried in the court Christian. The king
   reserves to his court the right to decide what offences are
   temporal, what ecclesiastical; also he asserts the right to
   send delegates to supervise the proceedings of the spiritual
   tribunals. ... Let us attempt a rival commentary. The author
   of this clause is not thinking of two different classes of
   offences. The purely ecclesiastical offences are not in
   debate. No one doubts that for these a man will be tried in
   and punished by the spiritual court. He is thinking of the
   grave crimes, of murder and the like. Now every such crime is
   a breach of temporal law, and it is also a breach of canon
   law. The clerk who commits murder breaks the king's peace, but
   he also infringes the divine law, and--no canonist will doubt
   this--ought to be degraded. Very well. A clerk is accused of
   such a crime. He is summoned before the king's court, and he
   is to answer there--let us mark this word respondere--for what
   he ought to answer for there. What ought he to answer for
   there? The breach of the king's peace and the felony. When he
   has answered, ... then, without any trial, he is to be sent to
   the ecclesiastical court. In that court he will have to answer
   as an ordained clerk accused of homicide, and in that court
   there will be a trial (res ibi tractabitur). If the spiritual
   court convicts him it will degrade him, and thenceforth the
   church must no longer protect him. He will be brought back
   into the king's court, ... and having been brought back, no
   longer a clerk but a mere layman, he will be sentenced
   (probably without any further trial) to the layman's
   punishment, death or mutilation. The scheme is this:
   accusation and plea in the temporal court; trial, conviction,
   degradation, in the ecclesiastical court; sentence in the
   temporal court to the layman's punishment. This I believe to
   be the meaning of the clause."

      F. W. Maitland,
      Henry II. and the Criminous Clerks
      (English Historical Review, April, 1892),
      pages 224-226.

   The Assize of Clarendon, sometimes confused with the
   Constitutions of Clarendon, was an important decree approved
   two years later. It laid down the principles on which the
   administration of justice was to be carried out, in twenty-two
   articles drawn up for the use of the judges.

      Mrs. J. R Green,
      Henry the Second,
      chapters 5-6.


   "It may not be without instruction to remember that the
   Constitutions of Clarendon, which Becket spent his life in
   opposing, and of which his death procured the suspension, are
   now incorporated in the English law, and are regarded, without
   a dissentient voice, as among the wisest and most necessary of
   English institutions; that the especial point for which he
   surrendered his life was not the independence of the clergy
   from the encroachments of the Crown, but the personal and now
   forgotten question of the superiority of the see of Canterbury
   to the see of York."

      A. P. Stanley,
      Historical Memorials of Canterbury,
      page 124.

      ALSO IN:
      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 12, sections 139-141.

      W. Stubbs,
      Select Charters,
      part 4.

      J. C. Robertson,

      J. A. Giles,
      Life and Letters of Thomas à Becket.

      R. H. Froude,
      History of the Contest between Archbishop
      Thomas à Becket and Henry II.
      (Remains, part 2, volume 2).

      J. A. Froude,
      Life and Times of Thomas Becket.

      C. H. Pearson,
      History of England during the Early and Middle Ages,
      volume 1, chapter 29.

      See, also,
      and JURY, TRIAL BY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1189.
   Accession of King Richard I. (called Cœur de Lion).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1189-1199.
   Reign of Richard Cœur de Lion.
   His Crusade and campaigns in France.

   "The Third Crusade [see CRUSADES: A. D. 1188-1192], undertaken
   for the deliverance of Palestine from the disasters brought
   upon the Crusaders' Kingdom by Saladin, was the first to be
   popular in England. ... Richard joined the Crusade in the very
   first year of his reign, and every portion of his subsequent
   career was concerned with its consequences. Neither in the
   time of William Rufus nor of Stephen had the First or Second
   Crusades found England sufficiently settled for such
   expeditions. ... But the patronage of the Crusades was a
   hereditary distinction in the Angevin family now reigning in
   England: they had founded the kingdom of Palestine; Henry II.
   himself had often prepared to set out; and Richard was
   confidently expected by the great body of his subjects to
   redeem the family pledge. ... Wholly inferior in statesmanlike
   qualities to his father as he was, the generosity,
   munificence, and easy confidence of his character made him an
   almost perfect representative of the chivalry of that age. He
   was scarcely at all in England, but his fine exploits both by
   land and sea have made him deservedly a favourite. The
   depreciation of him which is to be found in certain modern
   books must in all fairness be considered a little mawkish. A
   King who leaves behind him such an example of apparently
   reckless, but really prudent valour, of patience under jealous
   ill-treatment, and perseverance in the face of extreme
   difficulties, shining out as the head of the manhood of his
   day, far above the common race of kings and emperors,--such a
   man leaves a heritage of example as well as glory, and incites
   posterity to noble deeds. His great moral fault was his
   conduct to Henry, and for this he was sufficiently punished;
   but his parents must each bear their share of the blame. ...
   The interest of English affairs during Richard's absence
   languishes under the excitement which attends his almost
   continuous campaigns. ... Both on the Crusade and in France
   Richard was fighting the battle of the House which the English
   had very deliberately placed upon its throne; and if the war
   was kept off its shores, if the troubles of Stephen's reign
   were not allowed to recur, the country had no right to
   complain of a taxation or a royal ransom which times of peace
   enabled it, after all, to bear tolerably well. ... The great
   maritime position of the Plantagenets made these sovereigns
   take to the sea."

      M. Burrows,
      Commentaries on the History of England,
      book 1, chapter 18.

   Richard "was a bad king; his great exploits, his military
   skill, his splendour and extravagance, his poetical tastes,
   his adventurous spirit, do not serve to cloak his entire want
   of sympathy, or even consideration for his people. He was no
   Englishman. ... His ambition was that of a mere warrior."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      section. 150 (volume 1).

      ALSO IN:
      K. Norgate,
      England under the Angevin Kings,
      volume 2, chapter 7-8.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1199.
   Accession of King John.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1205.
   The loss of Normandy and its effects.

   In 1202 Philip Augustus, king of France, summoned John of
   England, as Duke of Normandy (therefore the feudal vassal of
   the French crown) to appear for trial on certain grave charges
   before the august court of the Peers of France. John refused
   to obey the summons; his French fiefs were declared forfeited,
   and the armies of the French king took possession of them (see
   FRANCE: A. D. 1180-1224). This proved to be a lasting
   separation of Normandy from England,--except as it was
   recovered momentarily long afterwards in the conquests of
   Henry V. "The Norman barons had had no choice but between John
   and Philip. For the first time since the Conquest there was no
   competitor, son, brother, or more distant kinsman, for their
   allegiance. John could neither rule nor defend them. Bishops
   and barons alike welcomed or speedily accepted their new lord.
   The families that had estates on both sides of the Channel
   divided into two branches, each of which made terms for
   itself; or having balanced their interests in the two
   kingdoms, threw in their lot with one or other, and renounced
   what they could not save. Almost immediately Normandy settles
   down into a quiet province of France. ... For England the
   result of the separation was more important still. Even within
   the reign of John it became clear that the release of the
   barons from their connexion with the continent was all that
   was wanted to make them Englishmen. With the last vestiges of
   the Norman inheritances vanished the last idea of making
   England a feudal kingdom. The Great Charter was won by men who
   were maintaining, not the cause of a class, as had been the
   case in every civil war since 1070, but the cause of a nation.
   From the year 1203 the king stood before the English people
   face to face."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 12, section 152.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1180-1224.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1205-1213.
   King John's quarrel with the Pope and the Church.

   On the death, in 1205, of Archbishop Hubert, of Canterbury,
   who had long been chief minister of the crown, a complicated
   quarrel over the appointment to the vacant see arose between
   the monks of the cathedral, the suffragan bishops of the
   province, King John, and the powerful Pope Innocent III. Pope
   Innocent put forward as his candidate the afterwards famous
   Stephen Langton, secured his election in a somewhat irregular
   way (A. D. 1207), and consecrated him with his own hands. King
   John, bent on filling the primacy with a creature of his own,
   resisted the papal action with more fury than discretion, and
   proceeded to open war with the whole Church.
   "The monks of Canterbury were driven from their monastery, and
   when, in the following year, an interdict which the Pope had
   intrusted to the Bishops of London, Ely and Worcester, was
   published, his hostility to the Church became so extreme that
   almost all the bishops fled; the Bishops of Winchester,
   Durham, and Norwich, two of whom belonged to the ministerial
   body, being the only prelates left in England. The interdict
   was of the severest form; all services of the Church, with the
   exception of baptism and extreme unction, being forbidden,
   while the burial of the dead was allowed only in unconsecrated
   ground; its effect was however, weakened by the conduct of
   some of the monastic orders, who claimed exemption from its
   operation, and continued their services. The king's anger knew
   no bounds. The clergy were put beyond the protection of the
   law; orders were issued to drive them from their benefices,
   and lawless acts committed at their expense met with no
   punishment. ... Though acting thus violently, John showed the
   weakness of his character by continued communication with the
   Pope, and occasional fitful acts of favour to the Church; so
   much so, that, in the following year, Langton prepared to come
   over to England, and, upon the continued obstinacy of the
   king, Innocent, feeling sure of his final victory, did not
   shrink from issuing his threatened excommunication. John had
   hoped to be able to exclude the knowledge of this step from
   the island ... ; but the rumour of it soon got abroad, and its
   effect was great. ... In a state of nervous excitement, and
   mistrusting his nobles, the king himself perpetually moved to
   and fro in his kingdom, seldom staying more than a few days in
   one place. None the less did he continue his old line of policy.
   ... In 1211 a league of excommunicated leaders was formed,
   including all the princes of the North of Europe; Ferrand of
   Flanders, the Duke of Brabant, John, and Otho [John's Guelphic
   Saxon nephew, who was one of two contestants for the imperial
   crown in Germany], were all members of it, and it was chiefly
   organized by the activity of Reinald of Dammartin, Count of
   Boulogne. The chief enemy of these confederates was Philip of
   France; and John thought he saw in this league the means of
   revenge against his old enemy. To complete the line of
   demarcation between the two parties, Innocent, who was greatly
   moved by the description of the disorders and persecutions in
   England, declared John's crown forfeited, and intrusted the
   carrying out of the sentence to Philip. In 1213 armies were
   collected on both sides. Philip was already on the Channel,
   and John had assembled a large army on Barhamdown, not far
   from Canterbury." But, at the last moment, when the French
   king was on the eve of embarking his forces for the invasion
   of England, John submitted himself abjectly to Pandulf, the
   legate of the Pope. He not only surrendered to all that he had
   contended against, but went further, to the most shameful
   extreme. "On the 15th of May, at Dover, he formally resigned
   the crowns of England and Ireland into the hands of Pandulf,
   and received them again as the Pope's feudatory."

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England (3d edition),
      volume 1, pages 130-134.

      ALSO IN:
      C. H. Pearson,
      History of England during the Early and Middle Ages,
      volume 2, chapter 2.

      E. F. Henderson,
      Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages,
      Book 4, number 5.

      See, also, BOUVINES, BATTLE OF.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1206-1230.
   Attempts of John and Henry III. to recover Anjou and Maine.

      See ANJOU: A. D. 1206-1442.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1215.
   Magna Carta.

   "It is to the victory of Bouvines that England owes her Great
   Charter [see BOUVINES]. ... John sailed for Poitou with the
   dream of a great victory which should lay Philip [of France]
   and the barons alike at his feet. He returned from his defeat
   to find the nobles no longer banded together in secret
   conspiracies, but openly united in a definite claim of liberty
   and law. The author of this great change was the new
   Archbishop [Langton] whom Innocent had set on the throne of
   Canterbury. ... In a private meeting of the barons at St.
   Paul's, he produced the Charter of Henry I., and the
   enthusiasm with which it was welcomed showed the sagacity with
   which the Primate had chosen his ground for the coming
   struggle. All hope, however, hung on the fortunes of the
   French campaign; it was the victory at Bouvines that broke the
   spell of terror, and within a few days of the king's landing
   the barons again met at St. Edmundsbury. ... At Christmas they
   presented themselves in arms before the king and preferred their
   claim. The few months that followed showed John that he stood
   alone in the land. ... At Easter the barons again gathered in
   arms at Brackley and renewed their claim. 'Why do they not ask
   for my kingdom?' cried John in a burst of passion; but the
   whole country rose as one man at his refusal. London threw
   open her gates to the army of the barons, now organized under
   Robert Fitz-Walter, 'the marshal of the army of God and the
   holy Church.' The example of the capital was at once followed
   by Exeter and Lincoln; promises of aid came from Scotland and
   Wales; the northern nobles marched hastily to join their
   comrades in London. With seven horsemen in his train John
   found himself face to face with a nation in arms. ... Nursing
   wrath in his heart the tyrant bowed to necessity, and summoned
   the barons to a conference at Runnymede. An island in the
   Thames between Staines and Windsor had been chosen as the
   place of conference: the king encamped on one bank, while the
   barons covered the marshy flat, still known by the name of
   Runnymede, on the other. Their delegates met in the island
   between them. ... The Great Charter was discussed, agreed to,
   and signed in a single day [June 15, A. D. 1215]. One copy of
   it still remains in the British Museum, injured by age and
   fire, but with the royal seal still hanging from the brown,
   shriveled parchment."

      J. R Green,
      Short History of the England People,
      chapter 3, sections 2-3.

   "As this was the first effort towards a legal government, so
   is it beyond comparison the most important event in our
   history, except that, Revolution without which its benefits
   would have been rapidly annihilated. The constitution of
   England has indeed no single date from which its duration is
   to be reckoned. The institutions of positive law, the far more
   important changes which time has wrought in the order of
   society, during six hundred years subsequent to the Great
   Charter, have undoubtedly lessened its direct application to
   our present circumstances. But it is still the key-stone of
   English liberty. All that has since been obtained is little
   more than as confirmation or commentary. ... The essential
   clauses of Magna Charta are those which protect the personal
   liberty and property of all freemen, by giving security from
   arbitrary imprisonment and arbitrary spoliation.
   'No freeman (says the 29th chapter of Henry III.'s charter,
   which, as the existing law, I quote in preference to that of
   John, the variations not being very material) shall be taken
   or imprisoned, or be disseised of his freehold, or liberties,
   or free customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any otherwise
   destroyed; nor will we pass upon him, nor send upon, but by
   lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land. We
   will sell to no man, we will not deny or delay to any man,
   justice or right.' It is obvious that these words, interpreted
   by any honest court of law, convey an ample security for the
   two main rights of civil society."

      H. Hallam,
      The Middle Ages,
      chapter 8, part 2.

   "The Great Charter, although drawn up in the form of a royal
   grant, was really a treaty between the king and his subjects.
   ... It is the collective people who really form the other high
   contracting party in the great capitulation,--the three
   estates of the realm, not, it is true, arranged in order
   according to their profession or rank, but not the less
   certainly combined in one national purpose, and securing by
   one bond the interests and rights of each other, severally and
   all together. ... The barons maintain and secure the right of
   the whole people as against themselves as well as against
   their master. Clause by clause the rights of the commons are
   provided for as well as the rights of the nobles. ... The
   knight is protected against the compulsory exaction of his
   services, and the horse and cart of the freeman against the
   irregular requisition even of the sheriff. ... The Great
   Charter is the first great public act of the nation, after it
   has realised its own identity. ... The whole of the
   constitutional history of England is little more than a
   commentary on Magna Carta."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 12, section 155.

   The following is the text of Magna Carta;

   "John, by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland,
   Duke of Normandy, Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to his
   Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Barons, Justiciaries,
   Foresters, Sheriffs, Governors, Officers, and to all Bailiffs,
   and his faithful subjects, greeting. Know ye, that we, in the
   presence of God, and for the salvation of our soul, and the
   souls of all our ancestors and heirs, and unto the honour of
   God and the advancement of Holy Church, and amendment of our
   Realm, by advice of our venerable Fathers, Stephen, Archbishop
   of Canterbury, Primate of all England and Cardinal of the Holy
   Roman Church; Henry, Archbishop of Dublin; William, of London;
   Peter, of Winchester; Jocelin, of Bath and Glastonbury; Hugh,
   of Lincoln; Walter, of Worcester; William, of Coventry;
   Benedict, of Rochester--Bishops; of Master Pandulph,
   Sub-Deacon and Familiar of our Lord the Pope; Brother Aymeric,
   Master of the Knights-Templars in England; and of the noble
   Persons, William Marescall, Earl of Pembroke; William, Earl of
   Salisbury; William, Earl of Warren; William, Earl of Arundel;
   Alan de Galloway, Constable of Scotland; Warin FitzGerald,
   Peter FitzHerbert, and Hubert de Burgh, Seneschal of Poitou;
   Hugh de Neville, Matthew FitzHerbert, Thomas Basset, Alan
   Basset, Philip of Albiney, Robert de Roppell, John Mareschal,
   John FitzHugh, and others, our liegemen, have, in the first
   place, granted to God, and by this our present Charter
   confirmed, for us and our heirs forever;

   1. That the Church of England shall be free, and have her
   whole rights, and her liberties inviolable; and we will have
   them so observed, that it may appear thence that the freedom
   of elections, which is reckoned chief and indispensable to the
   English Church, and which we granted and confirmed by our
   Charter, and obtained the confirmation of the same from our
   Lord the Pope Innocent III., before the discord between us and
   our barons, was granted of mere free will; which Charter we
   shall observe, and we do will it to be faithfully observed by
   our heirs for ever.

   2. We also have granted to all the freemen of our kingdom, for
   us and for our heirs for ever, all the underwritten liberties,
   to be had and holden by them and their heirs, of us and our
   heirs for ever; If any of our earls, or barons, or others, who
   hold of us in chief by military service, shall die, and at the
   time of his death his heir shall be of full age, and owe a
   relief, he shall have his inheritance by the ancient
   relief--that is to say, the heir or heirs of an earl, for a
   whole earldom, by a hundred pounds; the heir or heirs of a
   baron, for a whole barony, by a hundred pounds; the heir or
   heirs of a knight, for a whole knight's fee, by a hundred
   shillings at most; and whoever oweth less shall give less,
   according to the ancient custom of fees.

   3. But if the heir of any such shall be under age, and shall
   be in ward, when he comes of age he shall have his inheritance
   without relief and without fine.

   4. The keeper of the land of such an heir being under age,
   shall take of the land of the heir none but reasonable issues,
   reasonable customs, and reasonable services, and that without
   destruction and waste of his men and his goods; and if we
   commit the custody of any such lands to the sheriff, or any
   other who is answerable to us for the issues of the land, and
   he shall make destruction and waste of the lands which he hath
   in custody, we will take of him amends, and the land shall be
   committed to two lawful and discreet men of that fee, who
   shall answer for the issues to us, or to him to whom we shall
   assign them; and if we sell or give to anyone the custody of
   any such lands, and he therein make destruction or waste, he
   shall lose the same custody, which shall be committed to two
   lawful and discreet men of that fee, who shall in like manner
   answer to us as aforesaid.

   5. But the keeper, so long as he shall have the custody of the
   land, shall keep up the houses, parks, warrens, ponds, mills,
   and other things pertaining to the land, out of the issues of
   the same land; and shall deliver to the heir, when he comes of
   full age, his whole land, stocked with ploughs and carriages,
   according as the time of wainage shall require, and the issues
   of the land can reasonably bear.

   6. Heirs shall be married without disparagement, and so that
   before matrimony shall be contracted, those who are near in
   blood to the heir shall have notice.

   7. A widow, after the death of her husband, shall forthwith
   and without difficulty have her marriage and inheritance; nor
   shall she give anything for her dower, or her marriage, of her
   inheritance, which her husband and she held at the day of his
   death; and she may remain in the mansion house of her husband
   forty days after his death, within which time her dower shall
   be assigned.

   8. No widow shall be distrained to marry herself, so long as
   she has a mind to live without a husband; but yet she shall
   give security that she will not marry without our assent, if
   she hold of us; or without the consent of the lord of whom she
   holds, if she hold of another.


   9. Neither we nor our bailiffs shall seize any land or rent
   for any debt so long as the chattels of the debtor are
   sufficient to pay the debt; nor shall the sureties of the
   debtor be distrained so long as the principal debtor has
   sufficient to pay the debt; and if the principal debtor shall
   fail in the payment of the debt, not having wherewithal to pay
   it, then the sureties shall answer the debt; and if they will
   they shall have the lands and rents of the debtor, until they
   shall be satisfied for the debt which they paid for him,
   unless the principal debtor can show himself acquitted thereof
   against the said sureties.

   10. If anyone have borrowed anything of the Jews, more or
   less, and die before the debt be satisfied, there shall be no
   interest paid for that debt, so long as the heir is under age,
   of whomsoever he may hold; and if the debt falls into our
   hands, we will only take the chattel mentioned in the deed.

   11. And if anyone shall die indebted to the Jews, his wife
   shall have her dower and pay nothing of that debt; and if the
   deceased left children under age, they shall have necessaries
   provided for them, according to the tenement of the deceased;
   and out of the residue the debt shall be paid, saving,
   however, the service due to the lords, and in like manner
   shall it be done touching debts due to others than the Jews.

   12. No scutage or aid shall be imposed in our kingdom, unless
   by the general council of our kingdom; except for ransoming
   our person, making our eldest son a knight, and once for
   marrying our eldest daughter; and for these there shall be
   paid no more than a reasonable aid. In like manner it shall be
   concerning the aids of the City of London.

   13. And the City of London shall have all its ancient
   liberties and free customs, as well by land as by water:
   furthermore, we will and grant that all other cities and
   boroughs, and towns and ports, shall have all their liberties
   and free customs.

   14. And for holding the general council of the kingdom
   concerning the assessment of aids, except in the three cases
   aforesaid, and for the assessing of scutages, we shall cause
   to be summoned the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and
   greater barons of the realm, singly by our letters. And
   furthermore, we shall cause to be summoned generally, by our
   sheriffs and bailiffs, all others who hold of us in chief, for
   a certain day, that is to say, forty days before their meeting
   at least, and to a certain place; and in all letters of such
   summons we will declare the cause of such summons. And summons
   being thus made, the business shall proceed on the day
   appointed, according to the advice of such as shall be
   present, although all that were summoned come not.

   15. We will not for the future grant to anyone that he may
   take aid of his own free tenants, unless to ransom his body,
   and to make his eldest son a knight, and once to marry his
   eldest daughter; and for this there shall be only paid a
   reasonable aid.

   16. No man shall be distrained to perform more service for a
   knight's fee, or other free tenement, than is due from thence.

   17. Common pleas shall not follow our court, but shall be
   holden in some place certain.

   18. Trials upon the Writs of Novel Disseisin, and of Mort
   d'ancestor, and of Darrein Presentment, shall not be taken but
   in their proper counties, and after this manner: We, or if we
   should be out of the realm, our chief justiciary, will send
   two justiciaries through every county four times a year, who,
   with four knights of each county, chosen by the county, shall
   hold the said assizes in the county, on the day, and at the
   place appointed.

   19. And if any matters cannot be determined on the day
   appointed for holding the assizes in each county, so many of
   the knights and freeholders as have been at the assizes
   aforesaid shall stay to decide them as is necessary, according
   as there is more or less business.

   20. A freeman shall not be amerced for a small offence, but
   only according to the degree of the offence; and for a great
   crime according to the heinousness of it, saving to him his
   contenement; and after the same manner a merchant, saving to
   him his merchandise. And a villein shall be amerced after the
   same manner, saving to him his wainage, if he falls under our
   mercy; and none of the aforesaid amerciaments shall be
   assessed but by the oath of honest men in the neighbourhood.

   21. Earls and barons shall not be amerced but by their peers,
   and after the degree of the offence.

   22. No ecclesiastical person shall be amerced for his lay
   tenement, but according to the proportion of the others
   aforesaid, and not according to the value of his
   ecclesiastical benefice.

   23. Neither a town nor any tenant shall be distrained to make
   bridges or embankments, unless that anciently and of right
   they are bound to do it.

   24. No sheriff, constable, coroner, or other our bailiffs,
   shall hold "Pleas of the Crown."

   25. All counties, hundreds, wapentakes, and trethings, shall
   stand at the old rents, without any increase, except in our
   demesne manors.

   26. If anyone holding of us a lay fee die, and the sheriff, or
   our bailiffs, show our letters patent of summons for debt
   which the dead man did owe to us, it shall be lawful for the
   sheriff or our bailiff to attach and register the chattels of
   the dead, found upon his lay fee, to the amount of the debt,
   by the view of lawful men, so as nothing be removed until our
   whole clear debt be paid; and the rest shall be left to the
   executors to fulfil the testament of the dead; and if there be
   nothing due from him to us, all the chattels shall go to the
   use of the dead, saving to his wife and children their
   reasonable shares.

   27. If any freeman shall die intestate, his chattels shall be
   distributed by the hands of his nearest relations and friends,
   by view of the Church, saving to everyone his debts which the
   deceased owed to him.

   28. No constable or bailiff of ours shall take corn or other
   chattels of any man unless he presently give him money for it,
   or hath respite of payment by the good-will of the seller.

   29. No constable shall distrain any knight to give money for
   castle-guard, if he himself will do it in his person, or by
   another able man, in case he cannot do it through any
   reasonable cause. And if we have carried or sent him into the
   army, he shall be free from such guard for the time he shall
   be in the army by our command.

   30. No sheriff or bailiff of ours, or any other, shall take
   horses or carts of any freeman for carriage, without the
   assent of the said freeman.

   31. Neither shall we nor our bailiffs take any man's timber
   for our castles or other uses, unless by the consent of the
   owner of the timber.

   32. We will retain the lands of those convicted of felony only
   one year and a day, and then they shall be delivered to the
   lord of the fee.

   33. All kydells (wears) for the time to come shall be put down
   in the rivers of Thames and Medway, and throughout all
   England, except upon the seacoast.


   34. The writ which is called prœcipe, for the future, shall
   not be made out to anyone, of any tenement, whereby a freeman
   may lose his court.

   35. There shall be one measure of wine and one of ale through
   our whole realm; and one measure of corn, that is to say, the
   London quarter; and one breadth of dyed cloth, and russets,
   and haberjeets, that is to say, two ells within the lists; and
   it shall be of weights as it is of measures.

   36. Nothing from henceforth shall be given or taken for a writ
   of inquisition of life or limb, but it shall be granted
   freely, and not denied.

   37. If any do hold of us by fee-farm, or by socage, or by
   burgage, and he hold also lands of any other by knight's
   service, we will not have the custody of the heir or land,
   which is holden of another man's fee by reason of that
   fee-farm, socage, or burgage; neither will we have the custody
   of the fee-farm, or socage, or burgage, unless knight's
   service was due to us out of the same fee-farm. We will not
   have the custody of an heir, nor of any land which he holds of
   another by knight's service, by reason of any petty serjeanty
   by which he holds of us, by the service of paying a knife, an
   arrow, or the like.

   38. No bailiff from henceforth shall put any man to his law
   upon his own bare saying, without credible witnesses to prove

   39. No freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or disseised, or
   outlawed, or banished, or any ways destroyed, nor will we pass
   upon him, nor will we send upon him, unless by the lawful
   judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land.

   40. We will sell to no man, we will not deny to any man,
   either justice or right.

   41. All merchants shall have safe and secure conduct, to go
   out of, and to come into England, and to stay there and to
   pass as well by land as by water, for buying and selling by
   the ancient and allowed customs, without any unjust tolls;
   except in time of war, or when they are of any nation at war
   with us. And if there be found any such in our land, in the
   beginning of the war, they shall be attached, without damage
   to their bodies or goods, until it be known unto us, or our
   chief justiciary, how our merchants be treated in the nation
   at war with us; and if ours be safe there, the others shall be
   safe in our dominions.

   42. It shall be lawful, for the time to come, for anyone to go
   out of our kingdom, and return safely and securely by land or
   by water, saving his allegiance to us; unless in time of war,
   by some short space, for the common benefit of the realm,
   except prisoners and outlaws, according to the law of the
   land, and people in war with us, and merchants who shall be
   treated as is above mentioned.

   43. If any man hold of any escheat, as of the honour of
   Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other
   escheats which be in our hands, and are baronies, and die, his
   heir shall give no other relief, and perform no other service
   to us than he would to the baron, if it were in the baron's
   hand; and we will hold it after the same manner as the baron
   held it.

   44. Those men who dwell without the forest from henceforth
   shall not come before our justiciaries of the forest, upon
   common summons, but such as are impleaded, or are sureties for
   any that are attached for something concerning the forest.

   45. We will not make any justices, constables, sheriffs, or
   bailiffs, but of such as know the law of the realm and mean
   duly to observe it.

   46. All barons who have founded abbeys, which they hold by
   charter from the kings of England, or by ancient tenure, shall
   have the keeping of them, when vacant, as they ought to have.

   47. All forests that have been made forests in our time shall
   forthwith be disforested; and the same shall be done with the
   water-banks that have been fenced in by us in our time.

   48. All evil customs concerning forests, warrens, foresters,
   and warreners, sheriffs and their officers, water-banks and
   their keepers, shall forthwith be inquired into in each
   county, by twelve sworn knights of the same county, chosen by
   creditable persons of the same county; and within forty days
   after the said inquest be utterly abolished, so as never to be
   restored: so as we are first acquainted therewith, or our
   justiciary, if we should not be in England.

   49. We will immediately give up all hostages and charters
   delivered unto us by our English subjects, as securities for
   their keeping the peace, and yielding us faithful service.

   50. We will entirely remove from their bailiwicks the
   relations of Gerard de Atheyes, so that for the future they
   shall have no bailiwick in England; we will also remove
   Engelard de Cygony, Andrew, Peter, and Gyon, from the
   Chancery; Gyon de Cygony, Geoffrey de Martyn, and his
   brothers; Philip Mark, and his brothers, and his nephew,
   Geoffrey, and their whole retinue.

   51. As soon as peace is restored, we will send out of the
   kingdom all foreign knights, cross-bowmen, and stipendiaries,
   who are come with horses and arms to the molestation of our

   52. If anyone has been dispossessed or deprived by us, without
   the lawful judgment of his peers, of his lands, castles,
   liberties, or right, we will forthwith restore them to him;
   and if any dispute arise upon this head, let the matter be
   decided by the five-and-twenty barons hereafter mentioned, for
   the preservation of the peace. And for all those things of
   which any person has, without the lawful judgment of his
   peers, been dispossessed or deprived, either by our father
   King Henry, or our brother King Richard, and which we have in
   our hands, or are possessed by others, and we are bound to
   warrant and make good, we shall have a respite till the term
   usually allowed the crusaders; excepting those things about
   which there is a plea depending, or whereof an inquest hath
   been made, by our order before we undertook the crusade; but
   as soon as we return from our expedition, or if perchance we
   tarry at home and do not make our expedition, we will
   immediately cause full justice to be administered therein.

   53. The same respite we shall have, and in the same manner,
   about administering justice, disafforesting or letting
   continue the forests, which Henry our father, and our brother
   Richard, have afforested; and the same concerning the wardship
   of the lands which are in another's fee, but the wardship of
   which we have hitherto had, by reason of a fee held of us by
   knight's service; and for the abbeys founded in any other fee
   than our own, in which the lord of the fee says he has a
   right; and when we return from our expedition, or if we tarry
   at home, and do not make our expedition, we will immediately
   do full justice to all the complainants in this behalf.

   54. No man shall be taken or imprisoned upon the appeal of a
   woman, for the death of any other than her husband.


   55. All unjust and illegal fines made by us, and all
   amerciaments imposed unjustly and contrary to the law of the
   land, shall be entirely given up, or else be left to the
   decision of the five-and-twenty barons hereafter mentioned for
   the preservation of the peace, or of the major part of them,
   together with the aforesaid Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury,
   if he can be present, and others whom he shall think fit to
   invite; and if he cannot be present, the business shall
   notwithstanding go on without him; but so that if one or more
   of the aforesaid five-and-twenty barons be plaintiffs in the
   same cause, they shall be set aside as to what concerns this
   particular affair, and others be chosen in their room, out of
   the said five-and-twenty, and sworn by the rest to decide the

   56. If we have disseised or dispossessed the Welsh of any
   lands, liberties, or other things, without the legal judgment
   of their peers, either in England or in Wales, they shall be
   immediately restored to them; and if any dispute arise upon
   this head, the matter shall be determined in the Marches by
   the judgment of their peers; for tenements in England
   according to the law of England, for tenements in Wales
   according to the law of Wales, for tenements of the Marches
   according to the law of the Marches: the same shall the Welsh
   do to us and our subjects.

   57. As for all those things of which a Welshman hath, without
   the lawful judgment of his peers, been disseised or deprived
   of by King Henry our father, or our brother King Richard, and
   which we either have in our hands or others are possessed of,
   and we are obliged to warrant it, we shall have a respite till
   the time generally allowed the crusaders; excepting those
   things about which a suit is depending, or whereof an inquest
   has been made by our order, before we undertook the crusade:
   but when we return, or if we stay at home without performing
   our expedition, we will immediately do them full justice,
   according to the laws of the Welsh and of the parts before

   58. We will without delay dismiss the son of Llewellin, and
   all the Welsh hostages, and release them from the engagements
   they have entered into with us for the preservation of the

   59. We will treat with Alexander, King of Scots, concerning
   the restoring his sisters and hostages, and his right and
   liberties, in the same form and manner as we shall do to the
   rest of our barons of England; unless by the charters which we
   have from his father, William, late King of Scots, it ought to
   be otherwise; and this shall be left to the determination of
   his peers in our court.

   60. All the aforesaid customs and liberties, which we have
   granted to be holden in our kingdom, as much as it belongs to
   us, all people of our kingdom, as well clergy as laity, shall
   observe, as far as they are concerned, towards their

   61. And whereas, for the honour of God and the amendment of
   our kingdom, and for the better quieting the discord that has
   arisen between us and our barons, we have granted all these
   things aforesaid; willing to render them firm and lasting, we
   do give and grant our subjects the underwritten security,
   namely that the barons may choose five-and-twenty barons of
   the kingdom, whom they think convenient; who shall take care,
   with all their might, to hold and observe, and cause to be
   observed, the peace and liberties we have granted them, and by
   this our present Charter confirmed in this manner; that is to
   say, that if we, our justiciary, our bailiffs, or any of our
   officers, shall in any circumstance have failed in the
   performance of them towards any person, or shall have broken
   through any of these articles of peace and security, and the
   offence be notified to four barons chosen out of the
   five-and-twenty before mentioned, the said four barons shall
   repair to us, or our justiciary, if we are out of the realm,
   and, laying open the grievance, shall petition to have it
   redressed without delay: and if it be not redressed by us, or
   if we should chance to be out of the realm, if it should not
   be redressed by our justiciary within forty days, reckoning
   from the time it has been notified to us, or to our justiciary
   (if we should be out of the realm), the four barons aforesaid
   shall lay the cause before the rest of the five-and-twenty
   barons; and the said five-and-twenty barons, together with the
   community of the whole kingdom, shall distrain and distress us
   in all the ways in which they shall be able, by seizing our
   castles, lands, possessions, and in any other manner they can,
   till the grievance is redressed, according to their pleasure;
   saving harmless our own person, and the persons of our Queen
   and children; and when it is redressed, they shall behave to
   us as before. And any person whatsoever in the kingdom may
   swear that he will obey the orders of the five-and-twenty
   barons aforesaid in the execution of the premises, and will
   distress us, jointly with them, to the utmost of his power;
   and we give public and free liberty to anyone that shall
   please to swear to this, and never will hinder any person from
   taking the same oath.

   62. As for all those of our subjects who will not, of their
   own accord, swear to join the five-and-twenty barons in
   distraining and distressing us, we will issue orders to make
   them take the same oath as aforesaid. And if anyone of the
   five-and-twenty barons dies, or goes out of the kingdom, or is
   hindered any other way from carrying the things aforesaid into
   execution, the rest of the said five-and-twenty barons may
   choose another in his room, at their discretion, who shall be
   sworn in like manner as the rest. In all things that are
   committed to the execution of these five-and-twenty barons,
   if, when they are all assembled together, they should happen
   to disagree about any matter, and some of them, when summoned,
   will not or cannot come, whatever is agreed upon, or enjoined,
   by the major part of those that are present shall be reputed
   as firm and valid as if all the five-and-twenty had given
   their consent; and the aforesaid five-and-twenty shall swear
   that all the premises they shall faithfully observe, and cause
   with all their power to be observed. And we will procure
   nothing from anyone, by ourselves nor by another, whereby any
   of these concessions and liberties may be revoked or lessened;
   and if any such thing shall have been obtained, let it be null
   and void; neither will we ever make use of it either by
   ourselves or any other. And all the ill-will, indignations,
   and rancours that have arisen between us and our subjects, of
   the clergy and laity, from the first breaking out of the
   dissensions between us, we do fully remit and forgive:
   moreover, all trespasses occasioned by the said dissensions,
   from Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign till the
   restoration of peace and tranquillity, we hereby entirely
   remit to all, both clergy and laity, and as far as in us lies
   do fully forgive. We have, moreover, caused to be made for
   them the letters patent testimonial of Stephen, Lord
   Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry, Lord Archbishop of Dublin,
   and the bishops aforesaid, as also of Master Pandulph, for the
   security and concessions aforesaid.


   63. Wherefore we will and firmly enjoin, that the Church of
   England be free, and that all men in our kingdom have and hold
   all the aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions, truly
   and peaceably, freely and quietly, fully and wholly to
   themselves and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all things
   and places, for ever, as is aforesaid. It is also sworn, as
   well on our part as on the part of the barons, that all the
   things aforesaid shall be observed in good faith, and without
   evil subtilty. Given under our hand, in the presence of the
   witnesses above named, and many others, in the meadow called
   Runingmede, between Windsor and Staines, the 15th day of June,
   in the 17th year of our reign."

      W. Stubbs,
      Select Charters,
      part 5.

      Old South Leaflets,
      General Series,
      number 5.

      Also IN:
      E. F. Henderson,
      Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages,
      book 1, number 7.

      C. H. Pearson,
      History of England during the Early and Middle Ages,
      volume 2, chapter 3.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1216-1274.
   Character and reign of Henry III.
   The Barons' War.
   Simon de Montfort and the evolution of the English Parliament.

   King John died October 17,1216. "His legitimate successor was
   a child of nine years of age. For the first time since the
   Conquest the personal government was in the hands of a minor.
   In that stormy time the great Earl of Pembroke undertook the
   government, as Protector. ... At the Council of Bristol, with
   general approbation and even with that of the papal legate,
   Magna Charta was confirmed, though with the omission of
   certain articles. ... After some degree of tranquillity had
   been restored, a second confirmation of the Great Charter took
   place in the autumn of 1217, with the omission of the clauses
   referring to the estates, but with the grant of a new charta
   de foresta, introducing a vigorous administration of the
   forest laws. In 9 Henry III. Magna Charta was again confirmed,
   and this is the form in which it afterwards took its place
   among the statutes of the realm. Two years later, Henry III.
   personally assumes the reins of government at the Parliament
   of Oxford (1227), and begins his rule without confirming the
   two charters. At first the tutorial government still
   continues, which had meanwhile, even after the death of the
   great Earl of Pembroke (1219), remained in a fairly orderly
   condition. The first epoch of sixteen years of this reign must
   therefore be regarded purely as a government by the nobility
   under the name of Henry III. The regency had succeeded in
   removing the dominant influence of the Roman Curia by the
   recall of the papal legate, Pandulf, to Rome (1221), and in
   getting rid of the dangerous foreign mercenary soldiery
   (1224). ... With the disgraceful dismissal of the chief
   justiciary, Hubert de Burgh, there begins a second epoch of a
   personal rule of Henry III. (1232-1252), which for twenty
   continuous years, presents the picture of a confused and
   undecided struggle between the king and his foreign favourites
   and personal adherents on the one side, and the great barons,
   and with them soon the prelates, on the other. ... In 21 Henry
   III. the King finds himself, in consequence of pressing money
   embarrassments, again compelled to make a solemn confirmation
   of the charter, in which once more the clauses relating to the
   estates are omitted. Shortly afterwards, as had happened just
   one hundred years previously in France, the name
   'parliamentum' occurs for the first time (Chron. Dunst., 1244;
   Matth. Paris, 1246), and curiously enough, Henry III. himself,
   in a writ addressed to the Sheriff of Northampton, designates
   with this term the assembly which originated the Magna Charta.
   ... The name 'parliament,' now occurs more frequently, but
   does not supplant the more definite terms concilium,
   colloquium, etc. In the meanwhile the relations with the
   Continent became complicated, in consequence of the family
   connections of the mother and wife of the King, and the greed
   of the papal envoys. ... From the year 1244 onwards, neither a
   chief justice nor a chancellor, nor even a treasurer, is
   appointed, but the administration of the country is conducted
   at the Court by the clerks of the offices."

      R. Gneist,
      History of the English Constitution,
      volume 1, pages 313-321.

   "Nothing is so hard to realise as chaos; and nothing nearer to
   chaos can be conceived than the government of Henry III. Henry
   was, like all the Plantagenets, clever; like very few of them,
   he was devout; and if the power of conceiving a great policy
   would constitute a great King, he would certainly have been
   one. ... He aimed at making the Crown virtually independent of
   the barons. ... His connexion with Louis IX., whose
   brother-in-law he became, was certainly a misfortune to him.
   In France the royal power had during the last fifty years been
   steadily on the advance; in England it had as steadily
   receded; and Henry was ever hearing from the other side of the
   Channel maxims of government and ideas of royal authority
   which were utterly inapplicable to the actual state of his own
   kingdom. This, like a premature Stuart, Henry was incapable of
   perceiving; a King he was, and a King he would be, in his own
   sense of the word. It is evident that with such a task before
   him, he needed for the most shadowy chance of success, an iron
   strength of will, singular self-control, great forethought and
   care in collecting and husbanding his resources, a rare talent
   for administration, the sagacity to choose and the
   self-reliance to trust his counsellors. And not one of these
   various qualities did Henry possess. ... Henry had imbibed
   from the events and the tutors of his early childhood two
   maxims of state, and two alone: to trust Rome, and to distrust
   the barons of England. ... He filled the places of trust and
   power about himself with aliens, to whom the maintenance of
   Papal influence was like an instinct of self-preservation.
   Thus were definitely formed the two great parties out of whose
   antagonism the War of the Barons arose, under whose influence
   the relations between the crown and people of England were
   remodelled, and out of whose enduring conflict rose,
   indirectly, the political principles which contributed so
   largely to bring about the Reformation of the English Church.
   The few years which followed the fall of Hubert de Burgh were
   the heyday of Papal triumph. And no triumph could have been
   worse used. ... Thus was the whole country lying a prey to the
   ecclesiastical aliens maintained by the Pope, and to the lay
   aliens maintained by the King, ... when Simon de Montfort
   became ... inseparably intermixed with the course of our
   history. ... In the year 1258 opened the first act of the
   great drama which has made the name of Simon de Montfort
   immortal. ... The Barons of England, at Leicester's
   suggestion, had leagued for the defence of their rights. They
   appeared armed at the Great Council. ...
   They required as the condition of their assistance that the
   general reformation of the realm should be entrusted to a
   Commission of twenty-four members, half to be chosen by the
   crown, and half by themselves. For the election of this body,
   primarily, and for a more explicit statement of grievances,
   the Great Council was to meet again at Oxford on the 11th of
   June, 1258. When the Barons came, they appeared at the head of
   their retainers. The invasion of the Welsh was the plea; but
   the real danger was nearer home. They seized on the Cinque
   Ports; the unrenewed truce with France was the excuse; they
   remembered too vividly King John and his foreign mercenaries.
   They then presented their petition. This was directed to the
   redress of various abuses. ... To each and every clause the
   King gave his inevitable assent. One more remarkable
   encroachment was made upon the royal prerogative; the election
   in Parliament of a chief justiciar. ... The chief justiciar
   was the first officer of the Crown. He was not a mere chief
   justice, after the fashion of the present day, but the
   representative of the Crown in its high character of the
   fountain of justice. ... But the point upon which the barons
   laid the greatest stress, from the beginning to the end of
   their struggle, was the question of the employment of aliens.
   That the strongest castles and the fairest lands of England
   should be in the hands of foreigners, was an insult to the
   national spirit which no free people could fail to resent. ...
   England for the English, the great war cry of the barons, went
   home to the heart of the humblest. ... The great question of
   the constitution of Parliament was not heard at Oxford; it
   emerged into importance when the struggle grew fiercer, and
   the barons found it necessary to gather allies round them. ...
   One other measure completed the programme of the barons;
   namely, the appointment, already referred to, of a committee
   of twenty-four. ... It amounted to placing the crown under the
   control of a temporary Council of Regency [see OXFORD,
   PROVISIONS OF]. ... Part of the barons' work was simple
   enough. The justiciar was named, and the committee of
   twenty-four. To expel the foreigners was less easy. Simon de
   Montfort, himself an alien by birth, resigned the two castles
   which he held, and called upon the rest to follow. They simply
   refused. ... But the barons were in arms, and prepared to use
   them. The aliens, with their few English supporters, fled to
   Winchester, where the castle was in the hands of the foreign
   bishop Aymer. They were besieged, brought to terms, and
   exiled. The barons were now masters of the situation. ...
   Among the prerogatives of the crown which passed to the Oxford
   Commission not the least valuable, for the hold which it gave
   on the general government of the country, was the right to
   nominate the sheriffs. In 1261 the King, who had procured a
   Papal bull to abrogate the Provisions of Oxford, and an army
   of mercenaries to give the bull effect, proceeded to expel the
   sheriffs who had been placed in office by the barons. The
   reply of the barons was most memorable; it was a direct appeal
   to the order below their own. They summoned three knights
   elected from each county in England to meet them at St. Albans
   to discuss the state of the realm. It was clear that the day
   of the House of Commons could not be far distant, when at such
   a crisis an appeal to the knights of the shire could be made,
   and evidently made with success. For a moment, in this great
   move, the whole strength of the barons was united; but
   differences soon returned, and against divided counsels the
   crown steadily prevailed. In June, 1262, we find peace
   restored. The more moderate of the barons had acquiesced in
   the terms offered by Henry; Montfort, who refused them, was
   abroad in voluntary exile. ... Suddenly, in July, the Earl of
   Gloucester died, and the sole leadership of the barons passed
   into the hands of Montfort. With this critical event opens the
   last act in the career of the great Earl. In October he returns
   privately to England. The whole winter is passed in the
   patient reorganising of the party, and the preparation for a
   decisive struggle. Montfort, fervent, eloquent, and devoted,
   swayed with despotic influence the hearts of the younger
   nobles (and few in those days lived to be grey), and taught
   them to feel that the Provisions of Oxford were to them what
   the Great Charter had been to their fathers. They were drawn
   together with an unanimity unknown before. ... They demanded
   the restoration of the Great Provisions. The King refused, and
   in May, 1263, the barons appealed to arms. ... Henry, with a
   reluctant hand, subscribed once more to the Provisions of
   Oxford, with a saving clause, however, that they should be
   revised in the coming Parliament. On the 9th of September,
   accordingly, Parliament was assembled. ... The King and the
   barons agreed to submit their differences to the arbitration
   of Louis of France. ... Louis IX. had done more than any one
   king of France to enlarge the royal prerogative; and Louis was
   the brother-in-law of Henry. His award, given at Amiens on the
   23d of January, 1264. was, as we should have expected,
   absolutely in favour of the King. The whole Provisions of
   Oxford were, in his view, an invasion of the royal power. ...
   The barons were astounded. ... They at once said that the
   question of the employment of aliens was never meant to be
   included. ... The appeal was made once again to the sword.
   Success for a moment inclined to the royal side, but it was
   only for a moment; and on the memorable field of Lewes the
   genius of Leicester prevailed. ... With the two kings of
   England and of the Romans prisoners in his hands, Montfort
   dictated the terms of the so-called Mise of Lewes. ... Subject
   to the approval of Parliament, all differences were to be
   submitted once more to French arbitration. ... On the 23d of
   June the Parliament met. It was no longer a Great Council,
   after the fashion of previous assemblies; it included four
   knights, elected by each English county. This Parliament gave
   such sanction as it was able to the exceptional authority of
   Montfort, and ordered that until the proposed arbitration
   could be carried out, the King's council should consist of
   nine persons, to be named by the Bishop of Chichester, and the
   Earls of Gloucester and Leicester. The effect was to give
   Simon for the time despotic power. ... It was at length agreed
   that all questions whatever, the employment of aliens alone
   excepted, should be referred to the Bishop of London, the
   justiciar Hugh le Despenser, Charles of Anjou, and the Abbot
   of Bec. If on any point they could not agree, the Archbishop
   of Rouen was to act as referee. ... It was ... not simply the
   expedient of a revolutionary chief in difficulties, but the
   expression of a settled and matured policy, when, in December
   1264, [Montfort] issued in the King's name the ever-memorable
   writs which summoned the first complete Parliament which ever
   met in England.
   The earls, barons, and bishops received their summons as of
   course; and with them the deans of cathedral churches, an
   unprecedented number of abbots and priors, two knights from
   every shire, and two citizens or burgesses from every city or
   borough in England. Of their proceedings we know but little;
   but they appear to have appointed Simon de Montfort to the
   office of Justiciar of England, and to have thus made him in
   rank, what he had before been in power, the first subject in
   the realm. ... Montfort ... had now gone so far, he had
   exercised such extraordinary powers, he had done so many
   things which could never really be pardoned, that perhaps his
   only chance of safety lay in the possession of some such
   office as this. It is certain, moreover, that something which
   passed in this Parliament, or almost exactly at the time of
   its meeting, did cause deep offence to a considerable section
   of the barons. ... Difficulties were visibly gathering thicker
   around him, and he was evidently conscious that disaffection
   was spreading fast. ... Negotiations went forward, not very
   smoothly, for the release of Prince Edward. They were
   terminated in May by his escape. It was the signal for a
   royalist rising. Edward took the command of the Welsh border;
   before the middle of June he had made the border his own. On
   the 29th Gloucester opened its gates to him. He had many
   secret friends. He pushed fearlessly eastward, and surprised
   the garrison of Kenilworth, commanded by Simon, the Earl's
   second son. The Earl himself lay at Evesham, awaiting the
   troops which his son was to bring up from Kenilworth. ... On
   the fatal field of Evesham, fighting side by side to the last,
   fell the Earl himself, his eldest son Henry, Despenser the
   late Justiciar, Lord Basset of Drayton, one of his firmest
   friends, and a host of minor name. With them, to all
   appearance, fell the cause for which they had fought."

      Simon de Montfort
      (Quarterly Review, January, 1866).


   "Important as this assembly [the Parliament of 1264] is in the
   history of the constitution, it was not primarily and
   essentially a constitutional assembly. It was not a general
   convention of the tenants in chief or of the three estates,
   but a parliamentary assembly of the supporters of the existing

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 14, section 177 (volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      W. Stubbs,
      The Early Plantagenets.

      G. W. Prothero,
      Life of Simon de Montfort,
      chapter 11-12.

      H. Blaauw,
      The Barons' War.

      C. H. Pearson,
      England, Early and Middle Ages,
      volume 2.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1271.
   Crusade of Prince Edward:

      See CRUSADES: A. D. 1270-1271.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1272.
   Accession of King Edward I.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1275-1295.
   Development of Parliamentary representation under Edward 1.

   "Happily, Earl Simon [de Montfort] found a successor, and more
   than a successor, in the king's [Henry III.'s] son. ... Edward
   I. stood on the vantage ground of the throne. ... He could do
   that easily and without effort which Simon could only do
   laboriously, and with the certainty of rousing opposition.
   Especially was this the case with the encouragement given by
   the two men to the growing aspirations after parliamentary
   representation. Earl Simon's assemblies were instruments of
   warfare. Edward's assemblies were invitations to peace. ...
   Barons and prelates, knights and townsmen, came together only
   to support a king who took the initiative so wisely, and who,
   knowing what was best for all, sought the good of his kingdom
   without thought of his own ease. Yet even so, Edward was too
   prudent at once to gather together such a body as that which
   Earl Simon had planned. He summoned, indeed, all the
   constituent parts of Simon's parliament, but he seldom
   summoned them to meet in one place or at one time. Sometimes
   the barons and prelates met apart from the townsmen or the
   knights, sometimes one or the other class met entirely alone.
   ... In this way, during the first twenty years of Edward's
   reign, the nation rapidly grew in that consciousness of
   national unity which would one day transfer the function of
   regulation from the crown to the representatives of the

      S. R. Gardiner and J. B. Mullinger,
      Introduction to the Study of English History,
      chapter 4, section 17.

   "In 1264 Simon de Montfort had called up from both shires and
   boroughs representatives to aid him in the new work of
   government. That part of Earl Simon's work had not been
   lasting. The task was left for Edward I. to be advanced by
   gradual safe steps, but to be thoroughly completed, as a part
   of a definite and orderly arrangement, according to which the
   English parliament was to be the perfect representation of the
   Three Estates of the Realm, assembled for purposes of
   taxation, legislation and united political action. ...
   Edward's first parliament, in 1275, enabled him to pass a
   great statute of legal reform, called the Statute of
   Westminster the First, and to exact the new custom on wool;
   another assembly, the same year, granted him a fifteenth. ...
   There is no evidence that the commons of either town or county
   were represented. ... In 1282, when the expenses of the Welsh
   war were becoming heavy, Edward again tried the plan of
   obtaining money from the towns and counties by separate
   negotiation; but as that did not provide him with funds
   sufficient for his purpose, he called together, early in 1283,
   two great assemblies, one at York and another at Northampton,
   in which four knights from each shire and four members from
   each city and borough were ordered to attend; the cathedral
   and conventual clergy also of the two provinces were
   represented at the same places by their elected proctors. At
   these assemblies there was no attendance of the barons; they
   were with the king in Wales; but the commons made a grant of
   one-thirtieth on the understanding that the lords should do
   the same. Another assembly was held at Shrewsbury the same
   year, 1283, to witness the trial of David of Wales; to this
   the bishops and clergy were not called, but twenty towns and
   all the counties were ordered to send representatives. Another
   step was taken in 1290: knights of the shire were again
   summoned; but still much remained to be done before a perfect
   parliament was constituted. Counsel was wanted for
   legislation, consent was wanted for taxation. The lords were
   summoned in May, and did their work in June and July, granting
   a feudal aid and passing the statute 'Quia Emptores,' but the
   knights only came to vote or to promise a tax, after a law had
   been passed; and the towns were again taxed by special
   commissions. In 1294, ... under the alarm of war with France,
   an alarm which led Edward into several breaches of
   constitutional law, he went still further, assembling the
   clergy by their representatives in August, and the shires by
   their representative knights in October.
   The next year, 1295, witnessed the first summons of a perfect
   and model parliament; the clergy represented by their bishops,
   deans, archdeacons, and elected proctors; the barons summoned
   severally in person by the king's special writ, and the
   commons summoned by writs addressed to the sheriffs, directing
   them to send up two elected knights from each shire, two
   elected citizens from each city, and two elected burghers from
   each borough. The writ by which the prelates were called to
   this parliament contained a famous sentence taken from the
   Roman law, 'That which touches all should be approved by all,'
   a maxim which might serve as a motto for Edward's
   constitutional scheme, however slowly it grew upon him, now
   permanently and consistently completed."

      W. Stubbs,
      The Early Plantagenets,
      chapter 10.

   "Comparing the history of the following ages with that of the
   past, we can scarcely doubt that Edward had a definite idea of
   government before his eyes, or that that idea was successful
   because it approved itself to the genius and grew out of the
   habits of the people. Edward saw, in fact, what the nation was
   capable of, and adapted his constitutional reforms to that
   capacity. But although we may not refuse him the credit of
   design, it may still be questioned whether the design was
   altogether voluntary, whether it was not forced upon him by
   circumstances and developed by a series of careful
   experiments. ... The design, as interpreted by the result, was
   the creation of a national parliament, composed of the three
   estates. ... This design was perfected in 1295. It was not the
   result of compulsion, but the consummation of a growing policy.
   ... But the close union of 1295 was followed by the compulsion
   of 1297: out of the organic completeness of the constitution
   sprang the power of resistance, and out of the resistance the
   victory of the principles, which Edward might guide, but which
   he failed to coerce."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 15, section 244
      and chapter 14, section 180-182.

      W. Stubbs,
      Select Charters,
      part 7.

   "The 13th century was above all things the age of the lawyer
   and the legislator. The revived study of Roman law had been
   one of the greatest results of the intellectual renaissance of
   the twelfth century. The enormous growth of the universities
   in the early part of the thirteenth century was in no small
   measure due to the zeal, ardour and success of their legal
   faculties. From Bologna there flowed all over Europe a great
   impulse towards the systematic and scientific study of the
   Civil Law of Rome. ... The northern lawyers were inspired by
   their emulation of the civilians and canonists to look at the
   rude chaos of feudal custom with more critical eyes. They
   sought to give it more system and method, to elicit its
   leading principles, and to coordinate its clashing rules into
   a harmonious body of doctrine worthy to be put side by side
   with the more pretentious edifices of the Civil and Canon Law.
   In this spirit Henry de Bracton wrote the first systematic
   exposition of English law in the reign of Henry III. The
   judges and lawyers of the reign of Edward sought to put the
   principles of Bracton into practice. Edward himself strove
   with no small success to carry on the same great work by new
   legislation. ... His well-known title of the 'English
   Justinian' is not so absurd as it appears at first sight. He
   did not merely resemble Justinian in being a great legislator.
   Like the famous codifier of the Roman law, Edward stood at the
   end of a long period of legal development, and sought to arrange
   and systematise what had gone before him. Some of his great
   laws are almost in form attempts at the systematic
   codification of various branches of feudal custom. ... Edward
   was greedy for power, and a constant object of his legislation
   was the exaltation of the royal prerogative. But he nearly
   always took a broad and comprehensive view of his authority,
   and thoroughly grasped the truth that the best interests of
   king and kingdom were identical. He wished to rule the state,
   but was willing to take his subjects into partnership with
   him, if they in return recognised his royal rights. ... The
   same principles which influenced Edward as a lawgiver stand
   out clearly in his relations to every class of his subjects.
   ... It was the greatest work of Edward's life to make a
   permanent and ordinary part of the machinery of English
   government, what in his father's time had been but the
   temporary expedient of a needy taxgatherer or the last
   despairing effort of a revolutionary partisan. Edward I.
   is--so much as one man can be--the creator of the historical
   English constitution. It is true that the materials were ready
   to his hand. But before he came to the throne the parts of the
   constitution, though already roughly worked out, were
   ill-defined and ill-understood. Before his death the national
   council was no longer regarded as complete unless it contained
   a systematic representation of the three estates. All over
   Europe the thirteenth century saw the establishment of a
   system of estates. The various classes of the community, which
   had a separate social status and a common political interest,
   became organised communities, and sent their representatives
   to swell the council of the nation. By Edward's time there had
   already grown up in England some rough anticipation of the
   three estates of later history. ... It was with no intention
   of diminishing his power, but rather with the object of
   enlarging it, that Edward called the nation into some sort of
   partnership with him. The special clue to this aspect of his
   policy is his constant financial embarrassment. He found that
   he could get larger and more cheerful subsidies if he laid his
   financial condition before the representatives of his people.
   ... The really important thing was that Edward, like Montfort,
   brought shire and borough representatives together in a single
   estate, and so taught the country gentry, the lesser
   landowners, who, in a time when direct participation in
   politics was impossible for a lower class, were the real
   constituencies of the shire members, to look upon their
   interests as more in common with the traders of lower social
   status than with the greater landlords with whom in most
   continental countries the lesser gentry were forced to
   associate their lot. The result strengthened the union of
   classes, prevented the growth of the abnormally numerous
   privileged nobility of most foreign countries, and broadened
   and deepened the main current of the national life."

      T. F. Tout,
      Edward the First,
      chapter 7-8.


   "There was nothing in England which answered to the 'third
   estate' in France--a class, that is to say, both isolated and
   close, composed exclusively of townspeople, enjoying no
   commerce with the rural population (except such as consisted
   in the reception of fugitives), and at once detesting and
   dreading the nobility by whom it was surrounded. In England
   the contrary was the case. The townsfolk and the other classes
   in each county were thrown together upon numberless occasions;
   a long period of common activity created a cordial
   understanding between the burghers on the one hand and their
   neighbours the knights and landowners on the other, and
   finally prepared the way for the fusion of the two classes."

      E. Boutmy,
      The English Constitution,
      chapter 3.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1279.
   The Statute of Mortmain.

   "For many years past, the great danger to the balance of power
   appeared to come from the regular clergy, who, favoured by the
   success of the mendicant orders, were adding house to house
   and field to field. Never dying out like families, and rarely
   losing by forfeitures, the monasteries might well nigh
   calculate the time, when all the soil of England should be
   their own. ... Accordingly, one of the first acts of the
   barons under Henry III. had been to enact, that no fees should
   be aliened to religious persons or corporations. Edward
   re-enacted and strengthened this by various provisions in the
   famous Statute of Mortmain. The fee illegally aliened was now
   to be forfeited to the chief lord under the King; and if, by
   collusion or neglect, the lord omitted to claim his right, the
   crown might enter upon it. Never was statute more unpopular
   with the class at whom it was aimed, more ceaselessly eluded,
   or more effectual. ... Once the clergy seem to have meditated
   open resistance, for, in 1281, we find the king warning the
   bishops, who were then in convocation at Lambeth, as they
   loved their baronies, to discuss nothing that appertained to
   the crown, or the king's person, or his council. The warning
   appears to have proved effectual, and the clergy found less
   dangerous employment in elaborating subtle evasions of the
   obnoxious law. At first fictitious recoveries were practised;
   an abbey bringing a suit against a would-be donor, who
   permitted judgment against him to go by default. When this was
   prohibited, special charters of exemption were procured. Once
   an attempt was made to smuggle a dispensing bill through
   parliament. One politic abbot in the 15th century encouraged
   his friends to make bequests of land, suffered them to
   escheat, and then begged them back of the crown, playing on
   the religious feelings of Henry VI. Yet it is strong proof of
   the salutary terror which the Statute of Mortmain inspired
   that even then the abbot was not quieted, and procured an Act
   of Parliament to purge him from any consequences of his
   illegal practices. In fact, the fear, lest astute crown
   lawyers should involve a rich foundation in wholesale
   forfeitures, seems sometimes to have hampered its members in
   the exercise of their undoubted rights as citizens."

      C. H. Pearson,
      History of England during the Early and Middle Ages,
      volume 2, chapter 9.

      ALSO IN:
      E. F. Henderson,
      Select Historical Documents.

      K. E. Digby,
      Law of Real Property (4th edition).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1282-1284.
   Subjugation of Wales.

      See WALES: A. D. 1282-1284.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1290-1305.
   Conquest of Scotland by Edward I.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1290-1305.

ENGLAND: 14th Century.
   Immigration of Flemish artisans.
   The founding of English manufactures.

      See FLANDERS: A. D. 1335-1337.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1306-1393.
   Resistance to the Pope.

   "For one hundred and fifty years succeeding the Conquest, the
   right of nominating the archbishops, bishops, and mitred
   abbots had been claimed and exercised by the king. This right
   had been specially confirmed by the Constitutions of
   Clarendon, which also provided that the revenues of vacant
   sees should belong to the Crown. But John admitted all the
   Papal claims, surrendering even his kingdom to the Pope, and
   receiving it back as a fief of the Holy See. By the Great
   Charter the Church recovered its liberties; the right of free
   election being specially conceded to the cathedral chapters
   and the religious houses. Every election was, however, subject
   to the approval of the Pope, who also claimed a right of veto
   on institutions to the smaller church benefices. ... Under
   Henry III. the power thus vested in the Pope and foreign
   superiors of the monastic orders was greatly abused, and soon
   degenerated into a mere channel for draining money into the
   Roman exchequer. Edward I. firmly withstood the exactions of
   the Pope, and reasserted the independence of both Church and
   Crown. ... In the reign of the great Edward began a series of
   statutes passed to check the aggressions of the Pope and
   restore the independence of the national church. The first of
   the series was passed in 1306-7. ... This statute was
   confirmed under Edward III. in the 4th, and again in the 5th
   year of his reign; and in the 25th of his reign [A. D. 1351],
   roused 'by the grievous complaints of all the commons of his
   realm,' the King and Parliament passed the famous Statute of
   Provisors, aimed directly at the Pope, and emphatically
   forbidding his nominations to English benefices. ... Three
   years afterwards it was found necessary to pass a statute
   forbidding citations to the court of Rome--[the prelude to the
   Statute of Præmunire, described below]. ... In 1389, there was an
   expectation that the Pope was about to attempt to enforce his
   claims, by excommunicating those who rejected them. ... The
   Parliament at once passed a highly penal statute. ... Matters
   were shortly afterwards brought to a crisis by Boniface IX.,
   who after declaring the statutes enacted by the English
   Parliament null and void, granted to an Italian cardinal a
   prebendal stall at Wells, to which the king had already
   presented. Cross suits were at once instituted by the two
   claimants in the Papal and English courts. A decision was
   given by the latter, in favour of the king's nominee, and the
   bishops, having agreed to support the Crown, were forthwith
   excommunicated by the Pope. The Commons were now roused to the
   highest pitch of indignation,"--and the final great Statute of
   Præmunire was passed, A. D. 1393. "The firm and resolute
   attitude assumed by the country caused Boniface to yield; 'and
   for the moment,' observes Mr. Froude, 'and indeed for ever
   under this especial form, the wave of papal encroachment was
   rolled back.'"

      T. P. Taswell-Langmead,
      English Constitutional History,
      chapter 11.

   "The great Statute of Provisors, passed in 1351, was a very
   solemn expression of the National determination not to give
   way to the pope's usurpation of patronage. ... All persons
   procuring or accepting papal promotions were to be arrested.
   ... In 1352 the purchasers of Provisions were declared
   outlaws; in 1365 another act repeated the prohibitions and
   penalties; and in 1390 the parliament of Richard II. rehearsed
   and confirmed the statute. By this act, forfeiture and
   banishment were decreed against future transgressors."
   The Statute of Præmunire as enacted finally in 1393, provided
   that "all persons procuring in the court of Rome or elsewhere
   such translations, processes, sentences of excommunication,
   bulls, instruments or other things which touch the king, his
   crown, regality or realm, should suffer the penalties of
   præmunire"--which included imprisonment and forfeiture of
   goods. "The name præmunire which marks this form of
   legislation is taken from the opening word of the writ by
   which the sheriff is charged to summon the delinquent."

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 19, section 715-716.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1307.
   Accession of King Edward II.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1310-1311.
   The Ordainers.

   "At the parliament which met in March 1310 [reign of Edward
   II.] a new scheme of reform was promulgated, which was framed
   on the model of that of 1258 and the Provisions of Oxford. It
   was determined that the task of regulating the affairs of the
   realm and of the king's household should be committed to an
   elected body of twenty-one members, or Ordainers, the chief of
   whom was Archbishop Winchelsey. ... The Ordainers were
   empowered to remain in office until Michaelmas 1311, and to
   make ordinances for the good of the realm, agreeable to the
   tenour of the king's coronation oath. The whole administration
   of the kingdom thus passed into their hands. ... The Ordainers
   immediately on their appointment issued six articles directing
   the observance of the charters, the careful collection of the
   customs, and the arrest of the foreign merchants; but the
   great body of the ordinances was reserved for the parliament
   which met in August 1311. The famous document or statute known
   as the Ordinances of 1311 contained forty-one clauses, all
   aimed at existing abuses."

      W. Stubbs,
      The Early Plantagenets,
      chapter 12.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1314-1328.
   Bannockburn and the recovery of Scottish independence.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1314; 1314-1328.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1327.
   Accession of King Edward III.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1328.
   The Peace of Northampton with Scotland.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1328.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1328-1360.
   The pretensions and wars of Edward III. in France.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1328-1339; and 1337-1360.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1332-1370.
   The wars of Edward III. with Scotland.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1332-1333, and 1333-1370.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1333-1380.
   The effects of the war in France.

   "A period of great wars is generally favourable to the growth
   of a nobility. Men who equipped large bodies of troops for the
   Scotch or French wars, or who had served with distinction in
   them, naturally had a claim for reward at the hands of their
   sovereign. ... The 13th century had broken up estates all over
   England and multiplied families of the upper class; the 14th
   century was consolidating properties again, and establishing a
   broad division between a few powerful nobles and the mass of
   the community. But if the gentry, as an order, lost a little
   in relative importance by the formation of a class of great
   nobles, more distinct than had existed before, the middle
   classes of England, its merchants and yeomen, gained very much
   in importance by the war. Under the firm rule of the 'King of
   the Sea,' as his subjects lovingly called Edward III., our
   commerce expanded. Englishmen rose to an equality with the
   merchants of the Hanse Towns, the Genoese, or the Lombards,
   and England for a time overflowed with treasure. The first
   period of war, ending with the capture of Calais, secured our
   coasts; the second, terminated by the peace of Brétigny,
   brought the plunder of half [of] France into the English
   markets; and even when Edward's reign had closed on defeat and
   bankruptcy, and our own shores were ravaged by hostile fleets,
   it was still possible for private adventurers to retaliate
   invasion upon the enemy. ... The romance of foreign conquest,
   of fortunes lightly gained and lightly lost, influenced
   English enterprise for many years to come. ... The change to
   the lower orders during the reign arose rather from the
   frequent pestilences, which reduced the number of working men
   and made labour valuable, than from any immediate
   participation in the war. In fact, English serfs, as a rule,
   did not serve in Edward's armies. They could not be
   men-at-arms or archers for want of training and equipment; and
   for the work of light-armed troops and foragers, the Irish and
   Welsh seem to have been preferred. The opportunity of the
   serfs came with the Black Death, while districts were
   depopulated, and everywhere there was a want of hands to till
   the fields and get in the crops. The immediate effect was
   unfortunate. ... The indifference of late years, when men were
   careless if their villans stayed on the property or emigrated,
   was succeeded by a sharp inquisition after fugitive serfs, and
   constant legislation to bring them back to their masters. ...
   The leading idea of the legislator was that the labourer,
   whose work had doubled or trebled in value, was to receive the
   same wages as in years past; and it was enacted that he might
   be paid in kind, and, at last, that in all cases of contumacy
   he should be imprisoned without the option of a fine. ... The
   French war contributed in many ways to heighten the feeling of
   English nationality. Our trade, our language and our Church
   received a new and powerful influence. In the early years of
   Edward III.'s reign, Italian merchants were the great
   financiers of England, farming the taxes and advancing loans
   to the Crown. Gradually the instinct of race, the influence of
   the Pope, and geographical position, contributed, with the
   mistakes of Edward's policy, to make France the head, as it
   were, of a confederation of Latin nations. Genoese ships
   served in the French fleet, Genoese bowmen fought at Crécy,
   and English privateers retorted on Genoese commerce throughout
   the course of the reign. In 1376 the Commons petitioned that
   all Lombards might be expelled [from] the kingdom, bringing
   amongst other charges against them that they were French
   spies. The Florentines do not seem to have been equally
   odious, but the failure of the great firm of the Bardi in
   1345, chiefly through its English engagements, obliged Edward
   to seek assistance elsewhere; and he transferred the privilege
   of lending to the crown to the merchants of the rising Hanse

      C. H. Pearson,
      English History in the Fourteenth Century,
      chapter 9.

   "We may trace the destructive nature of the war with France in
   the notices of adjoining parishes thrown into one for want of
   sufficient inhabitants, 'of people impoverished by frequent
   taxation of our lord the king,' until they had fled, of
   churches allowed to fall into ruin because there were none to
   worship within their walls, and of religious houses
   extinguished because the monks and nuns had died, and none bad
   been found to supply their places. ...
   To the poverty of the country and the consequent inability of
   the nation to maintain the costly wars of Edward III., are
   attributed the enactments of sumptuary laws, which were passed
   because men who spent much on their table and dress were
   unable 'to help their liege lord' in the battle field."

      W. Denton,
      England in the 15th Century,
      introduction, part 2.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1318-1349.
   The Black Death and its effects.

   "The plague of 1349 ... produced in every country some marked
   social changes. ... In England the effects of the plague are
   historically prominent chiefly among the lower classes of
   society. The population was diminished to an extent to which
   it is impossible now even to approximate, but which bewildered
   and appalled the writers of the time; whole districts were
   thrown out of cultivation, whole parishes depopulated, the
   number of labourers was so much diminished that on the one
   hand the survivors demanded an extravagant rate of wages, and
   even combined to enforce it, whilst on the other hand the
   landowners had to resort to every antiquated claim of service
   to get their estates cultivated at all; the whole system of
   farming was changed in consequence, the great landlords and
   the monastic corporations ceased to manage their estates by
   farming stewards, and after a short interval, during which the
   lands with the stock on them were let to the cultivator on
   short leases, the modern system of letting was introduced, and
   the permanent distinction between the farmer and the labourer

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 16, section 259.

   "On the first of August 1348 the disease appeared in the
   seaport towns of Dorsetshire, and travelled slowly westwards
   and northwards, through Devonshire and Somersetshire to
   Bristol. In order, if possible, to arrest its progress, all
   intercourse with the citizens of Bristol was prohibited by the
   authorities of the county of Gloucester. These precautions
   were however taken in vain; the Plague continued to Oxford,
   and, travelling slowly in the same measured way, reached
   London by the first of November. It appeared in Norwich on the
   first of January, and thence spread northwards. ... The
   mortality was enormous. Perhaps from one-third to one-half the
   population fell victims to the disease. Adam of Monmouth says
   that only a tenth of the population survived. Similar
   amplifications are found in all the chroniclers. We are told
   that 60,000 persons perished in Norwich between January and
   July 1349. No doubt Norwich was at that time the second city
   in the kingdom, but the number is impossible. ... It is stated
   that in England the weight of the calamity fell on the poor,
   and that the higher classes were less severely affected. But
   Edward's daughter Joan fell a victim to it and three
   archbishops of Canterbury perished in the same year. ... All
   contemporary writers inform us that the immediate consequence
   of the Plague was a dearth of labour, and excessive
   enhancement of wages, and thereupon a serious loss to the
   landowners. To meet this scarcity the king issued a
   proclamation directed to the sheriffs of the several counties,
   which forbad the payment of higher than the customary wages,
   under the penalties of amercement. But the king's mandate was
   every where disobeyed. ... Many of the labourers were thrown
   into prison; many to avoid punishment fled to the forests, but
   were occasionally captured and fined; and all were constrained
   to disavow under oath that they would take higher than
   customary wages for the future."

      J. E. T. Rogers,
      History of Agriculture and Prices in England,
      volume 1,  chapter 15.

      ALSO IN:
      F. A. Gasquet,
      The Great Pestilence.

      W. Longman,
      Edward III.,
      volume 1; chapter 10.

      A. Jessop,
      The Coming of the Friars, &c.,
      chapter 4-5.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1350-1400.
   Chaucer and his relations to English language and literature.

   "At the time when the conflict between church and state was
   most violent, and when Wyclif was beginning to draw upon
   himself the eyes of patriots, there was considerable talk at
   the English court about a young man named Geoffrey Chaucer,
   who belonged to the king's household, and who both by his
   personality and his connections enjoyed the favor of the royal
   family. ... On many occasions, even thus early, he had
   appeared as a miracle of learning to those about him--he read
   Latin as easily as French; he spoke a more select English than
   others; and it was known that he had composed, or, as the
   expression then was, 'made,' many beautiful English verses.
   The young poet belonged to a well-to-do middle-class family
   who had many far-reaching connections, and even some influence
   with the court. ... Even as a boy he may have heard his
   father, John Chaucer, the vintner of Thames Street, London,
   telling of the marvelous voyage he had made to Antwerp and
   Cologne in the brilliant suite of Edward III. in 1338. When a
   youth of sixteen or seventeen, Geoffrey served as a page or
   squire to Elizabeth, duchess of Ulster, first wife of Lionel,
   duke of Clarence, and daughter-in-law of the king. He bore
   arms when about nineteen years of age, and went to France in
   1359, in the army commanded by Edward III. ... This epoch
   formed a sort of 'Indian summer' to the age of chivalry, and
   its spirit found expression in great deeds of war as well as
   in the festivals and manners of the court. The ideal which men
   strove to realize did not quite correspond to the spirit of
   the former age. On the whole, people had become more worldly
   and practical, and were generally anxious to protect the real
   interests of life from the unwarranted interference of
   romantic aspirations. The spirit of chivalry no longer formed
   a fundamental element, but only an ornament of life--an
   ornament, indeed, which was made much of, and which was looked
   upon with a sentiment partaking of enthusiasm. ... In the
   midst of this outside world of motley pomp and throbbing life
   Geoffrey could observe the doings of high and low in various
   situations. He was early initiated into court intrigues, and
   even into many political secrets, and found opportunities of
   studying the human type in numerous individuals and according
   to the varieties developed by rank in life, education, age,
   and sex. ... Nothing has been preserved from his early
   writings. ... The fact is very remarkable that from the first,
   or at least from a very early period, Chaucer wrote in the
   English language--however natural this may seem to succeeding
   ages in 'The Father of English Poetry.' The court of Edward
   III. favored the language as well as the literature of France;
   a considerable number of French poets and 'menestrels' were in
   the service and pay of the English king.
   Queen Philippa, in particular, showing herself in this a true
   daughter of her native Hainault, formed the centre of a
   society cultivating the French language and poetry. She had in
   her personal service Jean Froissart, one of the most eminent
   representatives of that language and poetry; like herself he
   belonged to one of the most northern districts of the
   French-speaking territory; he had made himself a great name,
   as a prolific and clever writer of erotic and allegoric
   trifles, before he sketched out in his famous chronicle the
   motley-colored, vivid picture of that eventful age. We also
   see in this period young Englishmen of rank and education
   trying their flight on the French Parnassus. ... To these
   Anglo-French poets there belonged also a Kentishman of noble
   family, named John Gower. Though some ten years the senior of
   Chaucer, he had probably met him about this time. They were
   certainly afterwards very intimately acquainted. Gower ... had
   received a very careful education, and loved to devote the
   time he could spare from the management of his estates to
   study and poetry. His learning was in many respects greater
   than Chaucer's. He had studied the Latin poets so diligently
   that he could easily express himself in their language, and he
   was equally good at writing French verses, which were able to
   pass muster, at least in England. ... But, Chaucer did not let
   himself be led astray by examples such as these. It is
   possible that he would have found writing in French no easy
   task, even if he had attempted it. At any rate his bourgeois
   origin, and the seriousness of his vocation as poet, threw a
   determining weight into the scale and secured his fidelity to
   the English language with a commendable consistency."

      B. Ten Brink,
      History of English Literature,
      book 4, chapter 4 (volume 2, part 1).

   "English was not taught in the schools, but French only, until
   after the accession of Richard II., or possibly the latter
   years of Edward III., and Latin was always studied through the
   French. Up to this period, then, as there were no standards of
   literary authority, and probably no written collections of
   established forms, or other grammatical essays, the language
   had no fixedness or uniformity, and hardly deserved to be
   called a written speech. ... From this Babylonish confusion of
   speech, the influence and example of Chaucer did more to
   rescue his native tongue than any other single cause; and if
   we compare his dialect with that of any writer of an earlier
   date, we shall find that in compass, flexibility,
   expressiveness, grace, and all the higher qualities of
   poetical diction, he gave it at once the utmost perfection
   which the materials at his hand would permit of. The English
   writers of the fourteenth century had an advantage which was
   altogether peculiar to their age and country. At all previous
   periods, the two languages had co-existed, in a great degree
   independently of each other, with little tendency to intermix;
   but in the earlier part of that century, they began to
   coalesce, and this process was going on with a rapidity that
   threatened a predominance of the French, if not a total
   extinction of the Saxon element. ... When the national spirit
   was aroused, and impelled to the creation of a national
   literature, the poet or prose writer, in selecting his
   diction, had almost two whole vocabularies before him. That
   the syntax should be English, national feeling demanded; but
   French was so familiar and habitual to all who were able to
   read, that probably the scholarship of the day would scarcely
   have been able to determine, with respect to a large
   proportion of the words in common use, from which of the two
   great wells of speech they had proceeded. Happily, a great
   arbiter arose at the critical moment of severance of the two
   peoples and dialects, to preside over the division of the
   common property, and to determine what share of the
   contributions of France should be permanently annexed to the
   linguistic inheritance of Englishmen. Chaucer did not
   introduce into the English language words which it had
   rejected as aliens before, but out of those which had been
   already received, he invested the better portion with the
   rights of citizenship, and stamped them with the mint-mark of
   English coinage. In this way, he formed a vocabulary, which,
   with few exceptions, the taste and opinion of succeeding
   generations has approved; and a literary diction was thus
   established, which, in all the qualities required for the
   poetic art, had at that time no superior in the languages of
   modern Europe. The soundness of Chaucer's judgment, the nicety
   of his philological appreciation, and the delicacy of his
   sense of adaptation to the actual wants of the English people,
   are sufficiently proved by the fact that, of the Romance words
   found in his writings, not much above one hundred have been
   suffered to become obsolete, while a much larger number of
   Anglo-Saxon words employed by him have passed altogether out
   of use. ... In the three centuries which elapsed between the
   Conquest and the noon-tide of Chaucer's life, a large
   proportion of the Anglo-Saxon dialect of religion, of moral
   and intellectual discourse, and of taste, had become utterly
   obsolete, and unknown. The place of the lost words had been
   partly supplied by the importation of Continental terms; but
   the new words came without the organic power of composition
   and derivation which belonged to those they had supplanted.
   Consequently, they were incapable of those modifications of
   form and extensions of meaning which the Anglo-Saxon roots
   could so easily assume, and which fitted them for the
   expression of the new shades of thought and of sentiment born
   of every hour in a mind and an age like those of Chaucer."

      G. P. Marsh,
      Origin and History of the English Language,
      lecture 9.

      ALSO IN:
      T. R. Lounsbury,
      Studies in Chaucer.

      A. W. Ward,

      W. Godwin,
      Life of Geoffrey Chaucer.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1360-1414.
   The Lollards.

   "The Lollards were the earliest 'Protestants' of England. They
   were the followers of John Wyclif, but before his time the
   nickname of Lollard had been known on the continent. A little
   brotherhood of pious people had sprung up in Holland, about
   the year 1300, who lived in a half-monastic fashion and
   devoted themselves to helping the poor in the burial of their
   dead; and, from the low chants they sang at the
   funerals--lollen being the old word for such singing--they
   were called Lollards. The priests and friars hated them and
   accused them of heresy, and a Walter Lollard, probably one of
   them, was burnt in 1322 at Cologne as a heretic, and gradually
   the name became a nickname for such people. So when Wyclif's
   simple priests' were preaching the new doctrines, the name
   already familiar in Holland and Germany, was given to them,
   and gradually became the name for that whole movement of
   religious reformation which grew up from the seed Wyclif

      B. Herford,
      Story of Religion in England,
      chapter 16.


   "A turning point arrived in the history of the reforming party
   at the accession of the house of Lancaster. King Henry the
   Fourth was not only a devoted son of the Church, but he owed
   his success in no slight measure to the assistance of the
   Churchmen, and above all to that of Archbishop Arundel. It was
   felt that the new dynasty and the hierarchy stood or fell
   together. A mixture of religious and political motives led to
   the passing of the well-known statute 'De hæretico comburendo'
   in 1401 and thenceforward Lollardy was a capital offence."

      R. L. Poole,
      Wycliffe and Movements for Reform,
      chapter 8.

   "The abortive insurrection of the Lollards at the commencement
   of Henry V. 's reign, under the leadership of Sir John
   Oldcastle, had the effect of adding to the penal laws already
   in existence against the sect." This gave to Lollardy a
   political character and made the Lollards enemies against the
   State, as is evident from the king's proclamation in which it
   was asserted "that the insurgents intended to 'destroy him,
   his brothers and several of the spiritual and temporal lords,
   to confiscate the possessions of the Church, to secularize the
   religious orders, to divide the realm into confederate
   districts, and to appoint Sir John Oldcastle president of the

      T. P. Taswell-Langmead,
      English Constitutional History (4th edition),
      chapter 11.

   "The early life of Wycliffe is obscure. ... He emerges into
   distinct notice in 1360, ten years subsequent to the passing
   of the first Statute of Provisors, having then acquired a
   great Oxford reputation as a lecturer in divinity. ... He was
   a man of most simple life; austere in appearance; with bare
   feet and russet mantle. As a soldier of Christ, he saw in his
   Great Master and his Apostles the patterns whom he was bound
   to imitate. By the contagion of example he gathered about him
   other men who thought as he did; and gradually, under his
   captaincy, these 'poor priests' as they were called--vowed to
   poverty because Christ was poor--vowed to accept no benefice
   ... spread out over the country as an army of missionaries, to
   preach the faith which they found in the Bible--to preach, not of
   relics and of indulgences, but of repentance and of the grace
   of God. They carried with them copies of the Bible which
   Wycliffe had translated, ... and they refused to recognize the
   authority of the bishops, or their right to silence them. If
   this had been all, and perhaps if Edward III. had been
   succeeded by a prince less miserably incapable than his
   grandson Richard, Wycliffe might have made good his ground;
   the movement of the parliament against the pope might have
   united in a common stream with the spiritual move against the
   church at home, and the Reformation have been antedated by a
   century. He was summoned to answer for himself before the
   Archbishop of Canterbury in 1377. He appeared in court
   supported by the presence of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster,
   the eldest of Edward's surviving sons, and the authorities
   were unable to strike him behind so powerful a shield. But the
   'poor priests' had other doctrines. ... His [Wycliffe's]
   theory of property, and his study of the character of Christ,
   had led him to the near confines of Anabaptism." The rebellion
   of Wat Tyler, which occurred in 1381, cast odium upon all such
   opinions. "So long as Wycliffe lived, his own lofty character was
   a guarantee for the conduct of his immediate disciples; and
   although his favour had far declined, a party in the state
   remained attached to him, with sufficient influence to prevent
   the adoption of extreme measures against the 'poor priests.'
   ... They were left unmolested for the next twenty years. ...
   On the settlement of the country under Henry IV. they fell
   under the general ban which struck down all parties who had
   shared in the late disturbances."

      J. A. Froude,
      History of England,
      chapter 6.

   "Wycliffe's translation of the Bible itself created a new era,
   and gave birth to what may be said never to have existed till
   then--a popular theology. ... It is difficult in our day to
   imagine the impression such a book must have produced in an
   age which had scarcely anything in the way of popular
   literature, and which had been accustomed to regard the
   Scriptures as the special property of the learned. It was
   welcomed with an enthusiasm which could not be restrained, and
   read with avidity both by priests and laymen. ... The homely
   wisdom, blended with eternal truth, which has long since
   enriched our vernacular speech with a multitude of proverbs,
   could not thenceforth be restrained in its circulation by mere
   pious awe or time-honoured prejudice. Divinity was discussed
   in ale-houses. Popular preachers made war upon old prejudices.
   and did much to shock that sense of reverence which belonged
   to an earlier generation. A new school had arisen with a
   theology of its own, warning the people against the delusive
   preaching of the friars, and asserting loudly its own claims
   to be true and evangelical, on the ground that it possessed
   the gospel in the English tongue. Appealing to such an
   authority in their favour, the eloquence of the new teachers
   made a marvellous impression. Their followers increased with
   extraordinary rapidity. By the estimate of an opponent they
   soon numbered half the population, and you could hardly see
   two persons in the street but one of them was a Wycliffite.
   ... They were supported by the powerful influence of John of
   Gaunt, who shielded not only Wycliffe himself, but even the
   most violent of the fanatics. And, certainly, whatever might
   have been Wycliffe's own view, doctrines were promulgated by
   his reputed followers that were distinctly subversive of
   authority. John Ball fomented the insurrection of Wat Tyler,
   by preaching the natural equality of men. ... But the
   popularity of Lollardy was short-lived. The extravagance to
   which it led soon alienated the sympathies of the people, and
   the sect fell off in numbers almost as rapidly as it had

      J. Gairdner,
      Studies in English History, 1-2.

   "Wyclif ... was not without numerous followers, and the
   Lollardism which sprang out of his teaching was a living force
   in England for some time to come. But it was weak through its
   connection with subversive social doctrines. He himself stood
   aloof from such doctrines, but he could not prevent his
   followers from mingling in the social fray. It was perhaps
   their merit that they did so. The established constitutional
   order was but another name for oppression and wrong to the
   lower classes. But as yet the lower classes were not
   sufficiently advanced in moral and political training to make
   it safe to entrust them with the task of righting their own
   wrongs as they would have attempted to right them if they had
   gained the mastery. It had nevertheless become impossible to
   leave the peasants to be once more goaded by suffering into
   rebellion. The attempt, if it had been made, to enforce
   absolute labour-rents was tacitly abandoned, and gradually
   during the next century the mass of the villeins passed into
   the position of freemen.
   For the moment, nobles and prelates, landowners and clergy,
   banded themselves together to form one great party of
   resistance. The church came to be but an outwork of the

      S. R. Gardiner and J. B. Mullinger,
      Introduction to the Study of English History,
      part 1, chapter 5, sections 14-15.

      ALSO IN
      L. Sergeant,
      John Wyclif.

      G. Lechler,
      John Wiclif and his English Precursors.

      See, also,
      BOHEMIA; A. D. 1405-1415,
      and BEGUINES.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1377.
   Accession of King Richard II.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1377-1399.
   The character and reign of Richard II.

   "Richard II. was a far superior man to many of the weaker
   kings of England; but being self-willed and unwarlike, he was
   unfitted for the work which the times required. Yet, on a
   closer inspection than the traditional view of the reign has
   generally encouraged, we cannot but observe that the finer
   qualities which came out in certain crises of his reign appear
   to have frequently influenced his conduct: we know that he was
   not an immoral man, that he was an excellent husband to an
   excellent wife, and that he had devoted friends, willing to
   lay down their lives for him when there was nothing whatever
   left for them to gain. ... Richard, who had been brought up in
   the purple quite as much as Edward II., was kept under
   restraint by his uncles, and not being judiciously guided in
   the arts of government, fell, like his prototype, into the
   hands of favourites. His brilliant behaviour in the
   insurrection of 1381 indicated much more than mere possession
   of the Plantagenet courage and presence of mind. He showed a
   real sympathy with the villeins who had undeniable grievances.
   ... His instincts were undoubtedly for freedom and
   forgiveness, and there is no proof, nor even probability, that
   he intended to use the villeins against his enemies. His early
   and happy marriage with Anne of Bohemia ought, one might
   think, to have saved him from the vice of favouritism; but he
   was at least more fortunate than Edward II. in not being cast
   under the spell of a Gaveston. When we consider the effect of
   such a galling government as that of his uncle Gloucester, and
   his cousin Derby, afterwards Henry IV., who seems to have been
   pushing Gloucester on from the first, we can hardly be
   surprised that he should require some friend to lean upon. The
   reign is, in short, from one, and perhaps the truest, point of
   view, a long duel between the son of the Black Prince and the
   son of John of Gaunt. One or other of them must inevitably
   perish. A handsome and cultivated youth, who showed himself at
   fifteen every inch a king, who was married at sixteen, and led
   his own army to Scotland at eighteen, required a different
   treatment from that which he received. He was a man, and
   should have been dealt with as such. His lavish and
   reprehensible grants to his favourites were made the excuse
   for Gloucester's violent interference in 1386, but there is
   good ground for believing that the movement was encouraged by
   the anti-Wicliffite party, which had taken alarm at the
   sympathy with the Reformers shown at this time by Richard and

      M. Burrows,
      Commentaries on the History of England,
      book 2, chapter 5.

      ALSO IN:
      J. R. Green,
      History of the English People,
      book 4, chapter 4 (volume 1).

      C. H. Pearson,
      English History in the 14th Century,
      chapter 10-12.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1381.
   Wat Tyler's Rebellion.

   "In June 1381 there broke out in England the formidable
   insurrection known as Wat Tyler's Rebellion. The movement
   seems to have begun among the bondmen of Essex and of Kent;
   but it spread at once to the counties of Sussex Hertford,
   Cambridge, Suffolk and Norfolk. The peasantry, armed with
   bludgeons and rusty swords, first occupied the roads by which
   pilgrims went to Canterbury, and made everyone swear that he
   would be true to king Richard and not accept a king named
   John. This, of course, was aimed at the government of John of
   Gaunt [Duke of Lancaster], ... to whom the people attributed
   every grievance they had to complain of. The principal, or at
   least the immediate cause of offence arose out of a poll-tax
   which had been voted in the preceding year."

      J. Gairdner,
      Houses of Lancaster and York,
      chapter 2.

   The leaders of the insurgents were Wat the Tyler, who had been
   a soldier, John Ball, a priest and preacher of democratic and
   socialistic doctrines, and one known as Jack Straw. They made
   their way to London. "It ought to have been easy to keep them
   out of the city, as the only approach to it was by London
   Bridge, and the mayor and chief citizens proposed to defend
   it. But the Londoners generally, and even three of the
   aldermen, were well inclined to the rebels, and declared that
   they would not let the gates be shut against their friends and
   neighbours, and would kill the mayor himself if he attempted
   to do it. So on the evening of Wednesday, June 13, the
   insurgents began to stream in across the bridge, and next
   morning marched their whole body across the river, and
   proceeded at once to the Savoy, the splendid palace of the
   Duke of Lancaster. Proclamation was made that any one found
   stealing the smallest article would be beheaded; and the place
   was then wrecked and burned with all the formalities of a
   solemn act of justice. Gold and silver plate was shattered
   with battle-axes and thrown into the Thames; rings and smaller
   jewels were brayed in mortars; silk and embroidered dresses
   were trampled under feet and torn up. Then the Temple was
   burned with all its muniments. The poet Gower was among the
   lawyers who had to save their lives by flight, and he passed
   several nights in the woods of Essex, covered with grass and
   leaves and living on acorns. Then the great house of the
   Hospitallers at Clerkenwell was destroyed, taking seven days
   to burn." The young king (Richard II.) and his court and
   council had taken refuge in the Tower. The insurgents now
   threatened to storm their stronghold if the king did not come
   out and speak to them. The king consented and appointed a
   rendezvous at Mile End. He kept the appointment and met his
   turbulent subjects with so much courage and tact and so many
   promises, that he persuaded a great number to disperse to
   their homes. But while this pacific interview took place, Wat
   Tyler, John Ball, and some 400 of their followers burst into
   the Tower, determined to find the archbishop of Canterbury and
   the Lord Treasurer, Sir Robert de Hales, who were the most
   obnoxious ministers. "So great was the general consternation
   that the soldiers dared not raise a hand while these ruffians
   searched the different rooms, not sparing even the king's
   bedroom, running spears into the beds, asked the king's mother
   to kiss them, and played insolent jokes on the chief officers.
   Unhappily they were not long in finding the archbishop, who
   had said mass in the chapel, and was kneeling at the altar in
   expectation of their approach." The Lord Treasurer was also
   found, and both he and the archbishop were summarily beheaded
   by the mob. "Murder now became the order of the day, and
   foreigners were among the chief victims; thirteen Flemings
   were dragged out of one church and beheaded, seventeen out of
   another, and altogether it is said 400 perished. Many private
   enmities were revenged by the London rabble on this day." On
   the next day, June 15, the king, with an armed escort, went to
   the camp of the insurgents, at Smithfield, and opened
   negotiations with Tyler, offering successively three forms of
   a new charter of popular rights and liberties, all of which
   were rejected. Finally, Tyler was invited to a personal
   conference, and there, in the midst of the king's party, on
   some provocation or pretended provocation in his words or
   bearing, the popular leader was struck from his horse and
   killed. King Richard immediately rode out before the ranks of
   the rebels, while they were still dazed by the suddenness and
   audacity of the treacherous blow, crying "I will be your
   leader; follow me." The thoughtless mob followed and soon
   found itself surrounded by bodies of troops whose courage had
   revived. The king now commanded the trembling peasants "to
   fall on their knees, cut the strings of their bows, and leave
   the city and its neighbourhood, under pain of death, before
   nightfall. This command was instantly obeyed." Meantime and
   afterwards there were many lesser risings in various parts of
   the country, all of which were suppressed, with such rigorous
   prosecutions in the courts that 1,500 persons are said to have
   suffered judicially.

      C. H. Pearson,
      English History in the Fourteenth Century,
      chapter 10.

   The Wat Tyler insurrection proved disastrous in its effect on
   the work of Church reform which Wyclif was then pursuing. "Not
   only was the power of the Lancastrian party, on which Wyclif
   had relied, for the moment annihilated, but the quarrel
   between the Baronage and Church, on which his action had
   hitherto been grounded, was hushed in the presence of a common
   danger. Much of the odium of the outbreak, too, fell on the
   Reformer. ... John Ball, who had figured in the front rank of
   the revolt, was claimed as one of his adherents. ... Whatever
   belief such charges might gain, it is certain that from this
   moment all plans for the reorganization of the Church were
   confounded in the general odium which attached to the projects
   of the socialist peasant leaders."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of the English People,
      chapter 5, section 3.

   "When Parliament assembled it proved itself as hostile as the
   crown to the conceding any of the demands of the people; both
   were faithful to all the records of history in similar cases;
   they would have belied all experience if, being victorious,
   they had consented to the least concession to the vanquished.
   The upper classes repudiated the recognition of the rights of
   the poor to a degree, which in our time would be considered
   sheer insanity. The king had annulled, by proclamation to the
   sheriffs, the charters of manumission which he had granted to
   the insurgents, and this revocation was warmly approved by
   both Lords and Commons, who, not satisfied with saying that
   such enfranchisement could not be made without their consent,
   added, that they would never give that consent, even to save
   themselves from perishing altogether in one day. There was, it
   is true, a vague rumour about the propriety and wisdom of
   abolishing villanage; but the notion was scouted, and the
   owners of serfs showed that they neither doubted the right by
   which they held their fellow-creatures in a state of slavery,
   nor would hesitate to increase the severity of the laws
   affecting them. They now passed a law by which 'all riots and
   rumours, and other such things were turned into high treason';
   this law was most vaguely expressed, and would probably
   involve those who made it in inextricable difficulties. It was
   self-apparent, that this Parliament acted under the impulses
   of panic, and of revenge for recent injuries. ... It might be
   said that the citizens of the municipalities wrote their
   charters of enfranchisement with the very blood of their lords
   and bishops; yet, during the worst days of oppression, the
   serfs of the cities had never suffered the cruel excesses of
   tyranny endured by the country people till the middle of the
   fifteenth century. And, nevertheless, the long struggles of
   the townships, despite the bloodshed and cruelties of the
   citizens, are ever considered and narrated as glorious
   revolutions, whilst the brief efforts of the peasants for
   vengeance, which were drowned in their own blood, have
   remained as a stigma flung in the face of the country
   populations whenever they utter a word claiming some
   amelioration in their condition. Whence the injustice? The
   bourgeoisie was victorious and successful. The rural
   populations were vanquished and trampled upon. The
   bourgeoisie, therefore, has had its poets, historians, and
   flatterers, whilst the poor peasant, rude, untutored, and
   ignorant, never had a lyre nor a voice to bewail his
   lamentable sorrows and sufferings."

      Prof. De Vericour,
      Wat Tyler
      (Royal Historical Society, Transactions,
      number 8, volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      G. Lechler,
      John Wiclif,
      chapter 9, section 3.

      C. Knight,
      Popular History of England,
      volume 2, chapter 1.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1383.
   The Bishop of Norwich's Crusade in Flanders.

      See FLANDERS: A. D. 1383.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1388.
   The Merciless or Wonderful Parliament.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1399.
   Accession of King Henry IV.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1399-1471.
   House of Lancaster.

   This name is given in English history to the family which
   became royal in the person of Henry of Bolingbroke, Duke of
   Lancaster, who deposed his cousin, Richard II., or forced him
   to abdicate the throne, and who was crowned king (Henry IV.),
   Oct. 11, 1399, with what seemed to be the consent of the
   nation. He not only claimed to be the next in succession to
   Richard, but he put forward a claim of descent through his
   mother, more direct than Richard's had been, from Henry III.
   "In point of fact Henry was not the next in succession. His
   father, John of Gaunt [or John of Ghent, in which city he was
   born], was the fourth son of Edward III., and there were
   descendants of that king's third son, Lionel Duke of Clarence,
   living. ... At one time Richard himself had designated as his
   successor the nobleman who really stood next to him in the
   line of descent. This was Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, the
   same who was killed by the rebels in Ireland. This Roger had
   left a son Edmund to inherit his title, but Edmund was a mere
   child, and the inconvenience of another minority could not
   have been endured."

      J. Gairdner,
      Houses of Lancaster and York,
      chapter 2.


   As for Henry's pretensions through his mother, they were
   founded upon what Mr. Gairdner calls an "idle story," that
   "the eldest son of Henry III. was not king Edward, but his
   brother Edmund Crouchback, Earl of Lancaster, who was commonly
   reputed the second son; and that this Edmund had been
   purposely set aside on account of his personal deformity. The
   plain fact of the matter was that Edmund Crouchback was six
   years younger than his brother Edward I.; and that his surname
   Crouchback had not the smallest reference to personal
   deformity, but only implied that he wore the cross upon his
   back as a crusader." Mr. Wylie (History of England under Henry
   IV., volume 1, chapter 1) represents that this latter claim
   was put forward under the advice of the leading jurists of the
   time, to give the appearance of a legitimate succession;
   whereas Henry took his real title from the will and assent of
   the nation. Henry IV. was succeeded by his vigorous son, Henry
   V. and he in turn by a feeble son, Henry VI., during whose
   reign England was torn by intrigues and factions, ending in
   the lamentable civil wars known as the "Wars of the Roses,"
   the deposition of Henry VI. and the acquisition of the throne
   by the "House of York," in the persons of Edward IV. and
   Richard III. It was a branch of the House of Lancaster that
   reappeared, after the death of Richard III. in the royal
   family better known as the Tudors.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1400-1436.
   Relations with Scotland.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1400-1436.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1402-1413.
   Owen Glendower's Rebellion in Wales.

      See WALES: A. D.1402-1413.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1403.
   Hotspur's Rebellion.

   The earl of Northumberland and his son, Henry Percy, called
   "Hotspur," had performed great services for Henry IV., in
   establishing and maintaining him upon the throne. "At the
   outset of his reign their opposition would have been fatal to
   him; their adhesion ensured his victory. He had rewarded them
   with territory and high offices of trust, and they had by
   faithful services ever since increased their claims to
   gratitude and consideration. ... Both father and son were
   high-spirited, passionate, suspicious men, who entertained an
   exalted sense of their own services and could not endure the
   shadow of a slight. Up to this time [early in 1403] not a
   doubt had been cast on their fidelity. Northumberland was
   still the king's chief agent in Parliament, his most valued
   commander in the field, his Mattathias. It has been thought
   that Hotspur's grudge against the king began with the notion
   that the release of his brother-in-law, Edmund Mortimer [taken
   prisoner, the year before, by the Welsh], had been neglected
   by the king, or was caused by Henry's claim to deal with the
   prisoners taken at Homildon; the defenders of the Percies
   alleged that they had been deceived by Henry in the first
   instance, and only needed to be persuaded that Richard lived
   in order to desert the king. It is more probable that they
   suspected Henry's friendship, and were exasperated by his
   compulsory economies. ... Yet Henry seems to have conceived no
   suspicion. ... Northumberland and Hotspur were writing for
   increased forces [for the war with Scotland]. ... On the 10th
   of July Henry had reached Northamptonshire on his way
   northwards; on the 17th he heard that Hotspur with his uncle
   the earl of Worcester were in arms in Shropshire. They raised
   no cry of private wrongs, but proclaimed themselves the
   vindicators of national right: their object was to correct the
   evils of the administration, to enforce the employment of wise
   counsellors, and the proper expenditure of public money. ...
   The report ran like wildfire through the west that Richard was
   alive, and at Chester. Hotspur's army rose to 14,000 men, and
   not suspecting the strength and promptness of the king, he sat
   down with his uncle and his prisoner, the earl of Douglas,
   before Shrewsbury. Henry showed himself equal to the need.
   From Burton-on-Trent, where on July 17 he summoned the forces
   of the shires to join him, he marched into Shropshire, and
   offered to parley with the insurgents. The earl of Worcester
   went between the camps, but he was either an impolitic or a
   treacherous envoy, and the negotiations ended in mutual
   exasperation. On the 21st the battle of Shrewsbury was fought;
   Hotspur was slain; Worcester was taken and beheaded two days
   after. The old earl, who may or may not have been cognizant of
   his son's intentions from the first, was now marching to his
   succour. The earl of Westmoreland, his brother-in-law, met him
   and drove him back to Warkworth. But all danger was over. On
   the 11th of August he met the king at York, and submitted to

      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 18, section 632.

      ALSO IN:
      J. H. Wylie,
      History of England under Henry IV.,
      volume 1, chapter 25.

      W. Shakespeare,
      King Henry IV.,
      part 1.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1413.
   Accession of King Henry V.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1413-1422.
   Parliamentary gains under Henry V.

   "What the sword had won the sword should keep, said Henry V.
   on his accession; but what was meant by the saying has its
   comment in the fact that, in the year which witnessed his
   victory at Agincourt, he yielded to the House of Commons the
   most liberal measure of legislation which until then it had
   obtained. The dazzling splendour of his conquests in France
   had for the time cast into the shade every doubt or question
   of his title, but the very extent of those gains upon the
   French soil established more decisively the worse than
   uselessness of such acquisitions to the English throne. The
   distinction of Henry's reign in constitutional history will
   always be, that from it dates that power, indispensable to a
   free and limited monarchy, called Privilege of Parliament; the
   shield and buckler under which all the battles of liberty and
   good government were fought in the after time. Not only were
   its leading safeguards now obtained, but at once so firmly
   established, that against the shock of incessant resistance in
   later years they stood perfectly unmoved. Of the awful right
   of impeachment, too, the same is to be said. It was won in the
   same reign, and was never afterwards lost."

      J. Forster,
      Historical and Biographical Essays,
      volume 1, page 207.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1415-1422.
   Conquests of Henry V. in France.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1415; and 1417-1422.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1422.
   Accession of King Henry VI.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1431-1453.
   Loss of English conquests and possessions in France.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1431-1453,
      and AQUITAINE: A. D. 1360-1453.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1450.
   Cade's Rebellion.

   A formidable rebellion broke out in Kent, under the leadership
   of one Jack Cade, A. D. 1450. Overtaxation, the bad management
   of the council, the extortion of the subordinate officers, the
   injustice of the king's bench, the abuse of the right of
   purveyance, the "enquestes" and amercements, and the
   illegitimate control of elections were the chief causes of the
   rising of 1450. "The rising was mainly political, only one
   complaint was economical, not a single one was religious. We
   find not a single demand for new legislation. ... The movement
   was by no means of a distinctly plebeian or disorderly
   character, but was a general and organized rising of the
   people at large. It was a political upheaval. We find no trace
   of socialism or of democracy. ... The commons in 1450 arose
   against Lancaster and in favor of York. Their rising was the
   first great struggle in the Wars of the Roses."

      Rising in 1450,
      Chapter IV., VII.

   Cade and his rebels took possession of London; but they were
   beaten in a battle and forced to quit the city. Cade and some
   followers continued to be turbulent and soon afterwards he was

      J. Gairdner,
      Houses of Lancaster and York,
      chapter 7, section 6.

      ALSO IN:
      C. M. Yonge,
      Cameos from English History,
      3d series, chapter 7.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1455.
   Demoralized state of the nation.
   Effects of the wars in France.

   "The whole picture of the times is very depressing on the
   moral if not on the material side. There are few more pitiful
   episodes in history than the whole tale of the reign of Henry
   VI., the most unselfish and well-intentioned king that ever
   sat upon the English throne--a man of whom not even his
   enemies and oppressors could find an evil word to say; the
   troubles came, as they confessed, 'all because of his false
   lords, and never of him.' We feel that there must have been
   something wrong with the heart of a nation that could see
   unmoved the meek and holy king torn from wife and child, sent
   to wander in disguise up and down the kingdom for which he had
   done his poor best, and finally doomed to pine for five years a
   prisoner in the fortress where he had so long held his royal
   Court. Nor is our first impression concerning the
   demoralisation of England wrong. Every line that we read bears
   home to us more and more the fact that the nation had fallen
   on evil times. First and foremost among the causes of its
   moral deterioration was the wretched French War, a war begun
   in the pure spirit of greed and ambition,--there was not even
   the poor excuse that had existed in the time of Edward
   III.--carried on by the aid of hordes of debauched foreign
   mercenaries ... and persisted in long after it had become
   hopeless, partly from misplaced national pride, partly because
   of the personal interests of the ruling classes. Thirty-five
   years of a war that was as unjust as it was unfortunate had
   both soured and demoralised the nation. ... When the final
   catastrophe came and the fights of Formigny [or Fourmigny] and
   Chatillon [Castillon] ended the chapter of our disasters, the
   nation began to cast about for a scapegoat on whom to lay the
   burden of its failures. ... At first the unfortunate Suffolk
   and Somerset had the responsibility laid upon them. A little
   later the outcry became more bold and fixed upon the
   Lancastrian dynasty itself as being to blame not only for
   disaster abroad, but for want of governance at home. If King
   Henry had understood the charge, and possessed the wit to
   answer it, he might fairly have replied that his subjects must
   fit the burden upon their own backs, not upon his. The war had
   been weakly conducted, it was true; but weakly because the men
   and money for it were grudged. ... At home, the bulwarks of
   social order seemed crumbling away. Private wars, riot, open
   highway robbery, murder, abduction, armed resistance to the
   law, prevailed on a scale that had been unknown since the
   troublous times of Edward II.--we might almost say since the
   evil days of Stephen. But it was not the Crown alone that
   should have been blamed for the state of the realm. The nation
   had chosen to impose over-stringent constitutional checks on
   the kingly power before it was ripe for self-government, and
   the Lancastrian house sat on the throne because it had agreed
   to submit to those checks. If the result of the experiment was
   disastrous, both parties to the contract had to bear their
   share of the responsibility. But a nation seldom allows that
   it has been wrong; and Henry of Windsor had to serve as a
   scapegoat for all the misfortunes of the realm, because Henry
   of Bolingbroke had committed his descendants to the unhappy
   compact. Want of a strong central government was undoubtedly
   the complaint under which England was labouring in the middle
   of the 15th century, and all the grievances against which
   outcry was made were but symptoms of one latent disease. ...
   All these public troubles would have been of comparatively
   small importance if the heart of the nation had been sound.
   The phenomenon which makes the time so depressing is the
   terrible decay in private morals since the previous century.
   ... There is no class or caste in England which comes well out
   of the scrutiny. The Church, which had served as the conscience
   of the nation in better times, had become dead to spiritual
   things. It no longer produced either men of saintly life or
   learned theologians or patriotic statesmen. ... The baronage
   of England had often been unruly, but it had never before
   developed the two vices which distinguished it in the times of
   the Two Roses--a taste for indiscriminate bloodshed and a turn
   for political apostacy. ... Twenty years spent in contact with
   French factions, and in command of the godless mercenaries who
   formed the bulk of the English armies, had taught our nobles
   lessons of cruelty and faithlessness such as they had not
   before imbibed. ... The knights and squires showed on a
   smaller scale all the vices of the nobility. Instead of
   holding together and maintaining a united loyalty to the
   Crown, they bound themselves by solemn sealed bonds and the
   reception of 'liveries' each to the baron whom he preferred.
   This fatal system, by which the smaller landholder agreed on
   behalf of himself and his tenants to follow his greater
   neighbour in peace and war, had ruined the military system of
   England, and was quite as dangerous as the ancient feudalism.
   ... If the gentry constituted themselves the voluntary
   followers of the baronage, and aided their employers to keep
   England unhappy, the class of citizens and burgesses took a
   very different line of conduct. If not actively mischievous,
   they were solidly inert. They refused to entangle themselves
   in politics at all. They submitted impassively to each ruler
   in turn, when they had ascertained that their own persons and
   property were not endangered by so doing. A town, it has been
   remarked, seldom or never stood a siege during the Wars of the
   Roses, for no town ever refused to open its gates to any
   commander with an adequate force who asked for entrance."

      C. W. Oman,
      Warwick the King-maker,
      chapter 1.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1455-1471.
   The Wars of the Roses.

   Beginning with a battle fought at St. Albans on the 23d of
   May, 1455, England was kept in a pitiable state of civil war,
   with short intervals of troubled peace, during thirty years.
   The immediate cause of trouble was in the feebleness of King
   Henry VI., who succeeded to the throne while an infant, and
   whose mind, never strong, gave way under the trials of his
   position when he came to manhood. The control of the
   government, thus weakly commanded, became a subject of strife
   between successive factions. The final leaders in such
   contests were Queen Margaret of Anjou, the energetic consort
   of the helpless king (with the king himself sometimes in a
   condition of mind to cooperate with her), on one side, and, on
   the other side, the Duke of York, who traced his lineage to
   Edward III., and who had strong claims to the throne if Henry
   should leave no heir. The battle at St. Albans was a victory
   for the Yorkists and placed them in power for the next two
   years, the Duke of York being named Protector. In 1456 the
   king recovered so far as to resume the reigns of government,
   and in 1459 there was a new rupture between the factions. The
   queen's adherents were beaten in the battle of Bloreheath,
   September 23d of that year; but defections in the ranks of the
   Yorkists soon obliged the latter to disperse and their
   leaders, York, Warwick and Salisbury, fled to Ireland and to
   Calais. In June, 1460, the earls of Warwick, Salisbury and
   March (the latter being the eldest son of the Duke of York)
   returned to England and gathered an army speedily, the city of
   London opening its gates to them. The king's forces were
   defeated at Northampton (July 10) and the king taken prisoner.
   A parliament was summoned and assembled in October. Then the Duke
   of York came over from Ireland, took possession of the royal
   palace and laid before parliament a solemn claim to the crown.
   After much discussion a compromise was agreed upon, under
   which Henry VI. should reign undisturbed during his life and
   the Duke of York should be his undisputed successor. This was
   embodied in an act of parliament and received the assent of
   the king; but queen Margaret who had retired into the north,
   refused to surrender the rights of her infant son, and a
   strong party sustained her. The Duke of York attacked these
   Lancastrian forces rashly, at Wakefield, Dec. 30, 1460, and
   was slain on the field of a disastrous defeat. The queen's
   army, then, marching towards London, defeated the Earl of
   Warwick at St. Albans, February 17, 1461 (the second battle of
   the war at that place), and recovered possession of the person
   of the king. But Edward, Earl of March (now become Duke of
   York, by the death of his father), who had just routed a
   Lancastrian force at Mortimer's Cross, in Wales, joined his
   forces with those of Warwick and succeeded in occupying
   London, which steadily favored his cause. Calling together a
   council of lords, Edward persuaded them to declare King Henry
   deposed, on the ground that he had broken the agreement made
   with the late Duke of York. The next step was to elect Edward
   king, and he assumed the royal title and state at once. The
   new king lost no time in marching northwards against the army
   of the deposed sovereign, which lay near York. On the 27th of
   March the advanced division of the Lancastrians was defeated
   at Ferrybridge, and, two days later, their main body was
   almost destroyed in the fearful battle of Towton,--said to
   have been the bloodiest encounter that ever took place on
   English soil. King Henry took refuge in Scotland and Queen
   Margaret repaired to France. In 1464 Henry reappeared in the
   north with a body of Scots and refugees and there were risings
   in his favor in Northumberland, which the Yorkists crushed in
   the successive battles of Hedgeley Moor and Hexham. The
   Yorkist king (Edward IV.) now reigned without much disturbance
   ntil 1470, when he quarreled with the powerful Earl of Warwick--
   the "king-maker," whose strong hand had placed him on the
   throne. Warwick then passed to the other side, offering his
   services to Queen Margaret and leading an expedition which
   sailed from Harfleur in September, convoyed by a French fleet.
   Edward found himself unprepared to resist the Yorkist risings
   which welcomed Warwick and he fled to Holland, seeking aid
   from his brother-in-law, the Duke of Burgundy. For nearly six
   months, the kingdom was in the hands of Warwick and the
   Lancastrians; the unfortunate Henry VI., released from
   captivity in the Tower, was once more seated on the throne.
   But on the 14th of March, 1471, Edward reappeared in England,
   landing at Ravenspur, professing that he came only to recover
   his dukedom of York. As he moved southwards he gathered a
   large force of supporters and soon reassumed the royal title
   and pretensions. London opened its gates to him, and, on the
   14th of April--exactly one month after his landing--he
   defeated his opponents at Barnet, where Warwick, "the
   king-maker"--the last of the great feudal barons--was slain.
   Henry, again a captive, was sent back to the Tower. But
   Henry's dauntless queen, who landed at Weymouth, with a body
   of French allies on the very day of the disastrous Barnet
   fight, refused to submit. Cornwall and Devon were true to her
   cause and gave her an army with which she fought the last
   battle of the war at Tewksbury on the 4th of May. Defeated and
   taken prisoner, her young son slain--whether in the battle or
   after it is unknown--the long contention of Margaret of Anjou
   ended on that bloody field. A few days later, when the
   triumphant Yorkist King Edward entered London, his poor,
   demented Lancastrian rival died suddenly and suspiciously in
   the Tower. The two parties in the long contention had each
   assumed the badge of a rose--the Yorkists a white rose, the
   Lancastrians a red one. Hence the name of the Wars of the
   Roses. "As early as the time of John of Ghent, the rose was
   used as an heraldic emblem, and when he married Blanche, the
   daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, he used the red rose for a
   device. Edmund of Langley, his brother, the fifth son of
   Edward III., adopted the white rose in opposition to him; and
   their followers afterwards maintained these distinctions in
   the bloody wars of the fifteenth century. There is, however,
   no authentic account of the precise period when these badges
   were first adopted."

      Mrs. Hookham,
      Life and Times of Margaret of Anjou,
      volume 2, chapter 1.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Gairdner,
      Houses of Lancaster and York.

      Sir J. Ramsay,
      Lancaster and York.

      C. W. Oman;
      Warwick, the King-maker,
      chapter 5-17.

      See, also,


   The effects of the Wars of the Roses.

   "It is astonishing to observe the rapidity with which it [the
   English nation] had settled down to order in the reign of
   Henry VII. after so many years of civil dissension. It would
   lead us to infer that those wars were the wars of a class, and
   not of the nation; and that the effects of them have been
   greatly exaggerated. With the single exception of Cade's
   rebellion, they had nothing in common with the revolutions of
   later or earlier times. They were not wars against classes,
   against forms of government, against the order or the
   institutions of the nation. It was the rivalry of two
   aristocratic factions struggling for superiority, neither of
   them hoping or desiring, whichever obtained the upper hand, to
   introduce momentous changes in the State or its
   administration. The main body of the people took little
   interest in the struggle; in the towns at least there was no
   intermission of employment. The war passed over the nation,
   ruffling the surface, toppling down high cliffs here and
   there, washing away ancient landmarks, attracting the
   imagination of the spectator by the mightiness of its waves,
   and the noise of its thunders; but the great body below the
   surface remained unmoved. No famines, no plagues, consequent
   on the intermittance of labour caused by civil war, are
   recorded; even the prices of land and provisions scarcely
   varied more than they have been known to do in times of
   profoundest peace. But the indirect and silent operation of
   these conflicts was much more remarkable. It reft into
   fragments the confederated ranks of a powerful territorial
   aristocracy, which had hitherto bid defiance to the King,
   however popular, however energetic. Henceforth the position of
   the Sovereign in the time of the Tudors, in relation to all
   classes of the people, became very different from what it had
   been; the royal supremacy was no longer a theory; but a fact.
   Another class had sprung up on the decay of the ancient
   nobility. The great towns had enjoyed uninterrupted
   tranquility, and even flourished, under the storm that was
   scourging the aristocracy and the rural districts. Their
   population had increased by numbers whom fear or the horrors
   of war had induced to find shelter behind stone walls. The
   diminution of agricultural labourers converted into soldiers
   by the folly of their lords had turned corn-lands into
   pasture, requiring less skill, less capital, and less labour."

      J. S. Brewer,
      The Reign of Henry VIII.,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

   "Those who would estimate the condition of England aright
   should remember that the War of the Roses was only a
   repetition on a large scale of those private wars which
   distracted almost every county, and, indeed, by taking away
   all sense of security, disturbed almost every manor and every
   class of society during the same century. ... The lawless
   condition of English society in the 15th century resembled
   that of Ireland in as recent a date as the beginning of the
   19th century. ... In both countries women were carried off,
   sometimes at night; they were first violated, then dragged to
   the altar in their night-dress and compelled to marry their
   captors. ... Children were seized and thrown into a dungeon
   until ransomed by their parents."

      W. Denton,
      England in the 15th Century,
      chapter 3.

   "The Wars of the Roses which filled the second half of the
   15th century furnished the barons with an arena in which their
   instincts of violence had freer play than ever; it was they
   who, under the pretext of dynastic interests which had ceased
   to exist, of their own free choice prolonged the struggle.
   Altogether unlike the Italian condottieri, the English barons
   showed no mercy to their own order; they massacred and
   exterminated each other freely, while they were careful to
   spare the commonalty. Whole families were extinguished or
   submerged in the nameless mass of the nation, and their
   estates by confiscation or escheat helped to swell the royal
   domain. When Henry VII. had stifled the last movements of
   rebellion and had punished, through the Star Chamber, those
   nobles who were still suspected of maintaining armed bands,
   the baronage was reduced to a very low ebb; not more than
   twenty-nine lay peers were summoned by the king to his first
   Parliament. The old Norman feudal nobility existed no longer;
   the heroic barons of the great charter barely survived in the
   persons of a few doubtful descendants; their estates were
   split up or had been forfeited to the Crown. A new class came
   forward to fill the gap, that rural middle class which was
   formed ... by the fusion of the knights with the free
   landowners. It had already taken the lead in the House of
   Commons, and it was from its ranks that Henry VII. chose
   nearly all the new peers. A peerage renewed almost throughout,
   ignorant of the habits and traditions of the earlier nobility,
   created in large batches, closely dependent on the monarch who
   had raised it from little or nothing and who had endowed it
   with his bounty--this is the phenomenon which confronts us at
   the end of the fifteenth century."

      E. Boutmy,
      The English Constitution,
      chapter 5.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1461.
   Accession of King Edward IV.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1461-1485.
   House of York.

   The House of York, which triumphed in the Wars of the Roses,
   attaining the throne in the person of Edward IV. (A. D. 1461),
   derived its claim to the crown through descent, in the female
   line, from Lionel, Duke of Clarence, the third son of Edward
   III. (the second son who lived to manhood and left children);
   while the House of Lancaster traced its lineage to John of
   Gaunt, a younger son of the same king Edward III., but the
   line of Lancastrian succession was through males. "Had the
   crown followed the course of hereditary succession, it would
   have devolved on the posterity of Lionel. ... By the decease
   of that prince without male issue, his possessions and
   pretensions fell to his daughter Philippa, who by a singular
   combination of circumstances had married Roger Mortimer earl
   of March, the male representative of the powerful baron who
   was attainted and executed for the murder of Edward II., the
   grandfather of the duke of Clarence. The son of that potent
   delinquent had been restored to his honours and estates at an
   advanced period in the reign of Edward III. ... Edmund, his
   grandson, had espoused Philippa of Clarence. Roger Mortimer,
   the fourth in descent from the regicide, was lord lieutenant
   of Ireland and was considered, or, according to some writers,
   declared to be heir of the crown in the early part of
   Richard's reign. Edmund Mortimer, earl of March, in whom the
   hereditary claim to the crown was vested at the deposition of
   Richard, was then only an infant of ten years of age. ...
   Dying without issue, the pretensions to the crown, which he
   inherited through the duke of Clarence, devolved on his sister
   Anne Mortimer, who espoused Richard of York earl of Cambridge,
   the grandson of Edward III. by his fourth [fifth] son Edmund
   of Langley duke of York." Edward IV. was the grandson of this
   Anne Mortimer and Richard of York.

      Sir J. Mackintosh,
      History of England,
      volume 1, pages 338-339.

   The House of York occupied the throne but twenty-four years.
   On the death of Edward IV., in 1483, the crown was secured by
   his brother, Richard, duke of Gloucester, who caused Edward's
   two sons to be murdered in the Tower. The elder of these
   murdered princes is named in the list of English kings as
   Edward V.; but he cannot be said to have reigned. Richard III.
   was overthrown and slain on Bosworth field in 1485.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1471-1485.
   The New Monarchy.
   The rise of Absolutism and the decline of Parliamentary

   "If we use the name of the New Monarchy to express the
   character of the English sovereignty from the time of Edward
   IV. to the time of Elizabeth, it is because the character of
   the monarchy during this period was something wholly new in
   our history. There is no kind of sibilantly between the
   kingship of the Old English, of the Norman, the Angevin, or
   the Plantagenet sovereigns, and the kingship of the Tudors.
   ... What the Great Rebellion in its final result actually did
   was to wipe away every trace of the New Monarchy, and to take
   up again the thread of our political development just where it
   had been snapped by the Wars of the Roses. ... The founder of
   the New Monarchy was Edward IV. ... While jesting with
   aldermen, or dallying with his mistresses, or idling over the
   new pages from the printing press [Caxton's] at Westminster,
   Edward was silently laying the foundations of an absolute rule
   which Henry VII. did little more than develop and consolidate.
   The almost total discontinuance of Parliamentary life was in
   itself a revolution. Up to this moment the two Houses had
   played a part which became more and more prominent in the
   government of the realm. ... Under Henry VI. an important step
   in constitutional progress had been made by abandoning the old
   form of presenting the requests of the Parliament in the form
   of petitions which were subsequently moulded into statutes by
   the Royal Councils; the statute itself, in its final form, was
   now presented for the royal assent, and the Crown was deprived
   of its former privilege of modifying it. Not only does this
   progress cease, but the legislative activity of Parliament
   itself comes abruptly to an end. ... The necessity for
   summoning the two Houses had, in fact, been removed by the
   enormous tide of wealth which the confiscation of the civil
   war poured into the royal treasury. ... It was said that
   nearly a fifth of the land had passed into the royal
   possession at one period or another of the civil war. Edward
   added to his resources by trading on a vast scale. ... The
   enterprises he had planned against France ... enabled Edward
   not only to increase his hoard, but to deal a deadly blow at
   liberty. Setting aside the usage of loans sanctioned by the
   authority of Parliament, Edward called before him the
   merchants of the city and requested from each a present or
   benevolence in proportion to the need. Their compliance with
   his prayer was probably aided by his popularity with the
   merchant class; but the system of benevolence was soon to be
   developed into the forced loans of Wolsey and the ship-money
   of Charles I."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of the English People,
      chapter 6, section 3.

      ALSO IN:
      W. Stubbs,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 18, section 696.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1474.
   Treaty with the Hanseatic League.

      See HANSA TOWNS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1476.
   Introduction of Printing by Caxton.

      See PRINTING, &c.: A. D. 1476-1491.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1483-1485.
   Murder of the young king, Edward V.
   Accession of Richard III.
   The battle of Bosworth and the fall of the House of York.

   On the death of Edward IV., in 1483, his crafty and
   unscrupulous brother, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, gathered
   quickly into his hands the reins of power, proceeding with
   consummate audacity and ruthlessness to sweep every strong
   rival out of his path. Contenting himself for a few weeks,
   only, with the title of Protector, he soon disputed the
   validity of his brother Edward's marriage, caused an
   obsequious Parliament to set aside the young sons whom the
   latter had left, declaring them to be illegitimate, and placed
   the crown on his own head. The little princes (King Edward V.,
   and Richard, Duke of York), immured in the Tower, were
   murdered presently at their uncle's command, and Richard III.
   appeared, for the time, to have triumphed in his ambitious
   villainy. But, popular as he made himself in many cunning
   ways, his deeds excited a horror which united Lancastrians
   with the party of York in a common detestation. Friends of
   Henry, Earl of Richmond, then in exile, were not slow to take
   advantage of this feeling. Henry could claim descent from the
   same John of Gaunt, son of Edward III., to whom the House of
   Lancaster traced its lineage; but his family--the
   Beauforts--sprang from the mistress, not the wife, of the
   great Duke of Lancaster, and had only been legitimated by act
   of Parliament. The Lancastrians, however, were satisfied with
   the royalty of his blood, and the Yorkists were made content
   by his promise to marry a daughter of Edward IV. On this
   understanding being arranged, Henry came over from Brittany to
   England, landing at Milford Haven on the 7th or 8th of August,
   1485, and advancing through Wales, being joined by great
   numbers as he moved. Richard, who had no lack of courage,
   marched quickly to meet him, and the two forces joined battle
   on Bosworth Field, in Leicestershire, on Sunday, August 21. At
   the outset of the fighting Richard was deserted by a large
   division of his army and saw that his fate was sealed. He
   plunged, with despairing rage, into the thickest of the
   struggle and was slain. His crowned helmet, which he had worn,
   was found by Sir Reginald Bray, battered and broken, under a
   hawthorn bush, and placed on the head of his rival, who soon
   attained a more solemn coronation, as Henry VII.

      C. M. Yonge,
      Cameos from English History,
      3d Series, chapters 19-20.

   "I must record my impression that a minute study of the facts
   of Richard's life has tended more and more to convince me of
   the general fidelity of the portrait with which we have been
   made familiar by Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More. I feel quite
   ashamed, at this day, to think how I mused over this subject
   long ago, wasting a great deal of time, ink and paper, in
   fruitless efforts to satisfy even my own mind that traditional
   black was real historical white, or at worst a kind of grey.
   Both the character and personal appearance of Richard III.
   have furnished matter of controversy. But with regard to the
   former the day has now gone by when it was possible to doubt
   the evidence at least of his principal crime; and that he was
   regarded as a tyrant by his subjects seems almost equally
   indisputable. At the same time he was not destitute of better
   qualities. ... As king he seems really to have studied his
   country's welfare, passed good laws, endeavoured to put an end
   to extortion, declined the free gifts offered to him by
   several towns, and declared he would rather have the hearts of
   his subjects than their money. His munificence was especially
   shown in religious foundations. ... His hypocrisy was not of
   the vulgar kind which seeks to screen habitual baseness of
   motive by habitual affectation of virtue. His best and his
   worst deeds were alike too well known to be either concealed
   or magnified; at least, soon after he became king, all doubt
   upon the subject must have been removed. ... His ingratiating
   manners, together with the liberality of his disposition, seem
   really to have mitigated to a considerable extent the alarms
   created by his fitful deeds of violence. The reader will not
   require to be reminded of Shakespeare's portrait of a murderer
   who could cajole the woman whom he had most exasperated and
   made a widow into marrying himself. That Richard's ingenuity
   was equal to this extraordinary feat we do not venture to
   assert; but that he had a wonderful power of reassuring those
   whom he had most intimidated and deceiving those who knew him
   best there can be very little doubt. ... His taste in building
   was magnificent and princely. ... There is scarcely any
   evidence of Richard's [alleged] deformity to be derived from
   original portraits. The number of portraits of Richard which
   seem to be contemporary is greater than might have been
   expected. ... The face in all the portraits is a remarkable
   one, full of energy and decision, yet gentle and sad-looking,
   suggesting the idea not so much of a tyrant as of a mind
   accustomed to unpleasant thoughts. Nowhere do we find depicted
   the warlike hard-favoured visage attributed to him by Sir
   Thomas More. ... With such a one did the long reign of the
   Plantagenets terminate. The fierce spirit and the valour of
   the race never showed more strongly than at the close. The
   Middle Ages, too, as far as England was concerned, may be said
   to have passed away with Richard III."

      J. Gairdner,
      History of the Life, and Reign of Richard The Third,
      introduction and chapter 6.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1485.
   Accession of King Henry VII.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1485-1528.
   The Sweating Sickness.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1485-1603.
   The Tudors.

   The Tudor family, which occupied the English throne from the
   accession of Henry VII., 1485, until the death of Elizabeth,
   1603, took its name, but not its royal lineage, from Sir Owen
   Tudor, a handsome Welsh chieftain, who won the heart and the
   hand of the young widow of Henry V., Catherine of France. The
   eldest son of that marriage, made Earl of Richmond, married in
   his turn Margaret Beaufort, great-granddaughter to John of
   Gaunt, or Ghent, who was one of the sons of Edward III. From
   this latter union came Henry of Richmond, as he was known, who
   disputed the crown with Richard III. and made his claim good
   on Bosworth Field, where the hated Richard was killed. Henry's
   pretensions were based on the royal descent of his
   mother--derived, however, through John of Gaunt's mistress--
   and the dynasty which he founded was closely related in origin
   to the Lancastrian line. Henry of Richmond strengthened his
   hold upon the crown, though not his title to it, by marrying
   Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV., thus joining the white rose
   to the red. He ascended the throne as Henry VII., A. D. 1485;
   was succeeded by his son, Henry VIII., in 1509, and the latter
   by his three children, in order as follows: Edward VI., 1547;
   Mary, 1553; Elizabeth, 1558. The Tudor family became extinct
   on the death of Queen Elizabeth, in 1603. "They [the Tudors]
   reigned in England, without a successful rising against them,
   for upwards of a hundred years; but not more by a studied
   avoidance of what might so provoke the country, than by the
   most resolute repression of every effort, on the part of what
   remained of the peerage and great families, to make head
   against the throne. They gave free indulgence to their tyranny
   only within the circle of the court, while they unceasingly
   watched and conciliated the temper of the people. The work
   they had to do, and which by more scrupulous means was not
   possible to be done, was one of paramount necessity; the
   dynasty uninterruptedly endured for only so long as was
   requisite to its thorough completion; and to each individual
   sovereign the particular task might seem to have been
   specially assigned. It was Henry's to spurn, renounce and
   utterly cast off, the Pope's authority, without too suddenly
   revolting the people's usages and habits; to arrive at blessed
   results by ways that a better man might have held to be
   accursed; during the momentous change in progress to keep in
   necessary check both the parties it affected; to persecute
   with an equal hand the Romanist and the Lutheran; to send the
   Protestant to the stake for resisting Popery, and the Roman
   Catholic to the scaffold for not admitting himself to be Pope;
   while he meantime plundered the monasteries, hunted down and
   rooted out the priests, alienated the abbey lands, and glutted
   himself and his creatures with that enormous spoil. It was
   Edward's to become the ready and undoubting instrument of
   Cranmer's design, and, with all the inexperience and more than
   the obstinacy of youth, so to force upon the people his
   compromise of doctrine and observance, as to render possible,
   even perhaps unavoidable, his elder sister's reign. It was
   Mary's to undo the effect of that precipitate eagerness of the
   Reformers, by lighting the fires of Smithfield; and
   opportunely to arrest the waverers from Protestantism, by
   exhibiting in their excess the very worst vices, the cruel
   bigotry, the hateful intolerance, the spiritual slavery, of
   Rome. It was Elizabeth's finally and forever to uproot that
   slavery from amongst us, to champion all over the world a new
   and nobler faith, and immovably to establish in England the
   Protestant religion."

      J. Forster,
      Historical and Biographical Essays,
      pages 221-222.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner and J. B. Mullinger,
      Introduction to the Study of English History,
      chapter 6.

      C. E. Moberly,
      The Early Tudors.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1487-1497.
   The Rebellions of Lambert Simnel and Perkin Warbeck.

   Although Henry VII., soon after he attained the throne,
   married Elizabeth of York, daughter of Edward IV., and thus
   united the two rival houses, the Yorkists were discontented
   with his rule. "With the help of Margaret of Burgundy, Edward
   IV. 's sister, and James IV. of Scotland, they actually set up
   two impostors, one after the other, to claim the throne. There
   was a real heir of the House of York still alive--young
   Edward, Earl of Warwick [son of the Duke of Clarence, brother
   to Edward IV.],  ... and Henry had taken the precaution to
   keep him in the Tower. But in 1487 a sham Earl of Warwick
   appeared in Ireland, and being supported by the Earl of
   Kildare, was actually crowned in Dublin Cathedral. Henry soon
   put down the imposture by showing the real earl to the people
   of London, and defeating the army of the pretended earl at
   Stoke, near Newark, June, 1487. He proved to be a lad named
   Lambert Simnel, the son of a joiner at Oxford, and he became a
   scullion in the king's kitchen." In 1492 another pretender of
   like character was brought forward. "A young man, called
   Perkin Warbeck, who proved afterwards to be a native of
   Tournay, pretended that he was Richard, Duke of York, the
   younger of the two little princes in the Tower, and that he
   had escaped when his brother Edward V. was murdered. He
   persuaded the king of France and Margaret of Burgundy to
   acknowledge him, and was not only received at the foreign
   courts, but, after failing in Ireland, he went to Scotland,
   where James IV. married him to his own cousin Catharine
   Gordon, and helped him to invade England in 1496. The invasion
   was defeated however, by the Earl of Surrey, and then Perkin
   went back to Ireland, where the people had revolted against
   the heavy taxes. There he raised an army and marched to
   Exeter, but meeting the king's troops at Taunton, he lost
   courage, and fled to the Abbey of Beaulieu, where he was taken
   prisoner, and sent to the Tower in 1497." In 1501 both Perkin
   Warbeck and the young Earl of Warwick were executed.

      A. B. Buckley,
      History of England for Beginners,
      chapter 13.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Gairdner, Story of Perkin Warbeck
      (appendix to Life of Richard III.).

      C. M, Yonge,
      Cameos from English History,
      3d series, chapters 21 and 24.

      J. Gairdner,
      Henry VII.,
      chapters 4 and 7.

ENGLAND: 15th-16th Centuries.
   The Renaissance.
   Life in "Merry England."
   Preludes to the Elizabethan Age of literature.

   "Toward the close of the fifteenth century ... commerce and
   the woollen trade made a sudden advance, and such an enormous
   one that corn-fields were changed into pasture-lands, 'whereby
   the inhabitants of the said town (Manchester) have gotten and
   come into riches and wealthy livings,' so that in 1553, 40,000
   pieces of cloth were exported in English ships. It was already
   the England which we see to-day, a land of meadows, green,
   intersected by hedgerows, crowded with cattle, abounding in
   ships, a manufacturing, opulent land, with a people of
   beef-eating toilers, who enrich it while they enrich
   themselves. They improved agriculture to such an extent, that
   in half a century the produce of an acre was doubled. They
   grew so rich, that at the beginning of the reign of Charles I.
   the Commons represented three times the wealth of the Upper
   House. The ruin of Antwerp by the Duke of Parma sent to
   England 'the third part of the merchants and manufacturers,
   who made silk, damask, stockings, taffetas, and serges.'  The
   defeat of the Armada and the decadence of Spain opened the
   seas to their merchants. The toiling hive, who would dare,
   attempt, explore, act in unison, and always with profit, was
   about to reap its advantages and set out on its voyages,
   buzzing over the universe. At the base and on the summit of
   society, in all ranks of life, in all grades of human
   condition, this new welfare became visible. ... It is not when
   all is good, but when all is better, that they see the bright
   side of life, and are tempted to make a holiday of it. This is
   why at this period they did make a holiday of it, a splendid
   show, so like a picture that it fostered painting in Italy, so
   like a representation, that it produced the drama in England.
   Now that the battle-axe and sword of the civil wars had beaten
   down the independent nobility, and the abolition of the law of
   maintenance had destroyed the petty royalty of each great
   feudal baron, the lords quitted their sombre castles,
   battlemented fortresses, surrounded by stagnant water, pierced
   with narrow windows, a sort of stone breast-plates of no use
   but to preserve the life of their masters. They flock into new
   palaces, with vaulted roofs and turrets, covered with
   fantastic and manifold ornaments, adorned with terraces and
   vast staircases, with gardens, fountains, statues, such as
   were the palaces of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, half Gothic and
   half Italian, whose convenience, grandeur, and beauty
   announced already habits of society and the taste for
   pleasure. They came to court and abandoned their old manners;
   the four meals which scarcely sufficed their former voracity
   were reduced to two; gentlemen soon became refined, placing
   their glory in the elegance and singularity of their
   amusements and their clothes. ... To vent the feelings, to
   satisfy the heart and eyes, to set free boldly on all the
   roads of existence the pack of appetites and instincts, this
   was the craving which the manners of the time betrayed. It was
   'merry England,' as they called it then. It was not yet stern
   and constrained. It expanded widely, freely, and rejoiced to
   find itself so expanded. No longer at court only was the drama
   found but in the village. Strolling companies betook
   themselves thither, and the country folk supplied any
   deficiencies when necessary. Shakspeare saw, before he
   depicted them, stupid fellows, carpenters, joiners,
   bellow-menders, play Pyramus and Thisbe, represent the lion
   roaring as gently as possible, and the wall, by stretching out
   their hands. Every holiday was a pageant, in which
   townspeople, workmen, and children bore their parts. ... A few
   sectarians, chiefly in the towns and of the people, clung
   gloomily to the Bible. But the court and the men of the world
   sought their teachers and their heroes from pagan Greece and
   Rome. About 1490 they began to read the classics; one after
   the other they translated them; it was soon the fashion to
   read them in the original. Elizabeth, Jane Grey, the Duchess
   of Norfolk, the Countess of Arundel, many other ladies, were
   conversant with Plato, Xenophon, and Cicero in the original,
   and appreciated them. Gradually, by an insensible change, men
   were raised to the level of the great and healthy minds who
   had freely handled ideas of all kinds fifteen centuries ago.
   They comprehended not only their language, but their thought;
   they did not repeat lessons from, but held conversations with
   them; they were their equals, and found in them intellects as
   manly as their own. ...
   Across the train of hooded school men and sordid cavillers the
   two adult and thinking ages were united, and the moderns,
   silencing the infantine or snuffling voices of the middle-age,
   condescended only to converse with the noble ancients. They
   accepted their gods, at least they understand them, and keep
   them by their side. In poems, festivals, tapestries, almost
   all ceremonies they appear, not restored by pedantry merely,
   but kept alive by sympathy, and glorified by the arts of an
   age as flourishing and almost as profound as that of their
   earliest birth. After the terrible night of the middle-age,
   and the dolorous legends of spirits and the damned, it was a
   delight to see again Olympus shining upon us from Greece; its
   heroic and beautiful deities once more ravishing the heart of
   men, they raised and instructed this young world by speaking
   to it the language of passion and genius; and the age of
   strong deeds, free sensuality, bold invention, had only to
   follow its own bent, in order to discover in them the eternal
   promoters of liberty and beauty. Nearer still was another
   paganism, that of Italy; the more seductive because more
   modern, and because it circulates fresh sap in an ancient
   stock; the more attractive, because more sensuous and present,
   with its worship of force and genius, of pleasure and
   voluptuousness. ... At that time Italy clearly led in every
   thing, and civilisation was to be drawn thence as from its
   spring. What is this civilisation which is thus imposed on the
   whole of Europe, whence every science and every elegance
   comes, whose laws are obeyed in every court, in which Surrey,
   Sidney, Spenser, Shakspeare sought their models and their
   materials? It was pagan in its elements and its birth; in its
   language, which is but slightly different from Latin; in its
   Latin traditions and recollections, which no gap has come to
   interrupt; in its constitution, whose old municipal life first
   led and absorbed the feudal life; in the genius of its race,
   in which energy and enjoyment always abounded."

      H. A. Taine,
      History of English Literature,
      book 2, chapter 1 (volume 1).

   "The intellectual movement, to which we give the name of
   Renaissance, expressed itself in England mainly through the
   Drama. Other races in that era of quickened activity, when
   modern man regained the consciousness of his own strength and
   goodliness after centuries of mental stagnation and social
   depression, threw their energies into the plastic arts and
   scholarship. The English found a similar outlet for their
   pent-up forces in the Drama. The arts and literature of Greece
   and Rome had been revealed by Italy to Europe. Humanism had
   placed the present once more in a vital relation to the past.
   The navies of Portugal and Spain had discovered new continents
   beyond the ocean; the merchants of Venice and Genoa had
   explored the farthest East. Copernicus had revolutionised
   astronomy, and the telescope was revealing fresh worlds beyond
   the sun. The Bible had been rescued from the mortmain of the
   Church; scholars studied it in the language of its authors,
   and the people read it in their own tongue. In this rapid
   development of art, literature, science, and discovery, the
   English had hitherto taken but little part. But they were
   ready to reap what other men had sown. Unfatigued by the
   labours of the pioneer, unsophisticated by the pedantries and
   sophistries of the schools, in the freshness of their youth
   and vigour, they surveyed the world unfolded to them. For more
   than half a century they freely enjoyed the splendour of this
   spectacle, until the struggle for political and religious
   liberty replunged them in the hard realities of life. During
   that eventful period of spiritual disengagement from absorbing
   cares, the race was fully conscious of its national
   importance. It had shaken off the shackles of oppressive
   feudalism, the trammels of ecclesiastical tyranny. It had not
   yet passed under the Puritan yoke, or felt the encroachments
   of despotic monarchy. It was justly proud of the Virgin Queen,
   with whose idealised personality the people identified their
   newly acquired sense of greatness. ... What in those fifty
   years they saw with the clairvoyant eyes of artists, the poets
   wrote. And what they wrote, remains imperishable. It is the
   portrait of their age, the portrait of an age in which
   humanity stood self-revealed, a miracle and marvel to its own
   admiring curiosity. England was in a state of transition when
   the Drama came to perfection. That was one of those rare
   periods when the past and the future are both coloured by
   imagination, and both shed a glory on the present. The
   medieval order was in dissolution; the modern order was in
   process of formation. Yet the old state of things had not
   faded from memory and usage; the new had not assumed despotic
   sway. Men stood then, as it were, between two dreams--a dream
   of the past, thronged with sinister and splendid
   reminiscences; a dream of the future, bright with unlimited
   aspirations and indefinite hopes. Neither the retreating
   forces of the Middle Ages nor the advancing forces of the
   modern era pressed upon them with the iron weight of
   actuality. The brutalities of feudalism had been softened; but
   the chivalrous sentiment remained to inspire the Surreys and
   the Sidneys of a milder epoch. ... What distinguished the
   English at this epoch from the nations of the South was not
   refinement of manners, sobriety, or self-control. On the
   contrary they retained an unenviable character for more than
   common savagery. ... Erasmus describes the filth of their
   houses, and the sicknesses engendered in their cities by bad
   ventilation. What rendered the people superior to Italians and
   Spaniards was the firmness of their moral fibre, the sweetness
   of their humanity, a more masculine temper, less vitiated
   instincts and sophisticated intellects, a law-abiding and
   religious conscience, contempt for treachery and baseness,
   intolerance of political or ecclesiastical despotism combined
   with fervent love of home and country. They were coarse, but
   not vicious; pleasure-loving, but not licentious; violent, but
   not cruel; luxurious but not effeminate. Machiavelli was a
   name of loathing to them. Sidney, Essex, Raleigh, More, and
   Drake were popular heroes; and whatever may be thought of
   these men, they certainly counted no Marquis of Pescara, no
   Duke of Valentino, no Malatesta Baglioni, no Cosimo de' Medici
   among them. The Southern European type betrayed itself but
   faintly in politicians like Richard Cromwell and Robert
   Dudley. . . . Affectations of foreign vices were only a
   varnish on the surface of society. The core of the nation
   remained sound and wholesome. Nor was the culture which the
   English borrowed from less unsophisticated nations, more than
   superficial. The incidents of Court gossip show how savage was
   the life beneath.
   Queen Elizabeth spat, in the presence of her nobles, at a
   gentleman who had displeased her; struck Essex on the cheek;
   drove Burleigh blubbering from her apartment. Laws in merry
   England were executed with uncompromising severity. Every
   township had its gallows; every village its stocks,
   whipping-post and pillory. Here and there, heretics were
   burned upon the market-place; and the block upon Tower Hill
   was seldom dry. ... Men and women who read Plato, or discussed
   the elegancies of Petrarch, suffered brutal practical jokes,
   relished the obscenities of jesters, used the grossest
   language of the people. Carrying farms and acres on their
   backs in the shape of costly silks and laces, they lay upon
   rushes filthy with the vomit of old banquets. Glittering in
   suits of gilt and jewelled mail, they jostled with
   town-porters in the stench of the bear-gardens, or the bloody
   bull-pit. The church itself was not respected. The nave of old
   S. Paul's became a rendezvous for thieves and prostitutes. ...
   It is difficult, even by noting an infinity of such
   characteristics, to paint the many-coloured incongruities of
   England at that epoch. Yet in the midst of this confusion rose
   cavaliers like Sidney, philosophers like Bacon, poets like
   Spenser; men in whom all that is pure, elevated, subtle,
   tender, strong, wise, delicate and learned in our modern
   civilisation displayed itself. And the masses of the people
   were still in harmony with these high strains. They formed the
   audience of Shakspere. They wept for Desdemona, adored Imogen,
   listened with Jessica to music in the moon-light at Belmont,
   wandered with Rosalind through woodland glades of Arden. Such
   was the society of which our theatre became the mirror."

      J. A. Symonds,
      Shakspere's Predecessors in the English Drama,
      chapter 2, section 1, 2, and 5.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1497.
   Cabot's discovery of the North American Continent.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1497.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1498.
   Voyage and discoveries of Sebastian Cabot.
   Ground of English claims in the New World.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1498.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1502.
   The marriage which brought the Stuarts to the English throne.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1502.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1509.
   The character and reign of Henry VII.

   "As a king, Bacon tells us that he was 'a wonder for wise
   men.' Few indeed were the councillors that shared his
   confidence, but the wise men, competent to form an estimate of
   his statesmanship, had but one opinion of his consummate
   wisdom. Foreigners were greatly struck with the success that
   attended his policy. Ambassadors were astonished at the
   intimate knowledge he displayed of the affairs of their own
   countries. From the most unpropitious beginnings, a proscribed
   man and an exile, he had won his way in evil times to a throne
   beset with dangers; he had pacified his own country, cherished
   commerce, formed strong alliances over Europe, and made his
   personal influence felt by the rulers of France, Spain, Italy,
   and the Netherlands as that of a man who could turn the scale
   in matters of the highest importance to their own domestic
   welfare. ... From first to last his policy was essentially his
   own; for though he knew well how to choose the ablest
   councillors, he asked or took their advice only to such an
   extent as he himself deemed expedient. ... No one can
   understand his reign, or that of his son, or, we might add, of
   his granddaughter Queen Elizabeth, without appreciating the
   fact that, however well served with councillors, the sovereign
   was in those days always his own Prime Minister. ... Even the
   legislation of the reign must be regarded as in large measure
   due to Henry himself. We have no means, it is true, of knowing
   how much of it originated in his own mind; but that it was all
   discussed with him in Council and approved before it was
   passed we have every reason to believe. For he never appears
   to have put the royal veto upon any Bill, as constitutional
   usage both before and after his days allowed. He gave his
   assent to all the enactments sent up to him for approval,
   though he sometimes added to them provisos of his own. And
   Bacon, who knew the traditions of those times, distinctly
   attributes the good legislation of his days to the king
   himself. 'In that part, both of justice and policy, which is
   the most durable part, and cut, as it were, in brass or
   marble, the making of good laws, he did excel.' This
   statement, with but slight variations in the wording, appears
   again and again throughout the History; and elsewhere it is
   said that he was the best lawgiver to this nation after Edward
   I. ... The parliaments, indeed, that Henry summoned were only
   seven in number, and seldom did anyone of them last over a
   year, so that during a reign of nearly twenty-four years many
   years passed away without a Parliament at all. But even in
   those scanty sittings many Acts were passed to meet evils that
   were general subjects of complaint. ... He could scarcely be
   called a learned man, yet he was a lover of learning, and gave
   his children an excellent education. His Court was open to
   scholars. ... He was certainly religious after the fashion of
   his day. ... His religious foundations and bequests perhaps do
   not necessarily imply anything more than conventional feeling.
   But we must not overlook the curious circumstance that he once
   argued with a heretic at the stake at Canterbury and got him
   to renounce his heresy. It is melancholy to add that he did
   not thereupon release him from the punishment to which he had
   been sentenced; but the fact seems to show that he was afraid
   of encouraging insincere conversions by such leniency. During
   the last two or three years of the 15th century there was a
   good deal of procedure against heretics, but on the whole, we
   are told, rather by penances than by fire. Henry had no desire
   to see the old foundations of the faith disturbed. His zeal
   for the Church was recognised by no less than three Popes in
   his time, who each sent him a sword and a cap of maintenance.
   ... To commerce and adventure he was always a good friend. By
   his encouragement Sebastian Cabot sailed from Bristol and
   discovered Newfoundland--The New Isle, as it at first was
   called. Four years earlier Columbus had first set foot on the
   great western continent, and had not his brother been taken by
   pirates at sea, it is supposed that he too might have made his
   great discovery under Henry's patronage."

      James Gairdner,
      Henry the Seventh,
      chapter 13.

      ALSO IN:
      Lord Bacon,
      History of the Reign of King Henry VII.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1509,
   Accession of King Henry VIII.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1151-1513.
   Enlisted In the Holy League of Pope Julius II. against France.

      See ITALY: A. D. 1510-1513.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1513.
   Henry's invasion of France.
   The victory of the Battle of the Spurs.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1513-1515.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1513-1529.
   The ministry of Cardinal Wolsey.

   From 1513 to 1529, Thomas Wolsey, who became Archbishop of
   York in 1514, and Cardinal in 1515, was the minister who
   guided the policy of Henry VIII., so far as that head-strong
   and absolute monarch could be guided at all. "England was
   going through a crisis, politically, socially, and
   intellectually, when Wolsey undertook the management of
   affairs. ... We must regret that he put foreign policy in the
   first place, and reserved his constructive measures for
   domestic affairs. ... Yet even here we may doubt if the
   measures of the English Reformation would have been possible
   if Wolsey's mind had not inspired the king and the nation with
   a heightened consciousness of England's power and dignity.
   Wolsey's diplomacy at least tore away all illusions about Pope
   and Emperor, and the opinion of Europe, and taught Henry VIII.
   the measure of his own strength. It was impossible that
   Wolsey's powerful hand should not leave its impression upon
   everything which it touched. If Henry VIII. inherited a strong
   monarchy, Wolsey made the basis of monarchical power still
   stronger. ... Wolsey saw in the royal power the only possible
   means of holding England together and guiding it through the
   dangers of impending change. ... Wolsey was in no sense a
   constitutional minister, nor did he pay much heed to
   constitutional forms. Parliament was only summoned once during
   the time that he was in office, and then he tried to browbeat
   Parliament and set aside its privileges. In his view the only
   function of Parliament was to grant money for the king's
   needs. The king should say how much he needed, and Parliament
   ought only to advise how this sum might be most conveniently
   raised. ... He was unwise in his attempt to force the king's
   will upon Parliament as an unchangeable law of its action.
   Henry VIII. looked and learned from Wolsey's failure, and when
   he took the management of Parliament into his own hands he
   showed himself a consummate master of that craft. ... He was
   so skilful that Parliament at last gave him even the power
   over the purse, and Henry, without raising a murmur, imposed
   taxes which Wolsey would not have dared to suggest. ... Where
   Wolsey would have made the Crown independent of Parliament,
   Henry VIII. reduced Parliament to be a willing instrument of
   the royal will. ... Henry ... clothed his despotism with the
   appearance of paternal solicitude. He made the people think
   that he lived for them, and that their interests were his,
   whereas Wolsey endeavoured to convince the people that the
   king alone could guard their interests, and that their only
   course was to put entire confidence in him. Henry saw that men
   were easier to cajole than to convince. ... In spite of the
   disadvantage of a royal education, Henry was a more thorough
   Englishman than Wolsey, though Wolsey sprang from the people.
   It was Wolsey's teaching, however, that prepared Henry for his
   task. The king who could use a minister like Wolsey and then
   throw him away when he was no longer useful, felt that there
   was no limitation to his self-sufficiency. ... For politics in
   the largest sense, comprising all the relations of the nation
   at home and abroad, Wolsey had a capacity which amounted to
   genius, and it is doubtful if this can be said of any other
   Englishman. ... Taking England as he found her, he aimed at
   developing all her latent possibilities, and leading Europe to
   follow in her train. ... He made England for a time the centre
   of European politics, and gave her an influence far higher
   than she could claim on material grounds. ... He was indeed a
   political artist, who worked with a free hand and a certain
   touch.. ... He was, though he knew it not, fitted to serve
   England, but not to serve the English king. He had the aims of
   a national statesman, not of a royal servant. Wolsey's
   misfortune was that his lot was cast on days when the career
   of a statesman was not distinct from that of a royal servant."

      M. Creighton,
      Cardinal Wolsey,
      chapters 8 and 11.

      ALSO IN:
      J. S. Brewer,
      The Reign of Henry VIII.

      J. A. Froude,
      History of  England from the Fall of Wolsey,
      chapters 1-2.

      G. Cavendish,
      Life of Wolsey.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1514.
   Marriage of the king's sister with Louis XII. of France.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1513-1515.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1516-1517.
   Intrigues against France.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1516-1517.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1519.
   Candidacy of Henry VIII. for the imperial crown.

         See GERMANY: A. D. 1519.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1520-1521.
   Rivalry of the Emperor and the French King
   for the English alliance.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1520-1523.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1525.
   The king changes sides in European politics and breaks his
   alliance with the Emperor.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1525-1526.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1527.
   New alliance with France and Venice against Charles V.
   Formal renunciation of the claim of the English kings to the
   crown of France.

      See ITALY: A. D. 1527-1529.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1527-1534.
   Henry VIII. and the Divorce question.
   The rupture with Rome.

   Henry VIII. owed his crown to the early death of his brother
   Arthur, whose widow, Catharine of Aragon, the daughter of
   Ferdinand, and consequently the aunt of Charles V. [emperor],
   Henry was enabled to marry through a dispensation obtained by
   Henry VII. from Pope Julius II.,--marriage with the wife of a
   deceased brother being forbidden by the laws of the Church.
   Henry was in his twelfth year when the marriage was concluded,
   but it was not consummated until the death of his father. ...
   The question of Henry's divorce from Catharine soon became a
   subject of discussion, and the effort to procure the annulling
   of the marriage from the pope was prosecuted for a number of
   years. Henry professed, and perhaps with sincerity, that he
   had long been troubled with doubts of the validity of the
   marriage, as being contrary to the divine law, and therefore
   not within the limit of the pope's dispensing power. The death
   of a number of his children, leaving only a single daughter,
   Mary, had been interpreted by some as a mark of the
   displeasure of God. At the same time the English people, in
   the fresh recollection of the long dynastic struggle, were
   anxious on account of the lack of a male heir to the throne.
   On the queen's side it was asserted that it was competent for
   the pope to authorize a marriage with a brother's widow, and
   that no doubt could possibly exist in the present case, since,
   according to her testimony, her marriage with Arthur had never
   been completed. The eagerness of Henry to procure the divorce
   increased with his growing passion for Anne Boleyn. The
   negotiations with Rome dragged slowly on. Catharine was six
   years older than himself, and had lost her charms.
   He was enamored of this young English girl, fresh from the
   court of France. He resolved to break the marriage bond with
   the Spanish princess who had been his faithful wife for nearly
   twenty years. It was not without reason that the king became
   more and more incensed at the dilatory and vacillating course
   of the pope. ... Henry determined to lay the question of the
   validity of his marriage before the universities of Europe,
   and this he did, making a free use of bribery abroad and of
   menaces at home. Meantime, he took measures to cripple the
   authority of the pope and of the clergy in England. In these
   proceedings he was sustained by a popular feeling, the growth
   of centuries, against foreign ecclesiastical interference and
   clerical control in civil affairs. The fall of Wolsey was the
   effect of his failure to procure the divorce, and of the
   enmity of Anne Boleyn and her family. ... In order to convict
   of treason this minister, whom he had raised to the highest
   pinnacle of power, the king did not scruple to avail himself
   of the ancient statute of præmunire, which Wolsey was accused
   of having transgressed by acting as the pope's legate in
   England--it was dishonestly alleged, without the royal
   license. Early in 1531 the king charged the whole body of the
   clergy with having incurred the penalties of the same law by
   submitting to Wolsey in his legatine character. Assembled in
   convocation, they were obliged to implore his pardon, and
   obtained it only in return for a large sum of money. In their
   petition he was styled, in obedience to his dictation, 'The
   Protector and Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy of
   England,' to which was added, after long debate, at the
   suggestion of Archbishop Warham--'as far as is permitted by
   the law of Christ.' The Church, prostrate though it was at the
   feet of the despotic king, showed some degree of self-respect
   in inserting this amendment. Parliament forbade the
   introduction of papal bulls into England. The king was
   authorized if he saw fit, to withdraw the annats--first-fruits
   of benefices--from the pope. Appeals to Rome were forbidden.
   The retaliatory measures of Henry did not move the pope to
   recede from his position. On or about January 25, 1533, the
   king was privately married to Anne Boleyn. ... In 1534 Henry
   was conditionally excommunicated by Clement VII. The papal
   decree deposing him from the throne, and absolving his
   subjects from their allegiance, did not follow until 1538, and
   was issued by Paul III. Clement's bull was sent forth on the
   23 of March. On the 23 of November Parliament passed the Act
   of Supremacy, without the qualifying clause which the clergy
   had attached to their vote. The king was, moreover, clothed
   with full power and authority to repress and amend all such
   errors, heresies, and abuses as 'by any manner of spiritual
   authority or jurisdiction ought or may lawfully be reformed.'
   Thus a visitatorial function of vast extent was recognized as
   belonging to him. In 1532 convocation was driven to engage not
   'to enact or promulge or put in execution' any measures
   without the royal license, and to promise to change or to
   abrogate any of the 'provincial constitutions' which he should
   judge inconsistent with his prerogative. The clergy were thus
   stripped of all power to make laws. A mixed commission, which
   Parliament ordained for the revision of the whole canon law,
   was not appointed in this reign. The dissolution of the king's
   marriage thus dissolved the union of England with the papacy."

      G. P. Fisher,
      History of the Christian Church,
      period 8, chapter 6.

      ALSO IN:

      J. S. Brewer,
      The Reign of Henry VIII.,
      volume 2, chapters 27-35.

      J. A. Froude,
      History of England,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

      S. H. Burke,
      Historical Portraits of the Tudor Dynasty,
      volume 1, chapters 8-25.

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 6, chapter 3.

      T. E. Bridgett,
      Life and Writings of Sir T. More.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1529-1535.
   The execution of Sir Thomas More.

   On the 25th of October, 1529, the king, by delivering the
   great seal to Sir Thomas More, constituted him Lord
   Chancellor. In making this appointment, Henry "hoped to
   dispose his chancellor to lend his authority to the projects
   of divorce and second marriage, which now agitated the king's
   mind, and were the main objects of his policy. ... To pursue
   this subject through the long negotiations and discussions
   which it occasioned during six years, would be to lead us far
   from the life of Sir Thomas More. ... All these proceedings
   terminated in the sentence of nullity in the case of Henry's
   marriage with Catherine, pronounced by Cranmer, the espousal
   of Anne Boleyn by the king, and the rejection of the papal
   jurisdiction by the kingdom, which still, however, adhered to
   the doctrines of the Roman catholic church. The situation of
   More during a great part of these memorable events was
   embarrassing. The great offices to which he was raised by the
   king, the personal favour hitherto constantly shown to him,
   and the natural tendency of his gentle and quiet disposition,
   combined to disincline him to resistance against the wishes of
   his friendly master. On the other hand, his growing dread and
   horror of heresy, with its train of disorders; his belief that
   universal anarchy would be the inevitable result of religious
   dissension, and the operation of seven years' controversy for
   the Catholic church, in heating his mind on all subjects
   involving the extent of her authority, made him recoil from
   designs which were visibly tending towards disunion with the
   Roman pontiff. ... Henry used every means of procuring an
   opinion favourable to his wishes from his chancellor, who
   excused himself as unmeet for such matters, having never
   professed the study of divinity. ... But when the progress
   towards the marriage was so far advanced that he saw how soon
   the active co-operation of a chancellor must be required, he
   made suit to 'his singular dear friend,' the duke of Norfolk,
   to procure his discharge from this office. The duke, often
   solicited by More, then obtained, by importunate suit, a clear
   discharge for the chancellor. ... The king directed Norfolk,
   when he installed his successor, to declare publicly, that his
   majesty had with pain yielded to the prayers of sir Thomas
   More, by the removal of such a magistrate. .... It must be
   owned that Henry felt the weight of this great man's opinion,
   and tried every possible means to obtain at least the
   appearance of his spontaneous approbation. ... The king ...
   sent the archbishop of Canterbury, the chancellor, the duke of
   Norfolk, and Cromwell, to attempt the conversion of More.
   Audley reminded More of the king's special favour and many
   benefits. More admitted them; but modestly added, that his
   highness had most graciously declared that on this matter More
   should be molested no more.
   When in the end they saw that no persuasion could move him,
   they then said, 'that the king's highness had given them in
   commandment, if they could by no gentleness win him, in the
   king's name with ingratitude to charge him, that never was
   servant to his master so villainous, nor subject to his prince
   so traitorous as he.'. . . By a tyrannical edict, mis-called a
   law, in the same session of 1533-4, it was made high treason,
   after the 1st of May, 1534, by writing, print, deed, or act,
   to do or to procure, or cause to be done or procured, anything
   to the prejudice, slander, disturbance, or derogation of the
   king's lawful matrimony with queen Anne. If the same offences
   were committed by words, they were only misprision. The same
   act enjoined all persons to take an oath to maintain the whole
   contents of the statute, and an obstinate refusal to make such
   oath was subjected to the penalties of misprision. ... Sir T.
   More was summoned to appear before these commissioners at
   Lambeth, on Monday the 13th of April, 1534. ... After having
   read the statute and the form of the oath, he declared his
   readiness to swear that he would maintain and defend the order
   of succession to the crown as established by parliament. He
   disclaimed all censure of those who had imposed, or on those
   who had taken, the oath, but declared it to be impossible that
   he should swear to the whole contents of it, without offending
   against his own conscience. ... He never more returned to his
   house, being committed to the custody of the abbot of
   Westminster, in which he continued four days; and at the end
   of that time he was conveyed to the Tower on Friday the 17th
   of April, 1534. ... On the 6th of May, 1535, almost
   immediately after the defeat of every attempt to practise on
   his firmness, More was brought to trial at Westminster, and it
   will scarcely be doubted, that no such culprit stood at any
   European bar for a thousand years. ... It is lamentable that
   the records of the proceedings against such a man should be
   scanty. We do not certainly know the specific offence of which
   he was convicted. ... On Tuesday, the 6th of July (St.
   Thomas's eve), 1535, sir Thomas Pope, 'his singular good
   friend,' came to him early with a message from the king and
   council, to say that he should die before nine o'clock of the
   same morning. ... The lieutenant brought him to the scaffold,
   which was so weak that it was ready to fall, on which he said,
   merrily, 'Master Lieutenant, I pray you see me safe up, and
   for my coming down let me shift for myself.' When he laid his
   head on the block he desired the executioner to wait till he
   had removed his beard, for that had never offended his

      Sir J. Mackintosh,
      Sir Thomas More
      (Cabinet Cyclopedia:
      Eminent British Statesmen, volume 1).

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      Historical Biographies,
      chapter 3.

      T. E. Bridgett,
      Life and Writings of Sir Thomas More,
      chapters 12-24.

      S. H. Burke,
      Historical Portraits of the Tudor Dynasty,
      volume 1, chapter 29.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1531-1563,
   The genesis of the Church of England.

   "Henry VIII. attempted to constitute an Anglican Church
   differing from the Roman Catholic Church on the point of the
   supremacy, and on that point alone. His success in this
   attempt was extraordinary. The force of his character, the
   singularly favorable situation in which he stood with respect
   to foreign powers, the immense wealth which the spoliation of
   the ah beys placed at his disposal, and the support of that
   class which still halted between two opinions, enabled him to
   bid defiance to both the extreme parties, to burn as heretics
   those who avowed the tenets of the Reformers, and to hang as
   traitors those who owned the authority of the Pope. But
   Henry's system died with him. Had his life been prolonged, he
   would have found it difficult to maintain a position assailed
   with equal fury by all who were zealous either for the new or
   for the old opinions. The ministers who held the royal
   prerogatives in trust for his infant son could not venture to
   persist in so hazardous a policy; nor could Elizabeth venture
   to return to it. It was necessary to make a choice. The
   government must either submit to Rome, or must obtain the aid
   of the Protestants. The government and the Protestants had
   only one thing in common, hatred of the Papal power. The
   English reformers were eager to go as far as their brethren on
   the Continent. They unanimously condemned as Antichristian
   numerous dogmas and practices to which Henry had stubbornly
   adhered, and which Elizabeth reluctantly abandoned. Many felt
   a strong repugnance even to things indifferent which had
   formed part of the polity or ritual of the mystical Babylon.
   Thus Bishop Hooper, who died manfully at Gloucester for his
   religion, long refused to wear the episcopal vestments. Bishop
   Ridley, a martyr of still greater renown, pulled down the
   ancient altars of his diocese, and ordered the Eucharist to be
   administered in the middle of churches, at tables which the
   Papists irreverently termed oyster boards. Bishop Jewel
   pronounced the clerical garb to be a stage dress, a fool's
   coat, a relique of the Amorites, and promised that he would
   spare no labour to extirpate such degrading absurdities.
   Archbishop Grindal long hesitated about accepting a mitre from
   dislike of what he regarded as the mummery of consecration.
   Bishop Parkhurst uttered a fervent prayer that the Church of
   England would propose to herself the Church of Zurich as the
   absolute pattern of a Christian community. Bishop Ponet was of
   opinion that the word Bishop should be abandoned to the
   Papist, and that the chief officers of the purified church
   should be called Superintendents. When it is considered that
   none of these prelates belonged to the extreme section of the
   Protestant party, it cannot be doubted that, if the general
   sense of that party had been followed, the work of reform
   would have been carried on as unsparingly in England as in
   Scotland. But, as the government needed the support of the
   Protestants, so the Protestants needed the protection of the
   government. Much was therefore given up on both sides: an
   union was effected; and the fruit of that union was the Church
   of England."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 1.

   "The Reformation in England was, singular amongst the great
   religious movements of the sixteenth century. It was the least
   heroic of them all--the least swayed by religious passion, or
   moulded and governed by spiritual and theological necessities.
   From a general point of view, it looks at first little more
   than a great political change. The exigencies of royal
   passion, and the dubious impulses of statecraft, seem its
   moving and really powerful springs. But, regarded more
   closely, we recognise a significant train both of religious
   and critical forces at work. The lust and avarice of Henry,
   the policy of Cromwell, and the vacillations of the leading
   clergy, attract prominent notice; but there may be traced
   beneath the surface a wide-spread evangelical fervour amongst
   the people, and, above all, a genuine spiritual earnestness
   and excitement of thought at the universities.
   These higher influences preside at the first birth of the
   movement. They are seen in active operation long before the
   reforming task was taken up by the Court and the bishops."

      J. Tulloch,
      Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy
      in England in the 17th Century,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

   "The miserable fate of Anne Boleyn wins our compassion, and
   the greatness to which her daughter attained has been in some
   degree reflected back upon herself. Had she died a natural
   death, and had she not been the mother of Queen Elizabeth, we
   should have estimated her character at a very low value
   indeed. Protestantism might still, with its usual unhistorical
   partizanship, have gilded over her immoralities; but the
   Church of England must ever look upon Anne Boleyn with
   downcast eyes full of sorrow and shame. By the influence of
   her charms, Henry was induced to take those steps which ended
   in setting the Church of England free from an uncatholic yoke:
   but that such a result should be produced by such an influence
   is a fact which must constrain us to think that the land was
   guilty of many sins, and that it was these national sins which
   prevented better instruments from being raised up for so
   righteous an object."

      J. H. Blunt,
      The Reformation of the Church of England,
      pages 197-198.

   "Cranmer's work might never have been carried out, there might
   have been no English Bible, no Ten Articles or 'Institution,'
   no reforming Primers, nor Proclamations against Ceremonies,
   had it not been for the tact, boldness and skill of Thomas
   Crumwell, who influenced the King more directly and constantly
   than Cranmer, and who knew how to make his influence
   acceptable by an unprincipled confiscation and an absurd
   exaggeration of the royal supremacy. Crumwell knew that in his
   master's heart there was a dislike and contempt of the clergy.
   ... It is probable that Crumwell's policy was simply
   irreligious, and only directed towards preserving his
   influence with the King; but as the support of the reforming
   part of the nation was a useful factor in it, he was thus led
   to push forward religious information in conjunction with
   Cranmer. It has been before said that purity and
   disinterestedness are not to be looked for in all the actors
   in the English Reformation. To this it may be added that
   neither in the movement itself nor in those who took part in
   it is to be found complete consistency. This, indeed, is not
   to be wondered at. Men were feeling their way along untrodden
   paths, without any very clear perception of the end at which
   they were aiming, or any perfect understanding of the
   situation. The King had altogether misapprehended the meaning
   of his supremacy. A host of divines whose views as to the
   distinction between the secular and the spiritual had been
   confused by the action of the Popes, helped to mislead him.
   The clergy, accustomed to be crushed and humiliated by the
   Popes, submitted to be crushed and humiliated by the King; and
   as the tide of his autocratic temper ebbed and flowed, yielded
   to each change. Hence there was action and reaction throughout
   the reign. But in this there were obvious advantages for the
   Church. The gradual process accustomed men's thoughts to a
   reformation which should not be drastic or iconoclastic, but
   rather conservative and deliberate."

      G. G, Perry,
      History of the Reformation in England,
      chapter 5.

   "With regard to the Church of England, its foundations rest
   upon the rock of Scripture, not upon the character of the King
   by whom they were laid. This, however, must be affirmed in
   justice to Henry, that mixed as the motives were which first
   induced him to disclaim the Pope's authority, in all the
   subsequent measures he acted sincerely, knowing the importance
   of the work in which he had engaged, and prosecuting it
   sedulously and conscientiously, even when most erroneous. That
   religion should have had so little influence upon his moral
   conduct will not appear strange, if we consider what the
   religion was wherein he was trained up;--nor if we look at the
   generality of men even now, under circumstances immeasurably
   more fortunate than those in which he was placed. Undeniable
   proofs remain of the learning, ability, and diligence, with
   which he applied himself to the great business of weeding out
   superstition, and yet preserving what he believed to be the
   essentials of Christianity untouched. This praise (and it is
   no light one) is his due: and it is our part to be thankful to
   that all-ruling Providence, which rendered even his passions
   and his vices subservient to this important end."

      R. Southey,
      The Book of the Church,
      chapter 12.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1535-1539.
   The suppression of the Monasteries.

   "The enormous, and in a great measure ill-gotten, opulence of
   the regular clergy had long since excited jealousy in every
   part of Europe. ... A writer much inclined to partiality
   towards the monasteries says that they held [in England]
   one-fifth part of the kingdom; no insignificant patrimony. ...
   As they were in general exempted from episcopal visitation,
   and intrusted with the care of their own discipline, such
   abuses had gradually prevailed and gained strength by
   connivance as we may naturally expect in corporate bodies of
   men leading almost of necessity useless and indolent lives,
   and in whom very indistinct views of moral obligations were
   combined with a great facility of violating them. The vices
   that for many ages had been supposed to haunt the monasteries,
   had certainly not left their precincts in that of Henry VIII.
   Wolsey, as papal legate, at the instigation of Fox, bishop of
   Hereford, a favourer of the Reformation, commenced a
   visitation of the professed as well as secular clergy in 1523,
   in consequence of the general complaint against their manners.
   ... Full of anxious zeal for promoting education, the noblest
   part of his character, he obtained bulls from Rome suppressing
   many convents (among which was that of St. Frideswide at
   Oxford), in order to erect and endow a new college in that
   university, his favourite work, which after his fall was more
   completely established by the name of Christ Church. A few
   more were afterwards extinguished through his instigation; and
   thus the prejudice against interference with this species of
   property was somewhat worn off, and men's minds gradually
   prepared for the sweeping confiscations of Cromwell [Thomas
   Cromwell, who succeeded Wolsey as chief minister of Henry
   VIII.]. The king indeed was abundantly willing to replenish
   his exchequer by violent means, and to avenge himself on those
   who gainsayed his supremacy; but it was this able statesman
   who, prompted both by the natural appetite of ministers for
   the subjects' money and by a secret partiality towards the
   Reformation, devised and
   carried on with complete success, if not with the utmost
   prudence, a measure of no inconsiderable hazard and
   difficulty. ...
   It was necessary, by exposing the gross corruptions of
   monasteries, both to intimidate the regular clergy, and to
   excite popular indignation against them. It is not to be
   doubted that in the visitation of these foundations, under the
   direction of Cromwell, as lord vice-gerent of the king's
   ecclesiastical supremacy, many things were done in an
   arbitrary manner, and much was unfairly represented. Yet the
   reports of these visitors are so minute and specific that it
   is rather a preposterous degree of incredulity to reject their
   testimony whenever it bears hard on the regulars. ... The
   dread of these visitors soon induced a number of abbots to
   make surrenders to the king; a step of very questionable
   legality. But in the next session the smaller convents, whose
   revenues were less than £200 a year, were suppressed by act of
   parliament, to the number of 376, and their estates vested in
   the crown. This summary spoliation led to the great northern
   rebellion soon afterwards," headed by Robert Ask, a gentleman
   of Yorkshire, and assuming the title of a Pilgrimage of Grace.

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 2.

   "Far from benefiting the cause of the monastic houses, the
   immediate effect of the Pilgrimage of Grace was to bring ruin
   on those monasteries which had as yet been spared. For their
   complicity or alleged complicity in it, twelve abbots were
   hanged, drawn and quartered, and their houses were seized by
   the Crown. Every means was employed by a new set of
   Commissioners to bring about the surrender of others of the
   greater abbeys. The houses were visited, and their pretended
   relics and various tricks to encourage the devotion of the
   people were exposed. Surrenders went rapidly on during the
   years 1537 and 1538, and it became necessary to obtain a new
   Act of Parliament to vest the property of the later surrenders
   in the Crown. ... Nothing, indeed, can be more tragical than
   the way in which the greater abbeys were destroyed on
   manufactured charges and for imaginary crimes. These houses
   had been described in the first Act of Parliament as 'great
   and honourable,' wherein 'religion was right well kept and
   observed.' Yet now they were pitilessly destroyed. A revenue
   of about £131,607 is computed to have thus come to the Crown,
   while the movables are valued at £400,000. How was this vast
   sum of money expended?

   (1) By the Act for the suppression of the greater monasteries
   the King was empowered to erect six new sees, with their deans
   and chapters, namely, Westminster, Oxford, Chester,
   Gloucester, Bristol and Peterborough. ...

   (2) Some monasteries were turned into collegiate churches, and
   many of the abbey churches ... were assigned as parish

   (3) Some grammar schools were erected.

   (4) A considerable sum is said to have been spent in making
   roads and in fortifying the coasts of the Channel.

   (5) But by far the greater part of the monastic property
   passed into the hands of the nobility and gentry, either by
   purchase at very easy rates, or by direct gift from the Crown.

   The monks and nuns ejected from the monasteries had small
   pensions assigned to them, which are said to have been
   regularly paid; but to many of them the sudden return into a
   world with which they had become utterly unacquainted, and in
   which they had no part to play, was a terrible hardship, ...
   greatly increased by the Six Article Law, which ... made the
   marriage of the secularized 'religious' illegal under heavy

      G. G. Perry,
      History of the Reformation in England,
      chapter 4.

   "The religious bodies, instead of uniting in their common
   defence, seem to have awaited singly their fate with the
   apathy of despair. A few houses only, through the agency of
   their friends, sought to purchase the royal favour with offers
   of money and lands; but the rapacity of the king refused to
   accept a part when the whole was at his mercy."

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 6, chapter 4.

   Some of the social results of the suppression "may be summed
   up in a few words. The creation of a large class of poor to
   whose poverty was attached the stigma of crime; the division
   of class from class, the rich mounting up to place and power,
   the poor sinking to lower depths; destruction of custom as a
   check upon the exactions of landlords; the loss by the poor of
   those foundations at schools and universities intended for
   their children, and the passing away of ecclesiastical tithes
   into the hands of lay owners."

      F. A. Gasquet,
      Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries,
      volume 2, page 523.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1536-1543.
   Trial and execution of Anne Boleyn.
   Her successors, the later wives of Henry VIII.

   Anne Boleyn had been secretly married to the king in January,
   1533, and had been crowned on Whitsunday of that year. "The
   princess Elizabeth, the only surviving child, was born on the
   7th of September following. ... The death of Catherine, which
   happened at Kimbolton on the 29th of January, 1536, seemed to
   leave queen Anne in undisturbed possession of her splendid
   seat." But the fickle king had now "cast his affections on
   Jane Seymour, the daughter of Sir John Seymour, a young lady
   then of the Queen's bed-chamber, as Anne herself had been in
   that of Catherine." Having lost her charms in the eyes of the
   lustful despot who had wedded her, her influence was gone--
   and her safety. Charges were soon brought against the
   unfortunate woman, a commission (her own father included in
   it) appointed to inquire into her alleged misdeeds, and "on
   the 10th of May an indictment for high treason was found by
   the grand jury of Westminster against the Lady Anne, Queen of
   England; Henry Norris, groom of the stole; Sir Francis Weston
   and William Brereton, gentlemen of the privy chamber; and Mark
   Smeaton, a performer on musical instruments, and a person 'of
   low degree,' promoted to be a groom of the chamber for his
   skill in the fine art which he professed. It charges the queen
   with having, by all sorts of bribes, gifts, caresses, and
   impure blandishments, which are described with unblushing
   coarseness in the barbarous Latinity of the indictment,
   allured these members of the royal household into a course of
   criminal connection with her, which had been carried on for
   three years. It included also George Boleyn viscount Rochford,
   the brother of Anne, as enticed by the same lures and snares
   with the rest of the accused, so as to have become the
   accomplice of his sister, by sharing her treachery and
   infidelity to the king. It is hard to believe that Anne could
   have dared to lead a life so unnaturally dissolute, without
   such vices being more early and very generally known in a
   watchful and adverse court.
   It is still more improbable that she should in every instance
   be the seducer. ... Norris, Weston, Brereton, and Smeaton were
   tried before a commission of oyer and terminer at Westminster,
   on the 12th of May, two days after the bill against them was
   found. They all, except Smeaton, firmly denied their guilt to
   the last moment. On Smeaton's confession it must be observed
   that we know not how it was obtained, how far it extended, or
   what were the conditions of it. ... On the 12th of May, the
   four commoners were condemned to die. Their sentence was
   carried into effect amidst the plaints of the bystanders. ...
   On the 15th of May, queen Anne and her brother Rochford were
   tried." The place of trial was in the Tower, "which concealed
   from the public eye whatever might be wanting in justice."
   Condemnation duly followed, and the unhappy queen was executed
   May 19, 1536. The king lost little time in wedding Jane
   Seymour. "She died in childbed of Edward VI. on the 13th of
   October, 1537. The next choice made by or for Henry, who
   remained a widower for the period of more than two years," was
   the "princess Anne, sister of the duke of Cleves, a
   considerable prince on the lower Rhine. ... The pencil of
   Holbein was employed to paint this lady for the king, who,
   pleased by the execution, gave the flattering artist credit
   for a faithful likeness. He met her at Dover, and almost
   immediately betrayed his disappointment. Without descending
   into disgusting particulars, it is necessary to state that,
   though the marriage was solemnised, the king treated the
   princess of Cleves as a friend." At length, by common action
   of an obsequious parliament and a more obsequious convocation
   of the church, the marriage was declared to be annulled, for
   reasons not specified. The consent of the repudiated wife was
   "insured by a liberal income of £3,000 a year, and she lived
   for 16 years in England with the title of princess Anne of
   Cleves. ... This annulment once more displayed the triumph of
   an English lady over a foreign princess." The lady who now
   captivated the brutally amorous monarch was lady Catherine
   Howard, niece to the duke of Norfolk, who became queen on the
   8th of August, 1540. In the following November, the king
   received such information of lady Catherine's dissolute life
   before marriage "as immediately caused a rigid inquiry into
   her behaviour. ... The confessions of Catherine and of lady
   Rochford, upon which they were attainted in parliament, and
   executed in the Tower on the 14th of February, are not said to
   have been at any time questioned. ... On the 10th of July,
   1543, Henry wedded Catherine Parr, the widow of Lord Latimer,
   a lady of mature age," who survived him.

      Sir J. Mackintosh,
      History of England (L. L. C.),
      volume 2, chapters 7-8.

      ALSO IN:
      P. Friedmann,
      Ann Boleyn.

      H. W. Herbert,
      Memoirs of Henry VIII. and his Six Wives.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1539.
   The Reformation checked.
   The Six Articles.

   "Yielding to the pressure of circumstances, he [Henry VIII.]
   had allowed the Reformers to go further than he really
   approved. The separation from the Church of Rome, the
   absorption by the Crown of the powers of the Papacy, the unity
   of authority over both Church and State centred in himself, had
   been his objects. In doctrinal matters he clung to the Church
   of which he had once been the champion. He had gained his
   objects because he had the feeling of the nation with him. In
   his eagerness he had even countenanced some steps of doctrinal
   reform. But circumstances had changed. ... Without detriment
   to his position he could follow his natural inclinations. He
   listened, therefore, to the advice of the reactionary party,
   of which Norfolk was the head. They were full of bitterness
   against the upstart Cromwell, and longed to overthrow him as
   they had overthrown Wolsey. The first step in their triumph
   was the bill of the Six Articles, carried in the Parliament of
   1539. These laid down and fenced round with extraordinary
   severity the chief points of the Catholic religion at that
   time questioned by the Protestants. The bill enacted, first,
   'that the natural body and blood of Jesus Christ were present
   in the Blessed Sacrament,' and that 'after consecration there
   remained no substance of bread and wine, nor any other but the
   substance of Christ'; whoever, by word or writing, denied this
   article was a heretic, and to be burned. Secondly, the
   Communion in both kinds was not necessary, both body and blood
   being present in each element; thirdly, priests might not
   marry; fourthly, vows of chastity by man or woman ought to be
   observed; fifthly, private masses ought to be continued;
   sixthly, auricular confession must be retained. Whoever wrote
   or spoke against these ... Articles, on the first offence his
   property was forfeited; on the second offence he was a felon,
   and was put to death. Under this 'whip with six strings' the
   kingdom continued for the rest of the reign. The Bishops at
   first made wild work with it. Five hundred persons are said to
   have been arrested in a fortnight; the king had twice to
   interfere and grant pardons. It is believed that only
   twenty-eight persons actually suffered death under it."

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England,
      volume 2, page 411.

      ALSO IN:
      J. H. Blunt,
      Reformation of the Church of England,
      volume 1, chapter 8-9.

      S. H. Burke,
      Men and Women of the English Reformation,
      volume 2, pages 17-24.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1542-1547.
   Alliance with Charles V. against Francis I.
   Capture and restoration of Boulogne.
   Treaty of Guines.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1532-1547.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1544-1548.
   The wooing of Mary Queen of Scots.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1544-1548.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1547.
   Accession of King Edward VI.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1547-1553.
   The completing of the Reformation.

   Henry VIII., dying on the 28th of January, 1547, was succeeded
   by his son Edward,--child of Jane Seymour,--then only nine
   years old. By the will of his father, the young king (Edward
   VI.) was to attain his majority at eighteen, and the
   government of his kingdom, in the meantime, was entrusted to a
   body of sixteen executors, with a second body of twelve
   councillors to assist with their advice. "But the first act of
   the executors and counsellors was to depart from the
   destination of the late king in a material article. No sooner
   were they met, than it was suggested that the government would
   lose its dignity for want of some head who might represent the
   royal majesty." The suggestion was opposed by none except the
   chancellor, Wriothesley,--soon afterwards raised to the
   peerage as Earl of Southampton. "It being therefore agreed to
   name a protector, the choice fell of course on the Earl of
   Hertford [afterwards Duke of Somerset], who, as he was the
   king's maternal uncle, was strongly interested in his safety."
   The protector soon manifested an ambition to exercise his
   almost royal authority without any constraint, and, having
   found means to remove his principal opponent, Southampton,
   from the chancellorship, and to send him into disgrace, he
   procured a patent from the infant king which gave him
   unbounded power. With this power in his hand he speedily
   undertook to carry the work of church reform far beyond the
   intentions of Henry VIII. "The extensive authority and
   imperious character of Henry had retained the partisans of
   both religions in subjection; but upon his demise, the hopes
   of the Protestants, and the fears of the Catholics began to
   revive, and the zeal of these parties produced every where
   disputes and animosities, the usual preludes to more fatal
   divisions. The protector had long been regarded as a secret
   partisan of the reformers; and being now freed from restraint,
   he scrupled not to discover his intention of correcting all
   abuses in the ancient religion, and of adopting still more of
   the Protestant innovations. He took care that all persons
   intrusted with the king's education should be attached to the
   same principles; and as the young prince discovered a zeal for
   every kind of literature, especially the theological, far
   beyond his tender years, all men foresaw, in the course of his
   reign, the total abolition of the Catholic faith in England;
   and they early began to declare themselves in favour of those
   tenets which were likely to become in the end entirely
   prevalent. After Southhampton's fall, few members of the
   council seemed to retain any attachment to the Romish
   communion; and most of the counsellors appeared even sanguine
   in forwarding the progress of the reformation. The riches
   which most of them had acquired from the spoils of the clergy,
   induced them to widen the breach between England and Rome; and by
   establishing a contrariety of speculative tenets, as well as
   of discipline and worship, to render a coalition with the
   mother church altogether impracticable. Their rapacity, also,
   the chief source of their reforming spirit, was excited by the
   prospect of pillaging the secular, as they had already done
   the regular clergy; and they knew, that while any share of the
   old principles remained, or any regard to the ecclesiastics,
   they could never hope to succeed in that enterprise. The
   numerous and burdensome superstitions with which the Romish
   church was loaded had thrown many of the reformers, by the
   spirit of opposition, into an enthusiastic strain of devotion;
   and all rites, ceremonies, pomp, order, and extreme
   observances were zealously proscribed by them, as hindrances
   to their spiritual contemplations, and obstructions to their
   immediate converse with heaven."

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      volume 3, chapter 34.

   "'This year' [1547] says a contemporary, 'the Archbishop of
   Canterbury [Cranmer] did eat meat openly in Lent in the hall
   of Lambeth, the like of which was never seen since England was
   a Christian country.' This significant act was followed by a
   rapid succession of sweeping changes. The legal prohibitions
   of Lollardry were removed; the Six Articles were repealed; a
   royal injunction removed all pictures and images from the
   churches; priests were permitted to marry; the new communion
   which had taken the place of the mass was ordered to be
   administered in both kinds, and in the English tongue; an
   English Book of Common Prayer, the Liturgy, which with slight
   alterations is still used in the Church of England, replaced
   the missal and breviary, from which its contents are mainly
   drawn; a new catechism embodied the doctrines of Cranmer and
   his friends; and a Book of Homilies compiled in the same sense
   was appointed to be read in churches. ... The power of
   preaching was restricted by the issue of licenses only to the
   friends of the Primate. ... The assent of the nobles about the
   Court was won by the suppression of chantries and religious
   guilds, and by glutting their greed with the last spoils of
   the Church. German and Italian mercenaries were introduced to
   stamp out the wider popular discontent which broke out in the
   East, in the West, and in the Midland counties. ... The rule
   of the upstart nobles who formed the Council of Regency became
   simply a rule of terror. 'The greater part of the people,' one
   of their creatures, Cecil, avowed, 'is not in favour of
   defending this cause, but of aiding its adversaries, the
   greater part of the nobles who absent themselves from court,
   all the bishops save three or four, almost all the judges and
   lawyers, almost all the justices of the peace, the priests who
   can move their flocks any way; for the whole of the commonalty
   is in such a state of irritation that it will easily follow
   any stir towards change.' But with their triumph over the
   revolt, Cranmer and his colleagues advanced yet more boldly in
   the career of innovation. ... The Forty-two Articles of
   Religion, which were now [1552] introduced, though since
   reduced by omissions to thirty-nine, have remained to this day
   the formal standard of doctrine in the English Church."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of the English People,
      chapter 7, section 1.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Strype,
      Memorials of Cranmer,
      book 2.

      G. Burnet,
      History of the Reformation of Church of England,
      volume 2, book 1.

      L. Von Ranke,
      History of England,
      book 2, chapter 6.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1548.
   First Act for encouragement of Newfoundland fisheries.

      See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1501-1578.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1553.
   The right of succession to the throne,
   on the death of Edward VI.

   "If Henry VII. be considered as the stock of a new dynasty, it
   is clear that on mere principles of hereditary right, the
   crown would descend, first, to the issue of Henry VIII.;
   secondly, to those of [his elder sister] Margaret Tudor, queen
   of Scots; thirdly, to those of [his younger sister] Mary
   Tudor, queen of France. The title of Edward was on all
   principles equally undisputed; but Mary and Elizabeth might be
   considered as excluded by the sentence of nullity, which had
   been pronounced in the case of Catharine and in that of Anne
   Boleyn, both which sentences had been confirmed in parliament.
   They had been expressly pronounced to be illegitimate
   children. Their hereditary right of succession seemed thus to
   be taken away, and their pretensions rested solely on the
   conditional settlement of the crown on them, made by their
   father's will, in pursuance of authority granted to him by act
   of parliament. After Elizabeth Henry had placed the
   descendants of Mary, queen of France, passing by the progeny
   of his eldest sister Margaret. Mary of France, by her second
   marriage with Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, had two
   daughters,--lady Frances, who wedded Henry Grey, marquis of
   Dorset, created duke of Suffolk; and lady Elinor, who espoused
   Henry Clifford, earl of Cumberland.
   Henry afterwards settled the crown by his will on the heirs of
   these two ladies successively, passing over his nieces
   themselves in silence. Northumberland obtained the hand of
   lady Jane Grey, the eldest daughter of Grey duke of Suffolk,
   by lady Frances Brandon, for lord Guilford Dudley, the
   admiral's son. The marriage was solemnised in May, 1553, and
   the fatal right of succession claimed by the house of Suffolk
   devolved on the excellent and unfortunate lady Jane."

      Sir J. Mackintosh,
      History of England,
      volume 2, chapter 9.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1553.
   Accession of Queen Mary.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1553.
   The doubtful conflict of religions.

   "Great as was the number of those whom conviction or self
   interest enlisted under the Protestant banner, it appears
   plain that the Reformation moved on with too precipitate a
   step for the majority. The new doctrines prevailed in London,
   in many large towns, and in the eastern counties. But in the
   north and west of England, the body of the people were
   strictly Catholics. The clergy, though not very scrupulous
   about conforming to the innovations, were generally averse to
   most of them. And, in spite of the church lands, I imagine
   that most of the nobility, if not the gentry, inclined to the
   same persuasion. ... An historian, whose bias was certainly
   not unfavourable to Protestantism [Burnet, iii. 190, 196]
   confesses that all endeavours were too weak to overcome the
   aversion of the people towards reformation, and even intimates
   that German troops were sent for from Calais on account of the
   bigotry with which the bulk of the nation adhered to the old
   superstition. This is somewhat an humiliating admission, that
   the protestant faith was imposed upon our ancestors by a
   foreign army. ... It is certain that the re-establishment of
   popery on Mary's accession must have been acceptable to a
   large part, or perhaps to the majority, of the nation."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

   "Eight weeks and upwards passed between the proclaiming of
   Mary queen and the Parliament by her assembled; during which
   time two religions were together set on foot, Protestantism
   and Popery; the former hoping to be continued, the latter
   labouring to be restored. ... No small justling was there
   betwixt the zealous promoters of these contrary religions. The
   Protestants had possession on their side, and the protection
   of the laws lately made by King Edward, and still standing in
   free and full force unrepealed. ... The Papists put their
   ceremonies in execution, presuming on the queen's private
   practice and public countenance. ... Many which were neuters
   before, conceiving to which side the queen inclined, would not
   expect, but prevent her authority in alteration: so that
   superstition generally got ground in the kingdom. Thus it is
   in the evening twilight, wherein light and darkness at first
   may seem very equally matched, but the latter within little
   time doth solely prevail."

      T. Fuller,
      Church History of Britain,
      book 8, section 1, ¶ 5.

      ALSO IN:
      J. II. Blunt, Reformation of the Church of England,
      volume 1; chapters 8-9.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1554.
   Wyat's Insurrection.

   Queen Mary's marriage with Philip of Spain was opposed with
   great bitterness of popular feeling, especially in London and
   its neighborhood. Risings were undertaken in Kent, Devonshire,
   and the Midland counties, intended for the frustration of the
   marriage scheme; but they were ill-planned and soon
   suppressed. That in Kent, led by Sir Thomas Wyat, threatened
   to be formidable at first, and the Queen's troops retreated
   before it. Wyat, however, lost his opportunity for securing
   London, by delays, and his followers dispersed. He was taken
   prisoner and executed. "Four hundred persons are said to have
   suffered for this rebellion."

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      chapter 36.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1555-1558.
   The restoration of Romanism.
   The persecution of Protestants by Queen Mary.

   "An attempt was made, by authority of King Edward's will, to
   set aside both his sisters from the succession, and raise Lady
   Jane Grey to the throne, who had lately been married to one of
   Northumberland's sons. This was Northumberland's doing; he was
   actuated by ambition, and the other members of the government
   assented to it, believing, like the late young King, that it
   was necessary for the preservation of the Protestant faith.
   Cranmer opposed the measure, but yielded. ... But the
   principles of succession were in fact well ascertained at that
   time, and, what was of more consequence, they were established
   in public opinion. Nor could the intended change be supported
   on the ground of religion, for popular feeling was decidedly
   against the Reformation. Queen Mary obtained possession of her
   rightful throne without the loss of a single life, so
   completely did the nation acknowledge her claim; and an after
   insurrection, rashly planned and worse conducted, served only
   to hasten the destruction of the Lady Jane and her husband.
   ... If any person may be excused for hating the Reformation,
   it was Mary. She regarded it as having arisen in this country
   from her mother's wrongs, and enabled the King to complete an
   iniquitous and cruel divorce. It had exposed her to
   inconvenience, and even danger, under her father's reign, to
   vexation and restraint under her brother; and, after having
   been bastardized in consequence of it, ... an attempt had been
   made to deprive her of the inheritance, because she continued
   to profess the Roman Catholic faith. ... Had the religion of
   the country been settled, she might have proved a good and
   beneficent, as well as conscientious, queen. But she delivered
   her conscience to the direction of cruel men; and, believing
   it her duty to act up to the worst principles of a persecuting
   Church, boasted that she was a virgin sent by God to ride and
   tame the people of England. ... The people did not wait till
   the laws of King Edward were repealed; the Romish doctrines
   were preached, and in some places the Romish clergy took
   possession of the churches, turned out the incumbents, and
   performed mass in jubilant anticipation of their approaching
   triumph. What course the new Queen would pursue had never been
   doubtful; and as one of her first acts had been to make
   Gardiner Chancellor, it was evident that a fiery persecution
   was at hand. Many who were obnoxious withdrew in time, some
   into Scotland, and more into Switzerland and the Protestant
   parts of Germany. Cranmer advised others to fly; but when his
   friends entreated him to preserve himself by the like
   precaution, he replied, that it was not fitting for him to
   desert his post. ... The Protestant Bishops were soon
   dispossessed of their sees; the marriages which the Clergy and
   Religioners had contracted were declared unlawful, and their
   children bastardized.
   The heads of the reformed Clergy, having been brought forth to
   hold disputations, for the purpose rather of intimidating than
   of convincing them, had been committed to different prisons,
   and after these preparatories the fiery process began."

      R. Southey,
      Book of the Church,
      chapter 14.

   "The total number of those who suffered in this persecution,
   from the martyrdom of Rogers, in February, 1555, to September,
   1558, when its last ravages were felt, is variously related,
   in a manner sufficiently different to assure us that the
   relaters were independent witnesses, who did not borrow from
   each other, and yet sufficiently near to attest the general
   accuracy of their distinct statements. By Cooper they are
   estimated at about 290. According to Burnet they were 284.
   Speed calculates them at 274. The most accurate account is
   probably that of Lord Burleigh, who, in his treatise called
   'The Execution of Justice in England,' reckons the number of
   those who died in that reign by imprisonment, torments, famine
   and fire, to be near 400, of which those who were burnt alive
   amounted to 290. From Burnet's Tables of the separate years,
   it is apparent that the persecution reached its full force in
   its earliest year."

      Sir J. Mackintosh,
      History of England,
      volume 2, chapter 11.

   "Though Pole and Mary could have laid their hands on earl and
   baron, knight and gentleman, whose heresy was notorious,
   although, in the queen's own guard, there were many who never
   listened to a mass, they durst not strike where there was
   danger that they would be struck in return. ... They took the
   weaver from his loom, the carpenter from his workshop, the
   husbandman from his plough; they laid hands on maidens and
   boys 'who had never heard of any other religion than that
   which they were called on to abjure'; old men tottering into
   the grave, and children whose lips could but just lisp the
   articles of their creed; and of these they made their
   burnt-offerings; with these they crowded their prisons, and
   when filth and famine killed them, they flung them out to

      J. A. Froude,
      History of England,
      chapter 24.

   Queen Mary's marriage with Philip of Spain and his arbitrary
   disposition, "while it thoroughly alienated the kingdom from
   Mary, created a prejudice against the religion which the
   Spanish court so steadily favoured. ... Many are said to have
   become Protestants under Mary who, at her coming to the
   throne, had retained the contrary persuasion."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Collier,
      Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain,
      part 2, book 5.

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 7, chapter 2-3.

      J. Fox,
      Book of Martyrs.

      P. Heylyn,
      Ecclesia Restaurata,
      volume 2.

      J. Strype,
      Memorials of Cranmer,
      book 3.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1557-1559.
   Involved by the Spanish husband of Queen Mary in war with France.
   Loss of Calais.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1547-1559.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1558.
   Accession of Queen Elizabeth.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1558-1588.
   The Age of Elizabeth:
   Recovery of Protestantism.

   "The education of Elizabeth, as well as her interest, led her
   to favour the reformation; and she remained not long in
   suspense with regard to the party which she should embrace.
   But though determined in her own mind, she resolved to proceed
   by gradual and secure steps, and not to imitate the example of
   Mary, in encouraging the bigots of her party to make
   immediately a violent invasion on the established religion.
   She thought it requisite, however, to discover such symptoms
   of her intentions as might give encouragement to the
   Protestants, so much depressed by the late violent
   persecutions. She immediately recalled all the exiles, and
   gave liberty to the prisoners who were confined on account of
   religion. ... Elizabeth also proceeded to exert, in favour of
   the reformers, some acts of power, which were authorized by
   the extent of royal prerogative during that age. Finding that
   the Protestant teachers, irritated by persecution, broke out
   in a furious attack on the ancient superstition, and that the
   Romanists replied with no less zeal and acrimony, she
   published a proclamation, by which she inhibited all preaching
   without a special licence; and though she dispensed with these
   orders in favour of some preachers of her own sect, she took
   care that they should be the most calm and moderate of the
   party. She also suspended the laws, so far as to order a great
   part of the service, the litany, the Lord's prayer, the creed,
   and the gospels, to be read in English. And, having first
   published injunctions that all churches should conform
   themselves to the practice of her own chapel, she forbad the
   host to be any more elevated in her presence: an innovation
   which, however frivolous it may appear, implied the most
   material consequences. These declarations of her intentions,
   concurring with preceding suspicions, made the bishops
   foresee, with certainty, a revolution in religion. They
   therefore refused to officiate at her coronation; and it was
   with some difficulty that the Bishop of Carlisle was at last
   prevailed on to perform the ceremony. ... Elizabeth, though
   she threw out such hints as encouraged the Protestants,
   delayed the entire change of religion till the meeting of the
   Parliament, which was summoned to assemble. The elections had
   gone entirely against the Catholics, who seem not indeed to
   have made any great struggle for the superiority; and the
   Houses met, in a disposition of gratifying the queen in every
   particular which she could desire of them. ... The first bill
   brought into Parliament, with a view of trying their
   disposition on the head of religion, was that for suppressing
   the monasteries lately erected, and for restoring the tenths
   and first-fruits to the queen. This point being gained without
   much difficulty, a bill was next introduced, annexing the
   supremacy to the crown; and though the queen was there
   denominated governess, not head, of the church, it conveyed
   the same extensive power, which, under the latter title, had
   been exercised by her father and brother. ... By this act, the
   crown, without the concurrence either of the Parliament or
   even of the convocation, was vested with the whole spiritual
   power; might repress all heresies, might establish or repeal
   all canons, might alter every point of discipline, and might
   ordain or abolish any religious rite or ceremony. ... A law
   was passed, confirming all the statutes enacted in King
   Edward's time with regard to religion; the nomination of
   bishops was given to the crown without any election of the
   chapters. ... A solemn and public disputation was held during
   this session, in presence of Lord Keeper Bacon, between the
   divines of the Protestant and those of the Catholic communion.
   The champions appointed to defend the religion of the
   sovereign were, as in all former instances, entirely
   triumphant; and the popish disputants, being pronounced
   refractory and obstinate, were even punished by imprisonment.
   Emboldened by this victory, the Protestants ventured on the
   last and most important step, and brought into Parliament a
   bill for abolishing the mass, and re-establishing the liturgy
   of King Edward. Penalties were enacted as well against those
   who departed from this mode of worship, as against those who
   absented themselves from the church and the sacraments. And
   thus, in one session, without any violence, tumult, or
   clamour, was the whole system of religion altered, on the very
   commencement of a reign, and by the will of a young woman,
   whose title to the crown was by many thought liable to great

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      chapter 38, pages 375-380 (volume 3).

   "Elizabeth ascended the throne much more in the character of a
   Protestant champion than her own convictions and inclinations
   would have dictated. She was, indeed, the daughter of Ann
   Boleyn, whom by this time the Protestants were beginning to
   regard as a martyr of the faith; but she was also the child of
   Henry VIII., and the heiress of his imperious will. Soon,
   however, she found herself Protestant almost in her own
   despite. The Papacy, in the first pride of successful
   reaction, offered her only the alternative of submission or
   excommunication, and she did not for a moment hesitate to
   choose the latter. Then commenced that long and close alliance
   between Catholicism and domestic treason which is so differently
   judged as it is approached from the religious or the political
   side. These seminary priests, who in every various disguise
   come to England, moving secretly about from manor-house to
   manor-house, celebrating the rites of the Church, confirming
   the wavering, consoling the dying, winning back the lapsed to
   the fold, too well acquainted with Elizabeth's prisons, and
   often finding their way to her scaffolds,--what are they but
   the intrepid missionaries, the self-devoted heroes, of a
   proscribed faith? On the other hand, the Queen is
   excommunicate, an evil woman, with whom it is not necessary to
   keep faith, to depose whom would be the triumph of the Church,
   whose death, however compassed, its occasion: how easy to
   weave plots under the cloak of religious intercourse, and to
   make the unity of the faith a conspiracy of rebellion! The
   next heir to the throne, Mary of Scotland, was a Catholic,
   and, as long as she lived, a perpetual centre of domestic and
   European intrigue: plot succeeded plot, in which the
   traitorous subtlety was all Catholic--the keenness of
   discovery, the watchfulness of defence, all Protestant. Then,
   too, the shadow of Spanish supremacy began to cast itself
   broadly over Europe: the unequal struggle with Holland was
   still prolonged: it was known that Philip's dearest wish was
   to recover to his empire and the Church the island kingdom
   which had once unwillingly accepted his rule. It was thus the
   instinct of self-defence which placed Elizabeth at the head of
   the Protestant interest in Europe: she sent Philip Sidney to
   die at Zutphen: her sailor buccaneers, whether there were
   peace at home or not, bit and tore at everything Spanish upon
   the southern main: till at last, 1588, Philip gathered up all
   his naval strength and hurled the Armada at our shores.
   'Afflavit Deus, et dissipati sunt.' The valour of England did
   much; the storms of heaven the rest. Mary of Scotland had gone
   to her death the year before, and her son had been trained to
   hate his mother's faith. There could be no question any more
   of the fixed Protestantism of the English people."

      C. Beard,
      Hibbert Lectures, 1883: The Reformation,
      lecture 9.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1558-1598.
   The Age of Elizabeth:
   The Queen's chief councillors.

   "Sir William Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh, already
   officially experienced during three reigns, though still
   young, was the queen's chief adviser from first to last--that
   is to say, till he died in 1598. Philip II., who also died in
   that year, was thus his exact contemporary; for he mounted the
   Spanish throne just when Elizabeth and her minister began
   their work together. He was not long in discovering that there
   was one man, possessed of the most balanced judgment ever
   brought to the head of English affairs, who was capable of
   unwinding all his most secret intrigues; and, in fact, the two
   arch-enemies, the one in London and the other in Madrid, were
   pitted against each other for forty years. Elizabeth had also
   the good sense to select the wisest and most learned
   ecclesiastic of his day, Matthew Parker, for her Primate and
   chief adviser in Church affairs. It should be noted that both
   of these sages, as well as the queen herself, had been
   Conformists to the Papal obedience under Mary--a position far
   from heroic, but not for a moment to be confused with that of
   men whose philosophical indifference to the questions which
   exercised all the highest minds enabled them to join in the
   persecution of Romanists and Anglicans at different times with
   a sublime impartiality. ... It was under the advice of Cecil
   and Parker that Elizabeth, on coming to the throne, made her
   famous settlement or Establishment of religion."

      M. Burrows,
      Commentaries on the History of England,
      book 2, chapter 17.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1558-1603.
   The Age of Elizabeth: Parliament.

   "The house of Commons, upon a review of Elizabeth's reign, was
   very far, on the one hand, from exercising those
   constitutional rights which have long since belonged to it, or
   even those which by ancient precedent they might have claimed
   as their own; yet, on the other hand, was not quite so servile
   and submissive an assembly as an artful historian has
   represented it. If many of its members were but creatures of
   power, ... there was still a considerable party, sometimes
   carrying the house along with them, who with patient
   resolution and inflexible aim recurred in every session to the
   assertion of that one great privilege which their sovereign
   contested, the right of parliament to inquire into and suggest
   a remedy for every public mischief or danger. It may be
   remarked that the ministers, such as Knollys, Hatton, and
   Robert Cecil, not only sat among the commons, but took a very
   leading part in their discussions; a proof that the influence
   of argument could no more be dispensed with than that of
   power. This, as I conceive, will never be the case in any
   kingdom where the assembly of the estates is quite subservient
   to the crown. Nor should we put out of consideration the
   manner in which the commons were composed. Sixty-two members
   were added at different times by Elizabeth to the
   representation; as well from places which had in earlier times
   discontinued their franchise, as from those to which it was
   first granted; a very large proportion of them petty boroughs,
   evidently under the influence of the crown or peerage. The
   ministry took much pains with ejections, of which many proofs,
   The house accordingly was filled with placemen, civilians, and
   common lawyers grasping at preferment. The slavish tone of
   these persons, as we collect from the minutes of D'Ewes, is
   strikingly contrasted by the manliness of independent
   gentlemen. And as the house was by no means very fully
   attended, the divisions, a few of which are recorded, running
   from 200 to 250 in the aggregate, it may be perceived that the
   court, whose followers were at hand, would maintain a
   formidable influence. But this influence, however pernicious
   to the integrity of parliament, is distinguishable from that
   exertion of almost absolute prerogative which Hume has assumed
   as the sole spring of Elizabeth's government, and would never
   be employed till some deficiency of strength was experienced
   in the other."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 5.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1558-1603.
   The Age of Elizabeth: Literature.

   "The age of Elizabeth was distinguished beyond, perhaps, any
   other in our history by a number of great men, famous in
   different ways, and whose names have come down to us with
   unblemished honours: statesmen, warriors, divines, scholars,
   poets, and philosophers; Raleigh, Drake, Coke, Hooker,
   and--high and more sounding still, and still more frequent in
   our mouths--Shakespear, Spenser, Sidney, Bacon, Jonson,
   Beaumont, and Fletcher, men whom fame has eternised in her
   long and lasting scroll, and who, by their words and acts,
   were benefactors of their country, and ornaments of human
   nature. Their attainments of different kinds bore the same
   general stamp, and it was sterling; what they did had the mark
   of their age and country upon it. Perhaps the genius of Great
   Britain (if I may so speak without offence or flattery) never
   shone out fuller or brighter, or looked more like itself, than
   at this period. Our writers and great men had something in
   them that savoured of the soil from which they grew: they were
   not French; they were not Dutch, or German, or Greek, or
   Latin; they were truly English. They did not look out of
   themselves to see what they should be; they sought for truth
   and nature, and found it in themselves. There was no tinsel,
   and but little art; they were not the spoilt children of
   affectation and refinement, but a bold, vigorous, independent
   race of thinkers, with prodigious strength and energy, with
   none but natural grace, and heartfelt, unobtrusive delicacy.
   ... For such an extraordinary combination and development of
   fancy and genius many causes may be assigned; and we may seek
   for the chief of them in religion, in politics, in the
   circumstances of the time, the recent diffusion of letters, in
   local situation, and in the character of the men who adorned
   that period, and availed themselves so nobly of the advantages
   placed within their reach. ... The first cause I shall
   mention, as contributing to this general effect, was the
   Reformation, which had just then taken place. This event gave
   a mighty impulse and increased activity to thought and
   inquiry, and agitated the inert mass of accumulated prejudices
   throughout Europe. ... The translation of the Bible was the
   chief engine in the great work. It threw open, by a secret
   spring, the rich treasures of religion and morality, which had
   been there locked up as in a shrine. It revealed the visions
   of the prophets, and conveyed the lessons of inspired teachers
   (such they were thought) to the meanest of the people. It gave
   them a common interest in the common cause. Their hearts burnt
   within them as they read. It gave a mind to the people, by
   giving them common subjects of thought and feeling. ... The
   immediate use or application that was made of religion to
   subjects of imagination and fiction was not (from an obvious
   ground of separation) so direct or frequent as that which was
   made of the classical and romantic literature. For much about
   the same time, the rich and fascinating stores of the Greek
   and Roman mythology, and those of the romantic poetry of Spain
   and Italy, were eagerly explored by the curious, and thrown
   open in translations to the admiring gaze of the vulgar. ...
   What also gave an unusual impetus to the mind of man at this
   period, was the discovery of the New World, and the reading of
   voyages and travels. Green islands and golden sands seemed to
   arise, as by enchantment, out of the bosom of the watery
   waste, and invite the cupidity, or wing the imagination of the
   dreaming speculator. Fairyland was realised in new and unknown
   worlds. ... Again, the heroic and martial spirit which
   breathes in our elder writers, was yet in considerable
   activity in the reign of Elizabeth. The age of chivalry was
   not then quite gone, nor the glory of Europe extinguished
   forever. ... Lastly, to conclude this account: What gave a
   unity and common direction to all these causes, was the
   natural genius of the country, which was strong in these
   writers in proportion to their strength. We are a nation of
   islanders, and we cannot help it, nor mend ourselves if we
   would. We are something in ourselves, nothing when we try to
   ape others. Music and painting are not our forte: for what we
   have done in that way has been little, and that borrowed from
   others with great difficulty. But we may boast of our poets
   and philosophers. That's something. We have had strong heads
   and sound hearts among us. Thrown on one side of the world,
   and left to bustle for ourselves, we have fought out many a
   battle for truth and freedom. That is our natural style; and
   it were to be wished we had in no instance departed from it.
   Our situation has given us a certain cast of thought and
   character; and our liberty has enabled us to make the most of
   it. We are of a stiff clay, not moulded into every fashion,
   with stubborn joints not easily bent. We are slow to think,
   and therefore impressions do not work upon us till they act in
   masses. ... We may be accused of grossness, but not of
   flimsiness; of extravagance, but not of affectation; of want
   of art and refinement, but not of a want of truth and nature.
   Our literature, in a word, is Gothic and grotesque; unequal
   and irregular; not cast in a previous mould, nor of one
   uniform texture, but of great weight in the whole, and of
   incomparable value in the best parts. It aims at an excess of
   beauty or power, hits or misses, and is either very good
   indeed, or absolutely good for nothing. This character applies
   in particular to our literature in the age of Elizabeth, which
   is its best period, before the introduction of a rage for
   French rules and French models."

      W. Hazlitt,
      Lectures on the Literature of the Age of Elizabeth,
      lecture 1.


   "Humanism, before it moulded the mind of the English, had
   already permeated Italian and French literature. Classical
   erudition had been adapted to the needs of modern thought.
   Antique authors had been collected, printed, annotated, and
   translated. They were fairly mastered in the south, and
   assimilated to the style of the vernacular. By these means
   much of the learning popularised by our poets, essayists, and
   dramatists came to us at second-hand, and bore the stamp of
   contemporary genius. In like manner, the best works of
   Italian, French, Spanish, and German literature were
   introduced into Great Britain together with the classics. The
   age favoured translation, and English readers before the close
   of the sixteenth century, were in possession of a cosmopolitan
   library in their mother tongue, including choice specimens of
   ancient and modern masterpieces. These circumstances
   sufficiently account for the richness and variety of
   Elizabethan literature. They also help to explain two points
   which must strike every student of that literature--its native
   freshness, and its marked unity of style. Elizabethan
   literature was fresh and native, because it was the utterance
   of a youthful race, aroused to vigorous self-consciousness
   under conditions which did not depress or exhaust its
   energies. The English opened frank eyes upon the discovery of
   the world and man, which had been effected by the Renaissance.
   They were not wearied with collecting, collating, correcting,
   transmitting to the press. All the hard work of assimilating
   the humanities had been done for them. They had only to survey
   and to enjoy, to feel and to express, to lay themselves open
   to delightful influences, to con the noble lessons of the
   past, to thrill beneath the beauty and the awe of an authentic
   revelation. Criticism had not laid its cold, dry finger on the
   blossoms of the fancy. The new learning was still young enough to
   be a thing of wonder and entrancing joy."

      J. A. Symonds,
      A Comparison of Elizabethan with Victorian Poetry
      (Fortnightly Rev., volume 45, page 56).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1559.
   The Act of Supremacy, the Act of Uniformity, and the Court of
   High Commission.

   "When Elizabeth's first Parliament met in January 1559,
   Convocation, of course, met too. It at once claimed that the
   clergy alone had authority in matters of faith, and proceeded
   to pass resolutions in favour of Transubstantiation, the Mass,
   and the Papal Supremacy. The bishops and the Universities
   signed a formal agreement to this effect. That in the
   constitution of the English Church, Convocation, as
   Convocation, has no such power as this, was proved by the
   steps now taken. The Crown, advised by the Council and
   Parliament, took the matter in hand. As every element, except
   the Roman, had been excluded from the clerical bodies, a
   consultation was ordered between the representatives of both
   sides, and all preaching was suspended till a settlement had
   been arrived at between the queen and the Three Estates of the
   realm. The consultation broke upon the refusal of the Romanist
   champions to keep to the terms agreed upon; but even before it
   took place Parliament restored the Royal Supremacy, repealed
   the laws of Mary affecting religion, and gave the queen by her
   own desire, not the title of 'Supreme Head,' but 'Supreme
   Governor,' of the Church of England."

      M. Burrows,
      Commentaries on the History of England,
      book 2, chapter 17.

   This first Parliament of Elizabeth passed two memorable acts
   of great importance in English history,--the Act of Supremacy
   and the Act of Uniformity of Common Prayer. "The former is
   entitled 'An act for restoring to the crown the ancient
   jurisdiction over the State Ecclesiastical and Spiritual; and
   for abolishing foreign power.' It is the same for substance
   with the 25th of Henry VIII. ... but the commons incorporated
   several other bills into it; for besides the title of 'Supreme
   Governor in all causes Ecclesiastical and Temporal,' which is
   restored to the Queen, the act revives those laws of King
   Henry VIII. and King Edward VI. which had been repealed in the
   late reign. It forbids all appeals to Rome, and exonerates the
   subjects from all exactions and impositions heretofore paid to
   that court; and as it revives King Edward's laws, it repeals a
   severe act made in the late reign for punishing heresy. ...
   'Moreover, all persons in any public employs, whether civil or
   ecclesiastical, are obliged to take an oath in recognition of
   the Queen's right to the crown, and of her supremacy in all
   causes ecclesiastical and civil, on penalty of forfeiting all
   their promotions in the church, and of being declared
   incapable of holding any public office.' ... Further, 'The act
   forbids all writing, printing, teaching, or preaching, and all
   other deeds or acts whereby any foreign jurisdiction over
   these realms is defended, upon pain that they and their
   abettors, being thereof convicted, shall for the first offence
   forfeit their goods and chattels; ... spiritual persons shall
   lose their benefices, and all ecclesiastical preferments; for
   the second offence they shall incur the penalties of a
   præmunire; and the third offence shall be deemed high
   treason.' There is a remarkable clause in this act, which gave
   rise to a new court, called 'The Court of High Commission.'
   The words are these, 'The Queen and her successors shall have
   power, by their letters patent under the great seal, to
   assign, name, and authorize, as often as they shall think
   meet, and for as long a time as they shall please, persons
   being natural-born subjects, to use, occupy, and exercise,
   under her and them, all manner of jurisdiction, privileges,
   and preeminences, touching any spiritual or ecclesiastical
   jurisdiction within the realms of England and Ireland, &c., to
   visit, reform, redress, order, correct and amend all errors,
   heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts, offences and enormities
   whatsoever. Provided, that they have no power to determine
   anything to be heresy, but what has been adjudged to be so by
   the authority of the canonical scripture, or by the first four
   general councils, or any of them; or by any other general
   council wherein the same was declared heresy by the express
   and plain words of canonical scripture; or such as shall
   hereafter be declared to be heresy by the high court of
   parliament, with the assent of the clergy in convocation.'
   Upon the authority of this clause the Queen appointed a
   certain number of 'Commissioners' for ecclesiastical causes,
   who exercised the same power that had been lodged in the hands
   of one vicegerent in the reign of King Henry VIII. And how
   sadly they abused their power in this and the two next reigns
   will appear in the sequel of this history. They did not
   trouble themselves much with the express words of scripture,
   or the four first general councils, but entangled their
   prisoners with oaths ex-officio, and the inextricable mazes of
   the popish canon law. ... The papists being vanquished, the
   next point was to unite the reformed among themselves. ...
   Though all the reformers were of one faith, yet they were far
   from agreeing about discipline and ceremonies, each party
   being for settling the church according to their own model. ...
   The Queen ... therefore appointed a committee of divines to
   review King Edward's liturgy, and to see if in any particular
   it was fit to be changed; their names were Dr. Parker,
   Grindal, Cox, Pilkington, May, Bill, Whitehead, and Sir Thomas
   Smith, doctor of the civil law. Their instructions were, to
   strike out all offensive passages against the pope, and to
   make people easy about the belief of the corporal presence of
   Christ in the sacraments; but not a word in favour of the
   stricter protestants. Her Majesty was afraid of reforming too
   far; she was desirous to retain images in churches, crucifixes
   and crosses, vocal and instrumental music, with all the old
   popish garments; it is not therefore to be wondered, that in
   reviewing the liturgy of King Edward, no alterations were made
   in favour of those who now began to be called Puritans, from
   their attempting a purer form of worship and discipline than
   had yet been established. ... The book was presented to the
   two houses and passed into a law. ... The title of the act is
   'An act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer and Service in the
   Church, and administration of the Sacraments.' It was brought
   into the House of Commons April 18th, and was read a third
   time April 20th. It passed the House of Lords April 28th, and
   took place from the 24th of June 1559."

      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 1, chapter 4.

      ALSO IN:
      G. Burnet,
      History of the Reformation of the Church of England.,
      volume 2, book 3.

      P. Heylyn,
      Ecclesia Restaurata: Elizabeth, Anno 1.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1559-1566.
   Puritanism taking form.

   "The Church of England was a latitudinarian experiment, a
   contrivance to enable men of opposing creeds to live together
   without shedding each others' blood. It was not intended, and
   it was not possible, that Catholics or Protestants should find
   in its formulas all that they required. The services were
   deliberately made elastic; comprehending in the form of
   positive statement only what all Christians agreed in
   believing, while opportunities were left open by the rubric to
   vary the ceremonial according to the taste of the
   congregations. The management lay with the local authorities
   in town or parish: where the people were Catholics the
   Catholic aspect could be made prominent; where Popery was a
   bugbear, the people were not disturbed by the obtrusion of
   doctrines which they had outgrown. In itself it pleased no
   party or section. To the heated controversialist its chief
   merit was its chief defect. ... Where the tendencies to Rome
   were strongest, there the extreme Reformers considered
   themselves bound to exhibit in the most marked contrast the
   unloveliness of the purer creed. It was they who furnished the
   noble element in the Church of England. It was they who had
   been its martyrs; they who, in their scorn of the world, in
   their passionate desire to consociate themselves in life and
   death to the Almighty, were able to rival in self-devotion the
   Catholic Saints. But they had not the wisdom of the serpent,
   and certainly not the harmlessness of the dove. Had they been
   let alone--had they been unharassed by perpetual threats of
   revolution and a return of the persecutions--they, too, were
   not disinclined to reason and good sense. A remarkable
   specimen survives, in an account of the Church of Northampton,
   of what English Protestantism could become under favouring
   conditions. ... The fury of the times unhappily forbade the
   maintenance of this wise and prudent spirit. As the power of
   evil gathered to destroy the Church of England, a fiercer
   temper was required to combat with them, and Protestantism
   became impatient, like David, of the uniform in which it was
   sent to the battle. It would have fared ill with England had
   there been no hotter blood there than filtered in the sluggish
   veins of the officials of the Establishment. There needed an
   enthusiasm fiercer far to encounter the revival of Catholic
   fanaticism; and if the young Puritans, in the heat and glow of
   their convictions, snapped their traces and flung off their
   harness, it was they, after all, who saved the Church which
   attempted to disown them, and with the Church saved also the
   stolid mediocrity to which the fates then and ever committed
   and commit the government of it."

      J. A. Froude,
      History of England,
      volume 10, chapter 20.

   "The compromise arranged by Cranmer had from the first been
   considered by a large body of Protestants as a scheme for
   serving two masters, as an attempt to unite the worship of the
   Lord with the worship of Baal. In the days of Edward VI. the
   scruples of this party had repeatedly thrown great
   difficulties in the way of the government. When Elizabeth came
   to the throne, those difficulties were much increased.
   Violence naturally engenders violence. The spirit of
   Protestantism was therefore far fiercer and more intolerant
   after the cruelties of Mary than before them. Many persons who
   were warmly attached to the new opinions had, during the evil
   days, taken refuge in Switzerland and Germany. They had been
   hospitably received by their brethren in the faith, had sate
   at the feet of the great doctors of Strasburg, Zurich and
   Geneva, and had been, during some years, accustomed to a more
   simple worship, and to a more democratical form of church
   government, than England had yet seen. These men returned to
   their country, convinced that the reform which had been
   effected under King Edward had been far less searching and
   extensive than the interests of pure religion required. But it
   was in vain that they attempted to obtain any concession from
   Elizabeth. Indeed, her system, wherever it differed from her
   brother's, seemed to them to differ for the worse. They were
   little disposed to submit, in matters of faith, to any human
   authority. ... Since these men could not be convinced, it was
   determined that they should be persecuted. Persecution
   produced its natural effect on them. It found them a sect: it
   made them a faction. ... The power of the discontented
   sectaries was great. They were found in every rank; but they
   were strongest among the mercantile classes in the towns, and
   among the small proprietors in the country. Early in the reign
   of Elizabeth they began to return a majority of the House of
   Commons. And doubtless, had our ancestors been then at liberty
   to fix their attention entirely on domestic questions, the
   strife between the crown and the Parliament would instantly
   have commenced. But that was no season for internal
   dissensions. ... Roman Catholic Europe and reformed Europe
   were struggling for death or life. ... Whatever might be the
   faults of Elizabeth, it was plain that, to speak humanly, the
   fate of the realm and of all reformed churches was staked on
   the security of her person and on the success of her
   administration. ...
   The Puritans, even in the depths of the prisons to which she
   had sent them, prayed, and with no simulated fervour, that she
   might be kept from the dagger of the assassin, that rebellion
   might be put down under her feet, and that her arms might be
   victorious by sea and land."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      volume 1, chapter 1.

   "Two parties quickly evolved themselves out of the mass of
   Englishmen who held Calvinistic opinions; namely those who
   were willing to conform to the requirements of the Queen, and
   those who were not. To both is often given indiscriminately by
   historians the name of Puritan; but it seems more correct, and
   certainly is more convenient, to restrict the use of the name
   to those who are sometimes called conforming Puritans. ... To
   the other party fitly belongs the name of Nonconformist. ...
   It was against the Nonconformist organization that Elizabeth's
   efforts were chiefly directed. ... The war began in the
   enforcement by Archbishop Parker in 1565 of the Advertisements
   as containing the minimum of ceremonial that would be
   tolerated. In 1566 the clergy of London were required to make
   the declaration of Conformity which was appended to the
   Advertisements, and thirty-seven were suspended or deprived
   for refusal. Some of the deprived ministers continued to
   conduct services and preach in spite of their deprivation, and
   so were formed the first bodies of Nonconformists, organized
   in England."

      H. O. Wakeman,
      The Church and the Puritans,
      chapter 3.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Tulloch,
      English Puritanism and its Leaders,

      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 1, chapter 4.

      D. Campbell,
      The Puritan in Holland, England, and America,
      chapters 8-10 (volume 1).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1562-1567.
   Hawkins' slave-trading voyages to America.
   First English enterprise in the New World.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1562-1567.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1564-1565 (?).
   The first naming of the Puritans.

   "The English bishops, conceiving themselves empowered by their
   canons, began to show their authority in urging the clergy of
   their dioceses to subscribe to the Liturgy, ceremonies and
   discipline of the Church; and such as refused the same were
   branded with the odious name of Puritans. A name which in this
   notion first began in this year [A. D. 1564]; and the grief
   had not been great if it had ended in the same. The
   philosopher banisheth the term, (which is Polysæmon), that is
   subject to several senses, out of the predicaments, as
   affording too much covert for cavil by the latitude thereof.
   On the same account could I wish that the word Puritan were
   banished common discourse, because so various in the
   acceptations thereof. We need not speak of the ancient Cathari
   or primitive Puritans, sufficiently known by their heretical
   opinions. Puritan here was taken for the opposers of the
   hierarchy and church service, as resenting of superstition.
   But profane mouths quickly improved this nickname, therewith
   on every occasion to abuse pious people; some of them so far
   from opposing the Liturgy, that they endeavoured (according to
   the instructions thereof in the preparative to the Confession)
   'to accompany the minister with a pure heart,' and laboured
   (as it is in the Absolution) 'for a life pure and holy.' We
   will, therefore, decline the word to prevent exceptions;
   which, if casually slipping from our pen, the reader knoweth
   that only nonconformists are thereby intended."

      T. Fuller,
      Church History of Britain,
      book 9, section 1.

   "For in this year [1565] it was that the Zuinglian or
   Calvinian faction began to be first known by the name of
   Puritans, if Genebrard, Gualter, and Spondanus (being all of
   them right good chronologers) be not mistaken in the time.
   Which name hath ever since been appropriate to them, because
   of their pretending to a greater purity in the service of God
   than was held forth unto them (as they gave out) in the Common
   Prayer Book; and to a greater opposition to the rites and
   usages of the Church of Rome than was agreeable to the
   constitution of the Church of England."

      P. Heylyn,
      Ecclesia Restaurata: Elizabeth,
      Anno 7, section 6.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1568.
   Detention and imprisonment of Mary Queen of Scots.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1561-1568.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1569.
   Quarrel with the Spanish governor of the Netherlands.

      See NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1568-1572.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1572-1580.
   Drake's piratical warfare with Spain and his famous voyage.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1572-1580.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1572-1603.
   Queen Elizabeth's treatment of the Roman Catholics.
   Persecution of the Seminary Priests and the Jesuits.

   "Camden and many others have asserted that by systematic
   connivance the Roman Catholics enjoyed a pretty free use of
   their religion for the first fourteen years of Elizabeth's
   reign. But this is not reconcilable to many passages in
   Strype's collections. We find abundance of persons harassed
   for recusancy, that is, for not attending the protestant
   church, and driven to insincere promises of conformity. Others
   were dragged before ecclesiastical commissions for harbouring
   priests, or for sending money to those who had fled beyond
   sea. ... A great majority both of clergy and laity yielded to
   the times; and of these temporizing conformists it cannot be
   doubted that many lost by degrees all thought of returning to
   their ancient fold. But others, while they complied with
   exterior ceremonies, retained in their private devotions their
   accustomed mode of worship. ... Priests ... travelled the
   country in various disguises, to keep alive a flame which the
   practice of outward conformity was calculated to extinguish.
   There was not a county throughout England, says a Catholic
   historian, where several of Mary's clergy did not reside, and
   were commonly called the old priests. They served as chaplains
   in private families. By stealth, at the dead of night, in
   private chambers, in the secret lurking places of an
   ill-peopled country, with all the mystery that subdues the
   imagination, with all the mutual trust that invigorates
   constancy, these proscribed ecclesiastics celebrated their
   solemn rites, more impressive in such concealment than if
   surrounded by all their former splendour. ... It is my
   thorough conviction that the persecution, for it can obtain no
   better name, carried on against the English Catholics, however
   it might serve to delude the government by producing an
   apparent conformity, could not but excite a spirit of
   disloyalty in many adherents of that faith. Nor would it be
   safe to assert that a more conciliating policy would have
   altogether disarmed their hostility, much less laid at rest
   those busy hopes of the future, which the peculiar
   circumstances of Elizabeth's reign had a tendency to produce."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 3.


   "The more vehement Catholics had withdrawn from the country,
   on account of the dangers which there beset them. They had
   taken refuge in the Low Countries, and there Allen, one of the
   chief among them, had established a seminary at Douay, for the
   purpose of keeping up a supply of priests in England. To Douay
   numbers of young Englishmen from Oxford continually flocked.
   The establishment had been broken up by Requescens, and
   removed to Rheims, and a second college of the same
   description was established at Rome. From these two centres of
   intrigue numerous enthusiastic young men constantly repaired
   to England, and in the disguise of laymen carried on their
   priestly work and attempted to revive the Romanist religion.
   But abler and better disciplined workmen were now wanted.
   Allen and his friends therefore opened negotiations with
   Mercuriano, the head of the Jesuit order, in which many
   Englishmen had enrolled themselves. In 1580, as part of a
   great combined Catholic effort, a regular Jesuit mission,
   under two priests, Campion and Parsons, was despatched to
   England. ... The new missionaries were allowed to say that
   that part of the Bull [of excommunication issued against
   Elizabeth] which pronounced censures upon those who clung to
   their allegiance applied to heretics only, that Catholics
   might profess themselves loyal until the time arrived for
   carrying the Bull into execution; in other words, they were
   permitted to be traitors at heart while declaring themselves
   loyal subjects. This explanation of the Bull was of itself
   sufficient to justify severity on the part of the government.
   It was impossible henceforward to separate Roman Catholicism
   from disloyalty. Proclamations were issued requiring English
   parents to summon their children from abroad, and declaring
   that to harbour Jesuit priests was to support rebels. ...
   Early in December several priests were apprehended and closely
   examined, torture being occasionally used for the purpose. In
   view of the danger which these examinations disclosed,
   stringent measures were taken. Attendance at church was
   rendered peremptorily necessary. Parliament was summoned in
   the beginning of 1581 and laws passed against the action of
   the Jesuits. ... Had Elizabeth been conscious of the full
   extent of the plot against her, had she known the intention of
   the Guises [then dominant in France] to make a descent upon
   England in co-operation with Spain, and the many ramifications
   of the plot in her own country, it is reasonable to suppose
   that she would have been forced at length to take decided
   measures. But in ignorance of the abyss opening before her
   feet, she continued for some time longer her old temporizing
   policy." At last, in November, 1583, the discovery of a plot
   for the assassination of the queen, and the arrest of one
   Throgmorton, whose papers and whose confession were of
   startling import, brought to light the whole plan and extent
   of the conspiracy. "Some of her Council urged her at once to
   take a straightforward step, to make common cause with the
   Protestants of Scotland and the Netherlands, and to bid
   defiance to Spain. To this honest step, she as usual could not
   bring herself, but strong measures were taken in England.
   Great numbers of Jesuits and seminary priests were apprehended
   and executed, suspected magistrates removed, and those
   Catholic Lords whose treachery might have been fatal to her
   ejected from their places of authority and deprived of

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England,
      period 2, pages 546-549.

   "That the conspiracy with which these men were charged was a
   fiction cannot be doubted. They had come to England under a
   prohibition to take any part in secular concerns, and with the
   sole view of exercising the spiritual functions of the
   priesthood. ... At the same time it must be owned that the
   answers which six of them gave to the queries were far from
   satisfactory. Their hesitation to deny the opposing power (a
   power then indeed maintained by the greater number of divines
   in Catholic kingdoms) rendered their loyalty very
   problematical, in case of an attempt to enforce the bull by
   any foreign prince. It furnished sufficient reason to watch
   their conduct with an eye of jealousy ... but could not
   justify their execution for an imaginary offence."

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 8, chapter 3.

   "It is probable that not many more than 200 Catholics were
   executed, as such, in Elizabeth's reign, and this was ten
   score too many. ... 'Dod reckons them at 191; Milner has
   raised the list to 204. Fifteen of these, according to him,
   suffered for denying the Queen's supremacy, 126 for exercising
   their ministry, and the rest for being reconciled to the
   Romish church. Many others died of hardships in prison, and
   many were deprived of their property. There seems,
   nevertheless [says Hallam], to be good reason for doubting
   whether anyone who was executed might not have saved his life
   by explicitly denying the Pope's power to depose the Queen.'"

      J. L. Motley,
      History of the United Netherlands,
      chapter 17, with foot-note.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Foley,
      Records of the English Province of the Society of

ENGLAND: A. D. 1574.
   Emancipation of villeins on the royal domains.
   Practical end of serfdom.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1575.
   Sovereignty of Holland and Zealand offered to Queen Elizabeth,
   and declined.

      See NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1575-1577.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1581.
   Marriage proposals of the Duke of Anjou declined by Queen

      See NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1581-1584.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1583.
   The expedition of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
   Formal possession taken of Newfoundland.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1583.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1584-1590.
   Raleigh's colonizing attempts in America.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1584-1586; and 1587-1590.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1585-1586.
   Leicester in the Low Countries.
   Queen Elizabeth's treacherous dealing with the
   struggling Netherlanders.

      See NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1585-1586.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1585-1587.
   Mary Queen of Scots and the Catholic conspiracies.
   Her trial and execution.

   "Maddened by persecution, by the hopelessness of rebellion
   within or deliverance from without, the fiercer Catholics
   listened to schemes of assassination, to which the murder of
   William of Orange lent at the moment a terrible significance.
   The detection of Somerville, a fanatic who had received the
   host before setting out for London 'to shoot the Queen with
   his dagg,' was followed by measures of natural severity, by
   the flight and arrest of Catholic gentry, by a vigourous
   purification of the Inns of Court, where a few Catholics
   lingered, and by the dispatch of fresh batches of priests to
   the block. The trial and death of Parry, a member of the House
   of Commons who had served in the Queen's household, on a
   similar charge, brought the Parliament together in a transport
   of horror and loyalty.
   All Jesuits and seminary priests were banished from the realm
   on pain of death. A bill for the security of the Queen
   disqualified any claimant of the succession who had instigated
   subjects to rebellion or hurt to the Queen's person from ever
   succeeding to the crown. The threat was aimed at Mary Stuart.
   Weary of her long restraint, of her failure to rouse Philip or
   Scotland to aid her, of the baffled revolt of the English
   Catholics and the baffled intrigues of the Jesuits, she bent
   for a moment to submission. 'Let me go,' she wrote to
   Elizabeth; 'let me retire from this island to some solitude
   where I may prepare my soul to die. Grant this and I will sign
   away every right which either I or mine can claim.' But the
   cry was useless, and her despair found a new and more terrible
   hope in the plots against Elizabeth's life. She knew and
   approved the vow of Anthony Babington and a band of young
   Catholics, for the most part connected with the royal
   household, to kill the Queen; but plot and approval alike
   passed through Walsingham's hands, and the seizure of Mary's
   correspondence revealed her guilt. In spite of her protests, a
   commission of peers sat as her judges at Fotheringay Castle;
   and their verdict of 'guilty' annihilated, under the
   provisions of the recent statute, her claim to the crown. The
   streets of London blazed with bonfires, and peals rang out
   from steeple to steeple, at the news of her condemnation; but,
   in spite of the prayer of Parliament for her execution, and
   the pressure of the Council, Elizabeth shrank from her death.
   The force of public opinion, however, was now carrying all
   before it, and the unanimous demand of her people wrested at
   last a sullen consent from the Queen. She flung the warrant
   signed upon the floor, and the Council took on themselves the
   responsibility of executing it. Mary died [February 8, 1587]
   on a scaffold which was erected in the castle hall at
   Fotheringay, as dauntlessly as she had lived. 'Do not weep,'
   she said to her ladies, 'I have given my word for you.' 'Tell
   my friends,' she charged Melville, 'that I die a good

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of the English People,
      chapter 7, section 6.

   "'Who now doubts,' writes an eloquent modern writer, 'that it
   would have been wiser in Elizabeth to spare her life?' Rather,
   the political wisdom of a critical and difficult act has never
   in the world's history been more signally justified. It cut
   away the only interest on which the Scotch and English
   Catholics could possibly have combined. It determined Philip
   upon the undisguised pursuit of the English throne, and it
   enlisted against him and his projects the passionate
   patriotism of the English nobility."

      J. A. Froude,
      History of England,
      volume 12, chapter 34.

      ALSO IN:
      A. De Lamartine,
      Mary Stuart,
      chapter 31-34.

      L. S. F. Buckingham,
      Memoirs of Mary Stuart,
      volume 2, chapter 5-6.

      L. von Ranke,
      History of England,
      book 3, chapter 5.

      J. D. Leader,
      Mary Queen of Scots in Captivity.

      C. Nau,
      History of Mary Stuart.

      F. A. Mignet,
      History of Mary Queen of Scots,
      chapters 9-10.

England: A. D. 1587-1588.
   The wrath of Catholic Europe.
   Spanish vengeance and ambition astir.

   "The death of Mary [Queen of Scots] may have preserved England
   from the religious struggle which would have ensued upon her
   accession to the throne, but it delivered Elizabeth from only
   one, and that the weakest of her enemies; and it exposed her
   to a charge of injustice and cruelty, which, being itself well
   founded, obtained belief for any other accusation, however
   extravagantly false. It was not Philip [of Spain] alone who
   prepared for making war upon her with a feeling of personal
   hatred: throughout Romish Christendom she was represented as a
   monster of iniquity; that representation was assiduously set
   forth, not in ephemeral libels, but in histories, in dramas,
   in poems, and in hawker's pamphlets; and when the king of
   Spain equipped an armament for the invasion of England,
   volunteers entered it with a passionate persuasion that they
   were about to bear a part in a holy war against the wickedest
   and most inhuman of tyrants. The Pope exhorted Philip to
   engage in this great enterprize for the sake of the Roman
   Catholic and apostolic church, which could not be more
   effectually nor more meritoriously extended than by the
   conquest of England; so should he avenge his own private and
   public wrongs; so should he indeed prove himself most worthy
   of the glorious title of Most Catholic King. And he promised,
   as soon as his troops should have set foot in that island, to
   supply him with a million of crowns of gold towards the
   expenses of the expedition. ... Such exhortations accorded
   with the ambition, the passions, and the rooted principles of
   the king of Spain. The undertaking was resolved."

      R. Southey,
      Lives of the British Admirals,
      volume 2, page 319.

   "The succours which Elizabeth had from time to time afforded
   to the insurgents of the Netherlands was not the only cause of
   Philip's resentment and of his desire for revenge. She had
   fomented the disturbances in Portugal, ... and her captains,
   among whom Sir Francis Drake was the most active, had for many
   years committed unjustifiable depredations on the Spanish
   possessions of South America, and more than once on the coasts
   of the Peninsula itself. ... By Spanish historians, these
   hostilities are represented as unprovoked in their origin, and
   as barbarous in their execution, and candor must allow that
   there is but too much justice in the complaint."

      S. A. Dunham,
      History of Spain and Portugal,
      book 4, section 1, chapter 1.

      ALSO IN:
      J. A. Froude,
      History of England,
      volume 12, chapter 35.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1588.
   The Spanish Armada.

   "Perhaps in the history of mankind there has never been a vast
   project of conquest conceived and matured in so protracted and
   yet so desultory a manner, as was this famous Spanish
   invasion. ... At last, on the 28th, 29th and 30th May, 1588,
   the fleet, which had been waiting at Lisbon more than a month
   for favourable weather, set sail from that port, after having
   been duly blessed by the Cardinal Archduke Albert, viceroy of
   Portugal. There were rather more than 130 ships in all,
   divided into 10 squadrons. ... The total tonnage of the fleet
   was 59,120: the number of guns was 3,165. Of Spanish troops
   there were 19,295 on board: there were 8,252 sailors and 2,088
   galley-slaves. Besides these, there was a force of noble
   volunteers, belonging to the most illustrious houses of Spain,
   with their attendants, amounting to nearly 2,000 in all. ...
   The size of the ships ranged from 1,200 tons to 300. The
   galleons, of which there were about 60, were huge
   round-stemmed clumsy vessels, with bulwarks three or four feet
   thick, and built up at stem and stern, like castles.
   The galeasses--of which there were four--were a third larger
   than the ordinary galley, and were rowed each by 300
   galley-slaves. They consisted of an enormous towering fortress
   at the stern, a castellated structure almost equally massive
   in front, with seats for the rowers amidships. At stem and
   stern and between each of the slaves' benches were heavy
   cannon. These galeasses were floating edifices, very wonderful
   to contemplate. They were gorgeously decorated. There were
   splendid state-apartments, cabins, chapels, and pulpits in
   each, and they were amply provided with awnings, cushions,
   streamers, standards, gilded saints and bands of music. To
   take part in an ostentatious pageant, nothing could be better
   devised. To fulfil the great objects of a war-vessel--to sail
   and to fight--they were the worst machines ever launched upon
   the ocean. The four galleys were similar to the galeasses in
   every respect except that of size, in which they were by
   one-third inferior. All the ships of the fleet--galeasses,
   galleys, galleons, and hulks--were so encumbered with
   top-hamper, so over-weighted in proportion to their draught of
   water, that they could bear but little canvas, even with
   smooth seas and light and favourable winds. ... Such was the
   machinery which Philip had at last set afloat, for the purpose
   of dethroning Elizabeth and establishing the inquisition in
   England. One hundred and forty ships, 11,000 Spanish veterans,
   as many more recruits, partly Spanish, partly Portuguese, 2,000
   grandees, as many galley slaves, and 300 barefooted friars and
   inquisitors. The plan was simple. Medina Sidonia [the
   captain-general of the Armada] was to proceed straight from
   Lisbon to Calais roads: there he was to wait for the Duke of
   Parma [Spanish commander in the Netherlands], who was to come
   forth from Newport, Sluys, and Dunkirk, bringing with him his
   17,000 veterans, and to assume the chief command of the whole
   expedition. They were then to cross the channel to Dover, land
   the army of Parma, reinforced with 6,000 Spaniards from the
   fleet, and with these 23,000 men Alexander was to march at
   once upon London. Medina Sidonia was to seize and fortify the
   Isle of Wight, guard the entrance of the harbours against any
   interference from the Dutch and English fleets, and--so soon
   as the conquest of England had been effected--he was to
   proceed to Ireland. ... A strange omission had however been
   made in the plan from first to last. The commander of the
   whole expedition was the Duke of Parma: on his head was the
   whole responsibility. Not a gun was to be fired--if it could
   be avoided--until he had come forth with his veterans to make
   his junction with the Invincible Armada off Calais. Yet there
   was no arrangement whatever to enable him to come forth--not
   the slightest provision to effect that junction. ... Medina
   could not go to Farnese [Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma],
   nor could Farnese come to Medina. The junction was likely to
   be difficult, and yet it had never once entered the heads of
   Philip or his counsellors to provide for that difficulty. ...
   With as much sluggishness as might have been expected from
   their clumsy architecture, the ships of the Armada consumed
   nearly three weeks in sailing from Lisbon to the neighbourhood
   of Cape Finisterre. Here they were overtaken by a tempest. ...
   Of the squadron of galleys, one was already sunk in the sea,
   and two of the others had been conquered by their own slaves.
   The fourth rode out the gale with difficulty, and joined the
   rest of the fleet, which ultimately reassembled at Coruña; the
   ships having, in distress, put in first at Vivera, Ribadeo,
   Gijon, and other northern ports of Spain. At the Groyne--as
   the English of that day were accustomed to call Coruña--they
   remained a month, repairing damages and recruiting; and on the
   22d of July (N. S.) the Armada set sail. Six days later, the
   Spaniards took soundings, thirty leagues from the Scilly
   Islands, and on Friday, the 29th of July, off the Lizard, they
   had the first glimpse of the land of promise presented them by
   Sixtus V. of which they had at last come to take possession.
   On the same day and night the blaze and smoke of ten thousand
   beacon-fires from the Land's End to Margate, and from the Isle
   of Wight to Cumberland, gave warning to every Englishman that
   the enemy was at last upon them."

      J. L. Motley,
      History of the United Netherlands,
      chapter 19.

      ALSO IN:
      J. A. Froude,
      History of England,
      volume 12, chapter 36.

      J. A. Froude,
      The Spanish Story of the Armada.

      R. Southey,
      Lives of British Admirals,
      volume 2, pages 327-334.

      C. M. Yonge,
      Cameos from English History,
      5th series, chapter 27.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1588.
   The Destruction of the Armada.

   "The great number of the English, the whole able-bodied
   population being drilled, counterbalanced the advantage
   possessed, from their universal use of firearms, by the
   invaders. In all the towns there were trained bands (a civic
   militia); and, either in regular service or as volunteers,
   thousands of all ranks had received a military training on the
   continent. The musters represented 100,000 men as ready to
   assemble at their head-quarters at a day's notice. It was, as
   nearly always, in its military administration that the
   vulnerable point of England lay. The fitting-out and
   victualling of the navy was disgraceful; and it is scarcely an
   excuse for the councillors that they were powerless against
   the parsimony of the Queen. The Government maintained its
   hereditary character from the days of Ethelred the Unready,
   and the arrangements for assembling the defensive forces were
   not really completed by them until after the Armada was
   destroyed. The defeat of the invaders, if they had landed,
   must have been accomplished by the people. The flame of
   patriotism never burnt purer: all Englishmen alike, Romanists,
   Protestant Episcopalians, and Puritans, were banded together
   to resist the invader. Every hamlet was on the alert for the
   beacon-signal. Some 15,000 men were already under arms in
   London; the compact Tilbury Fort was full, and a bridge of
   boats from Tilbury to Gravesend blocked the Thames. Philip's
   preparations had been commensurate with the grandeur of his
   scheme. The dockyards in his ports in the Low Countries, the
   rivers, the canals, and the harbours of Spain, Portugal,
   Naples, and Italy, echoed the clang of the shipwrights'
   hammers. A vast armament, named, as if to provoke Nemesis, the
   'Invincible Armada,' on which for three years the treasures of
   the American mines had been lavished, at length rode the seas,
   blessed with Papal benedictions and under the patronage of the
   saints. It comprised 65 huge galleons, of from 700 to 1,300
   tons, with sides of enormous thickness, and built high like
   castles; four great galleys, each carrying 50 guns and 450
   men, and rowed by 300 slaves; 56 armed merchantmen, and 20
   pinnaces. These 129 vessels were armed with 2,430 brass and
   iron guns of the best manufacture, but each gun was furnished
   only with 50 rounds.
   They carried 5,000 seamen: Parma's army amounted to 30,000
   men--Spaniards, Germans, Italians and Walloons; and 19,000
   Castilians and Portuguese, with 1,000 gentlemen volunteers,
   were coming to join him. To maintain this army after it had
   effected a landing, a great store of provisions--sufficient
   for 40,000 men for six months--was placed on board. The
   overthrow of this armament was effected by the navy and the
   elements. From the Queen's parsimony the State had only 36
   ships in the fleet; but the City of London furnished 33
   vessels; 18 were supplied by the liberality of private
   individuals; and nearly 100 smaller ships were obtained on
   hire; so that the fleet was eventually brought up to nearly
   30,000 tons, carrying 16,000 men, and equipped with 837 guns.
   But there was sufficient ammunition for only a single day's
   fighting. Fortunately for Elizabeth's Government, the
   Spaniards, having been long driven from the channel by
   privateers, were now unacquainted with its currents; and they
   could procure, as the Dutch were in revolt, only two or three
   competent pilots. The Spanish commander was the Duke of
   Medina-Sidonia, an incapable man, but he had under him some of
   the ablest of Philip's officers. When the ships set out from
   the Tagus, on the 29th May, 1588, a storm came on, and the
   Armada had to put into Coruña to refit. From that port the
   Armada set out at the beginning of July, in lovely weather,
   with just enough wind to wave from the mastheads the red
   crosses which they bore as symbols of their crusade. The Duke
   of Medina entered the Channel on the 18th July, and the rear
   of his fleet was immediately harassed by a cannonade from the
   puny ships of England, commanded by Lord Howard of Effingham
   (Lord High Admiral), with Drake, Hawkins, Frobisher, Winter,
   Fenner, and other famous captains. With the loss of three
   galleons from fire or boarding, the Spanish commander, who was
   making for Flanders to embark Parma's army, anchored in Calais
   roads. In the night fire-ships--an ancient mode of warfare
   which had just been reintroduced by the Dutch--passed in among
   the Armada, a fierce gale completed their work, and morning
   revealed the remnant of the Invincible Armada scattered along
   the coast from Calais to Ostend. Eighty vessels remained to
   Medina, and with these he sailed up the North Sea, to round
   the British Isles. But the treacherous currents of the Orkneys
   and the Hebrides were unknown to his officers, and only a few
   ships escaped the tempests of the late autumn. More than
   two-thirds of the expedition perished, and of the remnant that
   again viewed the hills of Spain all but a few hundreds
   returned only to die."

      H. R. Clinton,
      From Crécy to Assye,
      chapter 7.

   In the fighting on the 23d of July, "the Spaniards' shot flew
   for the most part over the heads of the English, without doing
   execution, Cock being the only Englishman that died bravely in
   the midst of his enemies in a ship of his own. The reason of
   this was, that the English ships, being far less than the
   enemy's, made the attack with more quickness and agility; and
   when they had given a broadside, they presently sheered off to
   a convenient distance, and levelled their shot so directly at
   the bigger and more unwieldy ships of the Spaniards, as seldom
   to miss their aim; though the Lord Admiral did not think it
   safe or proper to grapple with them, as some advised, with
   much more heat than discretion, because that the enemy's fleet
   carried a considerable army within their sides, whereas ours had
   no such advantage. Besides their ships far exceeded ours in
   number and bulk, and were much stronger and higher built;
   insomuch that their men, having the opportunity to ply us from
   such lofty hatches, must inevitably destroy those that were
   obliged, as it were, to fight beneath them. ... On the 24th
   day of the month there was a cessation on both sides, and the
   Lord Admiral sent some of his smaller vessels to the nearest
   of the English harbours, to fetch a supply of powder and
   ammunition; then he divided the fleet into four squadrons, the
   first of which he commanded himself, the second he committed
   to Drake, the third to Hawkins, and the fourth to Frobisher.
   He likewise singled out of the main fleet some smaller vessels
   to begin the attack on all sides at once, in the very dead of
   the night; but a calm happening spoiled his design." On the
   26th "the Spanish fleet sailed forward with a fair and soft
   gale at southwest and by south; and the English chased them
   close at the heels; but so far was this Invincible Armada from
   alarming the sea-coasts with any frightful apprehensions, that
   the English gentry of the younger sort entered themselves
   volunteers, and taking leave of their parents, wives, and
   children, did, with incredible cheerfulness, hire ships at
   their own charge; and, in pure love to their country, joined
   the grand fleet in vast numbers. ... On the 27th of this month
   the Spanish Fleet came to an anchor before Calais, their
   pilots having acquainted them that if they ventured any
   farther there was some danger that the force of the current
   might drive them away into the Northern Channel. Not far from
   them came likewise the English Admiral to an anchor, and lay
   within shot of their ships. The English fleet consisted by
   this time of 140 sail; all of them ships of force, and very
   tight and nimble sailors, and easily manageable upon a tack.
   But, however, the main brunt of the engagement lay not upon
   more than 15 or 16 of them. ... The Lord Admiral got ready
   eight of his worst ships the very day after the Spaniards came
   to an anchor; and having bestowed upon them a good plenty of
   pitch, tar, and rosin, and lined them well with brimstone and
   other combustible matter, they sent them before the wind, in
   the dead time of the night, under the conduct of Young and
   Prowse, into the midst of the Spanish fleet. ... The Spaniards
   reported that the duke, upon the approach of the fire-ships,
   ordered the whole fleet to weigh anchor and stand to sea, but
   that when the danger was over every ship should return to her
   station. This is what he did himself, and he likewise
   discharged a great gun as a signal to the rest to do as he
   did; the report, however, was heard but by very few, by reason
   their fears had dispersed them at that rate that some of them
   ventured out of the main ocean, and others sailed up the
   shallows of Flanders. In the meantime Drake and Fenner played
   briskly with their cannon upon the Spanish fleet, as it was
   rendezvousing over against Graveling. ... On the last day of
   the month the wind blew hard at north-west early in the
   morning, and the Spanish fleet attempting to get back again to
   the Straits of Calais, was driven toward Zealand.
   The English then gave over the chase, because, in the
   Spaniards' opinion, they perceived them making haste enough to
   their own destruction. For the wind, lying at the W. N. W.
   point, could not choose but force them on the shoals and sands
   on the coast of Zealand. But the wind happening to come about
   in a little time to Southwest and by West they went before the
   wind. ... Being now, therefore, clear of danger in the main
   ocean, they steered northward, and the English fleet renewed
   the chase after them. ... The Spaniards having now laid aside
   all the thoughts and hopes of returning to attempt the
   English, and perceiving their main safety lay in their flight,
   made no stay or stop at any port whatever. And thus this
   mighty armada, which had been three whole years fitting out,
   and at a vast expense, met in one month's time with several
   attacks, and was at last routed, with a vast slaughter on
   their side, and but a very few of the English missing, and not
   one ship lost, except that small vessel of Cock's. ... When,
   therefore, the Spanish fleet had taken a large compass round
   Britain, by the coasts of Scotland, the Orcades, and Ireland,
   and had weathered many storms, and suffered as many wrecks and
   blows, and all the inconveniences of war and weather, it made
   a shift to get home again, laden with nothing but shame and
   dishonour. ... Certain it is that several of their ships
   perished in their flight, being cast away on the coasts of
   Scotland and Ireland, and that above 700 soldiers were cast on
   shore in Scotland. ... As for those who had the ill fortune to
   be drove upon the Irish shore, they met with the most
   barbarous treatment; for some of them were butchered by the
   wild Irish, and the rest put to the sword by the Lord Deputy."

      W. Camden,
      History of Queen Elizabeth.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      Historical Biographies: Drake.

      E. S. Creasy,
      Fifteen Decisive Battles,
      chapter 10.

      C. Kingsley,
      Westward Ho!
      chapter 31.

      R. Hakluyt,
      Principal Navigations, &C.
      (E. Goldsmid's ed.), volume 7.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1596.
   Alliance with Henry IV. of France against Spain.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1593--1598.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1596.
   Dutch and English expedition against Cadiz.

      See SPAIN: A. D. 1596.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1597.
   Abolition of the privileges of the Hanse merchants.

      See HANSA TOWNS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1600.
   The first charter to the East India Company.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1600-1702.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1601.
   The first Poor Law.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1603.
   Accession of King James I.
   The Stuart family.

   On the death of Queen Elizabeth, in 1603, James VI. of
   Scotland became also the accepted king of England (under the
   title of James I.), by virtue of his descent from that
   daughter of Henry VII. and sister of Henry VIII., Margaret
   Tudor, who married James IV. king of Scots. His grandfather
   was James V.; his mother was Marie Stuart, or Mary, Queen of
   Scots, born of her marriage with Lord Darnley. He was the
   ninth in the line of the Scottish dynasty of the Stuarts, or
   Stewarts, for an account of the origin of which see SCOTLAND:
   A. D. 1370. He had been carefully alienated from the religion
   of his mother and reared in Protestantism, to make him an
   acceptable heir to the English throne. He came to it at a time
   when the autocratic spirit of the Tudors, making use of the
   peculiar circumstances of their time, had raised the royal
   power and prerogative to their most exalted pitch; and he
   united the two kingdoms of Scotland and England under one
   sovereignty. "The noble inheritance fell to a race who,
   comprehending not one of the conditions by which alone it was
   possible to be retained, profligately misused until they lost
   it utterly. The calamity was in no respect foreseen by the
   statesman, Cecil, to whose exertion it was mainly due that
   James was seated on the throne: yet in regard to it he cannot
   be held blameless. He was doubtless right in the course he
   took, in so far as he thereby satisfied a national desire, and
   brought under one crown two kingdoms that with advantage to
   either could not separately exist; but it remains a reproach
   to his name that he let slip the occasion of obtaining for the
   people some ascertained and settled guarantees which could not
   then have been refused, and which might have saved half a
   century of bloodshed. None such were proposed to James. He was
   allowed to seize a prerogative, which for upwards of fifty
   years had been strained to a higher pitch than at any previous
   period of the English history; and his clumsy grasp closed on
   it without a sign of question or remonstrance from the leading
   statesmen of England. 'Do I mak the judges? Do I mak the
   bishops?' he exclaimed, as the powers of his new dominion
   dawned on his delighted sense: 'Then, God's wauns! I mak what
   likes me, law and gospel!' It was even so. And this license to
   make gospel and law was given, with other far more
   questionable powers, to a man whose personal appearance and
   qualities were as suggestive of contempt, as his public acts
   were provocative of rebellion. It is necessary to dwell upon
   this part of the subject; for it is only just to his not more
   culpable but far less fortunate successor to say, that in it
   lies the source and explanation of not a little for which the
   penalty was paid by him. What is called the Great Rebellion
   can have no comment so pregnant as that which is suggested by
   the character and previous career of the first of the Stuart

      J. Forster,
      Historical and Biographical Essays,

ENGLAND: A. D. 1604.
   The Hampton Court Conference.

   James I. "was not long seated on the English throne, when a
   conference was held at Hampton Court, to hear the complaints
   of the puritans, as those good men were called who scrupled to
   conform to the ceremonies, and sought a reformation of the
   abuses of the church of England. On this occasion, surrounded
   with his deans, bishops, and archbishops, who breathed into
   his ears the music of flattery, and worshipped him as an
   oracle, James, like king Solomon, to whom he was fond of being
   compared, appeared in all his glory, giving his judgment on
   every question, and displaying before the astonished prelates,
   who kneeled every time they addressed him, his polemic powers and
   theological learning. Contrasting his present honours with the
   scenes from which he had just escaped in his native country,
   he began by congratulating himself that, 'by the blessing of
   Providence, he was brought into the promised land, where
   religion was professed in its purity; where he sat among
   grave, learned, and reverend men; and that now he was not, as
   formerly, a king without state and honour, nor in a place
   where order was banished, and beardless boys would brave him
   to his face.'
   After long conferences, during which the king gave the most
   extraordinary exhibitions of his learning, drollery, and
   profaneness, he was completely thrown off his guard by the
   word presbytery, which Dr. Reynolds, a representative of the
   puritans, had unfortunately employed. Thinking that he aimed
   at a 'Scotch presbytery,' James rose into a towering passion,
   declaring that presbytery agreed as well with monarchy as God
   and the devil. 'Then,' said he, 'Jack and Tom, and Will and
   Dick, shall meet, and at their pleasures censure me and my
   council, and all our proceedings. Then Will shall stand up and
   say, It must be thus: Then Dick shall reply, and say, Nay
   marry, but we will have it thus. And, therefore, here I must
   once reiterate my former speech, Le Roy s'avisera (the king
   will look after it). Stay, I pray you, for one seven years
   before you demand that of me; and if you then find me pursy
   and fat, and my wind-pipes stuffed, I will perhaps hearken to
   you; for let that government be once up, I am sure I shall be
   kept in breath; then we shall all of us have work enough, both
   our hands full. But, Dr. Reynolds, till you find that I grow
   lazy, let that alone." Then, putting his hand to his hat, 'My
   lords the bishops,' said his majesty, 'I may thank you that
   these men plead for my supremacy; they think they can't make
   their party good against you, but by appealing unto it. But if
   once you are out, and they in place, I know what would become
   of my supremacy; for no bishop, no king, as I said before.'
   Then rising from his chair, he concluded the conference with,
   'If this be all they have to say, I'll make them conform, or
   I'll harry them out of this land, or else do worse.' The
   English lords and prelates were so filled with admiration at
   the quickness of apprehension and dexterity in controversy
   shown by the king, that, as Dr. Barlow informs us, 'one of
   them said his majesty spoke by the instinct of the Spirit of
   God; and the lord chancellor, as he went out, said to the dean
   of Chester, I have often heard that Rex est mixta persona cum
   sacerdote (that a king is partly a priest), but I never saw
   the truth thereof till this day!' In these circumstances,
   buoyed up with flattery by his English clergy, and placed
   beyond the reach of the faithful admonitions of the Scottish
   ministry, we need not wonder to find James prosecuting, with
   redoubled ardour, his scheme of reducing the church of
   Scotland to the English model."

      T. McCrie,
      Sketches of Scottish Church History,
      chapter 5.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      The First Two Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution,
      chapter 1, sections 3.

      G. G. Perry,
      History of the Church of England,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

      T. Fuller,
      Church History of Britain,
      book 10, section 1 (volume 3).

England: A. D. 1605.
   The Gunpowder Plot.

   "The Roman Catholics had expected great favour and indulgence
   on the accession of James, both as he was descended from Mary,
   whose life they believed to have been sacrificed to their
   cause, and as he himself, in his early youth, was imagined to
   have shown some partiality towards them. ... Very soon they
   discovered their mistake; and were at once surprised and
   enraged to find James, on all occasions, express his intention
   of strictly executing the laws enacted against them, and of
   persevering in all the rigorous measures of Elizabeth.
   Catesby, a gentleman of good parts and of an ancient family,
   first thought of a most extraordinary method of revenge; and
   he opened his intention to Piercy, a descendant of the
   illustrious house of Northumberland. In vain, said he, would
   you put an end to the king's life: he has children. ... To
   serve any good purpose, we must destroy, at one blow, the
   king, the royal family, the Lords, the Commons, and bury all
   our enemies in one common ruin. Happily, they are all
   assembled on the first meeting of Parliament, and afford us
   the opportunity of glorious and useful vengeance. Great
   preparations will not be requisite. A few of us, combining,
   may run a mine below the hall in which they meet, and choosing
   the very moment when the king harangues both Houses, consign over
   to destruction these determined foes to all piety and
   religion. ... Piercy was charmed with this project of Catesby;
   and they agreed to communicate the matter to a few more, and
   among the rest to Thomas Winter, whom they sent over to
   Flanders, in quest of Fawkes, an officer in the Spanish
   service, with whose zeal and courage they were all thoroughly
   acquainted. ... All this passed in the spring and summer of
   the year 1604; when the conspirators also hired a house in
   Piercy's name, adjoining to that in which the Parliament was
   to assemble. Towards the end of that year they began their
   operations. ... They soon pierced the wall, though three yards
   in thickness; but on approaching the other side they were
   somewhat startled at hearing a noise which they knew not how
   to account for. Upon inquiry, they found that it came from the
   vault below the House of Lords; that a magazine of coals had
   been kept there; and that, as the coals were selling off, the
   vault would be let to the highest bidder. The opportunity was
   immediately seized; the place hired by Piercy; thirty-six
   barrels of powder lodged in it; the whole covered up with
   faggots and billets; the doors of the cellar boldly flung
   open, and everybody admitted, as if it contained nothing
   dangerous. ... The day [November 5, 1605], so long wished for,
   now approached, on which the Parliament was appointed to
   assemble. The dreadful secret, though communicated to above
   twenty persons, had been religiously kept, during the space of
   near a year and a half. No remorse, no pity, no fear of
   punishment, no hope of reward, had as yet induced any one
   conspirator, either to abandon the enterprise or make a
   discovery of it." But the betrayal was unwittingly made, after
   all, by one in the plot, who tried to deter Lord Monteagle
   from attending the opening session of Parliament, by sending
   him a mysterious message of warning. Lord Monteagle showed the
   letter to Lord Salisbury, secretary of state, who attached
   little importance to it, but who laid it before the king. The
   Scottish Solomon read it with more anxiety and was shrewdly
   led by some expressions in the missive to order an inspection
   of the vaults underneath the parliamentary houses. The
   gunpowder was discovered and Guy Fawkes was found in the
   place, with matches for the firing of it on his person. Being
   put to the rack he disclosed the names of his accomplices.
   They were seized, tried and executed, or killed while
   resisting arrest.

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      volume 4, chapter 46.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of England,
      chapter 6, (volume 1).

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 9, chapter 1.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1606.
   The chartering of the Virginia Company, with its London and
   Plymouth branches.

      See VIRGINIA: A. D. 1606-1607.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1620.
   The Monopoly granted to the Council for New England.

      See NEW ENGLAND: A.. D. 1620-1623.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1620.
   The exodus of the Pilgrims and the planting of their colony at
   New Plymouth.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1621.
   Claims in North America conflicting with France.
   Grant of Nova Scotia to Sir William Alexander.

      See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1621-1631.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1623-1638.
   The grants in Newfoundland to Baltimore and Kirke.

      See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1610-1655.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1625.
   The Protestant Alliance in the Thirty Years War.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1624-1626.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1625.
   The gains of Parliament in the reign of James I.

   "The commons had now been engaged [at the end of the reign of
   James I.], for more than twenty years, in a struggle to
   restore and to fortify their own and their fellow subjects'
   liberties. They had obtained in this period but one
   legislative measure of importance, the late declaratory act
   against monopolies. But they had rescued from disuse their
   ancient right of impeachment. They had placed on record a
   protestation of their claim to debate all matters of public
   concern. They had remonstrated against the usurped
   prerogatives of binding the subject by proclamation, and of
   levying customs at the out-ports. They had secured beyond
   controversy their exclusive privilege of determining contested
   elections of their members. They had maintained, and carried
   indeed to an unwarrantable extent, their power of judging and
   inflicting punishment, even for offences not committed against
   their house. Of these advantages some were evidently
   incomplete; and it would require the most vigorous exertions
   of future parliaments to realize them. But such exertions the
   increased energy of the nation gave abundant cause to
   anticipate. A deep and lasting love of freedom had taken hold
   of every class except perhaps the clergy; from which, when
   viewed together with the rash pride of the court, and the
   uncertainty of constitutional principles and precedents,
   collected through our long and various history, a calm
   by-stander might presage that the ensuing reign would not pass
   without disturbance, nor perhaps end without confusion."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 6.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1625.
   Marriage of Charles with Henrietta Maria of France.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1624--1626.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1625-1628.
   The accession of Charles I.
   Beginning of the struggle of King and Parliament.

   "The political and religious schism which had originated in
   the 16th century was, during the first quarter of the 17th
   century, constantly widening. Theories tending to Turkish
   despotism were in fashion at Whitehall. Theories tending to
   republicanism were in favour with a large portion of the House
   of Commons. ... While the minds of men were in this state, the
   country, after a peace of many years, at length engaged in a
   war [with Spain, and with Austria and the Emperor in the
   Palatinate] which required strenuous exertions. This war
   hastened the approach of the great constitutional crisis. It
   was necessary that the king should have a large military
   force. He could not have such a force without money. He could
   not legally raise money without the consent of Parliament. It
   followed, therefore, that he either must administer the
   government in conformity with the sense of the House of
   Commons, or must venture on such a violation of the
   fundamental laws of the land as had been unknown during
   several centuries. ... Just at this conjuncture James died
   [March 27, 1625]. Charles I. succeeded to the throne. He had
   received from nature a far better understanding, a far
   stronger will, and a far keener and firmer temper than his
   father's. He had inherited his father's political theories,
   and was much more disposed than his father to carry them into
   practice. ... His taste in literature and art was excellent,
   his manner dignified though not gracious, his domestic life
   without blemish. Faithlessness was the chief cause of his
   disasters, and is the chief stain on his memory. He was, in
   truth, impelled by an incurable propensity to dark and crooked
   ways. ... He seems to have learned from the theologians whom
   he most esteemed that between him and his subjects there could
   be nothing of the nature of mutual contract; that he could
   not, even if he would, divest himself of his despotic
   authority; and that, in every promise which he made, there was
   an implied reservation that such promise might be broken in
   case of necessity, and that of the necessity he was the sole
   judge. And now began that hazardous game on which were staked
   the destinies of the English people. It was played on the side
   of the House of Commons with keenness, but with admirable
   dexterity, coolness and perseverance. Great statesmen who
   looked far behind them and far before them were at the head of
   that assembly. They were resolved to place the king in such a
   situation that he must either conduct the administration in
   conformity with the wishes of his Parliament, or make
   outrageous attacks on the most sacred principles of the
   constitution. They accordingly doled out supplies to him very
   sparingly. He found that he must govern either in harmony with
   the House of Commons, or in defiance of all law. His choice
   was soon made. He dissolved his first Parliament, and levied
   taxes by his own authority. He convoked a second Parliament
   [1626] and found it more intractable than the first. He again
   resorted to the expedient of dissolution, raised fresh taxes
   without any show of legal right, and threw the chiefs of the
   opposition into prison. At the same time a new grievance,
   which the peculiar feelings and habits of the English nation
   made insupportably painful, and which seemed to all discerning
   men to be of fearful augury, excited general discontent and
   alarm. Companies of soldiers were billeted on the people; and
   martial law was, in some places, substituted for the ancient
   jurisprudence of the realm. The king called a third Parliament
   [1628], and soon perceived that the opposition was stronger
   and fiercer than ever. He now determined on a change of
   tactics. Instead of opposing an inflexible resistance to the
   demands of the commons, he, after much altercation and many
   evasions, agreed to a compromise which, if he had faithfully
   adhered to it, would have averted a long series of calamities.
   The Parliament granted an ample supply. The King ratified, in
   the most solemn manner, that celebrated law which is known by
   the name of the Petition of Right, and which is the second
   Great Charter of the liberties of England."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 1.

      ALSO IN:
      J. R. Green,
      History of the English People,
      book 7, chapter 5 (volume 3).

      F. P. Guizot,
      History of the English Revolution,
      book 1.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1627-1628.
   Buckingham's war with France and expedition to La Rochelle.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1627-1628.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1628.
   The Petition of Right.

   "Charles had recourse to many subterfuges in hopes to elude
   the passing of this law; rather perhaps through wounded pride,
   as we may judge from his subsequent conduct, than much
   apprehension that it would create a serious impediment to his
   despotic schemes. He tried to persuade them to acquiesce in
   his royal promise not to arrest anyone without just cause, or
   in a simple confirmation of the Great Charter and other
   statutes in favour of liberty. The peers, too pliant in this
   instance to his wishes, and half receding from the patriot
   banner they had lately joined, lent him their aid by proposing
   amendments (insidious in those who suggested them, though not
   in the body of the house) which the commons firmly rejected.
   Even when the bill was tendered to him for that assent which
   it had been necessary, for the last two centuries, that the
   king should grant or refuse in a word, he returned a long and
   equivocal answer, from which it could only be collected that
   he did not intend to remit any portion of what he had claimed
   as his prerogative. But on an address from both houses for a
   more explicit answer, he thought fit to consent to the bill in
   the usual form. The commons, of whose harshness towards Charles
   his advocates have said so much, immediately passed a bill for
   granting five subsidies, about £350,000; a sum not too great
   for the wealth of the kingdom or for his exigencies, but
   considerable according to the precedents of former times, to
   which men naturally look. ... The Petition of Right, ... this
   statute is still called, from its not being drawn in the
   common form of an act of parliament." Although the king had
   been defeated in his attempt to qualify his assent to the
   Petition of Right, and had been forced to accede to it
   unequivocally, yet "he had the absurd and audacious
   insincerity (for we can use no milder epithets), to circulate
   1,500 copies of it through the country, after the prorogation,
   with his first answer annexed; an attempt to deceive without
   the possibility of success. But instances of such ill-faith,
   accumulated as they are through the life of Charles, render
   the assertion of his sincerity a proof either of historical
   ignorance or of a want of moral delicacy."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      volume 1, chapter 7.

   The following is the text of the Petition of Right:

   "To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. Humbly show unto our
   Sovereign Lord the King, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and
   Commons in Parliament assembled, that whereas it is declared
   and enacted by a statute made in the time of the reign of King
   Edward the First, commonly called, 'Statutum de Tallagio non
   concedendo,' that no tallage or aid shall be laid or levied by
   the King or his heirs in this realm, without the goodwill and
   assent of the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, Knights,
   Burgesses, and other the freemen of the commonalty of this
   realm: and by authority of Parliament holden in the five and
   twentieth year of the reign of King Edward the Third, it is
   declared and enacted, that from thenceforth no person shall be
   compelled to make any loans to the King against his will,
   because such loans were against reason and the franchise of
   the land; and by other laws of this realm it is provided, that
   none should be charged by any charge or imposition, called a
   Benevolence, or by such like charge, by which the statutes
   before-mentioned, and other the good laws and statutes of this
   realm, your subjects have inherited this freedom, that they
   should not be compelled to contribute to any tax, tallage,
   aid, or other like charge, not set by common consent in
   Parliament: Yet nevertheless, of late divers commissions
   directed to sundry Commissioners in several counties with
   instructions have issued, by means whereof your people have
   been in divers places assembled, and required to lend certain
   sums of money unto your Majesty, and many of them upon their
   refusal so to do, have had an oath administered unto them, not
   warrantable by the laws or statutes of this realm, and have
   been constrained to become bound to make appearance and give
   attendance before your Privy Council, and in other places, and
   others of them have been therefore imprisoned, confined, and
   sundry other ways molested and disquieted: and divers other
   charges have been laid and levied upon your people in several
   counties, by Lords Lieutenants, Deputy Lieutenants,
   Commissioners for Musters, Justices of Peace and others, by
   command or direction from your Majesty or your Privy Council,
   against the laws and free customs of this realm: And where
   also by the statute called, 'The Great Charter of the
   Liberties of England,' it is declared and enacted, that no
   freeman may be taken or imprisoned or be disseised of his
   freeholds or liberties, or his free customs, or be outlawed or
   exiled; or in any manner destroyed, but by the lawful judgment
   of his peers, or by the law of the land: And in the eight and
   twentieth year of the reign of King Edward the Third, it was
   declared and enacted by authority of Parliament, that no man
   of what estate or condition that he be, should be put out of
   his lands or tenements, nor taken, nor imprisoned, nor
   disherited, nor put to death, without being brought to answer
   by due process of law: Nevertheless, against the tenor of the
   said statutes, and other the good laws and statutes of your
   realm, to that end provided, divers of your subjects have of
   late been imprisoned without any cause showed, and when for
   their deliverance they were brought before your Justices, by
   your Majesty's writs of Habeas Corpus, there to undergo and
   receive as the Court should order, and their keepers commanded
   to certify the causes of their detainer; no cause was
   certified, but that they were detained by your Majesty's
   special command, signified by the Lords of your Privy Council,
   and yet were returned back to several prisons, without being
   charged with anything to which they might make answer
   according to the law: And whereas of late great companies of
   soldiers and mariners have been dispersed into divers counties
   of the realm, and the inhabitants against their wills have
   been compelled to receive them into their houses, and there to
   suffer them to sojourn, against the laws and customs of this
   realm, and to the great grievance and vexation of the people:
   And whereas also by authority of Parliament, in the 25th year
   of the reign of King Edward the Third, it is declared and
   enacted, that no man shall be forejudged of life or limb
   against the form of the Great Charter, and the law of the
   and by the said Great Charter and other the laws and statutes
   of this your realm, no man ought to be adjudged to death; but
   by the laws established in this your realm, either by the
   customs of the same realm or by Acts of Parliament: and
   whereas no offender of what kind soever is exempted from the
   proceedings to be used, and punishments to be inflicted by the
   laws and statutes of this your realm: nevertheless of late
   divers commissions under your Majesty's Great Seal have issued
   forth, by which certain persons have been assigned and
   appointed Commissioners with power and authority to proceed
   within the land, according to the justice of martial law
   against such soldiers and mariners, or other dissolute persons
   joining with them, as should commit any murder, robbery,
   felony, mutiny, or other outrage or misdemeanour whatsoever,
   and by such summary course and order, as is agreeable to
   martial law, and is used in armies in time of war, to proceed
   to the trial and condemnation of such offenders, and them to
   cause to be executed and put to death, according to the law
   martial: By pretext whereof, some of your Majesty's subjects
   have been by some of the said Commissioners put to death, when
   and where, if by the laws and statutes of the land they had
   deserved death, by the same laws and statutes also they might,
   and by no other ought to have been, adjudged and executed: And
   also sundry grievous offenders by colour thereof, claiming an
   exemption, have escaped the punishments due to them by the
   laws and statutes of this your realm, by reason that divers of
   your officers and ministers of justice have unjustly refused,
   or forborne to proceed against such offenders according to the
   same laws and statutes, upon pretence that the said offenders
   were punishable only by martial law, and by authority of such
   commissions as aforesaid, which commissions, and all other of
   like nature, are wholly and directly contrary to the said laws
   and statutes of this your realm: They do therefore humbly pray
   your Most Excellent Majesty, that no man hereafter be
   compelled to make or yield any gift, loan, benevolence, tax,
   or such like charge, without common consent by Act of
   Parliament; and that none be called to make answer, or take
   such oath, or to give attendance, or be confined, or otherwise
   molested or disquieted concerning the same, or for refusal
   thereof; and that no freeman, in any such manner as is
   before-mentioned, be imprisoned or detained; and that your
   Majesty will be pleased to remove the said soldiers and
   mariners, and that your people may not be so burdened in time
   to come; and that the foresaid commissions for proceeding by
   martial law, may be revoked and annulled; and that hereafter
   no commissions of like nature may issue forth to any person or
   persons whatsoever, to be executed as aforesaid, lest by
   colour of them any of your Majesty's subjects be destroyed or
   put to death, contrary to the laws and franchise of the land.
   All which they most humbly pray of your Most Excellent
   Majesty, as their rights and liberties according to the laws
   and statutes of this realm: and that your Majesty would also
   vouchsafe to declare, that the awards, doings, and proceedings
   to the prejudice of your people, in any of the premises, shall
   not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example: and that
   your Majesty would be also graciously pleased, for the further
   comfort and safety of your people, to declare your royal will
   and pleasure, that in the things aforesaid all your officers
   and ministers shall serve you, according to the laws and
   statutes of this realm, as they tender the honour of your
   Majesty, and the prosperity of this kingdom. [Which Petition
   being read the 2nd of June 1628, the King's answer was thus
   delivered unto it. The King willeth that right be done
   according to the laws and customs of the realm; and that the
   statutes be put in due execution, that his subjects may have
   no cause to complain of any wrong or oppressions, contrary to
   their just rights and liberties, to the preservation whereof
   he holds himself as well obliged as of his prerogative. On
   June 7 the answer was given in the accustomed form, 'Soit
   droit fait comme il est désiré.']"

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of England,
      chapter 63 (volume 6).

      S. R. Gardiner,
      Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution,
      page 1.

      J. L. De Lolme,
      The English Constitution,
      chapter 7 (volume 1).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1628.
   Assassination of Buckingham.

   "While the struggle [over the Petition of Right] was going on,
   the popular hatred of Buckingham [the King's favourite, whose
   influence at court was supreme] showed itself in a brutal
   manner. In the streets of London, the Duke's physician, Dr.
   Lambe, was set upon by the mob, called witch, devil, and the
   Duke's conjuror, and absolutely beaten to death. The Council
   set inquiries on foot, but no individual was brought before
   it, and the rhyme went from mouth to mouth--'Let Charles and
   George do what they can, The Duke shall die like Doctor
   Lambe.' ... Charles, shocked and grieved, took his friend in
   his own coach through London to see the ten ships which were
   being prepared at Deptford for the relief of Rochelle. It was
   reported that he was heard to say, 'George, there are some
   that wish that both these and thou might perish. But care not
   thou for them. We will both perish together if thou dost.'
   There must have been something strangely attractive about the
   man who won and kept the hearts of four personages so
   dissimilar as James and Charles of England, Anne of Austria,
   and William Laud. ... In the meantime Rochelle held out." One
   attempt to relieve the beleaguered town had failed. Buckingham
   was to command in person the armament now in preparation for
   another attempt. "The fleet was at Portsmouth, and Buckingham
   went down thither in high spirits to take the command. The
   King came down to Sir Daniel Norton's house at Southwick. On
   the 23d of August Buckingham rose and 'cut a caper or two'
   before the barber dealt with his moustache and lovelocks. Then
   he was about to sit down to breakfast with a number of
   captains, and as he rose he received letters which made him
   believe that Rochelle had been relieved. He said he must tell
   the King instantly, but Soubise and the other refugees did not
   believe a word of it, and there was a good deal of disputing
   and gesticulation between them. He crossed a lobby, followed
   by the eager Frenchmen, and halted to take leave of an
   officer, Sir Thomas Fryar. Over the shoulder of this
   gentleman, as he bowed, a knife was thrust into Buckingham's
   breast. There was an effort to withdraw it; a cry 'The
   Villain!' and the great Duke, at 36 years old, was dead. The
   attendants at first thought the blow came from one of the
   noisy Frenchmen, and were falling on them." But a servant had
   seen the deed committed, and ran after the assassin, who was
   arrested and proved to be one John Felton, a soldier and a man
   of good family. He had suffered wrongs which apparently
   unhinged his mind.


      C. M. Yonge,
      Cameos from English History,
      6th series, chapter 17.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of England, 1603-1642,
      chapter 65.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1628-1632.
   Conquest and brief occupation of Canada and Nova Scotia.

      See CANADA (NEW FRANCE): A. D. 1628-1635.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1629.
   The royal charter granted to the Governor and Company of
   Massachusetts Bay.

      See: MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1623-1629.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1629.
   The King's Carolina grant to Sir Robert Heath.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1629.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1629.
   Tonnage and Poundage.
   The tumult in Parliament and the dissolution.

   Charles' third Parliament, prorogued on the 26th of June,
   1628, reassembled on the 20th of January, 1629. "The
   Parliament Session proved very brief; but very energetic, very
   extraordinary. Tonnage and Poundage, what we now call
   Customhouse duties, a constant subject of quarrel between
   Charles and his Parliaments hitherto, had again been levied
   without Parliamentary consent; in the teeth of old 'Tallagio
   non concedendo,' nay even of the late solemnly confirmed
   Petition of Right; and naturally gave rise to Parliamentary
   consideration. Merchants had been imprisoned for refusing to
   pay it; Members of Parliament themselves had been 'supoena'd':
   there was a very ravelled coil to deal with in regard to
   Tonnage and Poundage. Nay the Petition of Right itself had
   been altered in the Printing; a very ugly business too. In
   regard to Religion also, matters looked equally ill. Sycophant
   Mainwaring, just censured in Parliament, had been promoted to
   a fatter living. Sycophant Montague, in the like
   circumstances, to a Bishopric: Laud was in the act of
   consecrating him at Croydon, when the news of Buckingham's
   death came thither. There needed to be a Committee of
   Religion. The House resolved itself into a Grand Committee of
   Religion; and did not want for matter. Bishop Neile of
   Winchester, Bishop Laud now of London, were a frightfully
   ceremonial pair of Bishops; the fountain they of innumerable
   tendencies to Papistry and the old clothes of Babylon. It was
   in this Committee of Religion, on the 11th day of February,
   1628-9, that Mr. Cromwell, Member for Huntingdon, stood up and
   made his first speech, a fragment of which has found its way
   into History. ... A new Remonstrance behoves to be resolved
   upon; Bishops Neile and Laud are even to be 'named' there.
   Whereupon, before they could get well 'named' ... the King
   hastily interfered. This Parliament, in a fortnight more, was
   dissolved; and that under circumstances of the most
   unparalleled sort. For Speaker Finch, as we have seen, was a
   Courtier, in constant communication with the King: one day,
   while these high matters were astir, Speaker Finch refused to
   'put the question' when ordered by the House! He said he had
   orders to the contrary; persisted in that;--and at last took
   to weeping. What was the House to do? Adjourn for two days;
   and consider what to do! On the second day, which was
   Wednesday, Speaker Finch signified that by his Majesty's
   command they were again adjourned till Monday next. On Monday
   next, Speaker Finch, still recusant, would not put the former
   nor indeed any question, having the King's order to adjourn
   again instantly. He refused; was reprimanded, menaced; once
   more took to weeping; then started up to go his ways. But
   young Mr. Holles, Denzil Holles, the Earl of Clare's second
   son, he and certain other honourable members were prepared for
   that movement: they seized Speaker Finch, set him down in his
   chair, and by main force held him there! A scene of such
   agitation as was never seen in Parliament before. 'The House
   was much troubled.' 'Let him go,' cried certain Privy
   Councillors, Majesty's Ministers as we should now call them,
   who in those days sat in front of the Speaker, 'Let Mr.
   Speaker go!' cried they imploringly. 'No!' answered Holles;
   'God's wounds, he shall sit there till it please the House to
   rise!' The House in a decisive though almost distracted
   manner, with their Speaker thus held down for them, locked
   their doors; redacted Three emphatic Resolutions, their
   Protest against Arminianism, Papistry, and illegal Tonnage and
   Poundage; and passed the same by acclamation; letting no man
   out, refusing to let even the King's Usher in; then swiftly
   vanishing so soon as the resolutions were passed, for they
   understood the soldiery was coming. For which surprising
   procedure, vindicated by Necessity the mother of Invention,
   and supreme of Lawgivers, certain honourable gentlemen, Denzil
   Holles, Sir John Eliot, William Strode, John Selden, and
   others less known to us, suffered fine, imprisonment, and much
   legal tribulation: nay Sir John Eliot, refusing to submit, was
   kept in the Tower till he died. This scene fell out on Monday,
   2d of March, 1629."

      T. Carlyle,
      Introduction to Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      chapter 4.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Forster,
      Sir John Eliot: a Biography,
      book 10, section 6-8 (volume 2).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1630.
   Emigration of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay,
   with their royal charter.

      See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1629-1630.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1631.
   Aid to Gustavus Adolphus in Germany.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1631-1632.

ENGLAND: A. D: 1632.
   Cession of Acadia (Nova Scotia) to France.

      See NOVA SCOTIA (ACADIA): A. D. 1621-1668.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1632.
    The Palatine grant of Maryland to Lord Baltimore.

      See MARYLAND: A. D. 1632.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1633-1640.
   The Ecclesiastical despotism of Laud.

   "When Charles, having quarreled with his parliament, stood
   alone in the midst of his kingdom, seeking on all sides the
   means of governing, the Anglican clergy believed this day [for
   establishing the independent and uncontrolled power of their
   church] was come. They had again got immense wealth, and
   enjoyed it without dispute. The papists no longer inspired
   them with alarm. The primate of the church, Laud, possessed
   the entire confidence of the king and alone directed all
   ecclesiastical affairs. Among the other ministers, none
   professed, like lord Burleigh under Elizabeth, to fear and
   struggle against the encroachments of the clergy. The
   courtiers were indifferent, or secret papists. Learned men
   threw lustre over the church. The universities, that of Oxford
   more especially, were devoted to her maxims. Only one
   adversary remained--the people, each day more discontented
   with uncompleted reform, and more eager fully to accomplish
   it. But this adversary was also the adversary of the throne;
   it claimed at the same time, the one to secure the other,
   evangelical faith and civil liberty.
   The same peril threatened the sovereignty of the crown and of
   episcopacy. The king, sincerely pious, seemed disposed to
   believe that he was not the only one who held his authority
   from God, and that the power of the bishops was neither of
   less high origin, nor of less sacred character. Never had so
   many favourable circumstances seemed combined to enable the
   clergy to achieve independence of the crown, dominion over the
   people. Laud set himself to work with his accustomed
   vehemence. First, it was essential that all dissensions in the
   bosom of the church itself should cease, and that the
   strictest uniformity should infuse strength into its
   doctrines, its discipline, its worship. He applied himself to
   this task with the most unhesitating and unscrupulous
   resolution. Power was exclusively concentrated into the hands
   of the bishops. The court of high commission, where they took
   cognizance of and decided everything relating to religious
   matters, became day by day more arbitrary, more harsh in its
   jurisdiction, its forms and its penalties. The complete
   adoption of the Anglican canons, the minute observance of the
   liturgy, and the rites enforced in cathedrals, were rigorously
   exacted on the part of the whole ecclesiastical body. A great
   many livings were in the hands of nonconformists; they were
   withdrawn from them. The people crowded to their sermons; they
   were forbidden to preach. ... Persecution followed and reached
   them everywhere. ... Meantime, the pomp of catholic worship
   speedily took possession of the churches deprived of their
   pastors; while persecution kept away the faithful,
   magnificence adorned the walls. They were consecrated amid
   great display, and it was then necessary to employ force to
   collect a congregation. Laud was fond of prescribing minutely
   the details of new ceremonies--sometimes borrowed from Rome,
   sometimes the production of his own imagination, at once
   ostentatious and austere. On the part of the nonconformists,
   every innovation, the least derogation from the canons or the
   liturgy, was punished as a crime; yet Laud innovated without
   consulting anybody, looking to nothing beyond the king's
   consent, and sometimes acting entirely upon his own authority.
   ... And all these changes had, if not the aim, at all events
   the result, of rendering the Anglican church more and more
   like that of Rome. ... Books were published to prove that the
   doctrine of the English bishops might very well adapt itself
   to that of Rome; and these books, though not regularly
   licensed, were dedicated to the king or to Laud, and openly
   tolerated. ... The splendour and exclusive dominion of
   episcopacy thus established, at least so he flattered himself,
   Laud proceeded to secure its independence. ... The divine
   right of bishops became, in a short time, the official
   doctrine, not only of the upper clergy, but of the king
   himself. ... By the time things had come to this pass, the
   people were not alone in their anger. The high nobility, part
   of them at least, took the alarm. They saw in the progress of
   the church far more than mere tyranny; it was a regular
   revolution, which, not satisfied with crushing popular
   reforms, disfigured and endangered the first reformation; that
   which kings had made and the aristocracy adopted."

      F. P. Guizot,
      History of the English Revolution of 1640,
      book 2.

      ALSO IN:
      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 2, chapters 4-6.

      G. G. Perry,
      History of the Church of England,
      chapters 13-16 (volume l).

      P. Bayne,
      The Chief Actors of the Puritan Revolution,
      chapter 3.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1634-1637.
   Hostile measures against the Massachusetts Colony.

      See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1634-1637.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1634-1637.

   "The aspect of public affairs grew darker and darker. ... All
   the promises of the king were violated without scruple or
   shame. The Petition of Right, to which he had, in
   consideration of moneys duly numbered, given a solemn assent,
   was set at naught. Taxes were raised by the royal authority.
   Patents of monopoly were granted. The old usages of feudal
   times were made pretexts for harassing the people with
   exactions unknown during many years. The Puritans were
   persecuted with cruelty worthy of the Holy Office. They were
   forced to fly from the country. They were imprisoned. They
   were whipped. Their ears were cut off. Their noses were slit.
   Their cheeks were branded with red-hot iron. But the cruelty
   of the oppressor could not tire out the fortitude of the
   victims. ... The hardy sect grew up and flourished, in spite
   of everything that seemed likely to stunt it, struck its roots
   deep into a. barren soil, and spread its branches wide to an
   inclement sky. ... For the misgovernment of this disastrous
   period, Charles himself is principally responsible. After the
   death of Buckingham, he seemed to have been his own prime
   minister. He had, however, two counsellors who seconded him,
   or went beyond him, in intolerance and lawless violence; the
   one a superstitious driveller, as honest as a vile temper
   would suffer him to be; the other a man of great valour and
   capacity, but licentious, faithless, corrupt, and cruel. Never
   were faces more strikingly characteristic of the individuals
   to whom they belonged than those of Laud and Strafford, as
   they still remain portrayed by the most skilful hand of that
   age. The mean forehead, the pinched features, the peering eyes
   of the prelate suit admirably with his disposition. They mark
   him out as a lower kind of Saint Dominic. ... But
   Wentworth--whoever names him without thinking of those harsh
   dark features, ennobled by their expression into more than the
   majesty of an antique Jupiter! ... Among the humbler tools of
   Charles were Chief-Justice Finch, and Noy, the
   attorney-general. Noy had, like Wentworth, supported the cause
   of liberty in Parliament, and had, like Wentworth, abandoned that
   cause for the sake of office. He devised, in conjunction with
   Finch, a scheme of exaction which made the alienation of the
   people from the throne complete. A writ was issued by the
   king, commanding the city of London to equip and man ships of
   war for his service. Similar writs were sent to the towns
   along the coast. These measures, though they were direct
   violations of the Petition of Right, had at least some show of
   precedent in their favour. But, after a time, the government
   took a step for which no precedent could be pleaded, and sent
   writs of ship-money to the inland counties. This was a stretch
   of power on which Elizabeth herself had not ventured, even at
   a time when all laws might with propriety have been made to
   bend to that highest law, the safety of the state. The inland
   counties had not been required to furnish ships, or money in
   the room of ships, even when the Armada was approaching our
   It seemed intolerable that a prince, who, by assenting to the
   Petition of Right, had relinquished the power of levying
   ship-money even in the outports, should be the first to levy
   it on parts of the kingdom where it had been unknown, under
   the most absolute of his predecessors. Clarendon distinctly
   admits that this tax was intended, not only for the support of
   the navy, but 'for a spring and magazine that should have no
   bottom, and for an everlasting supply on all occasions.' The
   nation well understood this; and from one end of England to
   the other, the public mind was strongly excited.
   Buckinghamshire was assessed at a ship of 450 tons, or a sum
   of £4,500. The share of the tax which fell to Hampden was very
   small [twenty shillings]; so small, indeed, that the sheriff
   was blamed for setting so wealthy a man at so low a rate. But,
   though the sum demanded was a trifle, the principle of the
   demand was despotism. Hampden, after consulting the most
   eminent constitutional lawyers of the time, refused to pay the
   few shillings at which he was assessed; and determined to
   incur all the certain expense and the probable danger of
   bringing to a solemn hearing this great controversy between
   the people and the crown. ... Towards the close of the year
   1636, this great cause came on in the Exchequer Chamber before
   all the judges of England. The leading counsel against the
   writ was the celebrated Oliver St. John; a man whose temper
   was melancholy, whose manners were reserved, and who was as
   yet little known in Westminster Hall; but whose great talents
   had not escaped the penetrating eye of Hampden. The arguments
   of the counsel occupied many days; and the Exchequer Chamber
   took a considerable time for deliberation. The opinion of the
   bench was divided. So clearly was the law in favour of
   Hampden, that though the judges held their situations only
   during the royal pleasure, the majority against him was the
   least possible. Four of the twelve pronounced decidedly in his
   favour; a fifth took a middle course. The remaining seven gave
   their voices in favour of the writ. The only effect of this
   decision was to make the public indignation stronger and
   deeper. 'The judgment,' says Clarendon, 'proved of more
   advantage and credit to the gentleman condemned than to the
   king's service.' The courage which Hampden had shown on this
   occasion, as the same historian tells us, 'raised his
   reputation to a great height generally throughout the

      Lord Macaulay,
      volume 2 (Nugent's Memorials of Hampden).

      ALSO IN:
      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Hampden.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of England, 1603-1642,
      chapter 74 (volume 7),
      and chapters 77 and 82 (volume 8);


      Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution,
      pages 37-53, and 115.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1638-1640.
   Presbyterianism of the Puritan party.
   Rise of the independents.

   "It is the artifice of the favourers of the Catholic and of
   the prelatical party to call all who are sticklers for the
   constitution in church or state, or would square their actions
   by any rule, human or divine, Puritans."

      J. Rushworth,
      Historical Collection,
      volume 2, 1355.

   "These men [the Puritan party], at the commencement of the
   civil war, were presbyterians: and such had at that time been
   the great majority of the serious, the sober, and the
   conscientious people of England. There was a sort of
   imputation of laxness of principles, and of a tendency to
   immorality of conduct, upon the adherents of the
   establishment, which was infinitely injurious to the episcopal
   church. But these persons, whose hearts were in entire
   opposition to the hierarchy, had for the most part no
   difference of opinion among themselves, and therefore no
   thought of toleration for difference of opinion in others.
   Their desire was to abolish episcopacy and set up presbytery.
   They thought and talked much of the unity of the church of
   God, and of the cordial consent and agreement of its members,
   and considered all sects and varieties of sentiment as a
   blemish and scandal upon their holy religion. They would put
   down popery and episcopacy with the strong hand of the law,
   and were disposed to employ the same instrument to suppress
   all who should venture to think the presbyterian church itself
   not yet sufficiently spiritual and pure. Against this party,
   which lorded it for a time almost without contradiction,
   gradually arose the party of the independents. ... Before the
   end of the civil war they became almost as strong as the party
   of the presbyterians, and greatly surpassed them in abilities,
   intellectual, military and civil."

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth,
      book 2, chapter 1 (volume 2).

      See, also,
      A. D. 1643 (JULY) and (JULY-SEPTEMBER),
      A. D. 1646 (MARCH),
      A. D. 1647 (APRIL-AUGUST),
      and A. D. 1648 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1639.
   The First Bishops' War in Scotland.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1638-1640.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1640.
   The Short Parliament and the Second Bishops' War.
   The Scots Army in England.

   "His Majesty having burnt Scotch paper Declarations 'by the
   hands of the common hangman,' and almost cut the Scotch
   Chancellor Loudon's head off, and being again resolute to
   chastise the rebel Scots with an Army, decides on summoning a
   Parliament for that end, there being no money attainable
   otherwise. To the great and glad astonishment of England;
   which, at one time, thought never to have seen another
   Parliament! Oliver Cromwell sat in this Parliament for
   Cambridge; recommended by Hampden, say some; not needing any
   recommendation in those Fen-countries, think others. Oliver's
   Colleague was a Thomas Meautys, Esq. This Parliament met, 13th
   April, 1640: it was by no means prompt enough with supplies
   against the rebel Scots; the king dismissed it in a huff, 5th
   May; after a Session of three weeks: Historians call it the
   Short Parliament. His Majesty decides on raising money and an
   Army 'by other methods': to which end Wentworth, now Earl
   Strafford and Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, who had advised that
   course in the Council, did himself subscribe £20,000.
   Archbishop Laud had long ago seen 'a cloud rising' against the
   Four surplices at Allhallowtide; and now it is covering the
   whole sky in a most dismal and really thundery-looking manner.
   His Majesty by 'other methods,' commission of array, benevolence,
   forced loan, or how he could, got a kind of Army on foot, and
   set it marching out of the several Counties in the South
   towards the Scotch Border; but it was a most hopeless Army.
   The soldiers called the affair a Bishops' War; they mutinied
   against their officers, shot some of their officers: in
   various Towns on their march, if the Clergyman were reputed
   Puritan, they went and gave him three cheers; if of
   Surplice-tendency, they sometimes threw his furniture out of
   the window.
   No fighting against poor Scotch Gospellers was to be hoped for
   from these men. Meanwhile the Scots, not to be behindhand, had
   raised a good Army of their own; and decided on going into
   England with it, this time, 'to present their grievances to
   the King's Majesty.' On the 20th of August, 1640, they cross
   the Tweed at Coldstream; Montrose wading in the van of them
   all. They wore uniform of hodden gray, with blue caps; and
   each man had a moderate haversack of oatmeal on his back.
   August 28th, the Scots force their way across the Tyne, at
   Newburn, some miles above Newcastle; the King's Army making
   small fight, most of them no fight; hurrying from Newcastle,
   and all town and country quarters, towards York again, where
   his Majesty and Strafford were. The Bishops' War was at an
   end. The Scots, striving to be gentle as doves in their
   behaviour, and publishing boundless brotherly Declarations to
   all the brethren that loved Christ's Gospel and God's Justice
   in England,--took possession of Newcastle next day; took
   possession gradually of all Northumberland and Durham,--and
   stayed there, in various towns and villages, about a year. The
   whole body of English Puritans looked upon them as their
   saviours. ... His Majesty and Strafford, in a fine frenzy at
   the turn of affairs, found no refuge, except to summon a
   'Council of Peers,' to enter upon a 'Treaty' with the Scots;
   and alas, at last, summon a New Parliament. Not to be helped
   in any way. ... A Parliament was appointed for the 3d of
   November next;--whereupon London cheerfully lent £200,000; and
   the Treaty with the Scots at Ripon, 1st October, 1640, by and
   by transferred to London, went peaceably on at a very
   leisurely pace. The Scotch Army lay quartered at Newcastle,
   and over Northumberland and Durham, on an allowance of £850 a
   day; an Army indispensable for Puritan objects; no haste in
   finishing its Treaty. The English army lay across in
   Yorkshire; without allowance except from the casualties of the
   King's Exchequer; in a dissatisfied manner, and occasionally
   getting into 'Army-Plots.' This Parliament, which met on the
   3d of November; 1640, has become very celebrated in History by
   the name of the 'Long Parliament.'"

      T. Carlyle,
      Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 1: 1640.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Strafford.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of England, 1603-1642,
      chapter 91-94.

      J. H. Burton,
      History of Scotland,
      chapter 72-73 (volume 7).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1640.
   Acquisition and settlement of Madras.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1600-1702.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1640-1641.
   The Long Parliament and the beginning of its work.
   Impeachment and Execution of Strafford.

   "The game of tyranny was now up. Charles had risked and lost
   his last stake. It is impossible to trace the mortifications
   and humiliations which this bad man now had to endure without
   a feeling of vindictive pleasure. His army was mutinous; his
   treasury was empty; his people clamoured for a Parliament;
   addresses and petitions against the government were presented.
   Strafford was for shooting those who presented them by martial
   law, but the king could not trust the soldiers. A great
   council of Peers was called at York, but the king would not
   trust even the Peers. He struggled, he evaded, he hesitated,
   he tried every shift rather than again face the
   representatives of his injured people. At length no shift was
   left. He made a truce with the Scots, and summoned a
   Parliament. ... On the 3d of November, 1640--a day to be long
   remembered--met that great Parliament, destined to every
   extreme of fortune--to empire and to servitude, to glory and
   to contempt;--at one time the sovereign of its sovereign, at
   another time the servant of its servants, and the tool of its
   tools. From the first day of its meeting the attendance was
   great, and the aspect of the members was that of men not
   disposed to do the work negligently. The dissolution of the
   late Parliament had convinced most of them that half measures
   would no longer suffice. Clarendon tells us that 'the same men
   who, six months before, were observed to be of very moderate
   tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies might be applied,
   talked now in another dialect both of kings and persons; and
   said that they must now be of another temper than they were
   the last Parliament.' The debt of vengeance was swollen by all
   the usury which had been accumulating during many years; and
   payment was made to the full. This memorable crisis called
   forth parliamentary abilities, such as England had never
   before seen. Among the most distinguished members of the House
   of Commons were Falkland, Hyde, Digby, Young, Harry Vane, Oliver
   St. John, Denzil Hollis, Nathaniel Fiennes. But two men
   exercised a paramount influence over the legislature and the
   country--Pym and Hampden; and, by the universal consent of
   friends and enemies, the first place belonged to Hampden."

      Lord Macaulay,
      Nugent's Memorials of Hampden
      (Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, volume 2).

   "The resolute looks of the members as they gathered at
   Westminster contrasted with the hesitating words of the king,
   and each brought from borough or county a petition of
   grievances. Fresh petitions were brought every day by bands of
   citizens or farmers. Forty committees were appointed to
   examine and report on them, and their reports formed the
   grounds on which the Commons acted. One by one the illegal
   acts of the Tyranny were annulled. Prynne and his fellow
   'martyrs' recalled from their prisons, entered London in
   triumph, amid the shouts of a great multitude who strewed
   laurel in their path. The civil and criminal jurisdiction of
   the Privy Council, the Star Chamber, the Court of High
   Commission, the irregular jurisdictions of the Council of the
   North, of the Duchy of Lancaster, the County of Chester, and a
   crowd of lesser tribunals, were summarily abolished.
   Ship-money was declared illegal, and the judgment in Hampden's
   case annulled. A statute declaring 'the ancient right of the
   subjects of this kingdom that no subsidy, custom, impost, or
   any charge whatsoever, ought or may be laid or imposed upon
   any merchandize exported or imported by subjects, denizens or
   allies, without common consent of Parliament,' put an end
   forever to all pretensions to a right of arbitrary taxation on
   the part of the crown. A Triennial Bill enforced the Assembly
   of the Houses every three years, and bound the sheriff and
   citizens to proceed to election if the Royal writ failed to
   summon them. Charles protested, but gave way. He was forced to
   look helplessly on at the wreck of his Tyranny, for the Scotch
   army was still encamped in the north. ... Meanwhile the
   Commons were dealing roughly with the agents of the Royal
   system. ...
   Windebank, the Secretary of State, with the Chancellor, Finch,
   fled in terror over sea. Laud himself was flung into prison.
   ... But even Laud, hateful as he was to all but the poor
   neighbours whose prayers his alms had won, was not the centre
   of so great and universal a hatred as the Earl of Strafford.
   Strafford's guilt was more than the guilt of a servile
   instrument of tyranny--it was the guilt of 'that grand
   apostate to the Commonwealth who,' in the terrible words which
   closed Lord Digby's invective, 'must not expect to be pardoned
   in this world till he be dispatched to the other.' He was
   conscious of his danger, but Charles forced him to attend the
   Court.' He came to London with the solemn assurance of his
   master that, "while there was a king in England, not a hair of
   Strafford's head should be touched by the Parliament."
   Immediately impeached of high treason by the Commons, and sent
   to the Tower, he received from the king a second and more
   solemn pledge, by letter, that, "upon the word of a king, you
   shall not suffer in life, honour or fortune." But the "word of
   a king" like Charles Stuart, had neither honor nor gratitude, nor
   a decent self respect behind it. He could be false to a friend
   as easily as to an enemy. When the Commons, fearing failure on
   the trial of their impeachment, resorted to a bill of
   attainder, Charles signed it with a little resistance, and
   Strafford went bravely and manfully to the block. "As the axe
   fell, the silence of the great multitude was broken by a
   universal shout of joy. The streets blazed with bonfires. The
   bells clashed out from every steeple."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 8, section 6.

   The king "was as deeply pledged to Strafford as one man could
   be to another; he was as vitally concerned in saving the life
   and prolonging the service of incomparably his ablest servant
   as was ever any sovereign in the case of any minister; yet it
   is clear that for some days past, probably ever since the
   first signs of popular tumult began to manifest themselves, he
   had been wavering. Four days before the Bill passed the Lords,
   Strafford as is well known, entreated the king to assent to
   it. There is no reason to doubt the absolute sincerity with
   which, at the moment of its conception, the prisoner penned
   his famous letter from the Tower. That passionate chivalry of
   loyalty, which has never animated any human heart in equal
   intensity since Strafford's ceased to beat, inspires every
   line. ... Charles turned distractedly from one adviser to
   another, not so much for counsel as for excuse. He did not
   want his judgment guided, but his conscience quieted; and his
   counsellors knew it. They had other reasons, too, for urging
   him to his dishonour. Panic seems to have seized upon them
   all. The only man who would not have quailed before the fury
   of the populace was the man himself whose life was trembling
   in the balance. The judges were summoned to declare their
   opinion, and replied, with an admirable choice of
   non-committing terms, that 'upon all that which their
   Lordships have voted to be proved the Earl of Strafford doth
   deserve to undergo the pains and forfeitures of high treason.'
   Charles sent for the bishops, and the bishops, with the
   honourable exception of Juxon, informed him that he had two
   consciences,--a public and a private conscience,--and that
   'his public conscience as a king might not only dispense with,
   but oblige him to do, that which was against his conscience as
   a man.' What passed between these two tenants in common of the
   royal breast during the whole of Sunday, May 9th, 1641, is
   within no earthly knowledge; but at some time on that day
   Charles's public conscience got the better of its private
   rival. He signed a commission for giving the royal assent to
   the Bill, and on Monday, May 10th, in the presence of a House
   scarcely able to credit the act of betrayal which was taking
   place before them, the Commissioners pronounced the fatal Le
   roi le veult over the enactment which condemned his Minister
   to the block. Charles, of course, might still have reprieved
   him by an exercise of the prerogative, but the fears which
   made him acquiesce in the sentence availed to prevent him from
   arresting its execution."

      H. D. Traill,
      Lord Stafford,
      pages 195-198.

   "It is a sorry office to plant the foot on a worm so crushed
   and writhing as the wretched king ... [who abandoned
   Strafford] for it was one of the few crimes of which he was in
   the event thoroughly sensible, and friend has for once
   cooperated with foe in the steady application to it of the
   branding iron. There is in truth hardly any way of relieving
   the 'damned spot' of its intensity of hue even by distributing
   the concentrated infamy over other portions of Charles's
   character. ... When we have convinced ourselves that this
   'unthankful king' never really loved Strafford; that, as much
   as in him lay, he kept the dead Buckingham in his old
   privilege of mischief, by adopting his aversions and abiding
   by his spleenful purposes; that, in his refusals to award
   those increased honours for which his minister was a
   petitioner, on the avowed ground of the royal interest, may be
   discerned the petty triumph of one who dares not dispense with
   the services thrust upon him, but revenges himself by
   withholding their well-earned reward;--still does the
   blackness accumulate to baffle our efforts. The paltry tears
   he is said to have shed only burn that blackness in. If his
   after conduct indeed had been different, he might have availed
   himself of one excuse,--but that the man, who, in a few short
   months, proved that he could make so resolute a stand
   somewhere, should have judged this event no occasion for
   attempting it, is either a crowning infamy or an infinite
   consolation, according as we may judge wickedness or weakness
   to have preponderated in the constitution of Charles I. ... As
   to Strafford's death, the remark that the people had no
   alternative, includes all that it is necessary to urge. The
   king's assurances of his intention to afford him no further
   opportunity of crime, could surely weigh nothing with men who
   had observed how an infinitely more disgusting minister of his
   will had only seemed to rise the higher in his master's
   estimation for the accumulated curses of the nation. Nothing
   but the knife of Felton could sever in that case the weak head
   and the wicked instrument, and it is to the honour of the
   adversaries of Strafford that they were earnest that their
   cause should vindicate itself completely, and look for no
   adventitious redress. Strafford had outraged the people--this
   was not denied. He was defended on the ground of those
   outrages not amounting to a treason against the king. For my
   own part, this defence appears to me decisive, looking at it
   in a technical view, and with our present settlement of
   evidence and treason.
   But to concede that point, after the advances they had made,
   would have been in that day to concede all. It was to be shown
   that another power had claim to the loyalty and the service of
   Strafford--and if a claim, then a vengeance to exact for its
   neglect. And this was done. ... One momentary emotion ...
   escaped ... [Strafford] when he was told to prepare for death.
   He asked if the king had indeed assented to the bill.
   Secretary Carleton answered in the affirmative; and Strafford,
   laying his hand on his heart, and raising his eyes to heaven,
   uttered the memorable words,--'Put not your trust in princes,
   nor in the sons of men, for in them there is no salvation.'
   Charles's conduct was indeed incredibly monstrous."

      R. Browning,
      Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford
      (Eminent British Statesmen, by John Forster, volume 2,
      pages 403-406).

      ALSO IN:
      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Strafford; Pym.

      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 3 (volume 1).

      Lord Nugent,
      Memorials of Hampden.
      parts 5-6 (volumes 1-2).

      Lady T. Lewis,
      Life of Lord Falkland.

   The following are the Articles of Impeachment under which
   Strafford was tried and condemned:

   "Articles of the Commons, assembled in Parliament, against
   Thomas Earl of Strafford, in Maintenance of their Accusation,
   whereby he stands charged with High Treason.

   I. That he the said Thomas earl of Strafford hath traiterously
   endeavoured to subvert the fundamental laws and government of
   the realms of England and Ireland, and, instead thereof, to
   introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government, against law,
   which he hath declared by traiterous words, counsels, and
   actions, and by giving his majesty advice, by force of arms,
   to compel his loyal subjects to submit thereunto.

   II. That he hath traiterously assumed to himself regal power
   over the lives, liberties of persons, lands, and goods of his
   majesty's subjects, in England and Ireland, and hath exercised
   the same tyrannically, to the subversion and undoing of many,
   both peers and others, of his majesty's liege people.

   III. The better to inrich, and enable himself to go through
   with his traiterous designs, he hath detained a great part of
   his majesty's revenue, without giving any legal accounts; and
   hath taken great sums of money out of the exchequer,
   converting them to his own use, when his majesty was
   necessitated for his own urgent occasions, and his army had
   been a long time unpaid.

   IV. That he hath traiterously abused the power and authority
   of his government, to the increasing, countenancing, and
   encouraging of Papists, that so he might settle a mutual
   dependence and confidence betwixt himself and that party, and
   by their help prosecute and accomplish his malicious and
   tyrannical designs.

   V. That he hath maliciously endeavoured to stir up enmity and
   hostility between his majesty's subjects of England and those
   of Scotland.

   VI. That he hath traiterously broken the great trust reposed
   in him by his majesty, of lieutenant general of his Army, by
   wilfully betraying divers of his majesty's subjects to death,
   his majesty's Army to a dishonourable defeat by the Scots at
   Newborne, and the town of Newcastle into their hands, to the
   end that, by effusion of blood, by dishonour, by so great a
   loss as of Newcastle, his majesty's realm of England might be
   engaged in a national and irreconcilable quarrel with the

   VII. That, to preserve himself from being questioned for these
   and other his traiterous courses, he laboured to subvert the
   right of parliaments, and the ancient course of parliamentary
   proceedings, and, by false and malicious slanders, to incense
   his maj. against parliaments.--By which words, counsels, and
   actions, he hath traiterously, and contrary to his allegiance,
   laboured to alienate the hearts of the king's liege people
   from his maj. to set a division between them, and to ruin and
   destroy his majesty's kingdoms, for which they do impeach him
   of High Treason against our sovereign lord the king, his crown
   and dignity. And he the said earl of Strafford was lord deputy
   of Ireland, or lord lieutenant of Ireland, and lieutenant
   general of the Army there, under his majesty, and a sworn
   privy counsellor to his maj. for his kingdoms both of England
   and Ireland, and lord president of the North, during the time
   that all and every of the crimes and offences before set forth
   were done and committed; and he the said earl was lieutenant
   general of his majesty's Army in the North parts of England,
   during the time that the crimes and offences in the 5th and
   6th Articles set forth were done and committed.--And the said
   commons, by protestation, saving to themselves the liberty of
   exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Accusation or
   Impeachment against the said earl, and also of replying to the
   Answer that he the said earl shall make unto the said
   Articles, or to any of them, and of offering proof also of the
   premises, or any of them, or of any other Accusation or
   Impeachment that shall be by them exhibited, as the case
   shall, according to the course of parliaments, require; and do
   pray that the said earl may be put to answer to all and every
   the premises; and that such proceedings, examination, trial,
   and judgment, may be upon every of them had and used, as is
   agreeable to law and justice."

      Cobbett's Parliamentary History of England,
      volume 2, pages 737-739.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1641 (March-May).
   The Root and Branch Bill.

   "A bill was brought in [March, 1641], known as the Restraining
   Bill, to deprive Bishops of their rights of voting in the
   House of Lords. The opposition it encountered in that House
   induced the Commons to follow it up [May 27] with a more
   vehement measure, 'for the utter abolition of Archbishops,
   Bishops. Deans, Archdeacons, Prebendaries and Canons,' a
   measure known by the title of the Root and Branch Bill. By the
   skill of the royal partisans, this bill was long delayed in

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England,
      period 2 (volume 2), page 650.

      ALSO IN:
      D. Masson,
      Life of John Milton,
      volume 2, book 2, chapter 3.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1641 (October).
   Roundheads and Cavaliers.
   The birth of English parties.

   "After ten months of assiduous toil, the Houses, in September,
   1641, adjourned for a short vacation and the king visited
   Scotland. He with difficulty pacified that kingdom, by
   consenting not only to relinquish his plans of ecclesiastical
   reform, but even to pass, with a very bad grace, an act
   declaring that episcopacy was contrary to the word of God. The
   recess of the English Parliament lasted six weeks. The day on
   which the houses met again is one of the most remarkable
   epochs in our history. From that day dates the corporate
   existence of the two great parties which have ever since
   alternately governed the country. ...
   During the first months of the Long Parliament, the
   indignation excited by many years of lawless oppression was so
   strong and general that the House of Commons acted as one man.
   Abuse after abuse disappeared without a struggle. If a small
   minority of the representative body wished to retain the Star
   Chamber and the High Commission, that minority, overawed by
   the enthusiasm and by the numerical superiority of the
   reformers, contented itself with secretly regretting
   institutions which could not, with any hope of success, be
   openly defended. At a later period the Royalists found it
   convenient to antedate the separation between themselves and
   their opponents, and to attribute the Act which restrained the
   king from dissolving or proroguing the Parliament, the
   Triennial Act, the impeachment of the ministers, and the
   attainder of Strafford, to the faction which afterwards made
   war on the king. But no artifice could be more disingenuous.
   Everyone of those strong measures was actively promoted by the
   men who were afterwards foremost among the Cavaliers. No
   republican spoke of the long misgovernment of Charles more
   severely than Colepepper. The most remarkable speech in favour
   of the Triennial Bill was made by Digby. The impeachment of
   the Lord Keeper was moved by Falkland. The demand that the
   Lord Lieutenant should be kept close prisoner was made at the
   bar of the Lords by Hyde. Not till the law attainting
   Strafford was proposed did the signs of serious disunion
   become visible. Even against that law, a law which nothing but
   extreme necessity could justify, only about sixty members of
   the House of Commons voted. It is certain that Hyde was not in
   the minority, and that Falkland not only voted with the
   majority, but spoke strongly for the bill. Even the few who
   entertained a scruple about inflicting death by a
   retrospective enactment thought it necessary to express the
   utmost abhorrence of Strafford's character and administration.
   But under this apparent concord a great schism was latent; and
   when, in October 1641, the Parliament reassembled after a
   short recess, two hostile parties, essentially the same with
   those which, under different names, have ever since contended,
   and are still contending, for the direction of public affairs,
   appeared confronting each other. During some years they were
   designated as Cavaliers and Roundheads. They were subsequently
   called Tories and Whigs; nor does it seem that these
   appellations are likely soon to become obsolete."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 1.

   It was not until some months later, however, that the name of
   Roundheads was applied to the defenders of popular rights by
   their royalist adversaries.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1641 (November).
   The Grand Remonstrance.

   Early in November, 1641, the king being in Scotland, and news
   of the insurrection in Ireland having just reached London, the
   party of Pym, Hampden, and Cromwell "resolved on a great
   pitched battle between them and the opposition, which should
   try their relative strengths before the king's return; and
   they chose to fight this battle over a vast document, which
   they entitled 'A Declaration and Remonstrance of the State of
   the Kingdom,' but which has come to be known since as The
   Grand Remonstrance. ... The notion of a great general document
   which, under the name of 'A Remonstrance,' should present to
   the king in one view a survey of the principal evils that had
   crept into the kingdom in his own and preceding reigns, with a
   detection of their causes, and a specification of the
   remedies, had more than once been before the Commons. It had
   been first mooted by Lord Digby while the Parliament was not a
   week old. Again and again set aside for more immediate work, it
   had recurred to the leaders of the Movement party, just before
   the king's departure for Scotland, as likely to afford the
   broad battle-ground with the opposition then becoming
   desirable. 'A Remonstrance to be made, how we found the
   Kingdom and the Church, and how the state of it now stands,'
   such was the description of the then intended document (August
   7). The document had doubtless been in rehearsal through the
   Recess, for on the 8th of November the rough draft of it was
   presented to the House and read at the clerk's table. When we
   say that the document in its final form occupies thirteen
   folio pages of rather close print in Rushworth, and consists
   of a preamble followed by 206 articles or paragraphs duly
   numbered, one can conceive what a task the reading of even the
   first draft of it must have been, and through what a storm of
   successive debates over proposed amendments and additions it
   reached completeness. There had been no such debates yet in
   the Parliament."

      D. Masson,
      Life of John Milton,
      volume 2, book 2, chapter 6.

   "It [The Grand Remonstrance] embodies the case of the
   Parliament against the Ministers of the king. It is the most
   authentic statement ever put forth of the wrongs endured by
   all classes of the English people, during the first fifteen
   years of the reign of Charles I.; and, for that reason, the
   most complete justification upon record of the Great
   Rebellion." The debates on The Grand Remonstrance were begun
   November 9 and ended November 22, when the vote was taken:
   Ayes, 159.--Noes, 148.--So evenly were the parties in the
   great struggle then divided.

      J. Forster,
      History and Biographical Essays,
      volume 1: Debates on the Grand Remonstrance.

   The following is the text of "The Grand Remonstrance," with
   that of the Petition preceding it:

   "Most Gracious Sovereign: Your Majesty's most humble and
   faithful subjects the Commons in this present Parliament
   assembled, do with much thankfulness and joy acknowledge the
   great mercy and favour of God, in giving your Majesty a safe
   and peaceable return out of Scotland into your kingdom of
   England, where the pressing dangers and distempers of the
   State have caused us with much earnestness to desire the
   comfort of your gracious presence, and likewise the unity and
   justice of your royal authority, to give more life and power
   to the dutiful and loyal counsels and endeavours of your
   Parliament, for the prevention of that eminent ruin and
   destruction wherein your kingdoms of England and Scotland are
   threatened. The duty which we owe to your Majesty and our
   country, cannot but make us very sensible and apprehensive,
   that the multiplicity, sharpness and malignity of those evils
   under which we have now many years suffered, are fomented and
   cherished by a corrupt and ill-affected party, who amongst
   other their mischievous devices for the alteration of religion
   and government, have sought by many false scandals and
   imputations, cunningly insinuated and dispersed amongst the
   people, to blemish and disgrace our proceedings in this
   Parliament, and to get themselves a party and faction amongst
   your subjects, for the better strengthening themselves in
   their wicked courses; and hindering those provisions and
   remedies which might, by the wisdom of your Majesty and
   counsel of your Parliament, be opposed against them.
   For preventing whereof, and the better information of your
   Majesty, your Peers and all other your loyal subjects, we have
   been necessitated to make a declaration of the state of the
   kingdom, both before and since the assembly of this
   Parliament, unto this time, which we do humbly present to your
   Majesty, without the least intention to lay any blemish upon
   your royal person, but only to represent how your royal
   authority and trust have been abused, to the great prejudice
   and danger of your Majesty, and of all your good subjects. And
   because we have reason to believe that those malignant
   parties, whose proceedings evidently appear to be mainly for
   the advantage and increase of Popery, is composed, set up, and
   acted by the subtile practice of the Jesuits and other
   engineers and factors for Rome, and to the great danger of
   this kingdom, and most grievous affliction of your loyal
   subjects, have so far prevailed as to corrupt divers of your
   Bishops and others in prime places of the Church, and also to
   bring divers of these instruments to be of your Privy Council,
   and other employments of trust and nearness about your
   Majesty, the Prince, and the rest of your royal children. And
   by this means have had such an operation in your counsel and
   the most important affairs and proceedings of your government,
   that a most dangerous division and chargeable preparation for
   war betwixt your kingdoms of England and Scotland, the
   increase of jealousies betwixt your Majesty and your most
   obedient subjects, the violent distraction and interruption of
   this Parliament, the insurrection of the Papists in your
   kingdom of Ireland, and bloody massacre of your people, have
   been not only endeavoured and attempted, but in a great
   measure compassed and effected. For preventing the final
   accomplishment whereof, your poor subjects are enforced to
   engage their persons and estates to the maintaining of a very
   expensive and dangerous war, notwithstanding they have already
   since the beginning of this Parliament undergone the charge of
   £150,000 sterling, or thereabouts, for the necessary support
   and supply of your Majesty in these present and perilous
   designs. And because all our most faithful endeavours and
   engagements will be ineffectual for the peace, safety and
   preservation of your Majesty and your people, if some present,
   real and effectual course be not taken for suppressing this
   wicked and malignant party:--We, your most humble and obedient
   subjects, do with all faithfulness and humility beseech your

   1. That you will be graciously pleased to concur with the
   humble desires of your people in a parliamentary way, for the
   preserving the peace and safety of the kingdom from the
   malicious designs of the Popish party:

      For depriving the Bishops of their votes in Parliament, and
      abridging their immoderate power usurped over the Clergy,
      and other your good subjects, which they have perniciously
      abused to the hazard of religion, and great prejudice and
      oppression of the laws of the kingdom, and just liberty of
      your people:

      For the taking away such oppressions in religion, Church
      government and discipline, as have been brought in and
      fomented by them;

      For uniting all such your loyal subjects together as join
      in the same fundamental truths against the Papists, by
      removing some oppressions and unnecessary ceremonies by
      which divers weak consciences have been scrupled, and seem
      to be divided from the rest, and for the due execution of
      those good laws which have been made for securing the
      liberty of your subjects.

   2. That your Majesty will likewise be pleased to remove from
   your council all such as persist to favour and promote any of
   those pressures and corruptions wherewith your people have
   been grieved, and that for the future your Majesty will
   vouchsafe to employ such persons in your great and public
   affairs, and to take such to be near you in places of trust,
   as your Parliament may have cause to confide in; that in your
   princely goodness to your people you will reject and refuse
   all mediation and solicitation to the contrary, how powerful
   and near soever.

   3. That you will be pleased to forbear to alienate any of the
   forfeited and escheated lands in Ireland which shall accrue to
   your Crown by reason of this rebellion, that out of them the
   Crown may be the better supported, and some satisfaction made
   to your subjects of this kingdom for the great expenses they
   are like to undergo [in] this war. Which humble desires of
   ours being graciously fulfilled by your Majesty, we will, by
   the blessing and favour of God, most cheerfully undergo the
   hazard and expenses of this war, and apply ourselves to such
   other courses and counsels as may support your real estate
   with honour and plenty at home, with power and reputation
   abroad, and by our loyal affections, obedience and service,
   lay a sure and lasting foundation of the greatness and
   prosperity of your Majesty, and your royal prosperity in
   future times.

   The Commons in this present Parliament assembled, having with
   much earnestness and faithfulness of affection and zeal to the
   public good of this kingdom, and His Majesty's honour and
   service for the space of twelve months, wrestled with great
   dangers and fears, the pressing miseries and calamities, the
   various distempers and disorders which had not only assaulted,
   but even overwhelmed and extinguished the liberty, peace and
   prosperity of this kingdom, the comfort and hopes of all His
   Majesty's good subjects, and exceedingly weakened and
   undermined the foundation and strength of his own royal
   throne, do yet find an abounding malignity and opposition in
   those parties and factions who have been the cause of those
   evils, and do still labour to cast aspersions upon that which
   hath been done, and to raise many difficulties for the
   hindrance of that which remains yet undone, and to foment
   jealousies between the King and Parliament, that so they may
   deprive him and his people of the fruit of his own gracious
   intentions, and their humble desires of procuring the public
   peace, safety and happiness of this realm. For the preventing
   of those miserable effects which such malicious endeavours may
   produce, we have thought good to declare the root and the
   growth of these mischievous designs: the maturity and ripeness
   to which they have attained before the beginning of the
   Parliament: the effectual means which have been used for the
   extirpation of those dangerous evils, and the progress which
   hath therein been made by His Majesty's goodness and the
   wisdom of the Parliament: the ways of obstruction and
   opposition by which that progress hath been interrupted: the
   courses to be taken for the removing those obstacles, and for
   the accomplishing of our most dutiful and faithful intentions
   and endeavours of restoring and establishing the ancient
   honour, greatness and security of this Crown and nation.
   The root of all this mischief we find to be a malignant and
   pernicious design of subverting the fundamental laws and
   principles of government, upon which the religion and justice
   of this kingdom are firmly established. The actors and
   promoters hereof have been:

   1. The Jesuited Papists, who hate the laws, as the obstacles
   of that change and subversion of religion which they so much
   long for.

   2. The Bishops, and the corrupt part of the Clergy, who
   cherish formality and superstition as the natural effects and
   more probable supports of their own ecclesiastical tyranny and

   3. Such Councillors and Courtiers as for private ends have
   engaged themselves to further the interests of some foreign
   princes or states to the prejudice of His Majesty and the
   State at home. The common principles by which they moulded and
   governed all their particular counsels and actions were these:
   First, to maintain continual differences and discontents
   between the King and the people, upon questions of prerogative
   and liberty, that so they might have the advantage of siding
   with him, and under the notions of men addicted to his
   service, gain to themselves and their parties the places of
   greatest trust and power in the kingdom. A second, to suppress
   the purity and power of religion, and such persons as were
   best affected to it, as being contrary to their own ends, and
   the greatest impediment to that change which they thought to
   introduce. A third, to conjoin those parties of the kingdom
   which were most propitious to their own ends, and to divide
   those who were most opposite, which consisted in many
   particular observations. To cherish the Arminian part in those
   points wherein they agree with the Papists, to multiply and
   enlarge the difference between the common Protestants and
   those whom they call Puritans, to introduce and countenance
   such opinions and ceremonies as are fittest for accommodation
   with Popery, to increase and maintain ignorance, looseness and
   profaneness in the people; that of those three parties,
   Papists, Arminians and Libertines, they might compose a body
   fit to act such counsels and resolutions as were most
   conducible to their own ends. A fourth, to disaffect the King
   to Parliaments by slander and false imputations, and by
   putting him upon other ways of supply, which in show and
   appearance were fuller of advantage than the ordinary course
   of subsidies, though in truth they brought more loss than gain
   both to the King and people, and have caused the great
   distractions under which we both suffer. As in all compounded
   bodies the operations are qualified according to the
   predominant element, so in this mixed party, the Jesuited
   counsels, being most active and prevailing, may easily be
   discovered to have had the greatest sway in all their
   determinations, and if they be not prevented, are likely to
   devour the rest, or to turn them into their own nature. In the
   beginning of His Majesty's reign the party began to revive and
   flourish again, having been somewhat damped by the breach with
   Spain in the last year of King James, and by His Majesty's
   marriage with France; the interests and counsels of that State
   being not so contrary to the good of religion and the
   prosperity of this kingdom as those of Spain; and the Papists
   of England, having been ever more addicted to Spain than
   France, yet they still retained a purpose and resolution to
   weaken the Protestant parties in all parts, and even in
   France, whereby to make way for the change of religion which
   they intended at home.

   1. The first effect and evidence of their recovery and
   strength was the dissolution of the Parliament at Oxford,
   after there had been given two subsidies to His Majesty, and
   before they received relief in any one grievance many other
   more miserable effects followed.

   2. The loss of the Rochel fleet, by the help of our shipping,
   set forth and delivered over to the French in opposition to
   the advice of Parliament, which left that town without defence
   by sea, and made way, not only to the loss of that important
   place, but likewise to the loss of all the strength and
   security of the Protestant religion in France.

   3. The diverting of His Majesty's course of wars from the West
   Indies, which was the most facile and hopeful way for this
   kingdom to prevail against the Spaniard, to an expenseful and
   successless attempt upon Cadiz, which was so ordered as if it
   had rather been intended to make us weary of war than to
   prosper in it.

   4. The precipitate breach with France, by taking their ships
   to a great value without making recompense to the English,
   whose goods were thereupon imbarred and confiscated in that

   5. The peace with Spain without consent of Parliament,
   contrary to the promise of King James to both Houses, whereby
   the Palatine's cause was deserted and left to chargeable and
   hopeless treaties, which for the most part were managed by
   those who might justly be suspected to be no friends to that

   6. The charging of the kingdom with billeted soldiers in all
   parts of it, and the concomitant design of German horse, that
   the land might either submit with fear or be enforced with
   rigour to such arbitrary contributions as should be required
   of them.

   7. The dissolving of the Parliament in the second year of His
   Majesty's reign, after a declaration of their intent to grant
   five subsidies.

   8. The exacting of the like proportion of five subsidies,
   after the Parliament dissolved, by commission of loan, and
   divers gentlemen and others imprisoned for not yielding to pay
   that loan, whereby many of them contracted such sicknesses as
   cost them their lives.

   9. Great sums of money required and raised by privy seals.

   10. An unjust and pernicious attempt to extort great payments
   from the subject by way of excise, and a commission issued
   under the seal to that purpose.

   11. The Petition of Right, which was granted in full
   Parliament, blasted, with an illegal declaration to make it
   destructive to itself, to the power of Parliament, to the
   liberty of the subject, and to that purpose printed with it,
   and the Petition made of no use but to show the bold and
   presumptuous injustice of such ministers as durst break the
   laws and suppress the liberties of the kingdom, after they had
   been so solemnly and evidently declared.

   12. Another Parliament dissolved 4 Car., the privilege of
   Parliament broken, by imprisoning divers members of the House,
   detaining them close prisoners for many months together,
   without the liberty of using books, pen, ink or paper; denying
   them all the comforts of life, all means of preservation of
   health, not permitting their wives to come unto them even in
   the time of their sickness.


   13. And for the completing of that cruelty, after years spent
   in such miserable durance, depriving them of the necessary
   means of spiritual consolation, not suffering them to go
   abroad to enjoy God's ordinances in God's House, or God's
   ministers to come to them to minister comfort to them in their
   private chambers.

   14. And to keep them still in this oppressed condition, not
   admitting them to be bailed according to law, yet vexing them
   with informations in inferior courts, sentencing and fining
   some of them for matters done in Parliament; and extorting the
   payments of those fines from them, enforcing others to put in
   security of good behaviour before they could be released.

   15. The imprisonment of the rest, which refused to be bound,
   still continued, which might have been perpetual if necessity
   had not the last year brought another Parliament to relieve
   them, of whom one died [Sir John Eliot] by the cruelty and
   harshness of his imprisonment, which would admit of no
   relaxation, notwithstanding the imminent danger of his life,
   did sufficiently appear by the declaration of his physician,
   and his release, or at least his refreshment, was sought by
   many humble petitions, and his blood still cries either for
   vengeance or repentance of those Ministers of State, who have
   at once obstructed the course both of His Majesty's justice
   and mercy.

   16. Upon the dissolution of both these Parliaments, untrue and
   scandalous declarations were published to asperse their
   proceedings, and some of their members unjustly; to make them
   odious, and colour the violence which was used against them;
   proclamations set out to the same purpose; and to the great
   dejecting of the hearts of the people, forbidding them even to
   speak of Parliaments.

   17. After the breach of the Parliament in the fourth of His
   Majesty, injustice, oppression and violence broke in upon us
   without any restraint or moderation, and yet the first project
   was the great sums exacted through the whole kingdom for
   default of knighthood, which seemed to have some colour and
   shadow of a law, yet if it be rightly examined by that
   obsolete law which was pretended for it, it will be found to
   be against all the rules of justice, both in respect of the
   persons charged, the proportion of the fines demanded, and the
   absurd and unreasonable manner of their proceedings.

   18. Tonnage and Poundage hath been received without colour or
   pretence of law; many other heavy impositions continued
   against law, and some so unreasonable that the sum of the
   charge exceeds the value of the goods.

   19. The Book of Rates lately enhanced to a high proportion,
   and such merchants that would not submit to their illegal and
   unreasonable payments, were vexed and oppressed above measure;
   and the ordinary course of justice, the common birthright of
   the subject of England, wholly obstructed unto them.

   20. And although all this was taken upon pretence of guarding
   the seas, yet a new unheard-of tax of ship-money was devised,
   and upon the same pretence, by both which there was charged
   upon the subject near £700,000 some years, and yet the
   merchants have been left so naked to the violence of the
   Turkish pirates, that many great ships of value and thousands
   of His Majesty's subjects have been taken by them, and do
   still remain in miserable slavery.

   21. The enlargements of forests, contrary to 'Carta de
   Foresta,' and the composition thereupon.

   22. The exactions of coat and conduct money and divers other
   military charges.

   23. The taking away the arms of trained bands of divers

   24. The desperate design of engrossing all the gunpowder into
   one hand, keeping it in the Tower of London, and setting so
   high a rate upon it that the poorer sort were not able to buy
   it, nor could any have it without licence, thereby to leave
   the several parts of the kingdom destitute of their necessary
   defence, and by selling so dear that which was sold to make an
   unlawful advantage of it, to the great charge and detriment of
   the subject.

   25. The general destruction of the King's timber, especially
   that in the Forest of Deane, sold to Papists, which was the
   best store-house of this kingdom for the maintenance of our

   26. The taking away of men's right, under the colour of the
   King's title to land, between high and low water marks.

   27. The monopolies of soap, salt, wine, leather, sea-coal, and
   in a manner of all things of most common and necessary use.

   28. The restraint of the liberties of the subjects in their
   habitation, trades and other interests.

   29. Their vexation and oppression by purveyors, clerks of the
   market and saltpetre men.

   30. The sale of pretended nuisances, as building in and about

   31. Conversion of arable into pasture, continuance of pasture,
   under the name of depopulation, have driven many millions out
   of the subjects' purses, without any considerable profit to
   His Majesty.

   32. Large quantities of common and several grounds hath been
   taken from the subject by colour of the Statute of
   Improvement, and by abuse of the Commission of Sewers, without
   their consent, and against it.

   33. And not only private interest, but also public faith, have
   been broken in seizing of the money and bullion in the mint,
   and the whole kingdom like to be robbed at once in that
   abominable project of brass money.

   34. Great numbers of His Majesty's subjects for refusing those
   unlawful charges, have been vexed with long and expensive
   suits, some fined and censured, others committed to long and
   hard imprisonments and confinements, to the loss of health in
   many, of life in some, and others have had their houses broken
   up, their goods seized, some have been restrained from their
   lawful callings.

   35. Ships have been interrupted in their voyages, surprised at
   sea in a hostile manner by projectors, as by a common enemy.

   36. Merchants prohibited to unlade their goods in such ports
   as were for their own advantage, and forced to bring them to
   those places which were much for the advantage of the
   monopolisers and projectors.


   37. The Court of Star Chamber hath abounded in extravagant
   censures, not only for the maintenance and improvement of
   monopolies and other unlawful taxes, but for divers other
   causes where there hath been no offence, or very small;
   whereby His Majesty's subjects have been oppressed by grievous
   fines, imprisonments, stigmatisings, mutilations, whippings,
   pillories, gags, confinements, banishments; after so rigid a
   manner as hath not only deprived men of the society of their
   friends, exercise of their professions, comfort of books, use
   of paper or ink, but even violated that near union which God
   hath established between men and their wives, by forced and
   constrained separation, whereby they have been bereaved of the
   comfort and conversation one of another for many years
   together, without hope of relief, if God had not by His
   overruling providence given some interruption to the
   prevailing power, and counsel of those who were the authors
   and promoters of such peremptory and heady courses.

   38. Judges have been put out of their places for refusing to
   do against their oaths and consciences; others have been so
   awed that they durst not do their duties, and the better to
   hold a rod over them, the clause 'Quam diu se bene gesserit'
   was left out of their patents, and a new clause 'Durante bene
   placito' inserted.

   39. Lawyers have been checked for being faithful to their
   clients; solicitors and attorneys have been threatened, and
   some punished, for following lawful suits. And by this means
   all the approaches to justice were interrupted and forecluded.

   40. New oaths have been forced upon the subject against law.

   41. New judicatories erected without law. The Council Table
   have by their orders offered to bind the subjects in their
   freeholds, estates, suits and actions.

   42. The pretended Court of the Earl Marshal was arbitrary and
   illegal in its being and proceedings.

   43. The Chancery, Exchequer Chamber, Court of Wards, and other
   English Courts, have been grievous in exceeding their

   44. The estate of many families weakened, and some ruined by
   excessive fines, exacted from them for compositions of

   45. All leases of above a hundred years made to draw on
   wardship contrary to law.

   46. Undue proceedings used in the finding of offices to make
   the jury find for the King.

   47. The Common Law Courts, feeling all men more inclined to
   seek justice there, where it may be fitted to their own
   desire, are known frequently to forsake the rules of the
   Common Law, and straying beyond their bounds, under pretence
   of equity, to do injustice.

   48. Titles of honour, judicial places, sergeantships at law,
   and other offices have been sold for great sums of money,
   whereby the common justice of the kingdom hath been much
   endangered, not only by opening a way of employment in places
   of great trust, and advantage to men of weak parts, but also
   by giving occasion to bribery, extortion, partiality, it
   seldom happening that places ill-gotton are well used.

   49. Commissions have been granted for examining the excess of
   fees, and when great exactions have been discovered,
   compositions have been made with delinquents, not only for the
   time past, but likewise for immunity and security in offending
   for the time to come, which under colour of remedy hath but
   confirmed and increased the grievance to the subject.

   50. The usual course of pricking Sheriffs not observed, but
   many times Sheriffs made in an extraordinary way, sometimes as
   a punishment and charge unto them; sometimes such were pricked
   out as would be instruments to execute whatsoever they would
   have to be done.

   51. The Bishops and the rest of the Clergy did triumph in the
   suspensions, ex-communications, deprivations, and degradations
   of divers painful, learned and pious ministers, in the
   vexation and grievous oppression of great numbers of His
   Majesty's good subjects.

   52. The High Commission grew to such excess of sharpness and
   severity as was not much less than the Romish Inquisition, and
   yet in many cases by the Archbishop's power was made much more
   heavy, being assisted and strengthened by authority of the
   Council Table.

   53. The Bishops and their Courts were as eager in the country;
   although their jurisdiction could not reach so high in rigour
   and extremity of punishment, yet were they no less grievous in
   respect of the generality and multiplicity of vexations, which
   lighting upon the meaner sort of tradesmen and artificers did
   impoverish many thousands.

   54. And so afflict and trouble others, that great numbers to
   avoid their miseries departed out of the kingdom, some into
   New England and other parts of America, others into Holland.

   55. Where they have transported their manufactures of cloth,
   which is not only a loss by diminishing the present stock of
   the kingdom, but a great mischief by impairing and endangering
   the loss of that particular trade of clothing, which hath been
   a plentiful fountain of wealth and honour to this nation.

   56. Those were fittest for ecclesiastical preferment, and
   soonest obtained it, who were most officious in promoting
   superstition, most virulent in railing against godliness and

   57. The most public and solemn sermons before His Majesty were
   either to advance prerogative above law, and decry the
   property of the subject, or full of such kind of invectives.

   58. Whereby they might make those odious who sought to
   maintain the religion, laws and liberties of the kingdom, and
   such men were sure to be weeded out of the commission of the
   peace, and out of all other employments of power in the
   government of the country.

   59. Many noble personages were councillors in name, but the
   power and authority remained in a few of such as were most
   addicted to this party, whose resolutions and determinations
   were brought to the table for countenance and execution, and
   not for debate and deliberation, and no man could offer to
   oppose them without disgrace and hazard to himself.

   60. Nay, all those that did not wholly concur and actively
   contribute to the furtherance of their designs, though
   otherwise persons of never so great honour and abilities, were
   so far from being employed in any place of trust and power,
   that they were neglected, discountenanced, and upon all
   occasions injured and oppressed.

   61. This faction was grown to that height and entireness of
   power, that now they began to think of finishing their work,
   which consisted of these three parts.

   62. I. The government must be set free from all restraint of
   laws concerning our persons and estates.


   63. II. There must be a conjunction between Papists and
   Protestants in doctrine, discipline and ceremonies; only it
   must not yet be called Popery.

   64. III. The Puritans, under which name they include all those
   that desire to preserve the laws and liberties of the kingdom,
   and to maintain religion in the power of it, must be either
   rooted out of the kingdom with force, or driven out with fear.

   65. For the effecting of this it was thought necessary to
   reduce Scotland to such Popish superstitions and innovations
   as might make them apt to join with England in that great
   change which was intended.

   66. Whereupon new canons and a new liturgy were pressed upon
   them, and when they refused to admit of them, an army was
   raised to force them to it, towards which the Clergy and the
   Papists were very forward in their contribution.

   67. The Scots likewise raised an army for their defence.

   68. And when both armies were come together, and ready for a
   bloody encounter, His Majesty's own gracious disposition, and
   the counsel of the English nobility and dutiful submission of
   the Scots, did so far prevail against the evil counsel of
   others, that a pacification was made, and His Majesty returned
   with peace and much honour to London.

   69. The unexpected reconciliation was most acceptable to all
   the kingdom, except to the malignant party; whereof the
   Archbishop and the Earl of Strafford being heads, they and
   their faction begun to inveigh against the peace, and to
   aggravate the proceedings of the states, which so increased
   [incensed?] His Majesty, that he forthwith prepared again for

   70. And such was their confidence, that having corrupted and
   distempered the whole frame and government of the kingdom,
   they did now hope to corrupt that which was the only means to
   restore all to a right frame and temper again.

   71. To which end they persuaded His Majesty to call a
   Parliament, not to seek counsel and advice of them, but to
   draw countenance and supply from them, and to engage the whole
   kingdom in their quarrel.

   72. And in the meantime continued all their unjust levies of
   money, resolving either to make the Parliament pliant to their
   will, and to establish mischief by a law, or else to break it,
   and with more colour to go on by violence to take what they
   could not obtain by consent. The ground alleged for the
   justification of this war was this,

   73. That the undutiful demands of the Parliaments in Scotland
   was a sufficient reason for His Majesty to take arms against
   them, without hearing the reason of those demands, and
   thereupon a new army was prepared against them, their ships
   were seized in all ports both of England and Ireland, and at
   sea, their petitions rejected, their commissioners refused

   74. The whole kingdom most miserably distempered with levies
   of men and money, and imprisonments of those who denied to
   submit to those levies.

   75. The Earl of Strafford passed into Ireland, caused the
   Parliament there to declare against the Scots, to give four
   subsidies towards that war, and to engage themselves, their
   lives and fortunes, for the prosecution of it, and gave
   directions for an army of eight thousand foot and one thousand
   horse to be levied there, which were for the most part

   76. The Parliament met upon the 13th of April, 1640. The Earl
   of Strafford and Archbishop of Canterbury, with their party,
   so prevailed with His Majesty, that the House of Commons was
   pressed to yield a supply for maintenance of the war with
   Scotland, before they had provided any relief for the great
   and pressing grievances of the people, which being against the
   fundamental privilege and proceeding of Parliament, was yet in
   humble respect to His Majesty, so far admitted as that they
   agreed to take the matter of supply into consideration, and
   two several days it was debated.

   77. Twelve subsidies were demanded for the release of
   ship-money alone, a third day was appointed for conclusion,
   when the heads of that party begun to fear the people might
   close with the King, in falsifying his desires of money; but
   that withal they were like to blast their malicious designs
   against Scotland, finding them very much indisposed to give
   any countenance to that war.

   78. Thereupon they wickedly advised the King to break off the
   Parliament and to return to the ways of confusion, in which
   their own evil intentions were most likely to prosper and

   79. After the Parliament ended the 5th of May, 1640, this
   party grew so bold as to counsel the King to supply himself
   out of his subjects' estates by his own power, at his own
   will, without their consent.

   80. The very next day some members of both Houses had their
   studies and cabinets, yea, their pockets searched: another of
   them not long after was committed close prisoner for not
   delivering some petitions which he received by authority of
   that House.

   81. And if harsher courses were intended (as was reported) it
   is very probable that the sickness of the Earl of Strafford,
   and the tumultuous rising in Southwark and about Lambeth were
   the causes that such violent intentions were not brought to

   82. A false and scandalous Declaration against the House of
   Commons was published in His Majesty's name, which yet wrought
   little effect with the people, but only to manifest the
   impudence of those who were authors of it.

   83. A forced loan of money was attempted in the City of

   84. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen in their several wards,
   enjoined to bring in a list of the names of such persons as
   they judged fit to lend, and of the sums they should lend. And
   such Aldermen as refused to do so were committed to prison.

   85. The Archbishop and the other Bishops and Clergy continued
   the Convocation, and by a new commission turned it into a
   provincial Synod, in which, by an unheard-of presumption, they
   made canons that contain in them many matters contrary to the
   King's prerogative, to the fundamental laws and statutes of
   the realm, to the right of Parliaments, to the property and
   liberty of the subject, and matters tending to sedition and of
   dangerous consequence, thereby establishing their own
   usurpations, justifying their altar-worship, and those other
   superstitious innovations which they formerly introduced
   without warrant of law.


   86. They imposed a new oath upon divers of His Majesty's
   subjects, both ecclesiastical and lay, for maintenance of
   their own tyranny, and laid a great tax on the Clergy, for
   supply of His Majesty, and generally they showed themselves
   very affectionate to the war with Scotland, which was by some
   of them styled 'Bellum Episeopale,' and a prayer composed and
   enjoined to be read in all churches, calling the Scots rebels,
   to put the two nations in blood and make them irreconcilable.

   87. All those pretended canons and constitutions were armed
   with the several censures of suspension, excommunication,
   deprivation, by which they would have thrust out all the good
   ministers, and most of the well-affected people of the
   kingdom, and left an easy passage to their own design of
   reconciliation with Rome.

   88. The Popish party enjoyed such exemptions from penal laws
   as amounted to a toleration, besides many other encouragements
   and Court favours.

   89. They had a Secretary of State, Sir Francis Windebanck, a
   powerful agent for speeding all their desires.

   90. A Pope's Nuncio residing here, to act and govern them
   according to such influences as he received from Rome, and to
   intercede for them with the most powerful concurrence of the
   foreign princes of that religion.

   91. By his authority the Papists of all sorts, nobility,
   gentry, and clergy were convocated after the manner of a

   92. New jurisdictions were erected of Romish Archbishops,
   taxes levied, another state moulded within this state
   independent in government, contrary in interest and affection,
   secretly corrupting the ignorant or negligent professors of
   our religion, and closely uniting and combining themselves
   against such as were found in this posture, waiting for an
   opportunity by force to destroy those whom they could not hope
   to seduce.

   93. For the effecting whereof they were strengthened with arms
   and munitions, encouraged by superstitious prayers, enjoined
   by the Nuncio to be weekly made for the prosperity of some
   great design.

   94. And such power had they at Court, that secretly a
   commission was issued out, or intended to be issued to some
   great men of that profession, for the levying of soldiers, and
   to command and employ them according to private instructions,
   which we doubt were framed for the advantage of those who were
   the contrivers of them.

   95. His Majesty's treasure was consumed, his revenue

   96. His servants and officers compelled to lend great sums of

   97. Multitudes were called to the Council Table, who were
   tired with long attendances there for refusing illegal

   98. The prisons were filled with their commitments; many of
   the Sheriffs summoned into the Star Chamber, and some
   imprisoned for not being quick enough in levying the
   ship-money; the people languished under grief and fear, no
   visible hope being left but in desperation.

   99. The nobility began to weary of their silence and patience,
   and sensible of the duty and trust which belongs to them: and
   thereupon some of the most ancient of them did petition His
   Majesty at such a time, when evil counsels were so strong,
   that they had occasion to expect more hazard to themselves,
   than redress of those public evils for which they interceded.

   100. Whilst the kingdom was in this agitation and distemper,
   the Scots, restrained in their trades, impoverished by the
   loss of many of their ships, bereaved of all possibility of
   satisfying His Majesty by any naked supplication, entered with
   a powerful army into the kingdom, and without any hostile act
   or spoil in the country they passed, more than forcing a
   passage over the Tyne at Newburn, near Newcastle, possessed
   themselves of Newcastle, and had a fair opportunity to press
   on further upon the King's army.

   101. But duty and reverence to His Majesty, and brotherly love
   to the English nation, made them stay there, whereby the King
   had leisure to entertain better counsels.

   102. Wherein God so blessed and directed him that he summoned
   the Great Council of Peers to meet at York upon the 24th of
   September, and there declared a Parliament to begin the 3d of
   November then following.

   103. The Scots, the first day of the Great Council, presented
   an humble Petition to His Majesty, whereupon the Treaty was
   appointed at Ripon.

   104. A present cessation of arms agreed upon, and the full
   conclusion of all differences referred to the wisdom and care
   of the Parliament.

   105. At our first meeting, all oppositions seemed to vanish,
   the mischiefs were so evident which those evil counsellors
   produced, that no man durst stand up to defend them: yet the
   work itself afforded difficulty enough.

   106. The multiplied evils and corruption of fifteen years,
   strengthened by custom and authority, and the concurrent
   interest of many powerful delinquents, were now to be brought
   to judgment and reformation.

   107. The King's household was to be provided for:--they had
   brought him to that want, that he could not supply his
   ordinary and necessary expenses without the assistance of his

   108. Two armies were to be paid, which amounted very near to
   eighty thousand pounds a month.

   109. The people were to be tenderly charged, having been
   formerly exhausted with many burdensome projects.

   110. The difficulties seemed to be insuperable, which by the
   Divine Providence we have overcome. The contrarieties
   incompatible, which yet in a great measure we have reconciled.

   111. Six subsidies have been granted and a Bill of poll-money,
   which if it be duly levied, may equal six subsidies more, in
   all £600,000.

   112. Besides we have contracted a debt to the Scots of
   £220,000, yet God hath so blessed the endeavours of this
   Parliament, that the kingdom is a great gainer by all these

   113. The ship-money is abolished, which cost the kingdom about
   £200,000 a year.

   114. The coat and conduct-money, and other military charges
   are taken away, which in many countries amounted to little
   less than the ship-money.

   115. The monopolies are all suppressed, whereof some few did
   prejudice the subject, above £1,000,000 yearly.

   116. The soap £100,000.

   117. The wine £300,000.

   118. The leather must needs exceed both, and salt could be no
   less than that.


   119. Besides the inferior monopolies, which, if they could be
   exactly computed, would make up a great sum.

   120. That which is more beneficial than all this is, that the
   root of these evils is taken away, which was the arbitrary
   power pretended to be in His Majesty of taxing the subject, or
   charging their estates without consent in Parliament, which is
   now declared to be against law by the judgment of both Houses,
   and likewise by an Act of Parliament.

   121. Another step of great advantage is this, the living
   grievances, the evil counsellors and actors of these mischiefs
   have been so quelled.

   122. By the justice done upon the Earl of Strafford, the
   flight of the Lord Finch and Secretary Windebank.

   123. The accusation and imprisonment of the Archbishop of
   Canterbury, of Judge Berkeley; and

   124. The impeachment of divers other Bishops and Judges, that
   it is like not only to be an ease to the present times, but a
   preservation to the future.

   125. The discontinuance of Parliaments is prevented by the
   Bill for a triennial Parliament, and the abrupt dissolution of
   this Parliament by another Bill, by which it is provided it
   shall not be dissolved or adjourned without the consent of
   both Houses.

   126. Which two laws well considered may be thought more
   advantageous than all the former, because they secure a full
   operation of the present remedy, and afford a perpetual spring
   of remedies for the future.

   127. The Star Chamber.

   128. The High Commission.

   129. The Courts of the President and Council in the North were
   so many forges of misery, oppression and violence, and are all
   taken away, whereby men are more secured in their persons,
   liberties and estates, than they could be by any law or
   example for the regulation of those Courts or terror of the

   130. The immoderate power of the Council Table, and the
   excessive abuse of that power is so ordered and restrained,
   that we may well hope that no such things as were frequently
   done by them, to the prejudice of the public liberty, will
   appear in future times but only in stories, to give us and our
   posterity more occasion to praise God for His Majesty's
   goodness, and the faithful endeavours of this Parliament.

   131. The canons and power of canon-making are blasted by the
   votes of both Houses.

   132. The exorbitant power of Bishops and their courts are much
   abated, by some provisions in the Bill against the High
   Commission Court, the authors of the many innovations in
   doctrine and ceremonies.

   133. The ministers that have been scandalous in their lives,
   have been so terrified in just complaints and accusations,
   that we may well hope they will be more modest for the time to
   come; either inwardly convicted by the sight of their own
   folly, or outwardly restrained by the fear of punishment.

   134. The forests are by a good law reduced to their right

   135. The encroachments and oppressions of the Stannary Courts,
   the extortions of the clerk of the market.

   136. And the compulsion of the subject to receive the Order of
   Knighthood against his will, paying of fines for not receiving
   it, and the vexatious proceedings thereupon for levying of
   those fines, are by other beneficial laws reformed and

   137. Many excellent laws and provisions are in preparation for
   removing the inordinate power, vexation and usurpation of
   Bishops, for reforming the pride and idleness of many of the
   clergy, for easing the people of unnecessary ceremonies in
   religion, for censuring and removing unworthy and unprofitable
   ministers, and for maintaining godly and diligent preachers
   through the kingdom.

   138. Other things of main importance for the good of this
   kingdom are in proposition, though little could hitherto be
   done in regard of the many other more pressing businesses,
   which yet before the end of this Session we hope may receive
   some progress and perfection.

   139. The establishing and ordering the King's revenue, that so
   the abuse of officers and superfluity of expenses may be cut
   off, and the necessary disbursements for His Majesty's honour,
   the defence and government of the kingdom, may be more
   certainly provided for.

   140. The regulating of courts of justice, and abridging both
   the delays and charges of lawsuits.

   141. The settling of some good courses for preventing the
   exportation of gold and silver, and the inequality of
   exchanges between us and other nations, for the advancing of
   native commodities, increase of our manufactures, and well
   balancing of trade, whereby the stock of the kingdom may be
   increased, or at least kept from impairing, as through neglect
   hereof it hath done for many years last past.

   142. Improving the herring-fishing upon our coasts, which will
   be of mighty use in the employment of the poor, and a
   plentiful nursery of mariners for enabling the kingdom in any
   great action.

   143. The oppositions, obstructions and other difficulties
   wherewith we have been encountered, and which still lie in our
   way with some strength and much obstinacy, are these: the
   malignant party whom we have formerly described to be the
   actors and promoters of all our misery, they have taken heart

   144. They have been able to prefer some of their own factors
   and agents to degrees of honour, to places of trust and
   employment, even during the Parliament.

   145. They have endeavoured to work in His Majesty ill
   impressions and opinions of our proceedings, as if we had
   altogether done our own work, and not his; and had obtained
   from him many things very prejudicial to the Crown, both in
   respect of prerogative and profit.

   146. To wipe out this slander we think good only to say thus
   much: that all that we have done is for His Majesty, his
   greatness, honour and support, when we yield to give £25,000 a
   month for the relief of the Northern Counties; this was given
   to the King, for he was bound to protect his subjects.

   147. They were His Majesty's evil counsellors, and their ill
   instruments that were actors in those grievances which brought
   in the Scots.

   148. And if His Majesty please to force those who were the
   authors of this war to make satisfaction, as he might justly
   and easily do, it seems very reasonable that the people might
   well be excused from taking upon them this burden, being
   altogether innocent and free from being any cause of it.


   149. When we undertook the charge of the army, which cost
   above £50,000 a month, was not this given to the King? Was it
   not His Majesty's army? Were not all the commanders under
   contract with His Majesty, at higher rates and greater wages
   than ordinary?

   150. And have not we taken upon us to discharge all the
   brotherly assistance of £300,000, which we gave the Scots? Was
   it not toward repair of those damages and losses which they
   received from the King's ships and from his ministers?

   151. These three particulars amount to above £1,100,000.

   152. Besides, His Majesty hath received by impositions upon
   merchandise at least £400,000.

   153. So that His Majesty hath had out of the subjects' purse
   since the Parliament began, £1,500,000 and yet these men can
   be so impudent as to tell His Majesty that we have done
   nothing for him.

   154. As to the second branch of this slander, we acknowledge
   with much thankfulness that His Majesty hath passed more good
   Bills to the advantage of the subjects than have been in many

   155. But withal we cannot forget that these venomous councils
   did manifest themselves in some endeavours to hinder these
   good acts.

   156. And for both Houses of Parliament we may with truth and
   modesty say thus much: that we have ever been careful not to
   desire anything that should weaken the Crown either in just
   profit or useful power.

   157. The triennial Parliament for the matter of it, doth not
   extend to so much as by law we ought to have required (there
   being two statutes still in force for a Parliament to be once
   a year), and for the manner of it, it is in the King's power
   that it shall never take effect, if he by a timely summons
   shall prevent any other way of assembling.

   158. In the Bill for continuance of this present Parliament,
   there seems to be some restraint of the royal power in
   dissolving of Parliaments, not to take it out of the Crown,
   but to suspend the execution of it for this time and occasion
   only: which was so necessary for the King's own security and
   the public peace, that without it we could not have undertaken
   any of these great charges, but must have left both the armies
   to disorder and confusion, and the whole kingdom to blood and

   159. The Star Chamber was much more fruitful in oppression
   than in profit, the great fines being for the most part given
   away, and the rest stalled at long times.

   160. The fines of the High Commission were in themselves
   unjust, and seldom or never came into the King's purse. These
   four Bills are particularly and more specially instanced.

   161. In the rest there will not be found so much as a shadow
   of prejudice to the Crown.

   162. They have sought to diminish our reputation with the
   people, and to bring them out of love with Parliaments.

   163. The aspersions which they have attempted this way have
   been such as these:

   164. That we have spent much time and done little, especially
   in those grievances which concern religion.

   165. That the Parliament is a burden to the kingdom by the
   abundance of protections which hinder justice and trade; and
   by many subsidies granted much more heavy than any formerly

   166. To which there is a ready answer; if the time spent in
   this Parliament be considered in relation backward to the long
   growth and deep root of those grievances, which we have
   removed, to the powerful supports of those delinquents, which
   we have pursued, to the great necessities and other charges of
   the commonwealth for which we have provided.

   167. Or if it be considered in relation forward to many
   advantages, which not only the present but future ages are
   like to reap by the good laws and other proceedings in this
   Parliament, we doubt not but it will be thought by all
   indifferent judgments, that our time hath been much better
   employed than in a far greater proportion of time in many
   former Parliaments put together; and the charges which have
   been laid upon the subject, and the other inconveniences which
   they have borne, will seem very light in respect of the
   benefit they have and may receive.

   168. And for the matter of protections, the Parliament is so
   sensible of it that therein they intended to give them
   whatsoever ease may stand with honour and justice, and are in
   a way of passing a Bill to give them satisfaction.

   169. They have sought by many subtle practices to cause
   jealousies and divisions betwixt us and our brethren of
   Scotland, by slandering their proceedings and intentions
   towards us, and by secret endeavours to instigate and incense
   them and us one against another.

   170. They have had such a party of Bishops and Popish lords in
   the House of Peers, as hath caused much opposition and delay
   in the prosecution of delinquents, hindered the proceedings of
   divers good Bills passed in the Commons' House, concerning the
   reformation of sundry great abuses and corruptions both in
   Church and State.

   171. They have laboured to seduce and corrupt some of the
   Commons' House to draw them into conspiracies and combinations
   against the liberty of the Parliament.

   172. And by their instruments and agents they have attempted
   to disaffect and discontent His Majesty's army, and to engage
   it for the maintenance of their wicked and traitorous designs;
   the keeping up of Bishops in votes and functions, and by force
   to compel the Parliament to order, limit and dispose their
   proceedings in such manner as might best concur with the
   intentions of this dangerous and potent faction.

   173. And when one mischievous design and attempt of theirs to
   bring on the army against the Parliament and the City of
   London, hath been discovered and prevented;

   174. They presently undertook another of the same damnable
   nature, with this addition to it, to endeavour to make the
   Scottish army neutral, whilst the English army, which they had
   laboured to corrupt and envenom against us by their false and
   slanderous suggestions, should execute their malice to the
   subversion of our religion and the dissolution of our

   175. Thus they have been continually practising to disturb the
   peace, and plotting the destruction even of all the King's
   dominions; and have employed their emissaries and agents in
   them, all for the promoting their devilish designs, which the
   vigilancy of those who were well affected hath still
   discovered and defeated before they were ripe for execution in
   England and Scotland.


   176. Only in Ireland, which was farther off, they have had
   time and opportunity to mould and prepare their work, and had
   brought it to that perfection that they had possessed
   themselves of that whole kingdom, totally subverted the
   government of it, routed out religion, and destroyed all the
   Protestants whom the conscience of their duty to God, their
   King and country, would not have permitted to join with them,
   if by God's wonderful providence their main enterprise upon
   the city and castle of Dublin, had not been detected and
   prevented upon the very eve before it should have been

   177. Notwithstanding they have in other parts of that kingdom
   broken out into open rebellion, surprising towns and castles,
   committed murders, rapes and other villainies, and shaken off
   all bonds of obedience to His Majesty and the laws of the

   178. And in general have kindled such a fire, as nothing but
   God's infinite blessing upon the wisdom and endeavours of this
   State will be able to quench it.

   179. And certainly had not God in His great mercy unto this
   land discovered and confounded their former designs, we had
   been the prologue to this tragedy in Ireland, and had by this
   been made the lamentable spectacle of misery and confusion.

   180. And now what hope have we but in God, when as the only
   means of our subsistence and power of reformation is under Him
   in the Parliament?

   181. But what can we the Commons, without the conjunction of
   the House of Lords, and what conjunction can we expect there,
   when the Bishops and recusant lords are so numerous and
   prevalent that they are able to cross and interrupt our best
   endeavours for reformation, and by that means give advantage
   to this malignant party to traduce our proceedings?

   182. They infuse into the people that we mean to abolish all
   Church government, and leave every man to his own fancy for
   the service and worship of God, absolving him of that
   obedience which he owes under God unto His Majesty, whom we
   know to be entrusted with the ecclesiastical law as well as
   with the temporal, to regulate all the members of the Church
   of England, by such rules of order and discipline as are
   established by Parliament, which is his great council in all
   affairs both in Church and State.

   183. We confess our intention is, and our endeavours have
   been, to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the
   prelates have assumed unto themselves, so contrary both to the
   Word of God and to the laws of the land, to which end we
   passed the Bill for the removing them from their temporal
   power and employments, that so the better they might with
   meekness apply themselves to the discharge of their functions,
   which Bill themselves opposed, and were the principal
   instruments of crossing it.

   184. And we do here declare that it is far from our purpose or
   desire to let loose the golden reins of discipline and
   government in the Church, to leave private persons or
   particular congregations to take up what form of Divine
   Service they please, for we hold it requisite that there
   should be throughout the whole realm a conformity to that
   order which the laws enjoin according to the Word of God. And
   we desire to unburden the consciences of men of needless and
   superstitious ceremonies, suppress innovations, and take away
   the monuments of idolatry.

   185. And the better to effect the intended reformation, we
   desire there may be a general synod of the most grave, pious,
   learned and judicious divines of this island; assisted with
   some from foreign parts, professing the same religion with us,
   who may consider of all things necessary for the peace and
   good government of the Church, and represent the results of
   their consultations unto the Parliament, to be there allowed
   of and confirmed, and receive the stamp of authority, thereby
   to find passage and obedience throughout the kingdom.

   186. They have maliciously charged us that we intend to
   destroy and discourage learning, whereas it is our chiefest
   care and desire to advance it, and to provide a competent
   maintenance for conscionable and preaching ministers
   throughout the kingdom, which will be a great encouragement to
   scholars, and a certain means whereby the want, meanness and
   ignorance, to which a great part of the clergy is now subject,
   will be prevented.

   187. And we intended likewise to reform and purge the
   fountains of learning, the two Universities, that the streams
   flowing from thence may be clear and pure, and an honour and
   comfort to the whole land.

   188. They have strained to blast our proceedings in
   Parliament, by wresting the interpretations of our orders from
   their genuine intention.

   189. They tell the people that our meddling with the power of
   episcopacy hath caused sectaries and conventicles, when
   idolatrous and Popish ceremonies, introduced into the Church
   by the command of the Bishops have not only debarred the
   people from thence, but expelled them from the kingdom.

   190. Thus with Elijah, we are called by this malignant party
   the troublers of the State, and still, while we endeavour to
   reform their abuses, they make us the authors of those
   mischiefs we study to prevent.

   191. For the perfecting of the work begun, and removing all
   future impediments, we conceive these courses will be very
   effectual, seeing the religion of the Papists hath such
   principles as do certainly tend to the destruction and
   extirpation of all Protestants, when they shall have
   opportunity to effect it.

   192. It is necessary in the first place to keep them in such
   condition as that they may not be able to do us any hurt, and
   for avoiding of such connivance and favour as hath heretofore
   been shown unto them.

   193. That His Majesty be pleased to grant a standing
   Commission to some choice men named in Parliament, who may
   take notice of their increase, their counsels and proceedings,
   and use all due means by execution of the laws to prevent all
   mischievous designs against the peace and safety of this

   194. Thus some good course be taken to discover the
   counterfeit and false conformity of Papists to the Church, by
   colour whereof persons very much disaffected to the true
   religion have been admitted into place of greatest authority
   and trust in the kingdom.


   195. For the better preservation of the laws and liberties of
   the kingdom, that all illegal grievances and exactions be
   presented and punished at the sessions and assizes.

   196. And that Judges and Justices be very careful to give this
   in charge to the grand jury, and both the Sheriff and Justices
   to be sworn to the due execution of the Petition of Right and
   other laws.

   197. That His Majesty be humbly petitioned by both Houses to
   employ such counsellors, ambassadors and other ministers, in
   managing his business at home and abroad as the Parliament may
   have cause to confide in, without which we cannot give His
   Majesty such supplies for support of his own estate, nor such
   assistance to the Protestant party beyond the sea, as is

   198. It may often fall out that the Commons may have just
   cause to take exceptions at some men for being councillors,
   and yet not charge those men with crimes, for there be grounds
   of diffidence which lie not in proof.

   199. There are others, which though they may be proved, yet
   are not legally criminal.

   200. To be a known favourer of Papists, or to have been very
   forward in defending or countenancing some great offenders
   questioned in Parliament; or to speak contemptuously of either
   Houses of Parliament or Parliamentary proceedings.

   201. Or such as are factors or agents for any foreign prince
   of another religion; such are justly suspected to get
   councillors' places, or any other of trust concerning public
   employment for money; for all these and divers others we may
   have great reason to be earnest with His Majesty, not to put
   his great affairs into such hands, though we may be unwilling
   to proceed against them in any legal way of charge or

   202. That all Councillors of State may be sworn to observe
   those laws which concern the subject in his liberty, that they
   may likewise take an oath not to receive or give reward or
   pension from any foreign prince, but such as they shall within
   some reasonable time discover to the Lords of His Majesty's

   203. And although they should wickedly forswear themselves,
   yet it may herein do good to make them known to be false and
   perjured to those who employ them, and thereby bring them into
   as little credit with them as with us.

   204. That His Majesty may have cause to be in love with good
   counsel and good men, by shewing him in an humble and dutiful
   manner how full of advantage it would be to himself, to see
   his own estate settled in a plentiful condition to support his
   honour; to see his people united in ways of duty to him, and
   endeavours of the public good; to see happiness, wealth, peace
   and safety derived to his own kingdom, and procured to his
   allies by the influence of his own power and government."

   The King's attempt against the Five Members.

   On the 3d of January, "the king was betrayed into ... an
   indiscretion to which all the ensuing disorders and civil wars
   ought immediately and directly to be ascribed. This was the
   impeachment of Lord Kimbolton and the five members. ...
   Herbert, attorney-general, appeared in the House of Peers,
   and, in his majesty's name, entered an accusation of high
   treason against Lord Kimbolton and five commoners, Hollis, Sir
   Arthur Hazlerig, Hambden, Pym, and Strode. The articles were,
   That they had traitorously endeavoured to subvert the
   fundamental laws and government of the kingdom, to deprive the
   king of his regal power, and to impose on his subjects an
   arbitrary and tyrannical authority; that they had endeavoured,
   by many foul aspersions on his majesty and his government, to
   alienate the affections of his people, and make him odious to
   them; that they had attempted to draw his late army to
   disobedience of his royal commands, and to side with them in
   their traitorous designs; that they had invited and encouraged
   a foreign power to invade the kingdom; that they had aimed at
   subverting the rights and very being of Parliament; that, in
   order to complete their traitorous designs, they had
   endeavoured, as far as in them lay, by force and terror, to
   compel the Parliament to join with them, and to that end had
   actually raised and countenanced tumults against the king and
   Parliament; and that they had traitorously conspired to levy,
   and actually had levied, war against the king. The whole world
   stood amazed at this important accusation, so suddenly entered
   upon, without concert, deliberation or reflection. ... But men
   had not leisure to wonder at the indiscretion of this measure:
   their astonishment was excited by new attempts, still more
   precipitate and imprudent. A sergeant at arms, in the king's
   name, demanded of the House the five members, and was sent
   back without any positive answer. Messengers were employed to
   search for them and arrest them. Their trunks, chambers, and
   studies, were sealed and locked. The House voted all these
   acts of violence to be breaches of privilege, and commanded
   everyone to defend the liberty of the members. The king,
   irritated by all this opposition, resolved next day to come in
   person to the House, with an intention to demand, perhaps
   seize, in their presence, the persons whom he had accused.
   This resolution was discovered to the Countess of Carlisle,
   sister to Northumberland, a lady of spirit, wit, and intrigue.
   She privately sent intelligence to the five members; and they
   had time to withdraw, a moment before the king entered. He was
   accompanied by his ordinary retinue, to the number of above
   two hundred, armed as usual, some with halberts, some with
   walking swords. The king left them at the door, and he himself
   advanced alone through the hall, while all the members rose to
   receive him. The speaker withdrew from his chair, and the king
   took possession of it. The speech which he made was as
   follows: 'Gentlemen, I am sorry for this occasion of coming to
   you. Yesterday, I sent a sergeant at arms, to demand some,
   who, by my order, were accused of high treason. Instead of
   obedience, I received a message. ... Therefore am I come to
   tell you, that I must have these men wheresoever I can find
   them. Well, since I see all the birds are flown, I do expect
   that you will send them to me as soon as they return. But I
   assure you, on the word of a king, I never did intend any
   force, but shall proceed against them in a fair and legal way,
   for I never meant any other.' ... When the king was looking
   around for the accused members, he asked the speaker, who
   stood below, whether any of these persons were in the House?
   The speaker, falling on his knee, prudently replied: 'I have,
   sir, neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, in this place,
   but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am.
   And I humbly ask pardon, that I cannot give any other answer
   to what your majesty is pleased to demand of me.' The Commons
   were in the utmost disorder; and when the king was departing,
   some members cried aloud so as he might hear them, Privilege!
   Privilege! and the House immediately adjourned till next day.
   That evening, the accused members, to show the greater
   apprehension, removed into the city, which was their fortress.
   The citizens were the whole night in arms. ... When the House
   of Commons met, they affected the greatest dismay; and
   adjourning themselves for some days, ordered a committee to
   sit in Merchant-Tailors' hall in the city. ... The House again
   met, and after confirming the votes of their committee, instantly
   adjourned, as if exposed to the most imminent perils from the
   violence of their enemies. This practice they continued for
   some time. When the people, by these affected panics, were
   wrought up to a sufficient degree of rage and terror, it was
   thought proper, that the accused members should, with a
   triumphant and military procession, take their seats in the
   House. The river was covered with boats, and other vessels,
   laden with small pieces of ordnance, and prepared for fight.
   Skippon, whom the Parliament had appointed, by their own
   authority, major-general of the city militia, conducted the
   members, at the head of this tumultuary army, to
   Westminster-hall. And when the populace, by land and by water,
   passed Whitehall, they still asked, with insulting shouts,
   What has become of the king and his cavaliers? And whither are
   they fled? The king, apprehensive of danger from the enraged
   multitude, had retired to Hampton-court, deserted by all the
   world, and overwhelmed with grief, shame, and remorse for the
   fatal measures into which he had been hurried."

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      volume 5, chapter 55, pages 85-91.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      The First Two Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution,
      chapter 6, section 5.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of England, 1603-1642,
      chapter 103 (volume 10).

      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Pym; Hampden.

      L. von Ranke,
      History of England, 17th Cent.,
      book 8, chapter 10 (volume 2).

   Preparations for war.
   The marshalling of forces.
   The raising of the King's standard.

   "January 10th. The King with his Court quits Whitehall; the
   Five Members and Parliament proposing to return tomorrow, with
   the whole City in arms round them. He left Whitehall; never
   saw it again till he came to lay down his head there.

   March 9th. The King has sent away his Queen from Dover, 'to be
   in a place of safety,'--and also to pawn the Crown-jewels in
   Holland, and get him arms. He returns Northward again,
   avoiding London. Many messages between the Houses of
   Parliament and him: 'Will your Majesty grant us Power of the
   Militia; accept this list of Lord-Lieutenants?' On the 9th of
   March, still advancing Northward without affirmative response,
   he has got to Newmarket; where another Message overtakes him,
   earnestly urges itself upon him: 'Could not your Majesty
   please to grant us Power of the Militia for a limited time?'
   'No, by God!' answers his Majesty, 'not for an hour.'

   On the 19th of March he is at York; where his Hull Magazine,
   gathered for service against the Scots, is lying near; where a
   great Earl of Newcastle, and other Northern potentates, will
   help him; where at least London and its Puritanism, now grown
   so fierce, is far off. There we will leave him; attempting
   Hull Magazine, in vain; exchanging messages with his
   Parliament; messages, missives, printed and written Papers
   without limit: Law-pleadings of both parties before the great
   tribunal of the English Nation, each party striving to prove
   itself right and within the verge of Law: preserved still in
   acres of typography, once thrillingly alive in every fibre of
   them; now a mere torpor, readable by few creatures, not
   rememberable by any."

      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 2, preliminary.

   "As early as June 2 a ship had arrived on the North English
   coast, bringing the King arms and ammunition from Holland,
   purchased by the sale of the crown-jewels which the Queen had
   taken abroad. On the 22d of the same month more than forty of
   the nobles and others in attendance on the King at York had
   put down their names for the numbers of armed horse they would
   furnish respectively for his service. Requisitions in the
   King's name were also out for supplies of money; and the two
   Universities, and the Colleges in each, were invited to send
   in their plate. On the other hand, the Parliament had not been
   more negligent. There had been contributions or promises from
   all the chief Parliamentarian nobles and others; there was a
   large loan from the city; and hundreds of thousands, on a
   smaller scale, were willing to subscribe. And already, through
   all the shires, the two opposed powers were grappling and
   jostling with each other in raising levies. On the King's side
   there were what were called Commissions of Array, or powers
   granted to certain nobles and others by name to raise troops
   for the King. On the side of Parliament, in addition to the
   Volunteering which had been going on in many places (as, for
   example, in Cambridgeshire, where Oliver Cromwell was forming
   a troop of Volunteer horse ... ), there was the Militia
   Ordinance available wherever the persons named in that
   ordinance were really zealous for Parliament, and able to act
   personally in the districts assigned them. And so on the 12th
   of July the Parliament had passed the necessary vote for
   supplying an army, and had appointed the Earl of Essex to be
   its commander-in-chief, and the Earl of Bedford to be its
   second in command as general of horse. It was known, on the
   other side, that the Earl of Lindsey, in consideration of his
   past experience of service both on sea and land, was to have
   the command of the King's army, and that his master of horse
   was to be the King's nephew, young Prince Rupert, who was
   expected from the Continent on purpose. Despite all these
   preparations, however, it was probably not till August had
   begun that the certainty of Civil War was universally
   acknowledged. It was on the 9th of that month that the King
   issued his proclamation 'for suppressing the present Rebellion
   under the command of Robert, Earl of Essex,' offering pardon
   to him and others if within six days they made their
   submission. The Parliamentary answer to this was on the 11th;
   on which day the Commons resolved, each man separately rising
   in his place and giving his word, that they would stand by the
   Earl of Essex with their lives and fortunes to the end. Still,
   even after that, there were trembling souls here and there who
   hoped for a reconciliation.
   Monday the 22d of August put an end to all such fluttering:
   --On that day, the King, who had meanwhile left York, and come
   about a hundred miles farther south, into the very heart of
   England, ... made a backward movement as far as the town of
   Nottingham, where preparations had been made for the great
   scene that was to follow. ... This consisted in bringing out
   the royal standard and setting it up in due form. It was about
   six o'clock in the evening when it was done. ... A herald read
   a proclamation, declaring the cause why the standard had been
   set up, and summoning all the lieges to assist his Majesty.
   Those who were present cheered and threw up their hats, and,
   with a beating of drums and a sounding of trumpets, the
   ceremony ended. ... From that evening of the 22d of August,
   1642, the Civil War had begun."

      D. Masson,
      Life of John Milton,
      book 2, chapter 8 (volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      John Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Pym; Hampden.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of England, 1603-1642,
      chapters 104-105 (volume 10).

   The nation choosing sides.

   "In wealth, in numbers, and in cohesion the Parliament was
   stronger than the king. To him there had rallied most of the
   greater nobles, many of the lesser gentry, some proportion of
   the richer citizens, the townsmen of the west, and the rural
   population generally of the west and north of England. For the
   Parliament stood a strong section of the peers and greater
   gentry, the great bulk of the lesser gentry, the townsmen of
   the richer parts of England, the whole eastern and home
   counties, and lastly, the city of London. But as the Civil War
   did not sharply divide classes, so neither did it
   geographically bisect England. Roughly speaking, aristocracy
   and peasantry, the Church, universities, the world of culture,
   fashion, and pleasure were loyal: the gentry, the yeomanry,
   trade, commerce, morality, and law inclined to the Parliament.
   Broadly divided, the north and west went for the king; the
   south and east for the Houses; but the lines of demarcation
   were never exact: cities, castles, and manor-houses long held
   out in an enemy's county. There is only one permanent
   limitation. Draw a line from the Wash to the Solent. East of
   that line the country never yielded to the king; from first to
   last it never failed the Parliament. Within it are enclosed
   Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Bedford,
   Bucks, Herts, Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, Sussex. This was the
   wealthiest, the most populous, and the most advanced portion
   of England. With Gloucester, Reading, Bristol, Leicester, and
   Northampton, it formed the natural home of Puritanism."

      F. Harrison,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 4.

   Edgehill--the opening battle of the war.
   The Eastern Association.

   Immediately after the raising of his standard at Nottingham,
   the King, "aware at last that he could not rely on the
   inhabitants of Yorkshire, moved to Shrewsbury, at once to
   collect the Catholic gentry of Lancashire and Cheshire, to
   receive the Royalist levies of Wales, and to secure the valley
   of the Severn. The movement was successful. In a few days his
   little army was increased fourfold, and he felt himself strong
   enough to make a direct march towards the capital. Essex had
   garrisoned Northampton, Coventry and Warwick, and lay himself
   at Worcester; but the King, waiting for no sieges, left the
   garrisoned towns unmolested and passed on towards London, and
   Essex received peremptory orders to pursue and interpose if
   possible between the King and London. On the 22nd of October
   he was close upon the King's rear at Keynton, between
   Stratford and Banbury. But his army was by no means at its
   full strength; some regiments had been left to garrison the
   West, others, under Hampden had not yet joined him. But delay
   was impossible, and the first battle of the war was fought on
   the plain at the foot of the north-west slope of Edgehill,
   over which the royal army descended, turning back on its
   course to meet Essex. Both parties claimed the victory. In
   fact it was with the King. The Parliamentary cavalry found
   themselves wholly unable to withstand the charge of Rupert's
   cavaliers. Whole regiments turned and fled without striking a
   blow; but, as usual, want of discipline ruined the royal
   cause. Rupert's men fell to plundering the Parliamentary
   baggage, and returned to the field only in time to find that
   the infantry, under the personal leading of Essex, had
   reestablished the fight. Night closed the battle [which is
   sometimes named from Edgehill and sometimes from Keynton]. The
   King's army withdrew to the vantage-ground of the hills, and
   Essex, reinforced by Hampden, passed the night upon the field.
   But the Royalist army was neither beaten nor checked in its
   advance, while the rottenness of the Parliamentary troops had
   been disclosed." Some attempts at peace-making followed this
   doubtful first collision; but their only effect was to
   embitter the passions on both sides. The King advanced,
   threatening London, but the citizens of the capital turned out
   valiantly to oppose him, and he "fell back upon Oxford, which
   henceforward became the centre of their operations. ... War
   was again the only resource, and speedily became universal.
   ... There was local fighting over the whole of England. ...
   The headquarters of the King were constantly at Oxford, from
   which, as from a centre, Rupert would suddenly make rapid
   raids, now in one direction, now in another. Between him and
   London, about Reading, Aylesbury, and Thame, lay what may be
   spoken of as the main army of Parliament, under the command of
   Lord-General Essex. ... The other two chief scenes of the war
   were Yorkshire and the West. In Yorkshire the Fairfaxes,
   Ferdinando Lord Fairfax and his son Sir Thomas, made what head
   they could against what was known as the Popish army under the
   command of the Earl, subsequently Marquis of Newcastle, which
   consisted mainly of the troops of the Northern counties, which
   had become associated under Newcastle in favour of Charles.
   Newark, in Nottinghamshire, was early made a royal garrison,
   and formed the link of connection between the operations in
   Yorkshire and at Oxford. In the extreme South-west, Lord
   Stamford, the Parliamentary General, was making a somewhat
   unsuccessful resistance against Sir Ralph, afterwards Lord
   Hopton. Wales was wholly Royalist, and one of the chief
   objects of Charles's generals was to secure the Severn valley,
   and thus connect the war in Devonshire with the central
   operations at Oxford. In the Eastern counties matters assumed
   rather a different form. The principle of forming several
   counties into an association ... was adopted by the
   Parliament, and several such associations were formed, but
   none of these came to much except that of the Eastern
   counties, which was known by way of preeminence as 'The
   Association.' Its object was to keep the war entirely beyond
   the borders of the counties of which it consisted. The reason
   of its success was the genius and energy of Cromwell."

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England, period 2,
      page 659.


   "This winter there arise among certain Counties 'Associations'
   for mutual defence, against Royalism and plunderous Rupertism;
   a measure cherished by the Parliament, condemned as
   treasonable by the King. Of which 'Associations,' countable to
   the number of five or six, we name only one, that of Norfolk,
   Suffolk, Essex, Cambridge, Herts; with Lord Gray of Wark for
   Commander; where and under whom Oliver was now serving. This
   'Eastern Association' is alone worth naming. All the other
   Associations, no man of emphasis being in the midst of them,
   fell in a few months to pieces; only this of Cromwell
   subsisted, enlarged itself, grew famous;--and kept its own
   borders clear of invasion during the whole course of the War."

      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 2, preliminary.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War,
      chapters 2-4 (volume l).

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth,
      chapter 2 (volume 1).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1643 (May).
   Cromwell's Ironsides.

   "It was ... probably, a little before Edgehill, that there
   took place between Cromwell and Hampden the memorable
   conversation which fifteen years afterwards the Protector
   related in a speech to his second Parliament. It is a piece of
   autobiography so instructive and pathetic that it must be set
   forth in full in the words of Cromwell himself:

   'I was a person who, from my first employment, was suddenly
   preferred and lifted up from lesser trusts to greater; from my
   first being Captain of a Troop of Horse. ... I had a very
   worthy friend then; and he was a very noble person, and I know
   his memory was very grateful to all,--Mr. John Hampden. At my
   first going out into this engagement, I saw our men were
   beaten at every hand. ... Your troops, said I, are most of
   them old decayed serving-men, and tapsters, and such kind of
   fellows; and, said I, their troops are gentlemen's sons,
   younger sons and persons of quality: do you think that the
   spirits of such base mean fellows will ever be able to
   encounter gentlemen, that have honour and courage and
   resolution in them? Truly I did represent to him in this
   manner conscientiously; and truly I did tell him: You must get
   men of a spirit: and take it not ill what I say,--I know you
   will not,--of a spirit that is likely to go on as far as
   gentlemen will go: or else you will be beaten still. I told
   him so; I did truly. He was a wise and worthy person; and he
   did think that I talked a good notion, but an impracticable
   one. ... I raised such men as had the fear of God before them,
   as made some conscience of what they did; and from that day
   forward, I must say to you, they were never beaten, and
   wherever they were engaged against the enemy they beat
   continually.' ... The issue of the whole war lay in that word.
   It lay with 'such men as had some conscience in what they
   did.' 'From that day forward they were never beaten.' ... As
   for Colonel Cromwell,' writes a news-letter of May, 1643, 'he
   hath 2,000 brave men, well disciplined; no man swears but he
   pays his twelve-pence; if he be drunk, he is set in the
   stocks, or worse; if one calls the other roundhead he is
   cashiered: insomuch that the countries where they come leap
   for joy of them, and come in and join with them. How happy
   were it if all the forces were thus disciplined!' These were
   the men who ultimately decided the war, and established the
   Commonwealth. On the field of Marston, Rupert gave Cromwell
   the name of Ironside, and from thence this famous name passed
   to his troopers. There are two features in their history which
   we need to note. They were indeed 'such men as had some
   conscience in their work'; but they were also much more. They
   were disciplined and trained soldiers. They were the only body
   of 'regulars' on either side. The instinctive genius of
   Cromwell from the very first created the strong nucleus of a
   regular army, which at last in discipline, in skill, in
   valour, reached the highest perfection ever attained by
   soldiers either in ancient or modern times. The fervour of
   Cromwell is continually pressing towards the extension of this
   'regular' force. Through all the early disasters, this body of
   Ironsides kept the cause alive: at Marston it overwhelmed the
   king: as soon as, by the New Model, this system was extended
   to the whole army, the Civil War was at an end."

      F. Harrison,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 4.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Cromwell.

   The King calls in the Irish.

   "To balance the accession of power which the alliance with
   Scotland brought to the Parliament, Charles was so unwise, men
   then said so guilty, as to conclude a peace with the Irish
   rebels, with the intent that thus those of his forces which
   had been employed against them, might be set free to join his
   army in England. No act of the King, not the levying of
   ship-money, not the crowd of monopolies which enriched the
   court and impoverished the people, neither the extravagance of
Buckingham, the tyranny of Strafford nor the prelacy of Laud, not
   even the attempted arrest of the five members, raised such a
   storm of indignation and hatred throughout the kingdom, as did
   this determination of the King to withdraw (as men said), for
   the purpose of subduing his subjects, the force which had been
   raised to avenge the blood of 100,000 Protestant martyrs. ...
   To the England of the time this act was nauseous, was
   exasperating to the highest degree, while to the cause of the
   King it was fatal; for, from this moment, the condition of the
   Parliamentary party began to mend."

      N. L. Walford,
      Parliamentary Generals of the Great Civil War,
      chapter 2.

   "None of the king's schemes proved so fatal to his cause as
   these. On their discovery, officer after officer in his own
   army flung down their commissions, the peers who had fled to
   Oxford fled back again to London, and the Royalist reaction in
   the Parliament itself came utterly to an end."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 8, section 7.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War,
      chapter 11 (volume 1).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1643 (JULY).
   Meeting of the Westminster Assembly of Divines.

   At the beginning of July, 1643, "London was astir with a new
   event of great consequence in the course of the national
   revolution. This was the meeting of the famous Westminster
   Assembly. The necessity of an ecclesiastical Synod or
   Convocation, to cooperate with the Parliament, had been long
   Among the articles of the Grand Remonstrance of December 1641
   had been one desiring a convention of 'a General Synod of the
   most grave, pious, learned, and judicious divines of this
   island, assisted by some from foreign parts,' to consider of
   all things relating to the Church and report thereon to
   Parliament. It is clear from the wording of this article that
   it was contemplated that the Synod should contain
   representatives from the Presbyterian Church of Scotland.
   Indeed, by that time, the establishment of a uniformity of
   Doctrine, Discipline, and Worship between the Churches of
   England and Scotland was the fixed idea of those who chiefly
   desired a Synod. ... In April, 1642 ... it was ordered by the
   House, in pursuance of previous resolutions on the subject,
   'that the names of such divines as shall be thought fit to be
   consulted with concerning the matter of the Church be brought
   in tomorrow morning,' the understood rule being that the
   knights and burgesses of each English county should name to
   the House two divines, and those of each Welsh county one
   divine, for approval. Accordingly, on the 20th, the names were
   given in. ... By the stress of the war the Assembly was
   postponed. At last, hopeless of a bill that should pass in the
   regular way by the King's consent, the Houses resorted, in
   this as in other things, to their peremptory plan of Ordinance
   by their own authority. On the 13th of May, 1643, an Ordinance
   for calling an Assembly was introduced in the Commons; which
   Ordinance, after due going and coming between the two Houses,
   came to maturity June 12, when it was entered at full length
   in the Lords' Journals. 'Whereas, amongst the infinite
   blessings of Almighty God upon this nation,'--so runs the
   preamble of the Ordinance,--'none is, or can be, more dear to
   us than the purity of our religion; and for as much as many
   things yet remain in the discipline, liturgy and government of
   the Church which necessarily require a more perfect
   reformation: and whereas it has been declared and resolved, by
   the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that the
   present Church Government by Archbishops, Bishops, their
   Chancellors, Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters,
   Archdeacons, and other ecclesiastical officers depending on
   the hierarchy, is evil and justly offensive and burdensome to
   the kingdom, and a great impediment to reformation and growth
   of religion, and very prejudicial to the state and government
   of this kingdom, and that therefore they are resolved the same
   shall be taken away, and that such a government shall be
   settled in the Church as may be agreeable to God's Holy Word,
   and most apt to procure and preserve the peace of the Church
   at home, and nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland, and
   other reformed Churches abroad. ... Be it therefore ordained,
   &c.' What is ordained is that 149 persons, enumerated by name
   in the Ordinance ... shall meet on the 1st of July next in
   King Henry VII.'s Chapel at Westminster; ... 'to confer and
   treat among themselves of such matters and things, concerning
   the liturgy, discipline and government of the Church of
   England ... as shall be proposed by either or both Houses of
   Parliament, and no other.' ... Notwithstanding a Royal
   Proclamation from Oxford, dated June 22, forbidding the
   Assembly and threatening consequences, the first meeting duly
   took place on the day appointed--Saturday, July 1, 1643; and
   from that day till the 22d of February, 1648-9, or for more
   than five years and a half, the Westminster Assembly is to be
   borne in mind as a power or institution in the English realm,
   existing side by side with the Long Parliament, and in
   constant conference and cooperation with it. The number of its
   sittings during these five years and a half was 1,163 in all;
   which is at the rate of about four sittings every week for the
   whole time. The earliest years of the Assembly were the most

      D. Masson,
      Life of John Milton,
      book 3, chapter 3 (volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      A. F. Mitchell,
      The Westminster Assembly,
      lectures 4-5.

      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 3, chapters 2 and 4.

      SEE, also, INDEPENDENTS.

   The Solemn League and Covenant with the Scottish nation.

   "Scotland had been hitherto kept aloof from the English
   quarrel. ... Up to this time the pride and delicacy of the
   English patriots withheld them, for obvious reasons, from
   claiming her assistance. Had it been possible, they would
   still have desired to engage no distant party in this great
   domestic struggle; but when the present unexpected crisis
   arrived ... these considerations were laid aside, and the
   chief leaders of the Parliament resolved upon an embassy to
   the North, to bring the Scottish nation into the field. The
   conduct of this embassy was a matter of the highest difficulty
   and danger. The Scots were known to be bigoted to their own
   persuasions of narrow and exclusive church government, while
   the greatest men of the English Parliament had proclaimed the
   sacred maxim that every man who worshipped God according to
   the dictates of his conscience was entitled to the protection
   of the State. But these men, Vane, Cromwell, Marten and St.
   John, though the difficulties of the common cause had brought
   them into the acknowledged position of leaders and directors
   of affairs, were in a minority in the House of Commons, and
   the party who were their superiors in numbers were as bigoted
   to the most exclusive principles of Presbyterianism as the
   Scots themselves. Denzil Holies stood at the head of this
   inferior class of patriots. ... The most eminent of the
   Parliamentary nobility, particularly Northumberland, Essex and
   Manchester belonged also to this body; while the London
   clergy, and the metropolis itself, were almost entirely
   Presbyterian. These things considered, there was indeed great
   reason to apprehend that this party, backed by the Scots, and
   supported with a Scottish army, would be strong enough to
   overpower the advocates of free conscience, and 'set up a
   tyranny not less to be deplored than that of Laud and his
   hierarchy, which had proved one of the main occasions of
   bringing on the war.' Yet, opposing to all this danger only
   their own high purposes and dauntless courage, the smaller
   party of more consummate statesmen were the first to propose
   the embassy to Scotland. ... On the 20th of July, 1643, the
   commissioners set out from London. They were four; and the man
   principally confided in among them was Vane [Sir Henry, the
   younger]. He, indeed, was the individual best qualified to
   succeed Hampden as a counsellor in the arduous struggle in
   which the nation was at this time engaged. ... Immediately on
   his arrival in Edinburgh the negotiation commenced, and what
   Vane seems to have anticipated at once occurred. The Scots
   offered their assistance heartily on the sole condition of an
   adhesion to the Scottish religious system on the part of
   After many long and very warm debates, in which Vane held to
   one firm policy from the first, a solemn covenant was
   proposed, which Vane insisted should be named a solemn league
   and covenant, while certain words were inserted in it on his
   subsequent motion, to which he also adhered with immovable
   constancy, and which had the effect of leaving open to the
   great party in England, to whose interests he was devoted,
   that last liberty of conscience which man should never
   surrender. ... The famous article respecting religion ran in
   these words;

   'That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, through the
   grace of God, endeavour, in our several places and callings,
   the preservation of the Reformed religion in the Church of
   Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline and government,
   against our common enemies; the reformation of religion in the
   kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship,
   discipline, and government, according to the Word of God, and
   the example of the best Reformed churches; and we shall
   endeavour to bring the churches of God in the three kingdoms
   to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion,
   confessing of faith, form of church government directory for
   worship and catechizing; that we and our posterity after us,
   may as brethren live in faith and love, and the Lord may
   delight to dwell in the midst of us. That we shall in like
   manner, without respect of persons, endeavour the extirpation
   of popery, prelacy (that is, church government by archbishops,
   bishops, their chancellors and commissaries, deans, deans and
   chapters, archdeacons, and all other ecclesiastical officers
   depending on that hierarchy).' Vane, by this introduction of
   'according to the Word of God,' left the interpretation of
   that word to the free conscience of every man. On the 17th of
   August, the solemn league and covenant was voted by the
   Legislature and the Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh. The
   king in desperate alarm, sent his commands to the Scotch
   people not to take such a covenant. In reply, they 'humbly
   advised his majesty to take the covenant himself.' The
   surpassing service rendered by Vane on this great occasion to
   the Parliamentary cause, exposed him to a more violent hatred
   from the Royalists than he had yet experienced, and Clarendon
   has used every artifice to depreciate his motives and his
   sincerity. ... The solemn league and covenant remained to be
   adopted in England. The Scottish form of giving it authority
   was followed as far as possible. It was referred by the two
   Houses to the Assembly of Divines, which had commenced its
   sittings on the 1st of the preceding July, being called
   together to be consulted with by the Parliament for the
   purpose of settling the government and form of worship of the
   Church of England. This assembly already referred to,
   consisted of 121 of the clergy; and a number of lay assessors
   were joined with them, consisting of ten peers, and twenty
   members of the House of Commons. All these persons were named
   by the ordinance of the two Houses of Parliament which gave
   birth to the assembly. The public taking of the Covenant was
   solemnized on the 25th of September, each member of either
   House attesting his adherence by oath first, and then by
   subscribing his name. The name of Vane, subscribed immediately
   on his return, appears upon the list next to that of

      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Vane.

      ALSO IN:
      J. K. Hosmer,
      Life of Young Sir Henry Vane,
      chapter 8.

      A. F. Mitchell,
      The Westminster Assembly,
      lectures 5-6.

      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 3, chapter 2.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution,
      page 187.

   The following is the text of the Solemn League and Covenant:

   "A solemn league and covenant for Reformation and defence of
   religion, the honour and happiness of the King, and the peace
   and safety of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland and
   Ireland. We noblemen, barons, knights, gentlemen, citizens,
   burgesses, ministers of the Gospel, and commons of all sorts
   in the kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland, by the
   providence of God living under one King, and being of one
   reformed religion; having before our eyes the glory of God,
   and the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour
   Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the King's Majesty
   and his posterity, and the true public liberty, safety and
   peace of the kingdoms, wherein everyone's private condition is
   included; and calling to mind the treacherous and bloody
   plots, conspiracies, attempts and practices of the enemies of
   God against the true religion and professors thereof in all
   places, especially in these three kingdoms, ever since the
   reformation of religion; and how much their rage, power and
   presumption are of late, and at this time increased and
   exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the Church and
   kingdom of Ireland, the distressed estate of the Church and
   kingdom of England, and the dangerous estate of the Church and
   kingdom of Scotland, are present and public testimonies: we
   have (now at last) after other means of supplication,
   remonstrance, protestations and sufferings, for the
   preservation of ourselves and our religion from utter ruin and
   destruction, according to the commendable practice of these
   kingdoms in former times, and the example of God's people in
   other nations, after mature deliberation, resolved and
   determined to enter into a mutual and solemn league and
   covenant, wherein we all subscribe, and each one of us for
   himself, with our hands lifted up to the most high God, do

   I. That we shall sincerely, really and constantly, through the
   grace of God, endeavour in our several places and callings,
   the preservation of the reformed religion in the Church of
   Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline and government,
   against our common enemies; the reformation of religion in the
   kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship,
   discipline and government, according to the Word of God, and
   the example of the best reformed Churches; and we shall
   endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three kingdoms
   to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion,
   confession of faith, form of Church government, directory for
   worship and catechising, that we, and our posterity after us,
   may, as brethren, live in faith and love, and the Lord may
   delight to dwell in the midst of us.

   II. That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons,
   endeavour the extirpation of Popery, prelacy (that is, Church
   government by Archbishops, Bishops, their Chancellors and
   Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, and all
   other ecclesiastical officers depending on that hierarchy),
   superstition, heresy, schism, profaneness and whatsoever shall
   be found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power of
   godliness lest we partake in other men's sins, and thereby be
   in danger to receive of their plagues; and that the Lord may
   be one, and His name one in the three kingdoms.


   III. We shall with the same sincerity, reality and constancy,
   in our several vocations, endeavour with our estates and lives
   mutually to preserve the rights and privileges of the
   Parliaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms, and to
   preserve and defend the King's Majesty's person and authority,
   in the preservation and defence of the true religion and
   liberties of the kingdoms, that the world may bear witness
   with our consciences of our loyalty, and that we have no
   thoughts or intentions to diminish His Majesty's just power
   and greatness.

   IV. We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the
   discovery of all such as have been or shall be incendiaries,
   malignants or evil instruments, by hindering the reformation
   of religion, dividing the King from his people, or one of the
   kingdoms from another, or making any faction or parties
   amongst the people, contrary to the league and covenant, that
   they may be brought to public trial and receive condign
   punishment, as the degree of their offences shall require or
   deserve, or the supreme judicatories of both kingdoms
   respectively, or others having power from them for that
   effect, shall judge convenient.

   V. And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between these
   kingdoms, denied in former times to our progenitors, is by the
   good providence of God granted to us, and hath been lately
   concluded and settled by both Parliaments: we shall each one
   of us, according to our places and interest, endeavour that
   they may remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all
   posterity, and that justice may be done upon the wilful
   opposers thereof, in manner expressed in the precedent

   VI. We shall also, according to our places and callings, in
   this common cause of religion, liberty and peace of the
   kingdom, assist and defend all those that enter into this
   league and covenant, in the maintaining and pursuing thereof;
   and shall not suffer ourselves, directly or indirectly, by
   whatsoever combination, persuasion or terror, to be divided
   and withdrawn from this blessed union and conjunction, whether
   to make defection to the contrary part, or give ourselves to a
   detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause, which so
   much concerneth the glory of God, the good of the kingdoms,
   and the honour of the King; but shall all the days of our
   lives zealously and constantly continue therein, against all
   opposition, and promote the same according to our power,
   against all lets and impediments whatsoever; and what we are
   not able ourselves to suppress or overcome we shall reveal and
   make known, that it may be timely prevented or removed: all
   which we shall do as in the sight of God. And because these
   kingdoms are guilty of many sins and provocations against God,
   and His Son Jesus Christ, as is too manifest by our present
   distresses and dangers, the fruits thereof: we profess and
   declare, before God and the world, our unfeigned desire to be
   humbled for our own sins, and for the sins of these kingdoms;
   especially that we have not as we ought valued the inestimable
   benefit of the Gospel; that we have not laboured for the
   purity and power thereof; and that we have not endeavoured to
   receive Christ in our hearts, nor to walk worthy of Him in our
   lives, which are the causes of other sins and transgressions
   so much abounding amongst us, and our true and unfeigned
   purpose, desire and endeavour, for ourselves and all others
   under our power and charge, both in public and in private, in
   all duties we owe to God and man, to amend our lives, and each
   one to go before another in the example of a real reformation,
   that the Lord may turn away His wrath and heavy indignation,
   and establish these Churches and kingdoms in truth and peace.
   And this covenant we make in the presence of Almighty God, the
   Searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the
   same, as we shall answer at that Great Day when the secrets of
   all hearts shall be disclosed: most humbly beseeching the Lord
   to strengthen us by His Holy Spirit for this end, and to bless
   our desires and Proceedings with such success as may be a
   deliverance and safety to His people, and encouragement to the
   Christian Churches groaning under or in danger of the yoke of
   Anti-Christian tyranny, to join in the same or like
   association and covenant, to the glory of God, the enlargement
   of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the peace and tranquility
   of Christian kingdoms and commonwealths."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1643 (August-September).
   Siege of Gloucester and first Battle of Newbury.

   "When the war had lasted a year, the advantage was decidedly
   with the Royalists. They were victorious, both in the western
   and in the northern counties. They had wrested Bristol, the
   second city in the kingdom, from the Parliament. They had won
   several battles, and had not sustained a single serious or
   ignominious defeat. Among the Roundheads, adversity had begun
   to produce dissension and discontent. The Parliament was kept
   in alarm, sometimes by plots and sometimes by riots. It was
   thought necessary to fortify London against the royal army,
   and to hang some disaffected citizens at their own doors.
   Several of the most distinguished peers who had hitherto
   remained at Westminster fled to the court at Oxford; nor can
   it be doubted that, if the operations of the Cavaliers had, at
   this season, been directed by a sagacious and powerful mind,
   Charles would soon have marched in triumph to Whitehall. But
   the King suffered the auspicious moment to pass away; and it
   never returned. In August, 1643, he sate down before the city
   of Gloucester. That city was defended by the inhabitants and
   by the garrison, with a determination such as had not, since
   the commencement of the war, been shown by the adherents of
   the Parliament. The emulation of London was excited. The
   trainbands of the City volunteered to march wherever their
   services might be required. A great force was speedily
   collected, and began to move westward. The siege of Gloucester
   was raised. The Royalists in every part of the kingdom were
   disheartened; the spirit of the parliamentary party revived;
   and the apostate Lords, who had lately fled from Westminster
   to Oxford, hastened back from Oxford to Westminster."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 1.

   After accomplishing the relief of Gloucester, the
   Parliamentary army, marching back to London, was intercepted
   at Newbury by the army of the king, and forced to fight a
   battle, September 20, 1643, in which both parties, as at
   Edgehill, claimed the victory. The Royalists, however, failed
   to bar the road to London, as they had undertaken to do, and
   Essex resumed his march on the following morning.


   "In this unhappy battle was slain the lord viscount Falkland;
   a person of such prodigious parts of learning and knowledge,
   of that inimitable sweetness and delight in conversation, of
   so flowing and obliging a humanity and goodness to mankind,
   and of that primitive sincerity and integrity of life, that if
   there were no other brand upon this odious and accursed war
   than that single loss, it must be most infamous and execrable
   to all posterity."

      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 7, section 217.

   This lamented death on the royal side nearly evened, so to
   speak, the great, unmeasured calamity which had befallen the
   better cause three months before, when the high-souled patriot
   Hampden was slain in a paltry skirmish with Rupert's horse, at
   Chalgrove Field, not far from the borders of Oxfordshire. Soon
   after the fight at Newbury, Charles, having occupied Reading,
   withdrew his army to Oxford and went into winter quarters.

      N. L. Walford,
      Parliamentary Generals of the Great Civil War,
      chapter 2.

      ALSO IN:
      Sir E. Cust,
      Lives of the Warriors of the Civil Wars,
      part 2.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War,
      chapter 10 (volume 1).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1644 (January).
   Battle of Nantwich and siege of Lathom House.

   The Irish army brought over by King Charles and landed in
   Flintshire, in November, 1643, under the command of Lord
   Byron, invaded Cheshire and laid siege to Nantwich, which was
   the headquarters of the Parliamentary cause in that region.
   Young Sir Thomas Fairfax was ordered to collect forces and
   relieve the town. With great difficulty he succeeded, near the
   end of January, 1644, in leading 2,500 foot-soldiers and
   twenty-eight troops of horse, against the besieging army,
   which numbered 3,000 foot and 1,800 horse. On the 28th of
   January he attacked and routed the Irish royalists completely.
   "All the Royalist Colonels, including the subsequently
   notorious Monk, 1,500 soldiers, six pieces of ordnance, and
   quantities of arms, were captured." Having accomplished this
   most important service, Sir Thomas, "to his great annoyance,"
   received orders to lay siege to Lathom House, one of the
   country seats of the Earl of Derby, which had been fortified
   and secretly garrisoned, with 300 soldiers. It was held by the
   high-spirited and dauntless Countess of Derby, in the absence
   of her husband, who was in the Isle of Man. Sir Thomas Fairfax
   soon escaped from this ignoble enterprise and left it to be
   carried on, first, by his cousin, Sir William Fairfax, and
   afterwards by Colonel Rigby. The Countess defended her house
   for three months, until the approach of Prince Rupert forced
   the raising of the siege in the following spring. Lathom House
   was not finally surrendered to the Roundheads until December
   6, 1645, when it was demolished.

      C. R. Markham,
      Life of the Great Lord Fairfax,
      chapter 13.

      ALSO IN:
      Mrs. Thompson,
      Recollections of Literary Characters and Celebrated Places,
      volume 2, chapter 2.

      E. Warburton,
      Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers,
      page 2, chapter 4.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1644 (January-July).
   The Scots in England.
   The Battle of Marston Moor.

   "On the 19th of January, 1644, the Scottish army entered
   England. Lesley, now earl of Leven, commanded them. ... In the
   meantime, the parliament at Westminster formed a council under
   the title of 'The Committee of the Two Kingdoms,' consisting
   of seven Lords, fourteen members of the Commons, and four
   Scottish Commissioners. Whatever belongs to the executive
   power as distinguished from the legislative devolved upon this
   Committee. In the spring of 1644 the parliament had five
   armies in the field, paid by general or local taxation, and by
   voluntary contributions. Including the Scottish army there
   were altogether 56,000 men under arms; the English forces
   being commanded, as separate armies, by Essex, Waller,
   Manchester, and Fairfax. Essex and Waller advanced to blockade
   Oxford. The queen went to Exeter in April, and never saw
   Charles again. The blockading forces around Oxford had become
   so strong that resistance appeared to be hopeless. On the
   night of the 3d of June the king secretly left the city and
   passed safely between the two hostile armies. There had again
   been jealousies and disagreements between Essex and Waller.
   Essex, supported by the council of war, but in opposition to
   the committee of the two kingdoms, had marched to the west.
   Waller, meanwhile, went in pursuit of the king into
   Worcestershire, Charles suddenly returned to Oxford; and then
   at Copredy Bridge, near Banbury, defeated Waller, who had
   hastened back to encounter him. Essex was before the walls of
   Exeter, in which city the queen had given birth to a princess.
   The king hastened to the west. He was strong enough to meet
   either of the parliamentary armies thus separated. Meanwhile
   the combined English and Scottish armies were besieging York.
   Rupert had just accomplished the relief of Lathom House, which
   had been defended by the heroic countess of Derby for eighteen
   weeks, against a detachment of the army of Fairfax. He then
   marched towards York with 20,000 men. The allied English and
   Scots retired from Hessey Moor, near York, to Tadcaster.
   Rupert entered York with 2,000 cavalry. The Earl of Newcastle
   was in command there. He counselled a prudent delay. The
   impetuous Rupert said he had the orders of the king for his
   guidance, and he was resolved to fight. On the 2nd of July,
   having rested two days in and near York, and enabled the city
   to be newly provisioned, the royalist army went forth to
   engage. They met their enemy on Marston Moor. The issue of the
   encounter would have been more than doubtful, but for
   Cromwell, who for the first time had headed his Ironsides in a
   great pitched battle. The right wing of the parliamentary army
   was scattered. Rupert was chasing and slaying the Scottish
   cavalry. ... The charges of Fairfax and Cromwell decided the
   day. The victory of the parliamentary forces was so complete
   that the Earl of Newcastle left York, and embarked at
   Scarborough for the continent. Rupert marched away also, with
   the wreck of his army, to Chester. Fifteen hundred prisoners,
   all the artillery, more than 100 banners, remained with the
   victors; 4,150 bodies lay dead on the plain."

      C. Knight,
      Crown History of England,
      chapter 25.

      ALSO IN:
      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 2, letter 8.

      B. M. Cordery and J. S. Phillpotts,
      King and Commonwealth,
      chapter 7.

      W. Godwin, History of the Commonwealth, chapter 12,
      (volume 1).

      E. Warburton, Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the
      Cavaliers, volume 2, chapter 4.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1644 (August-September).
   Essex's surrender.
   The second Battle of Newbury.


   "The great success at Marston, which had given the north to
   the Parliament, was all undone in the south and west through
   feebleness and jealousies in the leaders and the wretched
   policy that directed the war. Detached armies, consisting of a
   local militia, were aimlessly ordered about by a committee of
   civilians in London. Disaster followed on disaster. Essex,
   Waller, and Manchester would neither agree amongst themselves
   nor obey orders. Essex and Waller had parted before Marston
   was fought; Manchester had returned from York to protect his
   own eastern counties. Waller, after his defeat at Copredy, did
   nothing, and naturally found his army melting away. Essex,
   perversely advancing into the west, was out-manœuvred by
   Charles, and ended a campaign of blunders by the surrender of
   all his infantry [at Fowey, in Cornwall, September 2, 1644].
   By September 1644 throughout the whole south-west the
   Parliament had not an army in the field. But the Committee of
   the Houses still toiled on with honourable spirit, and at last
   brought together near Newbury a united army nearly double the
   strength of the King's. On Sunday, the 29th of October, was
   fought the second battle of Newbury, as usual in these
   ill-ordered campaigns, late in the afternoon. An arduous day
   ended without victory, in spite of the greater numbers of the
   Parliament's army, though the men fought well, and their
   officers led them with skill and energy. At night the King was
   suffered to withdraw his army without loss, and later to carry
   off his guns and train. The urgent appeals of Cromwell and his
   officers could not infuse into Manchester energy to win the
   day, or spirit to pursue the retreating foe."

      F. Harrison, Oliver Cromwell, chapter 5.

      ALSO IN:
      B. M. Cordery and J. S. Phillpotts,
      King and Commonwealth,
      chapters 7.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War,
      chapters 19 and 21.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1644-1645.
   The Self-denying Ordinance.

   "Cromwell had shown his capacity for organization in the
   creation of the Ironsides; his military genius had displayed
   itself at Marston Moor. Newbury first raised him into a
   political leader. 'Without a more speedy, vigorous and
   effective prosecution of the war,' he said to the Commons
   after his quarrel with Manchester, 'casting off all lingering
   proceedings, like those of soldiers of fortune beyond sea to
   spin out a war, we shall make the kingdom weary of us, and
   hate the name of a Parliament.' But under the leaders who at
   present conducted it a vigorous conduct of the war was
   hopeless. They were, in Cromwell's plain words, 'afraid to
   conquer.' They desired not to crush Charles, but to force him
   back, with as much of his old strength remaining as might be,
   to the position of a constitutional King. ... The army, too,
   as he long ago urged at Edgehill, was not an army to conquer
   with. Now, as then, he urged that till the whole force was new
   modeled, and placed under a stricter discipline, 'they must
   not expect any notable success in anything they went about.'
   But the first step in such a reorganization must be a change
   of officers. The army was led and officered by members of the
   two Houses, and the Self-renouncing [or Self-denying]
   Ordinance, which was introduced by Cromwell and Vane, declared
   the tenure of civil or military offices incompatible with a
   seat in either. In spite of a long and bitter resistance,
   which was justified at a later time by the political results
   which followed this rupture of the tie which had hitherto
   bound the army to the Parliament, the drift of public opinion
   was too strong to be withstood. The passage of the Ordinance
   brought about the retirement of Essex, Manchester, and Waller;
   and the new organization of the army went rapidly on under a
   new commander-in-chief, Sir Thomas Fairfax, the hero of the
   long contest in Yorkshire, and who had been raised into fame
   by his victory at Nantwich and his bravery at Marston Moor."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 8, section 7.

      ALSO IN:
      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth,
      chapter 15 (volume l).

      J. K. Hosmer,
      Life of Young Sir Henry Vane,
      chapter 11.

      J. A. Picton,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 10.

      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Vane.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1645 (January-February).
   The attempted Treaty of Uxbridge.

   A futile negotiation between the king and Parliament was
   opened at Uxbridge in January, 1645. "But neither the king nor
   his advisers entered on it with minds sincerely bent on peace;
   they, on the one hand, resolute not to swerve from the utmost
   rigour of a conqueror's terms, without having conquered; and
   he though more secretly, cherishing illusive hopes of a more
   triumphant restoration to power than any treaty could be
   expected to effect. The three leading topics of discussion
   among the negotiators at Uxbridge were, the church, the
   militia, and the state of Ireland. Bound by their unhappy
   covenant, and watched by their Scots colleagues, the English
   commissioners on the parliament's side demanded the complete
   establishment of a presbyterian polity, and the substitution
   of what was called the directory for the Anglican liturgy.
   Upon this head there was little prospect of a union."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 10, part 1.

      ALSO IN:
      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 8, sections 209-252 (volume 3).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1645 (January-April).
   The New Model of the army.

   The passage of the Self-denying Ordinance was followed, or
   accompanied, by the adoption of the scheme for the so-called
   New Model of the army. "The New Model was organised as
   10 Regiments of Cavalry of 600 men, 6,000;
   10 Companies of Dragoons of 100 men, 1,000;
   10 Regiments of Infantry of 1,400 men, 14,000:
   Total, 21,000 men.

   All officers were to be nominated by Sir Thomas Fairfax, the
   new General, and (as was insisted upon by the Lords, with the
   object of excluding the more fanatical Independents) every
   officer was to sign the covenant within twenty days of his
   appointment. The cost of this force was estimated at £539,460
   per annum, about £1,600,000 of our money. ... Sir Thomas
   Fairfax having been appointed Commander-in-Chief by a vote of
   both Houses on the 1st of April [A. D. 1645], Essex,
   Manchester and others of the Lords resigned their commissions
   on the 2nd. ... The name of Cromwell was of course, with those
   of other members of the Commons, omitted from the original
   list of the New Model army; but with a significance which
   could not have escaped remark, the appointment of
   lieutenant-general was left vacant, while none doubted by whom
   that vacancy would be filled."

      N. L. Walford,
      The Parliamentary Generals of the Great Civil War,
      chapter 4.

      ALSO IN:
      Sir E. Cust,
      Lives of the Warriors of the Civil Wars,
      part. 2: Fairfax.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1645 (JUNE).
   The Battle of Naseby.

   "Early in April, Fairfax with his new army advanced westward
   to raise the siege of Taunton, which city Goring was
   besieging. Before that task was completed he received orders
   to enter on the siege of Oxford. This did not suit his own
   views or those of the Independents. They had joined their new
   army upon the implied condition that decisive battles should
   be fought. It was therefore with great joy that Fairfax
   received orders to proceed in pursuit of the royal forces,
   which, having left Worcester, were marching apparently against
   the Eastern Association, and had just taken Leicester on their
   way. Before entering on this active service, Fairfax demanded
   and obtained leave for Cromwell to serve at least for one
   battle more in the capacity of Lieutenant-General. He came up
   with the king in the neighbourhood of Harborough. Charles
   turned back to meet him, and just by the village of Naseby the
   great battle known by that name was fought. Cromwell had
   joined the army, amid the rejoicing shouts of the troops, two
   days before, with the Association horse. Again the victory
   seems to have been chiefly due to his skill. In detail it is
   almost a repetition of the battle of Marston Moor."

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England, period 2,
      page 675.

   "The old Hamlet of Naseby stands yet, on its old hill-top,
   very much as it did in Saxon days, on the Northwestern border
   of Northamptonshire; nearly on a line, and nearly midway,
   between that Town and Daventry. A peaceable old Hamlet, of
   perhaps five hundred souls; clay cottages for laborers, but
   neatly thatched and swept; smith's shop, saddler's shop,
   beer-shop all in order; forming a kind of square, which leads
   off, North and South, into two long streets; the old Church
   with its graves, stands in the centre, the truncated spire
   finishing itself with a strange old Ball, held up by rods; a
   'hollow copper Ball, which came from Boulogne in Henry the
   Eighth's time,'--which has, like Hudibras's breeches, 'been
   at the Siege of Bullen.' The ground is upland, moorland,
   though now growing corn; was not enclosed till the last
   generation, and is still somewhat bare of wood. It stands
   nearly in the heart of England; gentle Dullness, taking a turn
   at etymology, sometimes derives it from 'Navel'; 'Navesby,
   quasi Navelsby, from being, &c.' ... It was on this high
   moor-ground, in the centre of England, that King Charles, on
   the 14th of June, 1645, fought his last Battle; dashed
   fiercely against the New-Model Army which he had despised till
   then: and saw himself shivered utterly to ruin thereby.
   'Prince Rupert, on the King's right wing, charged up the hill,
   and carried all before him'; but Lieutenant-General Cromwell
   charged down hill on the other wing, likewise carrying all
   before him,--and did not gallop off the field to plunder, he.
   Cromwell, ordered thither by the Parliament, had arrived from
   the Association two days before, 'amid shouts from the whole
   Army': he had the ordering of the Horse this morning. Prince
   Rupert, on returning from his plunder, finds the King's
   Infantry a ruin; prepares to charge again with the rallied
   Cavalry; but the Cavalry too, when it came to the point,
   'broke all asunder,'--never to reassemble more. ... There were
   taken here a good few 'ladies of quality in carriages';--and
   above a hundred Irish ladies not of quality, tattery
   camp-followers 'with long skean-knives about a foot in
   length,' which they well knew how to use; upon whom I fear the
   Ordinance against Papists pressed hard this day. The King's
   Carriage was also taken, with a Cabinet and many Royal
   Autographs in it, which when printed made a sad impression
   against his Majesty,--gave in fact a most melancholy view of
   the veracity of his Majesty, 'On the word of a King.' All was

      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 2, letter 29.

      ALSO IN:
      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 9, sections 30-42 (volume 4).

      E. Warburton,
      Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers,
      volume 3, chapter 1.

   Glamorgan's Commissions, and other perfidies of the King

   "At the battle of Naseby, copies of some letters to the queen,
   chiefly written about the time of the treaty of Uxbridge, and
   strangely preserved, fell into the hands of the enemy and were
   instantly published. No other losses of that fatal day were
   more injurious to [the king's] cause. ... He gave her [the
   queen] power to treat with the English catholics, promising to
   take away all penal laws against them as soon as God should
   enable him to do so, in consideration of such powerful
   assistance as might deserve so great a favour, and enable him
   to affect it. ... Suspicions were much aggravated by a second
   discovery that took place soon afterwards, of a secret treaty
   between the earl of Glamorgan and the confederate Irish
   catholics, not merely promising the repeal of the penal laws,
   but the establishment of their religion in far the greater
   part of Ireland. The marquis of Ormond, as well as lord Digby,
   who happened to be at Dublin, loudly exclaimed against
   Glamorgan's presumption in concluding such a treaty, and
   committed him to prison on a charge of treason. He produced
   two commissions from the king, secretly granted without any
   seal or the knowledge of any minister, containing the fullest
   powers to treat with the Irish, and promising to fulfil any
   conditions into which he should enter. The king, informed of
   this, disavowed Glamorgan. ... Glamorgan, however, was soon
   released, and lost no portion of the king's or his family's
   favour. This transaction has been the subject of much
   historical controversy. The enemies of Charles, both in his
   own and later ages, have considered it as a proof of his
   indifference, at least, to the protestant religion, and of his
   readiness to accept the assistance of Irish rebels on any
   conditions. His advocates for a long time denied the
   authenticity of Glamorgan's commissions. But Dr. Birch
   demonstrated that they were genuine; and, if his dissertation
   could have left any doubt, later evidence might be adduced in

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 10 (volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War,
      chapters 39 and 44 (volume 2).

      T. Carte,
      Life of James, Duke of Ormond,
      book 4 (volume 3).

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 10, chapter 3.


   The Clubmen.

   "When Fairfax and Cromwell marched into the west [after Naseby
   fight], they found that in these counties the country-people
   had begun to assemble in bodies, sometimes 5,000 strong, to
   resist their oppressors, whether they fought in the name of
   King or Parliament. They were called clubmen from their arms,
   and carried banners, with the motto--'If you offer to plunder
   our cattle, Be assured we will give you battle.' The clubmen,
   however, could not hope to control the movements of the
   disciplined troops who now appeared against them. After a few
   fruitless attempts at resistance they dispersed."

      B. M. Cordery and J. S. Phillpotts,
      King and Commonwealth,
      chapter 8.

   "The inexpugnable Sir Lewis Dives (a thrasonical person known
   to the readers of Evelyn), after due battering, was now soon
   stormed; whereupon, by Letters found on him it became apparent
   how deeply Royalist this scheme of Clubmen had been:
   'Commissions for raising Regiments of Clubmen'; the design to
   be extended over England at large, 'yea into the Associated
   Counties': however, it has now come to nothing."

      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 2, letter 14.

   The storming of Bridgewater and Bristol.

   "The continuance of the civil war for a whole year after the
   decisive battle of Naseby is a proof of the King's
   selfishness, and of his utter indifference to the sufferings
   of the people. All rational hope was gone, and even Rupert
   advised his uncle to make terms with the Parliament. Yet
   Charles, while incessantly vacillating as to his plans,
   persisted in retaining his garrisons, and required his
   adherents to sacrifice all they possessed in order to prolong
   a useless struggle for a few months. Bristol, therefore, was
   to stand a siege, and Charles expected the garrison to hold
   out, without an object, to the last extremity, entailing
   misery and ruin on the second commercial city in the kingdom.
   Rupert was sent to take the command there, and when the army
   of Sir Thomas Fairfax approached, towards the end of August,
   he had completed his preparations." Fairfax had marched
   promptly and rapidly westward, after the battle of Naseby. He
   had driven Goring from the siege of Taunton, had defeated him
   in a sharp battle at Langport, taking 1,400 prisoners, and had
   carried Bridgewater by storm, July 21, capturing 2,000 prisoners,
   with 36 pieces of artillery and 5,000 stand of arms. On the
   21st of August he arrived before Bristol, which Prince Rupert
   had strongly fortified, and which he held with an effective
   garrison of 2,300 men. On the morning of the 10th of September
   it was entered by storm, and on the following day Rupert, who
   still occupied the most defensible forts, surrendered the
   whole place. This surrender so enraged the King that he
   deprived his nephew of all his commissions and sent him a pass
   to quit the kingdom. But Rupert understood, as the King would
   not, that fighting was useless--that the royal cause was lost.

      C. R. Markham,
      Life of the Great Lord Fairfax,
      chapter 21-22.

      ALSO IN.
      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 9.

      W. Hunt,
      chapter 7.

      E. Warburton,
      Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers,
      volume 3, chapter 1.

   Defeat of Montrose at Philiphaugh.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1644-1645.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1646 (MARCH).
   Adoption of Presbyterianism by Parliament.

   "For the last three years the Assembly of Divines had been
   sitting almost daily in the Jerusalem Chamber of Westminster
   Abbey. ... They were preparing a new Prayer-book, a form of
   Church Government, a Confession of Faith, and a Catechism; but
   the real questions at issue were the establishment of the
   Presbyterian Church and the toleration of sectarians. The
   Presbyterians, as we know, desired to establish their own form
   of Church government by assemblies and synods, without any
   toleration for non-conformists, whether Catholics,
   Episcopalians, or sectarians. But though they formed a large
   majority in the assembly, there was a well-organized
   opposition of Independents and Erastians, whose union made it
   no easy matter for the Presbyterians to carry every vote their
   own way. ... After the Assembly had sat a year and a half, the
   Parliament passed an ordinance for putting a directory,
   prepared by the divines, into force, and taking away the
   Common Prayer-book (3rd January, 1645). The sign of the cross
   in baptism, the ring in marriage, the wearing of vestments,
   the keeping of saints' days, were discontinued. The communion
   table was ordered to be set in the body of the church, about
   which the people were to stand or sit; the passages of
   Scripture to be read were left to the minister's choice; no
   forms of prayer were prescribed. The same year a new directory
   for ordination of ministers was passed into an ordinance. The
   Presbyterian assemblies, called presbyteries, were empowered
   to ordain, and none were allowed to enter the ministry without
   first taking the covenant (8th November, 1645). This was
   followed by a third ordinance for establishing the
   Presbyterian system of Church government in England by way of
   trial for three years. As originally introduced into the
   House, this ordinance met with great opposition, because it
   gave power to ministers of refusing the sacrament and turning
   men out of the Church for scandalous offences. Now, in what,
   argued the Erastians, did scandalous offences consist? ... A
   modified ordinance accordingly was passed; scandalous
   offences, for which ministers might refuse the sacrament and
   excommunicate, were specified; assemblies were declared
   subject to Parliament, and leave was granted to those who
   thought themselves unjustly sentenced, to appeal right up from
   one Church assembly after another to the civil power--the
   Parliament (16th March, 1646). Presbyterians, both in England
   and Scotland, felt deeply mortified. After all these years'
   contending, then, just when they thought they were entering on
   the fruits of their labours, to see the Church still left
   under the power of the State--the disappointment was intense
   to a degree we cannot estimate. They looked on the
   Independents as the enemies of God; this 'lame Erastian
   Presbytery' as hardly worth the having. ... The Assembly of
   Divines practically came to an end in 1649, when it was
   changed into a committee for examining candidates for the
   Presbyterian ministry. It finally broke up without any formal
   dismissal on the dispersion of the Rump Parliament in March,

      B. M. Cordery and J. S. Phillpotts,
      King and Commonwealth,
      chapter 9.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War.
      chapter 40 (volume 2).

      A. F. Mitchell,
      The Westminster Assembly,
      lectures 7, 9, 13.

      Minutes of the Sessions of the Westminster Assembly.

      See, also, INDEPENDENTS.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1646-1647.
   The King in the hands of the Scots.
   His duplicity and his intrigues.
   The Scots surrender him.

   "On the morning of May 6th authentic news came that the King
   had ridden into the Scottish army, and had entrusted to his
   northern subjects the guardianship of his royal person.
   Thereupon the English Parliament at once asserted their right
   to dispose of their King so long as he was on English soil;
   and for the present ordered that he be sent to Warwick Castle,
   an order, however, which had no effect. Newark, impregnable
   even to Ironsides, was surrendered at last by royal order; and
   the Scots retreated northwards to Newcastle, carrying their
   sovereign with them. ... Meantime the City Presbyterians were
   petitioning the House to quicken the establishment of the
   godly and thorough reformation so long promised; and they were
   supported by letters from the Scottish Parliament, which, in
   the month of February, 1646, almost peremptorily required that
   the Solemn League and Covenant should be carried out in the
   Scottish sense of it. ... The question as to the disposal of
   the King's person became accidentally involved in the issues
   between Presbyterianism and the sects. For if the King had
   been a man to be trusted, and if he had frankly accepted the
   army programme of free religion, a free Parliament, and
   responsible advisers, there is little doubt that he might have
   kept his crown and his Anglican ritual--at least for his own
   worship--and might yet have concluded his reign prosperously
   as the first constitutional King of England. Instead of this,
   he angered the army by making their most sacred purposes mere
   cards in a game, to be played or held as he thought most to
   his own advantage in dealing with the Presbyterian Parliament.
   On July 11th, 1646, Commissioners from both Houses were
   appointed to lay certain propositions for peace before the
   King at Newcastle. These of course involved everything for
   which the Parliament had contended, and in a form developed
   and exaggerated by the altered position of affairs. All armed
   forces were to be absolutely under the control of Parliament
   for a period of 20 years. Speaking generally, all public acts
   done by Parliament, or by its authority, were to be confirmed;
   and all public acts done by the King or his Oxford
   anti-Parliament, without due authorisation from Westminster,
   were to be void. ... On August 10th the Commissioners who had
   been sent to the King returned to Westminster. ... The King
   had given no distinct answer. It was a suspicious circumstance
   that the Duke of Hamilton had gone into Scotland, especially
   as Cromwell learned that, in spite of an ostensible order from
   the King, Montrose's force had not been disbanded. The
   labyrinthine web of royal intrigue in Ireland was beginning to
   be discovered. ... The death of the Earl of Essex on September
   14th increased the growing danger of a fatal schism in the
   victorious party. The Presbyterians had hoped to restore him
   to the head of the army, and so sheathe or blunt the terrible
   weapon they had forged and could not wield. They were now left
   without a man to rival in military authority the commanders
   whose exploits overwhelmed their employers with a too complete
   success. Not only were the political and religious opinions of
   the soldiers a cause of anxiety, but the burden of their
   sustenance and pay was pressing heavily on the country. ... No
   wonder that the City of London, always sensitive as to public
   security, began to urge upon the Parliament the necessity for
   diminishing or disbanding the army in England. ... The
   Parliament, however, could not deal with the army, for two
   reasons; First, the negotiations with the Scotch lingered; and
   next, they could not pay the men. The first difficulty was
   overcome, at least for the time, by the middle of January,
   1647, when a train of wagons carried £200,000 to Newcastle in
   discharge of the English debt to the Scottish army. But the
   successful accomplishment of this only increased the remaining
   difficulty of the Parliament--that of paying their own
   soldiers. We need not notice the charge made against the
   Scotch of selling their King further than to say, that it is
   unfairly based upon only one subordinate feature of a very
   complicated negotiation. If the King would have taken the
   Covenant, and guaranteed to them their precious Presbyterian
   system, his Scottish subjects would have fought for him almost
   to the last man. The firmness of Charles in declining the
   Covenant for himself is, no doubt, the most creditable point
   in his resistance. But his obstinacy in disputing the right of
   two nations, in their political establishment of religion, to
   override his convictions by their own, illustrates his entire
   incapacity to comprehend the new light dawning on the
   relations of sovereign and people. The Scots did their best
   for him. They petitioned him, they knelt to him, they preached
   to him. ... But to have carried with them an intractable man
   to form a wedge of division amongst themselves, at the same
   time that he brought against them the whole power of England,
   would have been sheer insanity. Accordingly, they made the
   best bargain they could both for him and themselves; and,
   taking their wages, they left him with his English subjects,
   who conducted him to Holdenby House, in Northamptonshire, on
   the 6th of February, 1647."

      J. A. Picton,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 13.

      ALSO IN:
      S. R. Gardiner,
      The First two Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution,
      chapter 7, section 4.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War,
      chapter 3845 (volume 2).

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth, book 1,
      chapters 24-27, and book 2,
      chapter 1-6 (volume 2).

      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of chapter Rebellion,
      book 9, section 161-178,
      and book 10 (volume 3).

   The Army takes things in hand.

   The King was surrendered to Parliament, and all now looking
   toward peace, the Presbyterians were uppermost, discredit
   falling upon the Army and its favorers. Many of the Recruiters
   [i. e., the new members, elected to fill vacancies in the
   Parliament], who at first had acted with the Independents,
   inclined now to their opponents. The Presbyterians, feeling
   that none would dare to question the authority of Parliament,
   pushed energetically their policy as regards the Army, of
   sending to Ireland, disbanding, neglecting the payment of
   arrears, and displacing the old officers. But suddenly there
   came for them a rude awakening. On April 30, 1647, Skippon,
   whom all liked, whom the Presbyterians indeed claimed, but who
   at the same time kept on good terms with the Army and
   Independents, rose in his place in St. Stephens and produced a
   letter, brought to him the day before by three private
   soldiers, in which eight regiments of horse expressly refused
   to serve in Ireland, declaring that it was a perfidious design
   to separate the soldiers from the officers whom they
   loved,--framed by men who, having tasted of power, were
   degenerating into tyrants. Holles and the Presbyterians were
   thunder-struck, and laying aside all other business summoned
   the three soldiers to appear at once. ...
   A violent tumult arose in the House. The Presbyterians
   declared that the three sturdy Ironsides standing there, with
   their buff stained from their corselets, ought to be at once
   committed; to which it was answered, that if there were to be
   commitment, it should be to the best London tavern, and sack
   and sugar provided. Cromwell, leaning over toward Ludlow, who
   sat next to him, and pointing to the Presbyterians, said that
   those fellows would never leave till the Army pulled them out
   by the ears. That day it became known that there existed an
   organization, a sort of Parliament, in the Army, the officers
   forming an upper council and the representatives of the rank
   and file a lower council. Two such representatives stood in
   the lower council for each squadron or troop, known as
   'Adjutators,' aiders, or 'Agitators.' This organization had
   taken upon itself to see that the Army had its rights. ... At
   the end of a month, there was still greater occasion for
   astonishment. Seven hundred horse suddenly left the camp, and
   appearing without warning, June 2, at Holmby House, where
   Charles was kept, in charge of Parliamentary commissioners,
   proposed to assume the custody of the King. A cool, quiet
   fellow, of rank no higher than that of cornet, led them and
   was their spokesman, Joyce. 'What is your authority?' asked
   the King. The cornet simply pointed to the mass of troopers at
   his back. ... So bold a step as the seizure of the King made
   necessary other bold steps on the part of the Army. Scarcely a
   fortnight had passed, when a demand was made for the exclusion
   from Parliament of eleven Presbyterians, the men most
   conspicuous for extreme views. The Army meanwhile hovered,
   ever ominously, close at hand, to the north and east of the
   city, paying slight regard to the Parliamentary prohibition to
   remain at a distance. The eleven members withdrew. ... But if
   Parliament was willing to yield, Presbyterian London and the
   country round about were not, and in July broke out into sheer
   rebellion. ... The Speakers of the Lords and Commons, at the
   head of the strength of the Parliament, fourteen Peers and one
   hundred Commoners, betook themselves to Fairfax, and on August
   2 they threw themselves into the protection of the Army at
   Hounslow Heath, ten miles distant. A grand review took place.
   The consummate soldier, Fairfax, had his troops in perfect
   condition, and they were drawn out 20,000 strong to receive
   the seceding Parliament. The soldiers rent the air with shouts
   in their behalf, and all was made ready for a most impressive
   demonstration. On the 6th of August, Fairfax marched his
   troops in full array through the city, from Hammersmith to
   Westminster. Each man had in his hat a wreath of laurel. The
   Lords and Commons who had taken flight were escorted in the
   midst of the column; the city officials joined the train. At
   Westminster the Speakers were ceremoniously reinstalled, and
   the Houses again put to work, the first business being to
   thank the General and the veterans who had reconstituted them.
   The next day, with Skippon in the centre and Cromwell in the
   rear, the Army marched through the city itself, a heavy tramp
   of battle-seasoned platoons, at the mere sound of which the
   war-like ardor of the turbulent youths of the work-shops and
   the rough watermen was completely squelched. Yet the soldiers
   looked neither to the right nor left; nor by act, word, or
   gesture was any offence given."

      J. K. Hosmer,
      Life of Young Sir Henry Vane,
      chapter 12.

      ALSO IN:
      C. R. Markham,
      Life of the Great Lord Fairfax,
      chapter 24.

      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 3, letter 26.

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth,
      book 2, chapter 7-11.

   The King's "Game" with Cromwell and the army,
   and the ending of it.

   After reinstating the Parliament at Westminster, "the army
   leaders resumed negotiations with the King. The indignation of
   the soldiers at his delays and intrigues made the task hourly
   more difficult; but Cromwell ... clung to the hope of
   accommodation with a passionate tenacity. His mind,
   conservative by tradition, and above all practical in temper,
   saw the political difficulties which would follow on the
   abolition of Royalty, and in spite of the King's evasions, he
   persisted in negotiating with him. But Cromwell stood almost
   alone; the Parliament refused to accept Ireton's proposals as
   a basis of peace, Charles still evaded, and the army then grew
   restless and suspicious. There were cries for a wide reform,
   for the abolition of the House of Peers, for a new House of
   Commons, and the Adjutators called on the Council of Officers
   to discuss the question of abolishing Royalty itself. Cromwell
   was never braver than when he faced the gathering storm, forbade
   the discussion, adjourned the Council, and sent the officers
   to their regiments. But the strain was too great to last long,
   and Charles was still resolute to 'play his game.' He was, in
   fact, so far from being in earnest in his negotiations with
   Cromwell and Ireton, that at the moment they were risking
   their lives for him he was conducting another and equally
   delusive negotiation with the Parliament. ... In the midst of
   his hopes of an accommodation, Cromwell found with
   astonishment that he had been duped throughout, and that the
   King had fled [November 11, 1647]. ... Even Cromwell was
   powerless to break the spirit which now pervaded the soldiers,
   and the King's perfidy left him without resource. 'The King is
   a man of great parts and great understanding,' he said at
   last, 'but so great a dissembler and so false a man that he is
   not to be trusted.' By a strange error, Charles had made his
   way from Hampton Court to the Isle of Wight, perhaps with some
   hope from the sympathy of Colonel Hammond, the Governor of
   Carisbrooke Castle, and again found himself a prisoner. Foiled
   in his effort to put himself at the head of the new civil war, he
   set himself to organize it from his prison; and while again
   opening delusive negotiations with the Parliament, he signed a
   secret treaty with the Scots for the invasion of the realm.
   The rise of Independency, and the practical suspension of the
   Covenant, had produced a violent reaction in his favour north
   of the Tweed. ... In England the whole of the conservative
   party, with many of the most conspicuous members of the Long
   Parliament at its head, was drifting, in its horror of the
   religious and political changes which seemed impending, toward
   the King; and the news from Scotland gave the signal for
   fitful insurrections in almost every quarter."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 8, section 8.

      ALSO IN:
      F. P. Guizot,
      History of the English Revolution of 1640,
      books 7-8.

      L. von Ranke,
      History of England, 17th Century,
      book 10, chapter 4.

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth.

      G. Hillier,
      Narrative of attempted Escapes of Charles I. from
      Carisbrooke Castle, &c.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1648 (April-August).
   The Second Civil War.
   Defeat of the Scots at Preston.

   "The Second Civil War broke out in April, and proved to be a
   short but formidable affair. The whole of Wales was speedily
   in insurrection; a strong force of cavaliers were mustering in
   the north of England; in Essex, Surrey, and the southern
   counties various outbreaks arose; Berwick, Carlisle, Chester,
   Pembroke, Colchester, were held for the king; the fleet
   revolted; and 40,000 men were ordered by the Parliament of
   Scotland to invade England. Lambert was sent to the north;
   Fairfax to take Colchester; and Cromwell into Wales, and
   thence to join Lambert and meet the Scotch. On the 24th of May
   Cromwell reached Pembroke, but being short of guns, he did not
   take it till 11th July. The rising in Wales crushed, Cromwell
   turned northwards, where the northwest was already in revolt,
   and 20,000 Scots, under the Duke of Hamilton, were advancing
   into the country. Want of supplies and shoes, and sickness,
   detained him with his army, some 7,000 strong, 'so extremely
   harassed with hard service and long marches, that they seemed
   rather fit for a hospital than a battle.' Having joined
   Lambert in Yorkshire he fought the battle of Preston on 17th
   of August. The battle of Preston was one of the most decisive
   and important victories ever gained by Cromwell, over the most
   numerous enemy he ever encountered, and the first in which he
   was in supreme command. ... Early on the morning of the 17th
   August, Cromwell, with some 9,000 men, fell upon the army of
   the Duke of Hamilton unawares, as it proceeded southwards in a
   long, straggling, unprotected line. The invaders consisted of
   17,000 Scots and 7,000 good men from northern counties. The
   long ill-ordered line was cut In half and rolled back northward
   and southward, before they even knew that Cromwell was
   upon them. The great host, cut into sections, fought with
   desperation from town to town. But for three days it was one
   long chase and carnage, which ended only with the exhaustion
   of the victors and their horses. Ten thousand prisoners were
   taken. 'We have killed we know not what,' writes Cromwell,
   'but a very great number; having done execution upon them
   above thirty miles together, besides what we killed in the two
   great fights.' His own loss was small, and but one superior
   officer. ... The Scottish invaders dispersed, Cromwell
   hastened to recover Berwick and Carlisle, and to restore the
   Presbyterian or Whig party in Scotland."

      F. Harrison,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 7.

      ALSO IN:
      J. H. Burton,
      History of Scotland,
      chapter 74 (volume 7).

      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 11 (volume 4).

   The Treaty at Newport.

   "The unfortunate issue of the Scots expedition under the duke
   of Hamilton, and of the various insurrections throughout
   England, quelled by the vigilance and good conduct of Fairfax
   and Cromwell, is well known. But these formidable
   manifestations of the public sentiment in favour of peace with
   the king on honourable conditions, wherein the city of London,
   ruled by the presbyterian ministers, took a share, compelled
   the house of commons to retract its measures. They came to a
   vote, by 165 to 90, that they would not alter the fundamental
   government by king, lords, and commons; they abandoned their
   impeachment against seven peers, the most moderate of the
   upper house and the most obnoxious to the army: they restored
   the eleven members to their seats; they revoked their
   resolutions against a personal treaty with the king, and even
   that which required his assent by certain preliminary
   articles. In a word the party for distinction's sake called
   presbyterian, but now rather to be denominated constitutional,
   regained its ascendancy. This change in the counsels of
   parliament brought on the treaty of Newport. The treaty of
   Newport was set on foot and managed by those politicians of
   the house of lords, who, having long suspected no danger to
   themselves but from the power of the king, had discovered,
   somewhat of the latest, that the crown itself was at stake,
   and that their own privileges were set on the same cast.
   Nothing was more remote from the intentions of the earl of
   Northumberland, or lord Say, than to see themselves pushed
   from their seats by such upstarts as Ireton and Harrison; and
   their present mortification afforded a proof how men reckoned
   wise in their generation become the dupes of their own
   selfish, crafty, and pusillanimous policy. They now grew
   anxious to see a treaty concluded with the king. Sensible that
   it was necessary to anticipate, if possible, the return of
   Cromwell from the north, they implored him to comply at once
   with all the propositions of parliament, or at least to yield
   in the first instance as far as he meant to go. They had not,
   however, mitigated in any degree the rigorous conditions so
   often proposed; nor did the king during this treaty obtain any
   reciprocal concession worth mentioning in return for his
   surrender of almost all that could be demanded."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 10, part 2.

   The utter faithlessness with which Charles carried on these
   negotiations, as on all former occasions, was shown at a later
   day when his correspondence came to light. "After having
   solemnly promised that all hostilities in Ireland should
   cease, he secretly wrote to Ormond (October 10): 'Obey my
   wife's orders, not mine, until I shall let you know I am free
   from all restraint; nor trouble yourself about my concessions
   as to Ireland; they will not lead to anything;' and the day on
   which he had consented to transfer to parliament for twenty
   years the command of the army (October 9), he wrote to sir
   William Hopkins: 'To tell you the truth, my great concession
   this morning was made only with a view to facilitate my
   approaching escape; without that hope, I should never have
   yielded in this manner. If I had refused, I could, without
   much sorrow, have returned to my prison; but as it is, I own
   it would break my heart, for I have done that which my escape
   alone can justify.' The parliament, though without any exact
   information, suspected all this perfidy; even the friends of
   peace, the men most affected by the king's condition, and most
   earnest to save him, replied but hesitatingly to the charges
   of the independents."

      F. P. Guizot,
      History of the English Revolution of 1640,
      book 8.

      ALSO IN:
      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 11, sections 153-190 (volume 4).

      I. Disraeli,
      Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles I.,
      volume 2, chapters 39-40.


   The Grand Army Remonstrance and Pride's Purge.
   The Long Parliament cut down to the Rump.

   On the 20th of November, 1648, Colonel Ewer and other officers
   presented to the house of commons a remonstrance from the Army
   against the negotiations and proposed treaty with the king.
   This was accompanied by a letter from Fairfax, stating that it
   had been voted unanimously in the council of officers, and
   entreating for it the consideration of parliament. The
   remonstrance recommended an immediate ending of the treaty
   conferences at Newport, demanded that the king be brought to
   justice, as the capital source of all grievances, and called
   upon parliament to enact its own dissolution, with provision
   for the electing and convening of future annual or biennial
   parliaments. Ten days passed without attention being given to
   this army manifesto, the house having twice adjourned its
   consideration of the document. On the first of December there
   appeared at Newport a party of horse which quietly took
   possession of the person of the king, and conveyed him to
   Hurst Castle, "a fortress in Hampshire, situated at the
   extreme point of a neck of land, which shoots into the sea
   towards the isle of Wight." The same day on which this was
   done, "the commissioners who had treated with the king at
   Newport made their appearance in the two houses of parliament;
   and the two following days were occupied by the house of
   commons in an earnest debate as to the state of the
   negotiation. Vane was one of the principal speakers against
   the treaty; and Fiennes, who had hitherto ranked among the
   independents, spoke for it. At length, after the house had sat
   all night, it was put and carried, at five in the morning of
   the 5th, by a majority of 129 to 83, that the king's answers
   to the propositions of both houses were a ground for them to
   proceed upon, to the settlement of the peace of the kingdom.
   On the same day this vote received the concurrence of the
   house of lords." Meantime, on the 30th of November, the
   council of the army had voted a second declaration more fully
   expressive of its views and announcing its intention to draw
   near to London, for the accomplishment of the purposes of the
   remonstrance. "On the 2d of December Fairfax marched to
   London, and quartered his army at Whitehall, St. James's, the
   Mews, and the villages near the metropolis. ... On the 5th of
   December three officers of the army held a meeting with three
   members of parliament, to arrange the plan by which the sound
   members might best be separated from those by whom their
   measures were thwarted, and might peaceably be put in
   possession of the legislative authority. The next morning a
   regiment of horse, and another of foot were placed as a guard
   upon the two houses, Skippon, who commanded the city-militia,
   having agreed with the council of the army to keep back the
   guard under his authority which usually performed that duty. A
   part of the foot were ranged in the Court of Requests, upon
   the stairs, and in the lobby leading to the house of commons.
   Colonel Pride was stationed near the door, with a list in his
   hand of the persons he was commissioned to arrest; and
   sometimes one of the door-keepers, and at others Lord Grey of
   Groby, pointed them out to him, as they came up with an
   intention of passing into the house. Forty-one members were
   thus arrested. ... On the following day more members were
   secured, or denied entrance, amounting, with those of the day
   before, to about one hundred. At the same time Cromwell took
   his seat; and Henry Marten moved that the speaker should
   return him thanks for his great and eminent services performed
   in the course of the campaign. The day after, the two houses
   adjourned to the 12th. During the adjournment many of the
   members who had been taken into custody by the military were
   liberated. ... Besides those who were absolutely secured, or
   shut out from their seats by the power of the army, there were
   other members that looked with dislike on the present
   proceedings, or that considered parliament as being under
   force, and not free in their deliberations, who voluntarily
   abstained from being present at their sittings and debates."

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth,
      book 2, chapters 23-24 (volume 2).

   "The famous Pride's Purge was accomplished. By military force
   the Long Parliament was cut down to a fraction of its number,
   and the career begins of the mighty 'Rump,' so called in the
   coarse wit of the time because it was 'the sitting part.'"

      J. K. Hosmer,
      Life of Young Sir Henry Vane,
      chapter 13.

   "This name [the Rump] was first given to them by Walker, the
   author of the History of Independency, by way of derision, in
   allusion to a fowl all devoured but the rump."

      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 4, chapter 1, foot-note.

      ALSO IN:
      C. R Markham,
      Life of the Great Lord Fairfax,
      chapter 28.

      D. Masson,
      Life of John Milton,
      book 4, chapters 1 and 3 (volume 3).

   The trial and execution of the King.

   "During the month in which Charles had remained at Windsor
   [whither he had been brought from Hurst Castle on the 17th of
   December], there had been proceedings in Parliament of which
   he was imperfectly informed. On the day he arrived there, it
   was resolved by the Commons that he should be brought to
   trial. On the 2nd of January, 1649, it was voted that, in
   making war against the Parliament, he had been guilty of
   treason; and a High Court was appointed to try him. One
   hundred and fifty commissioners were to compose the Court,--
   peers, members of the Commons, aldermen of London. The
   ordinance was sent to the Upper House, and was rejected. On
   the 6th, a fresh ordinance, declaring that the people being,
   after God, the source of all just power, the representatives
   of the people are the supreme power in the nation; and that
   whatsoever is enacted or declared for law by the Commons in
   Parliament hath the force of a law, and the people are
   concluded thereby, though the consent of King or Peers be not
   had thereto. Asserting this power, so utterly opposed either
   to the ancient constitution of the monarchy, or to the
   possible working of a republic, there was no hesitation in
   constituting the High Court of Justice in the name of the
   Commons alone. The number of members of the Court was now
   reduced to 135. They had seven preparatory meetings, at which
   only 58 members attended. 'All men,' says Mrs. Hutchinson,
   'were left to their free liberty of acting, neither persuaded
   nor compelled; and as there were some nominated in the
   commission who never sat, and others who sat at first but
   durst not hold on, so all the rest might have declined it if
   they would, when it is apparent they should have suffered
   nothing by so doing.' ... On the 19th of January, major
   Harrison appeared ... at Windsor with his troop. There was a
   coach with six horses in the court-yard, in which the King
   took his seat; and, once more, he entered London, and was
   lodged at St. James's palace.
   The next day, the High Court of Justice was opened in
   Westminster-hall. ... After the names of the members of the
   court had been called, 69 being present, Bradshaw, the
   president, ordered the serjeant to bring in the prisoner.
   Silently the King sat down in the chair prepared for him. He
   moved not his hat, as he looked sternly and contemptuously
   around. The sixty-nine rose not from their seats, and remained
   covered. ... The clerk reads the charge, and when he is
   accused therein of being tyrant and traitor, he laughs in the
   face of the Court. 'Though his tongue usually hesitated, yet
   it was very free at this time, for he was never discomposed in
   mind,' writes Warwick. ... Again and again contending against
   the authority of the Court, the King was removed, and the
   sitting was adjourned to the 22nd. On that day the same scene
   was renewed; and again on the 23rd. A growing sympathy for the
   monarch became apparent. The cries of 'Justice, justice,'
   which were heard at first, were now mingled with 'God save the
   King.' He had refused to plead; but the Court nevertheless
   employed the 24th and 25th of January in collecting evidence
   to prove the charge of his levying war against the Parliament.
   Coke, the solicitor-general, then demanded whether the Court
   would proceed to pronouncing sentence; and the members
   adjourned to the Painted Chamber. On the 27th the public
   sitting was resumed. ... The Court, Bradshaw then stated, had
   agreed upon the sentence. Ludlow records that the King'
   desired to make one proposition before they proceeded to
   sentence; which he earnestly pressing, as that which he
   thought would lead to the reconciling of all parties, and to
   the peace of the three kingdoms, they permitted him to offer
   it; the effect of which was, that he might meet the two Houses
   in the Painted Chamber, to whom he doubted not to offer that
   which should satisfy and secure all interests.' Ludlow goes on
   to say, 'Designing, as I have since been informed, to propose
   his own resignation, and the admission of his son to the
   throne upon such terms as should have been agreed upon.' The
   commissioners retired to deliberate, 'and being satisfied,
   upon debate, that nothing but loss of time would be the
   consequence of it, they returned into the Court with a
   negative to his demand.' Bradshaw then delivered a solemn
   speech to the King. ... The clerk was lastly commanded to read
   the sentence, that his head should be severed from his body;
   'and the commissioners,' says Ludlow, 'testified their
   unanimous assent by standing up.' The King attempted to speak;
   'but being accounted dead in law, was not permitted.' On the
   29th of January, the Court met to sign the sentence of
   execution, addressed to 'colonel Francis Hacker, colonel
   Huncks, and lieutenant-colonel Phayr, and to every one of
   them.' ... There were some attempts to save him. The Dutch
   ambassador made vigorous efforts to procure a reprieve, whilst
   the French and Spanish ambassadors were inert. The ambassadors
   from the States nevertheless persevered; and early in the day
   of the 30th obtained some glimmering of hope from Fairfax.
   'But we found,' they say in their despatch, 'in front of the
   house in which we had just spoken with the general, about 200
   horsemen; and we learned, as well as on our way as on reaching
   home, that all the streets, passages, and squares of London were
   occupied by troops, so that no one could pass, and that the
   approaches of the city were covered with cavalry, so as to
   prevent anyone from coming in or going out; ... The same day,
   between two and three o'clock, the King was taken to a
   scaffold covered with black, erected before Whitehall.' To
   that scaffold before Whitehall, Charles walked, surrounded by
   soldiers, through the leafless avenues of St. James's Park. It
   was a bitterly cold morning. ... His purposed address to the
   people was delivered only to the hearing of those upon the
   scaffold, but its purport was that the people mistook the
   nature of government; for people are free under a government,
   not by being sharers in it, but by due administration of the
   laws of it.' His theory of government was a consistent one. He
   had the misfortune not to understand that the time had been
   fast passing away for its assertion. The headsman did his
   office; and a deep groan went up from the surrounding

      Charles Knight,
      Popular History of England,
      volume 4, chapter 7.

   "In the death-warrant of 29th January 1649, next after the
   President and Lord Grey, stands the name of Oliver Cromwell.
   He accepted the responsibility of it, justified, defended it
   to his dying day. No man in England was more entirely
   answerable for the deed than he, 'I tell you,' he said to
   Algernon Sidney, 'we will cut off his head with the crown upon
   it.' ... Slowly he had come to know--not only that the man,
   Charles Stuart, was incurably treacherous, but that any
   settlement of Parliament with the old Feudal Monarchy was
   impossible. As the head of the king rolled on the scaffold the
   old Feudal Monarchy expired for ever. In January 1649 a great
   mark was set in the course of the national life--the Old Rule
   behind it, the New Rule before it. Parliamentary government,
   the consent of the nation, equality of rights, and equity in
   the law--all date from this great New Departure. The Stuarts
   indeed returned for one generation, but with the sting of the
   Old Monarchy gone, and only to disappear almost without a
   blow. The Church of England returned; but not the Church of
   Laud or of Charles. The peers returned, but as a meek House of
   Lords, with their castles razed, their feudal rights and their
   political power extinct. It is said that the regicides killed
   Charles I. only to make Charles II. king. It is not so, They
   killed the Old Monarchy; and the restored monarch was by no
   means its heir, but a royal Stadtholder or Hereditary

      F. Harrison,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 7.

   "Respecting the death of Charles it has been pronounced by
   Fox, that 'it is much to be doubted whether his trial and
   execution have not, as much as any other circumstance, served
   to raise the character of the English nation in the opinion of
   Europe in general.' And he goes on to speak with considerable
   favour of the authors of that event. One of the great
   authorities of the age having so pronounced, an hundred and
   fifty years after the deed, it may be proper to consider for a
   little the real merits of the actors, and the act. It is not
   easy to imagine a greater criminal than the individual against
   whom the sentence was awarded. ... Liberty is one of the
   greatest negative advantages that can fall to the lot of a
   man; without it we cannot possess any high degree of
   happiness, or exercise any considerable virtue. Now Charles,
   to a degree which can scarcely be exceeded, conspired against
   the liberty of his country, to assert his own authority
   without limitation, was the object of all his desires and all
   his actions, so far as the public was concerned.
   To accomplish this object he laid aside the use of a
   parliament. When he was compelled once more to have recourse
   to this assembly, and found it retrograde to his purposes, he
   determined to bring up the army, and by that means to put an
   end to its sittings. Both in Scotland and England, the scheme
   that he formed for setting aside all opposition, was by force
   of arms. For that purpose he commenced war against the English
   parliament, and continued it by every expedient in his power
   for four years. Conquered, and driven out of the field, he did
   not for that, for a moment lose sight of his object and his
   resolution. He sought in every quarter for the materials of a
   new war; and, after an interval of twenty months, and from the
   depths of his prison, he found them. To this must be added the
   most consummate insincerity and duplicity. He could never be
   reconciled; he could never be disarmed; he could never be
   convinced. His was a war to the death, and therefore had the
   utmost aggravation that can belong to a war against the
   liberty of a nation. ... The proper lesson taught by the act
   of the thirtieth of January, was that no person, however high
   in station, however protected by the prejudices of his
   contemporaries, must expect to be criminal against the welfare
   of the state and community, without retribution and
   punishment. The event however sufficiently proved that the
   condemnation and execution of Charles did not answer the
   purposes intended by its authors. It did not conciliate the
   English nation to republican ideas. It shocked all those
   persons in the country who did not adhere to the ruling party.
   This was in some degree owing to the decency with which
   Charles met his fate. He had always been in manners, formal,
   sober and specious. ... The notion was every where prevalent,
   that a sovereign could not be called to account, could not be
   arraigned at the bar of his subjects. And the violation of
   this prejudice, instead of breaking down the wall which
   separated him from others, gave to his person a sacredness
   which never before appertained to it. Among his own partisans
   the death of Charles was treated, and was spoken of, as a sort
   of deicide. And it may be admitted for a universal rule, that
   the abrupt violation of a deep-rooted maxim and persuasion of
   the human mind, produces a reaction, and urges men to hug the
   maxim closer than ever. I am afraid, that the day that saw
   Charles perish on the scaffold, rendered the restoration of
   his family certain."

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth of England
      to the Restoration of Charles II.,
      book 2, chapter 26 (volume 2).

   "The situation, complicated enough already, had been still
   further complicated by Charles's duplicity. Men who would have
   been willing to come to terms with him, despaired of any
   constitutional arrangement in which he was to be a factor; and
   men who had long been alienated from him were irritated into
   active hostility. By these he was regarded with increasing
   intensity as the one disturbing force with which no
   understanding was possible and no settled order consistent. To
   remove him out of the way appeared, even to those who had no
   thought of punishing him for past offences, to be the only
   possible road to peace for the troubled nation. It seemed that
   so long as Charles lived deluded nations and deluded parties
   would be stirred up, by promises never intended to be
   fulfilled, to fling themselves, as they had flung themselves
   in the Second Civil War, against the new order of things which
   was struggling to establish itself in England."

      S. R. Gardiner,
      History of the Great Civil War,
      1642-1649, chapter 71 (volume 3).

      ALSO IN:
      John Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Henry Marten.

      S. R. Gardiner,
      Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution,
      pages 268-290.

   The following is the text of the Act which arraigned the King
   and constituted the Court by which he was tried:

   "Whereas it is notorious that Charles Stuart, the now king of
   England, not content with the many encroachments which his
   predecessors had made upon the people in their rights and
   freedom, hath had a wicked design totally to subvert the
   antient and fundamental laws and liberties of this nation, and
   in their place to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical
   government; and that, besides all other evil ways and means to
   bring his design to pass, he hath prosecuted it with fire and
   sword, levied and maintained a civil war in the land, against
   the parliament and kingdom; whereby this country hath been
   miserably wasted, the public treasure exhausted, trade
   decayed, thousands of people murdered, and infinite other
   mischiefs committed; for all which high and treasonable
   offences the said Charles Stuart might long since have justly
   been brought to exemplary and condign punishment: whereas also
   the parliament, well hoping that the restraint and imprisonment
   of his person after it had pleased God to deliver him into
   their hands, would have quieted the distempers of the kingdom,
   did forbear to proceed judicially against him; but found, by
   sad experience, that such their remissness served only to
   encourage him and his accomplices in the continuance of their
   evil practices and in raising new commotions, rebellions, and
   invasions: for prevention therefore of the like or greater
   inconveniences, and to the end no other chief officer or
   magistrate whatsoever may hereafter presume, traiterously and
   maliciously, to imagine or contrive the enslaving or
   destroying of the English nation, and to expect impunity for
   so doing; be it enacted and ordained by the [Lords] and
   commons in Parliament assembled, and it is hereby enacted and
   ordained by the authority thereof, That the earls of Kent,
   Nottingham, Pembroke, Denbigh, and Mulgrave; the lord Grey of
   Warke; lord chief justice Rolle of the king's bench, lord
   chief justice St. John of the common Pleas, and lord chief
   baron Wylde; the lord Fairfax, lieutenant general Cromwell,
   &c. [in all about 150,] shall be, and are hereby appointed and
   required to be Commissioners and Judges, for the Hearing,
   Trying, and Judging of the said Charles Stuart; and the said
   Commissioners, or any 20 or more of them, shall be, and are
   hereby authorized and constituted an High Court of Justice, to
   meet and sit at such convenient times and place as by the said
   commissioners, or the major part, or 20 or more of them, under
   their hands and seals, shall be appointed and notified by
   public Proclamation in the Great Hall, or Palace Yard of
   Westminster; and to adjourn from time to time, and from place
   to place, as the said High Court, or the major part thereof,
   at meeting, shall hold fit; and to take order for the charging
   of him, the said Charles Stuart, with the Crimes and Treasons
   above-mentioned, and for receiving his personal Answer
   thereunto, and for examination of witnesses upon oath, (which
   the court hath hereby authority to administer) or otherwise,
   and taking any other Evidence concerning the same; and
   thereupon, or in default of such Answer, to proceed to final
   Sentence according to justice and the merit of the cause; and
   such final Sentence to execute, or cause to be executed,
   speedily and impartially.--
   And the said court is hereby  and required to chuse and
   appoint all such officers, attendants, and other circumstances
   as they, or the major part of them, shall in any sort judge
   necessary or useful for the orderly and good managing of the
   premises; and Thomas lord Fairfax the General, and all
   officers and soldiers, under his command, and all officers of
   justice, and other well-affected persons, are hereby
   authorized and required to be aiding and assisting unto the
   said court in the due execution of the trust hereby committed
   unto them; provided that this act, and the authority hereby
   granted, do continue in force for the space of one month from
   the date of the making hereof, and no longer."

      Cobbett's Parliamentary History of England,
      volume 3, pages 1254-1255.

   The Commonwealth established.

   "England was now a Republic. The change had been virtually
   made on Thursday, January 4, 1648-9, when the Commons passed
   their three great Resolutions, declaring

   (1) that the People of England were, under God, the original
   of all just power in the State,

   (2) that the Commons, in Parliament assembled, having been
   chosen by the People, and representing the People, possessed
   the supreme power in their name, and

   (3) that whatever the Commons enacted should have the force of
   a law, without needing the consent of either King or House of

   On Tuesday, the 30th of January, the theory of these
   Resolutions became more visibly a fact. On the afternoon of
   that day, while the crowd that had seen the execution in front
   of Whitehall were still lingering round the scaffold, the
   Commons passed an Act 'prohibiting the proclaiming of any
   person to be King of England or Ireland, or the dominions
   thereof.' It was thus declared that Kingship in England had
   died with Charles. But what of the House of Peers? It was
   significant that on the same fatal day the Commons revived
   their three theoretical resolutions of the 4th, and ordered
   them to be printed. The wretched little rag of a House might
   then have known its doom. But it took a week more to convince
   them." On the 6th of February it was resolved by the House of
   Commons, "'That the House of Peers in Parliament is useless
   and dangerous, and ought to be abolished, and that an Act be
   brought in to that purpose.' Next day, February 7, after
   another long debate, it was further resolved 'That it hath
   been found by experience, and this House doth declare, that
   the office of a King in this realm, and to have the power
   thereof in any single person, is unnecessary, burdensome, and
   dangerous to the liberty, safety, and public interest of the
   People of this nation, and therefore ought to be abolished,
   and that an Act be brought in to that purpose.' Not till after
   some weeks were these Acts deliberately passed after the
   customary three readings. The delay, however, was matter of
   mere Parliamentary form. Theoretically a Republic since Jan.
   4, 1648-9, and visibly a Republic from the day of Charles's
   death, England was a Republic absolutely and in every sense
   from February 7, 1648-9." For the administration of the
   government of the republican Commonwealth, the Commons
   resolved, on the 7th of February, that a Council of State be
   erected; to consist of not more than forty persons. On the
   13th, Instructions to the intended Council of State were
   reported and agreed to, "these Instructions conferring almost
   plenary powers, but limiting the duration of the Council to
   one year." On the 14th and 15th forty-one persons were
   appointed to be members of the Council, Fairfax, Cromwell,
   Vane, St. John, Whitlocke, Henry Marten, and Colonels
   Hutchinson and Ludlow being in the number; nine to constitute
   a quorum, and no permanent President to be chosen.

      D. Masson,
      Life of John Milton,
      volume 4, book 1, chapter 1.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume. 10, chapter 5.

      A. Bisset,
      Omitted Chapters of History of England,
      chapter 1.

   The Eikon Basilike.

   "A book, published with great secrecy, and in very mysterious
   circumstances, February 9, 1648-9, exactly ten days after the
   late King's death, had done much to increase the Royalist

   'Eikon Basilike: The True Portraicture of His Sacred Majestie
   in his Solitudes and Sufferings.--Romans viii. More than
   conquerour, &c.--Bona agere et mala pati Regium est.
   such was the title-page of this volume (of 269 pages of text,
   in small octavo), destined by fate, rather than by merit, to
   be one of the most famous books of the world. ... The book, so
   elaborately prepared and heralded, consists of twenty-eight
   successive chapters, purporting to have been written by the
   late King, and to be the essence of his spiritual
   autobiography in the last years of his life. Each chapter,
   with scarcely an exception, begins with a little narrative, or
   generally rather with reflections and meditations on some
   passage of the King's life the narrative of which is supposed
   to be unnecessary, and ends with a prayer in italics
   appropriate to the circumstances remembered. ... Save for a
   few ... passages ... , the pathos of which lies in the
   situation they represent, the Eikon Basilike is a rather dull
   performance, in third-rate rhetoric, modulated after the
   Liturgy; and without incision, point, or the least shred of
   real information as to facts. But O what a reception it had!
   Copies of it ran about instantaneously, and were read with
   sobs and tears. It was in vain that Parliament, March 16, gave
   orders for seizing the book. It was reprinted at once in
   various forms, to supply the constant demand--which was not
   satisfied, it is said, with less than fifty editions within a
   single year; it became a very Bible in English Royalist
   households. ... By means of this book, in fact, acting on the
   state of sentiment which it fitted, there was established,
   within a few weeks after the death of Charles I., that
   marvellous worship of his memory, that passionate recollection
   of him as the perfect man and the perfect king, the saint, the
   martyr, the all but Christ on earth again, which persisted
   till the other day as a positive religious cultus of the
   English mind, and still lingers in certain quarters."

      D. Masson,
      Life and Times of John Milton,
      volume 4, book 1, chapter 1.


   "I struggled through the Eikon Basilike yesterday; one of the
   paltriest pieces of vapid, shovel-hatted, clear-starched,
   immaculate falsity and cant I have ever read. It is to me an
   amazement how any mortal could ever have taken that for a
   genuine book of King Charles's. Nothing but a surpliced
   Pharisee, sitting at his ease afar off, could have got up such
   a set of meditations. It got Parson Gauden [John Gauden,
   Bishop of Exeter and Worcester, successively, after the
   Restoration, and who is believed to have been the author of
   the Eikon Basilike] a bishopric."

      T. Carlyle,
      History of his Life in London,
      by Froude, volume 1, chapter 7, November 26, 1840.

   Mutiny of the Levellers.

      See LEVELLERS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1649-1650.
   Cromwell's campaign in Ireland.

      See IRELAND: A. D. 1649-1650.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1650 (JULY).
   Charles II. proclaimed King in Scotland.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1650 (MARCH-JULY).

   War with the Scots and Cromwell's victory at Dunbar.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1650 (SEPTEMBER).

    The Scots and Charles II. overthrown at Worcester.

       See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1651.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1651-1653.
   The Army and the Rump.

   "'Now that the King is dead and his son defeated,' Cromwell
   said gravely to the Parliament, 'I think it necessary to come
   to a settlement.' But the settlement which had been promised
   after Naseby was still as distant as ever after Worcester. The
   bill for dissolving the present Parliament, though Cromwell
   pressed it in person, was only passed, after bitter
   opposition, by a majority of two; and even this success had
   been purchased by a compromise which permitted the House to
   sit for three years more. Internal affairs were simply at a
   dead lock. ... The one remedy for all this was, as the army
   saw, the assembly of a new and complete Parliament in place of
   the mere 'rump' of the old; but this was the one measure which
   the House was resolute to avert. Vane spurred it to a new
   activity. ... But it was necessary for Vane's purposes not
   only to show the energy of the Parliament, but to free it from
   the control of the army. His aim was to raise in the navy a
   force devoted to the House, and to eclipse the glories of
   Dunbar and Worcester by yet greater triumphs at sea. With this
   view the quarrel with Holland had been carefully nursed. ...
   The army hardly needed the warning conveyed by the
   introduction of a bill for its disbanding to understand the
   new policy of the Parliament. ... The army petitioned not only
   for reform in Church and State, but for an explicit
   declaration that the House would bring its proceedings to a
   close. The Petition forced the House to discuss a bill for 'a
   New Representative,' but the discussion soon brought out the
   resolve of the sitting members to continue as a part of the
   coming Parliament without re-election. The officers, irritated
   by such a claim, demanded in conference after conference an
   immediate dissolution, and the House as resolutely refused. In
   ominous words Cromwell supported the demands of the army. 'As
   for the members of this Parliament, the army begins to take
   them in disgust. I would it did so with less reason.' ... Not
   only were the existing members to continue as members of the
   New Parliament, depriving the places they represented of their
   right of choosing representatives, but they were to constitute
   a Committee of Revision, to determine the validity of each
   election, and the fitness of the members returned. A
   conference took place [April 19, 1653] between the leaders of
   the Commons and the officers of the army. ... The conference
   was adjourned till the next morning, on an understanding that
   no decisive step should be taken; but it had no sooner
   reassembled, than the absence of the leading members confirmed
   the news that Vane was fast pressing the bill for a new
   Representative through the House. 'It is contrary to common
   honesty,' Cromwell angrily broke out; and, quitting Whitehall,
   he summoned a company of musketeers to follow him as far as
   the door of the House of Commons."

      J. R Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 8, section 9.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Cromwell.

      J. A. Picton,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 22.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1651-1672.
   The Navigation Acts and the American colonies.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1651-1672;
      also, NAVIGATION LAWS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1652-1654.
   War with the Dutch Republic.

   "After the death of William, Prince of Orange, which was
   attended with the depression of his party and the triumph of
   the Dutch republicans [see NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1647-1650], the
   Parliament thought that the time was now favourable for
   cementing a closer confederacy with the states. St. John,
   chief justice, who was sent over to the Hague, had entertained
   the idea of forming a kind of coalition between the two
   republics, which would have rendered their interests totally
   inseparable; ... but the states, who were unwilling to form a
   nearer confederacy with a government whose measures were so
   obnoxious, and whose situation seemed so precarious, offered
   only to renew 'the former alliances with England; and the
   haughty St. John, disgusted with this disappointment, as well
   as incensed at many affronts which had been offered him, with
   impunity, by the retainers of the Palatine and Orange
   families, and indeed by the populace in general, returned into
   England and endeavoured to foment a quarrel between the
   republics. .... There were several motives which at this time
   induced the English Parliament to embrace hostile measures.
   Many of the members thought that a foreign war would serve as
   a pretence for continuing the same Parliament, and delaying
   the new model of a representative, with which the nation had
   so long been flattered. Others hoped that the war would
   furnish a reason for maintaining, some time longer, that
   numerous standing army which was so much complained of. On the
   other hand, some, who dreaded the increasing power of
   Cromwell, expected that the great expense of naval armaments
   would prove a motive for diminishing the military
   establishment. To divert the attention of the public from
   domestic quarrels towards foreign transactions, seemed, in the
   present disposition of men's minds, to be good policy. ... All
   these views, enforced by the violent spirit of St. John, who
   had great influence over Cromwell, determined the Parliament
   to change the purposed alliance into a furious war against the
   United Provinces. To cover these hostile intentions, the
   Parliament, under pretence of providing for the interests of
   commerce, embraced such measures as they knew would give
   disgust to the states. They framed the famous act of
   navigation, which prohibited all nations from importing into
   England in their bottoms any commodity which was not the
   growth and manufacture of their own country. ... The minds of
   men in both states were every day more irritated against each
   other; and it was not long before these humours broke forth
   into action."

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      chapter 60 (volume 5).


   "The negotiations ... were still pending when Blake, meeting
   Van Tromp's fleet in the Downs, in vain summoned the Dutch
   Admiral to lower his flag. A battle was the consequence, which
   led to a declaration of war on the 8th of July (1652). The
   maritime success of England was chiefly due to the genius of
   Blake, who having hitherto served upon shore, now turned his
   whole attention to the navy. A series of bloody fights took
   place between the two nations. For some time the fortunes of
   the war seemed undecided. Van Tromp, defeated by Blake, had to
   yield the command to De Ruyter. De Ruyter in his turn was
   displaced to give way again to his greater rival. Van Tromp
   was reinstated in command. A victory over Blake off the Naze
   (November 28) enabled him to cruise in the Channel with a
   broom at his mast-head, implying that he had swept the English
   from the seas. But the year 1653 again saw Blake able to fight
   a drawn battle of two days' duration between Portland and La
   Hogue; while at length, on the 2d and 3d of June, a decisive
   engagement was fought off the North Foreland, in which Monk
   and Deane, supported by Blake, completely defeated the Dutch
   Admiral, who, as a last resource, tried in vain to blow up his
   own ship, and then retreated to the Dutch coast, leaving
   eleven ships in the hands of the English. In the next month,
   another victory on the part of Blake, accompanied by the death
   of the great Dutch Admiral, completed the ruin of the naval
   power of Holland. The States were driven to treat. In 1654 the
   treaty was signed, in which Denmark, the Hanseatic towns, and
   the Swiss provinces were included. ... The Dutch acknowledged
   the supremacy of the English flag in the British seas; they
   consented to the Navigation Act."

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England,
      period 2, page 701.

      ALSO IN:
      W. H. Dixon,
      Robert Blake, Admiral and General at Sea,
      chapters 6-7.

      D. Hannay,
      Admiral Blake,
      chapters 6-7.

      J. Campbell,
      Naval History of Great Britain,
      chapter 15 (volume 2).

      G. Penn,
      Memorials of Sir William Penn,
      chapter 4.

      J. Corbett,
      chapter 7.

      J. Geddes,
      History of the Administration of John De Witt,
      volume 1, books 4-5.

      See, also, NAVIGATION LAWS, ENGLISH: A. D. 1651.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1653 (APRIL).
   Cromwell's expulsion of the Rump.

   "In plain black clothes and gray worsted stockings, the
   Lord-General came in quietly and took his seat [April 20], as
   Vane was pressing the House to pass the dissolution Bill
   without delay and without the customary forms. He beckoned to
   Harrison and told him that the Parliament was ripe for
   dissolution, and he must do it. 'Sir,' said Harrison, 'the
   work is very great and dangerous.'--'You say well,' said the
   general, and thereupon sat still for about a quarter of an
   hour. Vane sat down, and the Speaker was putting the question
   for passing the Bill. Then said Cromwell to Harrison again,
   'This is the time; I must do it.' He rose up, put off his hat,
   and spoke. Beginning moderately and respectfully, he presently
   changed his style, told them of their injustice, delays of
   justice, self interest, and other faults; charging them not to
   have a heart to do anything for the public good, to have
   espoused the corrupt interest of Presbytery and the lawyers,
   who were the supporters of tyranny and oppression, accusing
   them of an intention to perpetuate themselves in power. And
   rising into passion, 'as if he were distracted,' he told them
   that the Lord had done with them, and had chosen other
   instruments for the carrying on His work that were worthy. Sir
   Peter Wentworth rose to complain of such language in
   Parliament, coming from their own trusted servant. Roused to
   fury by the interruption, Cromwell left his seat, clapped on
   his hat, walked up and down the floor of the House, stamping
   with his feet, and cried out, 'You are no Parliament, I say
   you are no Parliament. Come, come, we have had enough of this;
   I will put an end to your prating. Call them in!' Twenty or
   thirty musketeers under Colonel Worsley marched in onto the
   floor of the House. The rest of the guard were placed at the
   door and in the lobby. Vane from his place cried out, 'This is
   not honest, yea, it is against morality and common honesty.'
   Cromwell, who evidently regarded Vane as the breaker of the
   supposed agreement, turned on him with a loud voice, crying,
   'O Sir Henry Vane, Sir Henry Vane, the Lord deliver me from
   Sir Henry Vane.' Then looking upon one of the members, he
   said, 'There sits a drunkard;' to another he said, 'Some of
   you are unjust, corrupt persons, and scandalous to the
   profession of the Gospel.' 'Some are whoremasters,' he said,
   looking at Wentworth and Marten. Going up to the table, he
   said, 'What shall we do with this Bauble? Here, take it away!'
   and gave it to a musketeer. 'Fetch him down,' he cried to
   Harrison, pointing to the Speaker. Lenthall sat still, and
   refused to come down unless by force. 'Sir,' said Harrison, 'I
   will lend you my hand,' and putting his hand within his, the
   Speaker came down. Algernon Sidney sat still in his place.
   'Put him out,' said Cromwell. And Harrison and Worsley put
   their hands on his shoulders, and he rose and went out. The
   members went out, fifty-three in all, Cromwell still calling
   aloud. To Vane he said that he might have prevented this; but
   that he was a juggler and had not common honesty. 'It is you,'
   he said, as they passed him, 'that have forced me to do this,
   for I have sought the Lord night and day, that He would rather
   slay me than put me on the doing of this work.' He snatched
   the Bill of dissolution from the hand of the clerk, put it
   under his cloak, seized on the records, ordered the guard to
   clear the House of all members, and to have the door locked,
   and went away to Whitehall. Such is one of the most famous
   scenes in our history, that which of all other things has most
   heavily weighed on the fame of Cromwell. In truth it is a
   matter of no small complexity, which neither constitutional
   eloquence nor boisterous sarcasm has quite adequately
   unravelled. ... In strict constitutional right the House was
   no more the Parliament than Cromwell was the king. A House of
   Commons, which had executed the king, abolished the Lords,
   approved the 'coup d'état' of Pride, and by successive
   proscriptions had reduced itself to a few score of extreme
   partisans, had no legal title to the name of Parliament. The
   junto which held to Vane was not more numerous than the junto
   which held to Cromwell; they had far less public support; nor
   had their services to the Cause been so great.
   In closing the House, the Lord-General had used his office of
   Commander-in-Chief to anticipate one 'coup d'état' by another.
   Had he been ten minutes late, Vane would himself have
   dissolved the House; snapping a vote which would give his
   faction a legal ascendancy. Yet, after all, the fact remains
   that Vane and the remnant of the famous Long Parliament had
   that 'scintilla juris,' as lawyers call it, that semblance of
   legal right, which counts for so much in things political."

      F. Harrison,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 10.

      ALSO IN:
      J. K. Hosmer,
      Life of Young Sir Henry Vane,
      part 3, chapter 17.

      F. P. Guizot,
      History of Oliver Cromwell,
      book 4 (volume l).

      L. von Ranke,
      History of England, 17th century,
      book 11, chapter 5 (volume 3).

      W. Godwin,
      History of the Commonwealth,
      volume 3, chapters 27-29.

   The Barebones, or Little Parliament.

   Six weeks after the expulsion of the Rump, Cromwell, in his
   own name, and upon his own authority, as "Captain-General and
   Commander-in-Chief," issued (June 6) a summons to one hundred
   and forty "persons fearing God and of approved fidelity and
   honesty," chosen and "nominated" by himself, with the advice
   of his council of officers, requiring them to be and appear at
   the Council Chamber of Whitehall on the following fourth day
   of July, to take upon themselves "the great charge and trust"
   of providing for "the peace, safety, and good government" of
   the Commonwealth, and to serve, each, "as a Member for the
   county" from which he was called. "Of all the Parties so
   summoned, 'only two' did not attend. Disconsolate Bulstrode
   says: 'Many of this Assembly being persons of fortune and
   knowledge, it was much wondered by some that they would at
   this summons, and from such hands, take upon them the Supreme
   Authority of this Nation; considering how little right
   Cromwell and his Officers had to give it, or those Gentlemen
   to take it.' My disconsolate friend, it is a sign that Puritan
   England in general accepts this action of Cromwell and his
   Officers, and thanks them for it, in such a case of extremity;
   saying as audibly as the means permitted: Yea, we did wish it
   so. Rather mournful to the disconsolate official mind. ... The
   undeniable fact is, these men were, as Whitlocke intimates, a
   quite reputable Assembly; got together by anxious
   'consultation of the godly Clergy' and chief Puritan lights in
   their respective Counties; not without much earnest revision,
   and solemn consideration in all kinds, on the part of men
   adequate enough for such a work, and desirous enough to do it
   well. The List of the Assembly exists; not yet entirely gone
   dark for mankind. A fair proportion of them still recognizable
   to mankind. Actual Peers one or two: founders of Peerage
   Families, two or three, which still exist among us,--Colonel
   Edward Montague, Colonel Charles Howard, Anthony Ashley
   Cooper. And better than King's Peers, certain Peers of Nature;
   whom if not the King and his pasteboard Norroys have had the
   luck to make Peers of, the living heart of England has since
   raised to the Peerage and means to keep there,--Colonel Robert
   Blake the Sea-King, for one. 'Known persons,' I do think; 'of
   approved integrity, men fearing God'; and perhaps not entirely
   destitute of sense anyone of them! Truly it seems rather a
   distinguished Parliament,--even though Mr. Praisegod Barbone,
   'the Leather merchant in Fleet-street,' be, as all mortals
   must admit, a member of it. The fault, I hope, is forgivable.
   Praisegod, though he deals in leather, and has a name which
   can be misspelt, one discerns to be the son of pious parents;
   to be himself a man of piety, of understanding and
   weight,--and even of considerable private capital, my witty
   flunkey friends! We will leave Praisegod to do the best he
   can, I think. ... In fact, a real Assembly of the Notables in
   Puritan England; a Parliament, Parliamentum, or
   Speaking-Apparatus for the now dominant Interest in England,
   as exact as could well be got,--much more exact, I suppose,
   than any ballot-box, free hustings or ale-barrel election
   usually yields. Such is the Assembly called the Little
   Parliament, and wittily Bare-bone's Parliament; which meets on
   the 4th of July. Their witty name survives; but their history
   is gone all dark."

      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      part 7, speech. 1.

   The "assembly of godly persons" proved, however, to be quite
   an unmanageable body, containing so large a number of erratic
   and impracticable reformers that everything substantial among
   English institutions was threatened with overthrow at their
   hands. After five months of busy session, Cromwell was happily
   able to bring about a dissolution of his parliament, by the
   action of a majority, surrendering back their powers into his
   hands,--which was done on the 10th of December, 1653.

      F. P. Guizot,
      History of Oliver Cromwell,
      book 5 (volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      J. A. Picton,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 23.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1653 (December).
   The Establishment and Constitution of the Protectorate.
   The Instrument of Government.

   "What followed the dissolution of the Little Parliament is
   soon told. The Council of Officers having been summoned by
   Cromwell as the only power de facto, there were dialogues and
   deliberations, ending in the clear conclusion that the method
   of headship in a 'Single Person' for his whole life must now
   be tried in the Government of the Commonwealth, and that
   Cromwell must be that 'Single Person.' The title of King was
   actually proposed; but, as there were objections to that,
   Protector was chosen as a title familiar in English History
   and of venerable associations. Accordingly, Cromwell having
   consented, and all preparations having been made, he was, on
   Friday, December 16, in a great assembly of civic, judicial
   and military dignities, solemnly sworn and installed in the
   Chancery Court, Westminster Hall, as Lord Protector of the
   Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland. There were some
   of his adherents hitherto who did not like this new elevation
   of their hero, and forsook him in consequence, regarding any
   experiment of the Single Person method in Government 'as a
   treason to true Republicanism, and Cromwell's assent to it as
   unworthy of him. Among these was Harrison. Lambert, on the
   other hand, had been the main agent in the change, and took a
   conspicuous part in the installation-ceremony. In fact, pretty
   generally throughout the country and even among the
   Presbyterians, the elevation of Cromwell to some kind of
   sovereignty had come to be regarded as an inevitable necessity
   of the time, the only possible salvation of the Commonwealth from
   the anarchy, or wild and experimental idealism, in matters
   civil and religious, which had been the visible drift at last
   of the Barebones or Daft Little Parliament. ... The powers and
   duties of the Protectorate had been defined, rather elaborately,
   in a Constitutional Instrument of forty-two Articles, called
   'The Government of the Commonwealth' [more commonly known as
   The Instrument of Government] to which Cromwell had sworn
   fidelity at his installation."


      D. Masson,
      Life of John Milton,
      volume 4, book 4, chapters 1 and 3.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Cromwell.

      L. von Ranke,
      History of England, 17th Century,
      book 12, chapter 1 (volume 3).

      S. R. Gardiner,
      Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution,
      introduction, section 4 and pages 314-324.

      Cobbett's Parliamentary History of England,
      volume 3, pages 1417-1426.

   The following is the text Of the Instrument of Government:

   The government of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and
   Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging.

   I. That the supreme legislative authority of the Commonwealth
   of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto
   belonging, shall be and reside in one person, and the people
   assembled in Parliament; the style of which person shall be
   the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland,
   and Ireland.

   II. That the exercise of the chief magistracy and the
   administration of the government over the said countries and
   dominions, and the people thereof, shall be in the Lord
   Protector, assisted with a council, the number whereof shall
   not exceed twenty-one, nor be less than thirteen.

   III. That all writs, processes, commissions, patents, grants,
   and other things, which now run in the name and style of the
   keepers of the liberty of England by authority of Parliament,
   shall run in the name and style of the Lord Protector, from
   whom, for the future, shall be derived all magistracy and
   honours in these three nations; and have the power of pardons
   (except in case of murders and treason) and benefit of all
   forfeitures for the public use; and shall govern the said
   countries and dominions in all things by the advice of the
   council, and according to these presents and the laws.

   IV. That the Lord Protector, the Parliament sitting, shall
   dispose and order the militia and forces, both by sea and
   land, for the peace and good of the three nations, by consent
   of Parliament; and that the Lord Protector, with the advice
   and consent of the major part of the council, shall dispose
   and order the militia for the ends aforesaid in the intervals
   of Parliament."

   V. That the Lord Protector, by the advice aforesaid, shall
   direct in all things concerning the keeping and holding of a
   good correspondency with foreign kings, princes, and states;
   and also, with the consent of the major part of the council,
   have the power of war and peace.

   VI. That the laws shall not be altered, suspended, abrogated,
   or repealed, nor any new law made, nor any tax, charge, or
   imposition laid upon the people, but by common consent in
   Parliament, save only as is expressed in the thirtieth

   VII. That there shall be a Parliament summoned to meet at
   Westminster upon the third day of September, 1654, and that
   successively a Parliament shall be summoned once in every
   third year, to be accounted from the dissolution of the
   present Parliament.

   VIII. That neither the Parliament to be next summoned, nor any
   successive Parliaments, shall, during the time of five months,
   to be accounted from the day of their first meeting, be
   adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, without their own consent.

   IX. That as well the next as all other successive Parliaments,
   shall be summoned and elected in manner hereafter expressed;
   that is to say, the persons to be chosen within England,
   Wales, the Isles of Jersey, Guernsey, and the town of
   Berwick-upon-Tweed, to sit and serve in Parliament, shall be,
   and not exceed, the number of four hundred. The persons to be
   chosen within Scotland, to sit and serve in Parliament, shall
   be, and not exceed, the number of thirty; and the persons to
   be chosen to sit in Parliament for Ireland shall be, and not
   exceed, the number of thirty.

   X. That the persons to be elected to sit in Parliament from
   time to time, for the several counties of England, Wales, the
   Isles of Jersey and Guernsey, and the town of
   Berwick-upon-Tweed, and all places within the same
   respectively, shall be according to the proportions and
   numbers hereafter expressed: that is to say,

      Bedfordshire, 5;
      Bedford Town, 1;
      Berkshire, 5;
      Abingdon, 1;
      Reading, 1;
      Buckinghamshire, 5;
      Buckingham Town, 1;
      Aylesbury, 1;
      Wycomb, 1;
      Cambridgeshire, 4;
      Cambridge Town, 1;
      Cambridge University, 1;
      Isle of Ely, 2;
      Cheshire, 4;
      Chester, 1;
      Cornwall, 8;
      Launceston, 1;
      Truro, 1;
      Penryn, 1;
      East Looe and West Looe, 1;
      Cumberland, 2;
      Carlisle, 1;
      Derbyshire, 4;
      Derby Town, 1;
      Devonshire, 11;
      Exeter, 2;
      Plymouth, 2
      Clifton, Dartmouth, Hardness, 1;
      Totnes, 1;
      Barnstable, 1;
      Tiverton, 1;
      Honiton, 1;
      Dorsetshire, 6;
      Dorchester, 1;
      Weymouth and Melcomb-Regis, 1;
      Lyme-Regis, 1;
      Poole, 1;
      Durham, 2;
      City of Durham, 1;
      Essex, 13;
      Malden, 1;
      Colchester, 2;
      Gloucestershire, 5;
      Gloucester, 2;
      Tewkesbury, 1;
      Cirencester, 1;
      Herefordshire, 4;
      Hereford, 1;
      Leominster, 1;
      Hertfordshire, 5;
      St. Alban's, 1:
      Hertford, 1;
      Huntingdonshire, 3;
      Huntingdon, 1;
      Kent, 11;
      Canterbury, 2;
      Rochester, 1
      Maidstone, 1;
      Dover, 1;
      Sandwich, 1;
      Queenborough, 1;
      Lancashire, 4;
      Preston, 1;
      Lancaster, 1;
      Liverpool, 1;
      Manchester, 1;
      Leicestershire, 4
      Leicester, 2;
      Lincolnshire, 10;
      Lincoln, 2;
      Boston, 1;
      Grantham, 1;
      Stamford, 1;
      Great Grimsby, 1;
      Middlesex, 4;
      London, 6;
      Westminster, 2;
      Monmouthshire, 3;
      Norfolk 10;
      Norwich, 2;
      Lynn-Regis, 2
      Great Yarmouth, 2
      Northamptonshire, 6;
      Peterborough, 1;
      Northampton, 1;
      Nottinghamshire, 4;
      Nottingham, 2;
      Northumberland, 3;
      Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1;
      Berwick, 1;
      Oxfordshire, 5;
      Oxford City, 1;
      Oxford University, 1;
      Woodstock, 1;
      Rutlandshire, 2;
      Shropshire, 4;
      Shrewsbury, 2;
      Bridgnorth, 1;
      Ludlow, 1;
      Staffordshire, 3;
      Lichfield, 1;
      Stafford, 1;
      Newcastle-under-Lyne, 1;
      Somersetshire, 11;
      Bristol, 2;
      Taunton, 2;
      Bath, 1;
      Wells, 1;
      Bridgwater, 1;
      Southamptonshire, 8;
      Winchester, 1;
      Southampton, 1
      Portsmouth, 1;
      Isle of Wight, 2;
      Andover, 1;
      Suffolk, 10;
      Ipswich, 2;
      Bury St. Edmunds, 2;
      Dunwich, 1;
      Sudbury, 1;
      Surrey, 6;
      Southwark, 2;
      Guildford, 1;
      Reigate, 1;
      Sussex, 9;
      Chichester, 1;
      Lewes, 1;
      East Grinstead, 1;
      Arundel, 1;
      Rye, 1;
      Westmoreland, 2;
      Warwickshire, 4;
      Coventry, 2;
      Warwick, 1;
      Wiltshire, 10;
      New Sarum, 2;
      Marlborough, 1;
      Devizes, 1;
      Worcestershire, 5;
      Worcester, 2.

      West Riding, 6;
      East Riding, 4;
      North Riding, 4;
      City of York, 2
      Kingston-upon-Hull, 1;
      Beverley, 1;
      Scarborough, 1;
      Richmond, 1;
      Leeds, 1;
      Halifax, 1.


      Anglesey, 2:
      Brecknoekshire, 2;
      Cardiganshire, 2;
      Carmarthenshire, 2;
      Carnarvonshire, 2;
      Denbighshire, 2;
      Flintshire, 2;
      Glamorganshire, 2;
      Cardiff, 1;
      Merionethshire, 1;
      Montgomeryshire, 2;
      Pembrokeshire, 2;
      Haverfordwest, 1;
      Radnorshire, 2.

   The distribution of the persons to be chosen for Scotland and
   Ireland, and the several counties, cities, and places therein,
   shall be according to such proportions and number as shall be
   agreed upon and declared by the Lord Protector and the major
   part of the council, before the sending forth writs of summons
   for the next Parliament.

   XI. That the summons to Parliament shall be by writ under the
   Great Seal of England, directed to the sheriffs of the several
   and respective counties, with such alteration as may suit with
   the present government to be made by the Lord Protector and
   his council, which the Chancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of
   the Great Seal shall seal, issue, and send abroad by warrant
   from the Lord Protector. If the Lord Protector shall not give
   warrant for issuing of writs of summons for the next
   Parliament, before the first of June, 1654, or for the
   Triennial Parliaments, before the first day of August in every
   third year, to be accounted as aforesaid; that then the
   Chancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal for the
   time being, shall, without any warrant or direction, within
   seven days after the said first day of June, 1654, seal,
   issue, and send abroad writs of summons (changing therein what
   is to be changed as aforesaid) to the several and respective
   sheriffs of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for summoning the
   Parliament to meet at Westminster, the third day of September
   next; and shall likewise, within seven days after the said
   first day of August, in every third year, to be accounted from
   the dissolution of the precedent Parliament, seal, issue, and
   send forth abroad several writs of summons (changing therein
   what is to be changed) as aforesaid, for summoning the
   Parliament to meet at Westminster the sixth of November in
   that third year. That the said several and respective
   sheriffs, shall, within ten days after the receipt of such
   writ as aforesaid, cause the same to be proclaimed and
   published in every market-town within his county upon the
   market-days thereof, between twelve and three of the clock;
   and shall then also publish and declare the certain day of the
   week and month, for choosing members to serve in Parliament for
   the body of the said county, according to the tenor of the
   said writ, which shall be upon Wednesday five weeks after the
   date of the writ; and shall likewise declare the place where
   the election shall be made: for which purpose he shall appoint
   the most convenient place for the whole county to meet in; and
   shall send precepts for elections to be made in all and every
   city, town, borough, or place within his county, where
   elections are to be made by virtue of these presents, to the
   Mayor, Sheriff, or other head officer of such city, town,
   borough, or place, within three days after the receipt of such
   writ and writs; which the said Mayors, Sheriffs, and officers
   respectively are to make publication of, and of the certain
   day for such elections to be made in the said city, town, or
   place aforesaid, and to cause elections to be made

   XII. That at the day and place of elections, the Sheriff of
   each county, and the said Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and
   other head officers within their cities, towns, boroughs, and
   places respectively, shall take view of the said elections,
   and shall make return into the chancery within twenty days
   after the said elections, of the persons elected by the
   greater number of electors, under their hands and seals,
   between him on the one part, and the electors on the other
   part; wherein shall be contained, that the persons elected
   shall not have power to alter the government as it is hereby
   settled in one single person and a Parliament.

   XIII. That the Sheriff, who shall wittingly and willingly make
   any false return, or neglect his duty, shall incur the penalty
   of 2,000 marks of lawful English money; the one moiety to the
   Lord Protector, and the other moiety to such person as will
   sue for the same.

   XIV. That all and every person and persons, who have aided,
   advised, assisted, or abetted in any war against the
   Parliament, since the first day of January 1641 (unless they
   have been since in the service of the Parliament, and given
   signal testimony of their good affection thereunto) shall be
   disabled and incapable to be elected, or to give any vote in
   the election of any members to serve in the next Parliament,
   or in the three succeeding Triennial Parliaments.

   XV. That all such, who have advised, assisted, or abetted the
   rebellion of Ireland, shall be disabled and incapable for ever
   to be elected, or give any vote in the election of any member
   to serve in Parliament; as also all such who do or shall
   profess the Roman Catholic religion.

   XVI. That all votes and elections given or made contrary, or
   not according to these qualifications, shall be null and void;
   and if any person, who is hereby made incapable, shall give
   his vote for election of members to serve in Parliament, such
   person shall lose and forfeit one full year's value of his
   real estate, and one full third part of his personal estate;
   one moiety thereof to the Lord Protector, and the other moiety
   to him or them who shall sue for the same.

   XVII. That the persons who shall be elected to serve in
   Parliament, shall be such (and no other than such) as are
   persons of known integrity, fearing God, and of good
   conversation, and being of the age of twenty-one years.

   XVIII. That all and every person and persons seised or
   possessed to his own use, of any estate, real or personal, to
   the value of £200, and not within the aforesaid exceptions,
   shall be capable to elect members to serve in Parliament for

   XIX. That the Chancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of the
   Great Seal, shall be sworn before they enter into their
   offices, truly and faithfully to issue forth, and send abroad,
   writs of summons to Parliament, at the times and in the manner
   before expressed: and in case of neglect or failure to issue
   and send abroad writs accordingly, he or they shall for every
   such offence be guilty of high treason, and suffer the pains
   and penalties thereof.

   XX. That in case writs be not issued out, as is before
   expressed, but that there be a neglect therein, fifteen days
   after the time wherein the same ought to be issued out by the
   Chancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal; that
   then the Parliament shall, as often as such failure shall
   happen, assemble and be held at Westminster, in the usual
   place, at the times prefixed, in manner and by the means
   hereafter expressed; that is to say, that the sheriffs of the
   several and respective counties, sheriffdoms, cities,
   boroughs, and places aforesaid, within England, Wales,
   Scotland, and Ireland, the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars
   of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the Mayor and
   Bailiffs of the borough of Berwick-upon-Tweed, and other
   places aforesaid respectively, shall at the several courts and
   places to be appointed as aforesaid, within thirty days after
   the said fifteen days, cause such members to be chosen for
   their said several and respective counties, sheriffdoms,
   universities, cities, boroughs, and places aforesaid, by such
   persons, and in such manner, as if several and respective
   writs of summons to Parliament under the Great Seal had issued
   and been awarded according to the tenor aforesaid: that if the
   sheriff, or other persons authorized, shall neglect his or
   their duty herein, that all and every such sheriff and person
   authorized as aforesaid, so neglecting his or their duty,
   shall, for every such offence, be guilty of high treason, and
   shall suffer the pains and penalties thereof.


   XXI. That the clerk, called the clerk of the Commonwealth in
   Chancery for the time being, and all others, who shall
   afterwards execute that office, to whom the returns shall be
   made, shall for the next Parliament, and the two succeeding
   Triennial Parliaments, the next day after such return, certify
   the names of the several persons so returned, and of the
   places for which he and they were chosen respectively, unto
   the Council; who shall peruse the said returns, and examine
   whether the persons so elected and returned be such as is
   agreeable to the qualifications, and not disabled to be
   elected: and that every person and persons being so duly
   elected, and being approved of by the major part of the
   Council to be persons not disabled, but qualified as
   aforesaid, shall be esteemed a member of Parliament, and be
   admitted to sit in Parliament, and not otherwise.

   XXII. That the persons so chosen and assembled in manner
   aforesaid, or any sixty of them, shall be, and be deemed the
   Parliament of England, Scotland, and Ireland; and the supreme
   legislative power to be and reside in the Lord Protector and
   such Parliament, in manner herein expressed.

   XXIII. That the Lord Protector, with the advice of the major
   part of the Council, shall at any other time than is before
   expressed, when the necessities of the State shall require it,
   summon Parliaments in manner before expressed, which shall not
   be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved without their own
   consent, during the first three months of their sitting. And
   in case of future war with any foreign State, a Parliament
   shall be forthwith summoned for their advice concerning the

   XXIV. That all Bills agreed unto by the Parliament, shall be
   presented to the Lord Protector for his consent; and in case
   he shall not give his consent thereto within twenty days after
   they shall be presented to him, or give satisfaction to the
   Parliament within the time limited, that then, upon
   declaration of the Parliament that the Lord Protector hath not
   consented nor given satisfaction, such Bills shall pass into
   and become laws, although he shall not give his consent
   thereunto; provided such Bills contain nothing in them
   contrary to the matters contained in these presents.

   XXV. That [Henry Lawrence, esq.; Philip lord vise. Lisle; the
   majors general Lambert, Desborough, and Skippon; lieutenant
   general Fleetwood; the colonels Edward Montagu, Philip Jones,
   and Wm. Sydenham; sir Gilbert Pickering, sir Ch. Wolseley, and
   sir Anth. Ashley Cooper, Barts., Francis Rouse, esq., Speaker
   of the late Convention, Walter Strickland, and Rd. Major,
   esqrs.]--or any seven of them, shall be a Council for the
   purposes expressed in this writing; and upon the death or
   other removal of any of them, the Parliament shall nominate
   six persons of ability, integrity, and fearing God, for
   everyone that is dead or removed; out of which the major part
   of the Council shall elect two, and present them to the Lord
   Protector, of which he shall elect one; and in case the
   Parliament shall not nominate within twenty days after notice
   given unto them thereof, the major part of the Council shall
   nominate three as aforesaid to the Lord Protector, who out of
   them shall supply the vacancy; and until this choice be made,
   the remaining part of the Council shall execute as fully in
   all things, as if their number were full. And in case of
   corruption, or other miscarriage in any of the Council in
   their trust, the Parliament shall appoint seven of their
   number, and the Council six, who, together with the Lord
   Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal
   for the time being, shall have power to hear and determine
   such corruption and miscarriage, and to award and inflict
   punishment, as the nature of the offence shall deserve, which
   punishment shall not be pardoned or remitted by the Lord
   Protector; and, in the interval of Parliaments, the major part
   of the Council, with the consent of the Lord Protector, may,
   for corruption or other miscarriage as aforesaid, suspend any
   of their number from the exercise of their trust, if they
   shall find it just, until the matter shall be heard and
   examined as aforesaid.

   XXVI. That the Lord Protector and the major part of the
   Council aforesaid may, at any time before the meeting of the
   next Parliament, add to the Council such persons as they shall
   think fit, provided the number of the Council be not made
   thereby to exceed twenty-one, and the quorum to be
   proportioned accordingly by the Lord Protector and the major
   part of the Council.

   XXVII. That a constant yearly revenue shall be raised,
   settled, and established for maintaining of 10,000 horse and
   dragoons, and 20,000 foot, in England, Scotland and Ireland,
   for the defence and security thereof, and also for a
   convenient number of ships for guarding of the seas; besides
   £200,000 per annum for defraying the other necessary charges
   of administration of justice, and other expenses of the
   Government, which revenue shall be raised by the customs, and
   such other ways and means as shall be agreed upon by the Lord
   Protector and the Council, and shall not be taken away or
   diminished, nor the way agreed upon for raising the same
   altered, but by the consent of the Lord Protector and the

   XXVIII. That the said yearly revenue shall be paid into the
   public treasury, and shall be issued out for the uses

   XXIX. That in case there shall not be cause hereafter to keep
   up so great a defence both at land or sea, but that there be
   an abatement made thereof, the money which will be saved
   thereby shall remain in bank for the public service, and not
   be employed to any other use but by consent of Parliament, or,
   in the intervals of Parliament, by the Lord Protector and
   major part of the Council.


   XXX. That the raising of money for defraying the charge of the
   present extraordinary forces, both at sea and land, in respect
   of the present wars, shall be by consent of Parliament, and
   not otherwise: save only that the Lord Protector, with the
   consent of the major part of the Council, for preventing the
   disorders and dangers which might otherwise fall out both by
   sea and land, shall have power, until the meeting of the first
   Parliament, to raise money for the purposes aforesaid; and
   also to make laws and ordinances for the peace and welfare of
   these nations where it shall be necessary, which shall be
   binding and in force, until order shall be taken in Parliament
   concerning the same.

   XXXI. That the lands, tenements, rents, royalties,
   jurisdictions and hereditaments which remain yet unsold or
   undisposed of, by Act or Ordinance of Parliament, belonging to
   the Commonwealth (except the forests and chases, and the
   honours and manors belonging to the same; the lands of the
   rebels in Ireland, lying in the four counties of Dublin, Cork,
   Kildare, and Carlow; the lands forfeited by the people of
   Scotland in the late wars, and also the lands of Papists and
   delinquents in England who have not yet compounded), shall be
   vested in the Lord Protector, to hold, to him and his
   successors, Lords Protectors of these nations, and shall not
   be alienated but by consent in Parliament. And all debts,
   fines, issues, amercements, penalties and profits, certain and
   casual, due to the Keepers of the liberties of England by
   authority of Parliament, shall be due to the Lord Protector,
   and be payable into his public receipt, and shall be recovered
   and prosecuted in his name.

   XXXII. That the office of Lord Protector over these nations
   shall be elective and not hereditary; and upon the death of
   the Lord Protector, another fit person shall be forthwith
   elected to succeed him in the Government; which election shall
   be by the Council, who, immediately upon the death of the Lord
   Protector, shall assemble in the Chamber where they usually
   sit in Council; and, having given notice to an their members
   of the cause of their assembling, shall, being thirteen at
   least present, proceed to the election; and, before they
   depart the said Chamber, shall elect a fit person to succeed
   in the Government, and forthwith cause proclamation thereof to
   be made in an the three nations as shall be requisite; and the
   person that they, or the major part of them, shall elect as
   aforesaid, shall be, and shall be taken to be, Lord Protector
   over these nations of England, Scotland and Ireland, and the
   dominions thereto belonging. Provided that none of the
   children of the late King, nor any of his line or family, be
   elected to be Lord Protector or other Chief Magistrate over
   these nations, or any the dominions thereto belonging. And
   until the aforesaid election be past, the Council shall take
   care of the Government, and administer in an things as fully
   as the Lord Protector, or the Lord Protector and Council are
   enabled to do.

   XXXIII. That Oliver Cromwell, Captain-General of the forces of
   England, Scotland and Ireland, shall be, and is hereby
   declared to be, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England,
   Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions thereto belonging, for
   his life.

   XXXIV. That the Chancellor, Keeper or Commissioners of the
   Great Seal, the Treasurer, Admiral, Chief Governors of Ireland
   and Scotland, and the Chief Justices of both the Benches,
   shall be chosen by the approbation of Parliament; and, in the
   intervals of Parliament, by the approbation of the major part
   of the Council, to be afterwards approved by the Parliament.

   XXXV. That the Christian religion, as contained in the
   Scriptures, be held forth and recommended as the public
   profession of these nations; and that, as soon as may be, a
   provision, less subject to scruple and contention, and more
   certain than the present, be made for the encouragement and
   maintenance of able and painful teachers, for the instructing
   the people, and for discovery and confutation of error,
   hereby, and whatever is contrary to sound doctrine; and until
   such provision be made, the present maintenance shall not be
   taken away or impeached.

   XXXVI. That to the public profession held forth none shall be
   compened by penalties or otherwise; but that endeavours be
   used to win them by sound doctrine and the example of a good

   XXXVII. That such as profess faith in God by Jesus Christ
   (though differing in judgment from the doctrine, worship or
   discipline publicly held forth) shall not be restrained from,
   but shall be protected in, the profession of the faith and
   exercise of their religion; so as they abuse not this liberty
   to the civil injury of others and to the actual disturbance of
   the public peace on their parts: provided this liberty be not
   extended to Popery or Prelacy, nor to such as, under the
   profession of Christ, hold forth and practice licentiousness.

   XXXVIII. That all laws, statutes and ordinances, and clauses
   in any law, statute or ordinance to the contrary of the
   aforesaid liberty, shall be esteemed as null and void.

   XXXIX. That the Acts and Ordinances of Parliament made for the
   sale or other disposition of the lands, rents and
   hereditaments of the late King, Queen, and Prince, of
   Archbishops and Bishops, &c., Deans and Chapters, the lands of
   delinquents and forest-lands, or any of them, or of any other
   lands, tenements, rents and hereditaments belonging to the
   Commonwealth, shall nowise be impeached or made invalid, but
   shall remain good and firm; and that the securities given by
   Act and Ordinance of Parliament for any sum or sums of money,
   by any of the said lands, the excise, or any other public
   revenue; and also the securities given by the public faith of
   the nation, and the engagement of the public faith for
   satisfaction of debts and damages, shall remain firm and good,
   and not be made void and invalid upon any pretence whatsoever.

   XL. That the Articles given to or made with the enemy, and
   afterwards confirmed by Parliament, shall be performed and
   made good to the persons concerned therein; and that such
   appeals as were depending in the last Parliament for relief
   concerning bills of sale of delinquent's estates, may be heard
   and determined the next Parliament, anything in this writing
   or otherwise to the contrary notwithstanding.


   XLI. That every successive Lord Protector over these nations
   shall take and subscribe a solemn oath, in the presence of the
   Council, and such others as they shall call to them, that he
   will seek the peace, quiet and welfare of these nations, cause
   law and justice to be equally administered; and that he will
   not violate or infringe the matters and things contained in
   this writing, and in all other things will, to his power and
   to the best of his understanding, govern these nations
   according to the laws, statutes and customs thereof.

   XLII. That each person of the Council shall, before they enter
   upon their trust, take and subscribe an oath, that they will
   be true and faithful in their trust, according to the best of
   their knowledge; and that in the election of every successive
   Lord Protector they shall proceed therein impartially, and do
   nothing therein for any promise, fear, favour or reward.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1654.
   Re-conquest of Acadia (Nova Scotia).

      See NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1621-1668.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1654 (April).
   Incorporation of Scotland with the Commonwealth.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1654.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1654-1658.
   The Protector, his Parliaments and his Major-Generals.
   The Humble Petition and Advice.
   Differing views of the Cromwellian autocracy.

   "Oliver addressed his first Protectorate Parliament on Sunday,
   the 3d of September. ... Immediately, under the leadership of
   old Parliamentarians, Haslerig, Scott, Bradshaw, and many
   other republicans, the House proceeded to debate the
   Instrument of Government, the constitutional basis of the
   existing system. By five votes, it decided to discuss 'whether
   the House should approve of government by a Single Person and
   a Parliament.' This was of course to set up the principle of
   making the Executive dependent on the House; a principle, in
   Oliver's mind, fatal to settlement and order. He acted at
   once. Calling on the Lord Mayor to secure the city, and
   disposing his own guard round Westminster Hall, he summoned
   the House again on the 9th day. ... Members were called on to
   sign a declaration, 'not to alter the government as settled in
   a Single Person and a Parliament.' Some, 300 signed; the
   minority--about a fourth--refused and retired. ... The
   Parliament, in spite of the declaration, set itself from the
   first to discuss the constitution, to punish heretics,
   suppress blasphemy, revise the Ordinances of the Council; and
   they deliberately withheld all supplies for the services and
   the government. At last they passed an Act for revising the
   constitution de novo. Not a single bill had been sent up to
   the Protector for his assent. Oliver, as usual, acted at once.
   On the expiration of their five lunar months, 22d January
   1655, he summoned the House and dissolved it, with a speech
   full of reproaches."

      F. Harrison,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 11.

   "In 1656, the Protector called a second Parliament. By
   excluding from it about a hundred members whom he judged to be
   hostile to his government, he found himself on amicable terms
   with the new assembly. It presented to him a Humble Petition
   and Advice, asking that certain changes of the Constitution
   might be agreed to by mutual consent, and that he should
   assume the title of King. This title he rejected, and the
   Humble Petition and Advice was passed in an amended form on
   May 25, 1657, and at once received the assent of the
   Protector. On June 26, it was modified in some details by the
   Additional Petition and Advice. Taking the two together, the
   result was to enlarge the power of Parliament and to diminish
   that of the Council. The Protector, in turn, received the
   right of appointing his successor, and to name the
   life-members of 'the other House,' which was now to take the
   place of the House of Lords. ... In accordance with the
   Additional Petition and Advice, the Protector summoned
   'certain persons to sit in the other House.' A quarrel between
   the two Houses broke out, and the Protector [February 4, 1658]
   dissolved the Parliament in anger."

      S. R. Gardiner,
      Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution,
      pages lxiii-lxiv., and 334-350.

   "To govern according to law may sometimes be an usurper's
   wish, but can seldom be in his power. The protector [in 1655]
   abandoned all thought of it. Dividing the kingdom into
   districts, he placed at the head of each a major-general as a
   sort of military magistrate, responsible for the subjection of
   his prefecture. These were eleven in number, men bitterly
   hostile to the royalist party, and insolent towards all civil
   authority. They were employed to secure the payment of a tax
   of 10 per cent., imposed by Cromwell's arbitrary will on those
   who had ever sided with the king during the late wars, where
   their estates exceeded £100 per annum. The major-generals, in
   their correspondence printed among Thurloe's papers, display a
   rapacity and oppression beyond their master's. ... All
   illusion was now gone as to the pretended benefits of the
   civil war. It had ended in a despotism, compared to which all
   the illegal practices of former kings, all that had cost
   Charles his life and crown, appeared as dust in the balance.
   For what was ship-money, a general burthen, by the side of the
   present decimation of a single class, whose offence had long
   been expiated by a composition and effaced by an act of
   indemnity? or were the excessive punishments of the
   star-chamber so odious as the capital executions inflicted
   without trial by peers, whenever it suited the usurper to
   erect his high court of justice? ... I cannot ... agree in the
   praises which have been showered upon Cromwell for the just
   administration of the laws under his dominion. That, between
   party and party, the ordinary civil rights of men were fairly
   dealt with, is no extraordinary praise; and it may be admitted
   that he filled the benches of justice with able lawyers,
   though not so considerable as those of the reign of Charles
   II.; but it is manifest that, so far as his own authority was
   concerned, no hereditary despot, proud in the crimes of a
   hundred ancestors, could more have spurned at every limitation
   than this soldier of a commonwealth."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 10, part 2.

   "Cromwell was, and felt himself to be, a dictator called in by
   the winning cause in a revolution to restore confidence and
   secure peace. He was, as he said frequently, 'the Constable
   set to keep order in the Parish.' Nor was he in any sense a
   military despot. ... Never did a ruler invested with absolute
   power and overwhelming military force more obstinately strive
   to surround his authority with legal limits and Parliamentary

      F. Harrison,
      Oliver Cromwell,
      chapter 11.

   "To this condition, then, England was now reduced. After the
   gallantest fight for liberty that had ever been fought by any
   nation in the world, she found herself trampled under foot by
   a military despot. All the vices of old kingly rule were
   nothing to what was now imposed upon her."

      J. Forster,
      Statesmen of the Commonwealth:


   "His [Cromwell's] wish seems to have been to govern
   constitutionally, and to substitute the empire of the laws for
   that of the sword. But he soon found that, hated as he was,
   both by Royalists and Presbyterians, he could be safe only by
   being absolute. ... Those soldiers who would not suffer him to
   assume the kingly title, stood by him when he ventured on acts
   of power as high as any English king has ever attempted. The
   government, therefore, though in form a republic, was in truth
   a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, the sobriety and
   the magnanimity of the despot."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 1.

England: A. D. 1655-1658.
   War with Spain, alliance with France.
   Acquisition of Dunkirk.

   "Though the German war ['the Thirty Years' War,' concluded in
   1648 by the Treaty of Westphalia] was over, the struggle
   between France and Spain was continued with great animosity,
   each country striving to crush her rival and become the first
   power in Europe. Both Louis XIV. and Philip IV. of Spain were
   bidding for the protector's support. Spain offered the
   possession of Calais, when taken from France; France the
   possession of Dunkirk when taken from Spain (1655). Cromwell
   determined to ally himself with France against Spain. ... It
   was in the West Indies that the obstructive policy of Spain
   came most into collision with the interests of England. Her
   kings based their claims to the possession of two continents
   on the bull of Pope Alexander VI., who in 1493 had granted
   them all lands they should discover from pole to pole, at the
   distance of 100 leagues west from the Azores and Cape Verd
   Islands. On the strength of this bull they held that the
   discovery of an island gave them the right to the group, the
   discovery of a headland the right to a continent. Though this
   monstrous claim had quite broken down as far as the North
   American continent was concerned, the Spaniards, still
   recognizing 'no peace beyond the line,' endeavoured to shut
   all Europeans but themselves out of any share in the trade or
   colonization of at least the southern half of the New World.
   ... While war was now proclaimed with Spain, a treaty of peace
   was signed between France and England, Louis XIV. agreeing to
   banish Charles Stuart and his brothers from French territory
   (October 24, 1655). This treaty was afterwards changed into a
   league, offensive and defensive (March 23, 1657), Cromwell
   undertaking to assist Louis with 6,000 men in besieging
   Gravelines, Mardyke, and Dunkirk, on condition of receiving
   the two latter towns when reduced by the allied armies. By the
   occupation of these towns Cromwell intended to control the
   trade of the Channel, to hold the Dutch in check, who were
   then but unwilling friends, and to lessen the danger of
   invasion from any union of Royalists and Spaniards. The war
   opened in the year 1657 [Jamaica, however, had already been
   taken from the Spaniards and St. Domingo attacked], with
   another triumph by sea." This was Blake's last exploit. He
   attacked and destroyed the Spanish bullion fleet, from Mexico,
   in the harbor of Santa Cruz, island of Teneriffe, and silenced
   the forts which guarded it. The great sea-captain died on his
   voyage home, after striking this blow. The next spring "the
   siege of Dunkirk was commenced (May, 1658). The Spaniards
   tried to relieve the town, but were completely defeated in an
   engagement called the Battle of the Dunes from the sand hills
   among which it was fought; the defeat was mainly owing to the
   courage and discipline of Oliver's troops, who won for
   themselves the name of 'the Immortal Six Thousand.' ... Ten
   days after the battle Dunkirk surrendered, and the French had
   no choice but to give over to the English ambassador the keys
   of a town they thought 'unsi bon morceau' ['a good ...'] (June

      B. M. Cordery and J. S. Phillpotts,
      King and Commonwealth,
      chapter 15.

      ALSO IN:
      T. Carlyle,
      Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
      book 9, speech 5 and book 10, letters 152-157.

      J. Campbell,
      Naval History of Great Britain,
      chapter 15 (volume 2).

      J. Waylen,
      The House of Cromwell and the Story of Dunkirk,
      pages 173-272.

      W. H. Dixon,
      Robert Blake,
      chapters 9-10.

      D. Hannay,
      Admiral Blake,
      chapter 9-11.

      See, also, FRANCE: A. D. 1655-1658.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1658-1660.
   The fall of the Protectorate and Restoration of the Stuarts.
   King Charles II.

   When Oliver Cromwell died, on the 3d day of September,
   1658--the anniversary of his victories at Dunbar and at
   Worcester--his eldest son Richard, whom he had nominated, it
   was said, on his death-bed, was proclaimed Protector, and
   succeeded him "as quietly as any King had ever been succeeded
   by any Prince of Wales. During five months, the administration
   of Richard Cromwell went on so tranquilly and regularly that
   all Europe believed him to be firmly established on the chair
   of state." But Richard had none of his father's genius or
   personal power, and the discontents and jealousies which the
   former had rigorously suppressed soon tossed the latter from
   his unstable throne by their fierce upheaval. He summoned a
   new Parliament (January 27, 1659), which recognized and
   confirmed his authority, though containing a powerful
   opposition, of uncompromising republicans and secret
   royalists. But the army, which the great Protector had tamed
   to submissive obedience, was now stirred into mischievous
   action once more as a political power in the state,
   subservient to the ambition of Fleetwood and other commanders.
   Richard Cromwell could not make himself the master of his
   father's battalions. "He was used by the army as an instrument
   for the purpose of dissolving the Parliament [April 22], and
   was then contemptuously thrown aside. The officers gratified
   their republican allies by declaring that the expulsion of the
   Rump had been illegal, and by inviting that assembly to resume
   its functions. The old Speaker and a quorum of the old members
   came together [May 9] and were proclaimed, amidst the scarcely
   stifled derision and execration of the whole nation, the
   supreme power in the Commonwealth. It was at the same time
   expressly declared that there should be no first magistrate
   and no House of Lords. But this state of things could not
   last. On the day on which the Long Parliament revived, revived
   also its old quarrel with the army. Again the Rump forgot that
   it owed its existence to the pleasure of the soldiers, and
   began to treat them as subjects. Again the doors of the House
   of Commons were closed by military violence [October 13]; and
   a provisional government, named by the officers, assumed the
   direction of affairs." The troops stationed in Scotland, under
   Monk, had not been consulted, however, in these transactions,
   and were evidently out of sympathy with their comrades in
   England. Monk, who had never meddled with politics before, was
   now induced to interfere.
   He refused to acknowledge the military provisional government,
   declared himself the champion of the civil power, and marched
   into England at the head of his 7,000 veterans. His movement
   was everywhere welcomed and encouraged by popular
   demonstrations of delight. The army in England lost courage
   and lost unity, awed and paralyzed by the public feeling at
   last set free. Monk reached London without opposition, and was
   the recognized master of the realm. Nobody knew his
   intentions--himself, perhaps, as little as any--and it was
   not until after a period of protracted suspense that he
   declared himself for the convening of a new and free
   Parliament, in the place of the Rump--which had again resumed
   its sittings--for the settlement of the state. "The result of
   the elections was such as might have been expected from the
   temper of the nation. The new House of Commons consisted, with
   few exceptions, of persons friendly to the royal family. The
   Presbyterians formed the majority. ... The new Parliament,
   which, having been called without the royal writ, is more
   accurately described as a Convention, met at Westminster
   [April 26, 1660]. The Lords repaired to the hall, from which
   they had, during more than eleven years, been excluded by
   force. Both Houses instantly invited the King to return to his
   country. He was proclaimed with pomp never before known. A
   gallant fleet convoyed him from Holland to the coast of Kent.
   When he landed [May 25, 1660], the cliffs of Dover were
   covered by thousands of gazers, among whom scarcely one could
   be found who was not weeping with delight. The journey to
   London was a continued triumph."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 1.

   The only guarantee with which the careless nation took back
   their ejected kings of the faithless race of Stuarts was
   embodied in a Declaration which Charles sent over from "Our
   Court at Breda" in April, and which was read in Parliament
   with an effusive display of respect and thankfulness. In this
   Declaration from Breda, "a general amnesty and liberty of
   conscience were promised, with such exceptions and limitations
   only as the Parliament should think fit to make. All delicate
   questions, among others the proprietorship of confiscated
   estates, were in like manner referred to the decision of
   Parliament, thus leaving the King his liberty while
   diminishing his responsibility; and though fully asserting the
   ancient rights of the Crown, he announced his intention to
   associate the two Houses with himself in all great affairs of

      F. P. Guizot,
      History of Richard Cromwell and the Restoration,
      book 4 (volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      G. Burnet,
      History of My Own Time,
      book 2, 1660-61.

      Earl of Clarendon,
      History of the Rebellion,
      book 16 (volume 6).

      D. Masson,
      Life of Milton,
      volume 5, book 3.

      J. Corbett,
      chapter 9-14.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1660-1685.
   The Merry Monarch.

   "There never were such profligate times in England as under
   Charles the Second. Whenever you see his portrait, with his
   swarthy ill-looking face and great nose, you may fancy him in
   his Court at Whitehall, surrounded by some of the very worst
   vagabonds in the kingdom (though they were lords and ladies),
   drinking, gambling, indulging in vicious conversation, and
   committing every kind of profligate excess. It has been a
   fashion to call Charles the Second 'The Merry Monarch.' Let me
   try to give you a general idea of some of the merry things
   that were done, in the merry days when this merry gentleman
   sat upon his merry throne, in merry England. The first merry
   proceeding was--of course--to declare that he was one of the
   greatest, the wisest, and the noblest kings that ever shone,
   like the blessed sun itself, on this benighted earth. The next
   merry and pleasant piece of business was, for the Parliament,
   in the humblest manner, to give him one million two hundred
   thousand pounds a year, and to settle upon him for life that
   old disputed 'tonnage and poundage' which had been so bravely
   fought for. Then, General Monk, being made Earl of Albemarle,
   and a few other Royalists similarly rewarded, the law went to
   work to see what was to be done to those persons (they were
   called Regicides) who had been concerned in making a martyr of
   the late King. Ten of these were merrily executed; that is to
   say, six of the judges, one of the council, Colonel Hacker and
   another officer who had commanded the Guards, and Hugh Peters,
   a preacher who had preached against the martyr with all his
   heart. These executions were so extremely merry, that every
   horrible circumstance which Cromwell had abandoned was revived
   with appalling cruelty. ... Sir Harry Vane, who had furnished
   the evidence against Stratford, and was one of the most
   staunch of the Republicans, was also tried, found guilty, and
   ordered for execution. ... These merry scenes were succeeded
   by another, perhaps even merrier. On the anniversary of the
   late King's death, the bodies of Oliver Cromwell, Ireton, and
   Bradshaw, "Were torn out of their graves in 'Westminster
   Abbey, dragged to Tyburn, hanged there on a gallows all day
   long, and then beheaded. Imagine the head of Oliver Cromwell
   set upon a pole to be stared at by a brutal crowd, not one of
   whom would have dared to look the living Oliver in the face
   for half a moment! Think, after you have read this reign, what
   England was under Oliver Cromwell who was torn out of his
   grave, and what it was under this merry monarch who sold it,
   like a merry Judas, over and over again. Of course, the
   remains of Oliver's wife and daughter were not to be spared,
   either, though they had been most excellent women. The base
   clergy of that time gave up their bodies, which had been
   buried in the Abbey, and--to the eternal disgrace of
   England--they were thrown into a pit, together with the
   mouldering bones of Pym, and of the brave and bold old Admiral
   Blake. ... The whole Court was a great flaunting crowd of
   debauched men and shameless women; and Catherine's merry
   husband insulted and outraged her in every possible way, until
   she consented to receive those worthless creatures as her very
   good friends, and to degrade herself by their companionship. A
   Mrs. Palmer, whom the King made Lady Castlemaine, and
   afterwards Duchess of Cleveland, was one of the most powerful
   of the bad women about the Court, and had great influence with
   the King nearly all through his reign. Another merry lady
   named Moll Davies, a dancer at the theatre, was afterwards her
   rival. So was Nell Gwyn, first an orange girl and then an
   actress, who really had good in her, and of whom one of the
   worst things I know is, that actually she does seem to have
   been fond of the King. The first Duke of St. Albans was this
   orange girl's child. In like manner the son of a merry
   waiting-lady, whom the King created Duchess of Portsmouth,
   became the Duke of Richmond.
   Upon the whole it is not so bad a thing to be a commoner. The
   Merry Monarch was so exceedingly merry among these merry
   ladies, and some equally merry (and equally infamous) lords
   and gentlemen, that he soon got through his hundred thousand
   pounds, and then, by way of raising a little pocket-money,
   made a merry bargain. He sold Dunkirk to the French King for
   five millions of livres. When I think of the dignity to which
   Oliver Cromwell raised England in the eyes of foreign powers,
   and when I think of the manner in which he gained for England
   this very Dunkirk, I am much inclined to consider that if the
   Merry Monarch had been made to follow his father for this
   action, he would have received his just deserts."

      C. Dickens,
      Child's History of England,
      chapter 35.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1661.
   Acquisition of Bombay.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1600-1702.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1661.
   The Savoy Conference.

   "The Restoration had been the joint work of Episcopalian and
   Presbyterian; would it be possible to reconcile them on this
   question too [i. e., of the settlement of Church government]?
   The Presbyterian indeed was willing enough for a compromise,
   for he had an uneasy feeling that the ground was slipping from
   beneath his feet. Of Charles's intentions he was still in
   doubt; but he knew that Clarendon was the sworn friend of the
   Church. The Churchman on the other hand was eagerly expecting
   the approaching hour of triumph. It soon appeared that as King
   and Parliament, so King and Church were inseparable in the
   English mind; that indeed the return of the King was the
   restoration of the Church even more than it was the
   restoration of Parliament. In the face of the present
   Presbyterian majority however it was necessary to temporise.
   The former incumbents of Church livings were restored, and the
   Commons took the Communion according to the rites of the
   Church; but in other respects the Presbyterians were carefully
   kept in play; Charles taking his part in the elaborate farce
   by appointing ten of their leading ministers royal chaplains,
   and even attending, their sermons." In October, 1660, Charles
   "took the matter more completely into his own hands by issuing
   a Declaration. Refusing, on the ground of constraint, to admit
   the validity of the oaths imposed upon him in Scotland, by
   which he was bound to uphold the Covenant, and not concealing
   his preference for the Anglican Church, as 'the best fence God
   hath yet raised against popery in the world,' he asserted that
   nevertheless, to his own knowledge, the Presbyterians were not
   enemies to Episcopacy or a set liturgy, and were opposed to
   the alienation of Church revenues. The Declaration then went
   on to limit the power of bishops and archdeacons in a degree
   sufficient to satisfy many of the leading Presbyterians, one
   of whom, Reynolds, accepted a bishopric. Charles then proposed
   to choose an equal number of learned divines of both
   persuasions to discuss alterations in the liturgy; meanwhile
   no one was to be troubled regarding differences of practice.
   The majority in the Commons at first welcomed the Declaration,
   ... and a bill was accordingly introduced by Sir Matthew Hale
   to turn the Declaration into a law. But Clarendon at any rate
   had no intention of thus baulking the Church of her revenge.
   Anticipating Hale's action, he had in the interval been busy
   in securing a majority against any compromise. The Declaration
   had done its work in gaining time, and when the bill was
   brought in it was rejected by 183 to 157 votes. Parliament was
   at once (December 24) dissolved. The way was now open for the
   riot of the Anglican triumph. Even before the new House met
   the mask was thrown off by the issuing of an order to the
   justices to restore the full liturgy. The conference indeed
   took place in the Savoy Palace. It failed, like the Hampton
   Court Conference of James I., because it was intended to fail.
   Upon the two important points, the authority of bishops and
   the liturgy, the Anglicans would not give way an inch. Both
   parties informed the King that, anxious as they were for
   agreement, they saw no chance of it. This last attempt at
   union having fallen through, the Government had their hands
   free; and their intentions were speedily made plain."

      O. Airy,
      The English Restoration and Louis XIV.,
      chapter 7.

   "The Royal Commission [for the Savoy Conference] bore date the
   25th of March. It gave the Commissioners authority to review
   the Book of Common Prayer, to compare it with the most ancient
   Liturgies, to take into consideration all things which it
   contained, to consult respecting the exceptions against it,
   and by agreement to make such necessary alterations as should
   afford satisfaction to tender consciences, and restore to the
   Church unity and peace; the instrument appointed 'the Master's
   lodgings in the Savoy' as the place of meeting. ... The
   Commissioners were summoned to meet upon the 15th of April.
   ... The Bill of Uniformity, hereafter to be described,
   actually passed the House of Commons on the 9th of July, about
   a fortnight before the Conference broke up. The proceedings of
   a Royal Commission to review the Prayer Book, and make
   alterations for the satisfaction of tender consciences were,
   by this premature act, really treated with mockery, a
   circumstance which could not but exceedingly offend and annoy
   the Puritan members, and serve to embitter the language of
   Baxter as the end of these fruitless sittings approached."

      J. Stoughton,
      History of Religion in English,
      volume 3, chapter 5.

      ALSO IN:
      E. Calamy,
      Nonconformists' Memorial,
      introduction, section 3.

      W. Orme,
      Life and Times of Richard Baxter,
      chapter 7.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1662.
   The sale of Dunkirk.

   "Unable to confine himself within the narrow limits of his
   civil list, with his favorites and mistresses, he [Charles
   II.] would have sought even in the infernal regions the gold
   which his subjects measured out to him with too parsimonious a
   hand. ... [He] proposed to sell to France Dunkirk and its
   dependencies, which, he said, cost him too much to keep up. He
   asked twelve million francs; he fell at last to five millions,
   and the treaty was signed October 27, 1662. It was time; the
   Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, informed of the
   negotiation, had determined to offer Charles II. whatever he
   wished in behalf of their city not to alienate Dunkirk.
   Charles dared not retract his word, which would have been, as
   D'Estrades told him, to break forever with Louis XIV., and on
   the 2d of December Louis joyfully made his entry into his good
   city, reconquered by gold instead of the sword."

      H. Martin,
      History of France: Age of Louis XIV.,
      translated by M. L. Booth, chapter 4 (volume 1).


England: A. D. 1662-1665.
   The Act of Uniformity and persecution of the Nonconformists.

   The failure of the Savoy Conference "was the conclusion which
   had been expected and desired. Charles had already summoned
   the Convocation, and to that assembly was assigned the task
   which had failed in the hands of the commissioners at the
   Savoy. ... The act of uniformity followed [passed by the
   Commons July 9, 1661; by the Lords May 8, 1662; receiving the
   royal assent May 19, 1662], by which it was enacted that the
   revised Book of Common Prayer, and of Ordination of Ministers,
   and no other, should be used in all places of public worship;
   and that all beneficed clergymen should read the service from
   it within a given time, and, at the close, profess in a set
   form of words, their 'unfeigned assent and consent to
   everything contained and prescribed in it.' ... The act of
   uniformity may have been necessary for the restoration of the
   church to its former discipline and doctrine; but if such was
   the intention of those who framed the declaration from Breda,
   they were guilty of infidelity to the king and of fraud to the
   people, by putting into his mouth language which, with the aid of
   equivocation, they might explain away, and by raising in them
   expectations which it was never meant to fulfil."

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 11, chapter. 4.

   "This rigorous act when it passed, gave the ministers, who
   could not conform, no longer time than till Bartholomewday,
   August 24th, 1662, when they were all cast out. ... This was
   an action without a precedent: The like to this the Reformed
   church, nay the Christian world, never saw before. Historians
   relate, with tragical exclamations, that between three and
   four score bishops were driven at once into the island of
   Sardinia by the African vandals; that 200 ministers were
   banished by Ferdinand, king of Bohemia; and that great havock
   was, a few years after, made among the ministers of Germany by
   the Imperial Interim. But these all together fall short of the
   number ejected by the act of uniformity, which was not less
   than 2,000. The succeeding hardships of the latter were also
   by far the greatest. They were not only silenced, but had no
   room left for any sort of usefulness, and were in a manner
   buried alive. Far greater tenderness was used towards the
   Popish clergy ejected at the Reformation. They were suffered
   to live quietly; but these were oppressed to the utmost, and
   that even by their brethren who professed the same faith
   themselves: not only excluded preferments, but turned out into
   the wide world without any visible way of subsistence. Not so
   much as a poor vicarage, not an obscure chapel, not a school
   was left them. Nay, though they offered, as some of them did,
   to preach gratis, it must not be allowed them. ... The ejected
   ministers continued for ten years in a state of silence and
   obscurity. ... The act of uniformity took place August the
   24th, 1662. On the 26th of December following, the king
   published a Declaration, expressing his purpose to grant some
   indulgence or liberty in religion. Some of the Nonconformists
   were hereupon much encouraged, and waiting privately on the
   king, had their hopes confirmed, and would have persuaded
   their brethren to have thanked him for his declaration; but
   they refused, lest they should make way for the toleration of
   the Papists, whom they understood the king intended to include
   in it. ... Instead of indulgence or comprehension, on the 30th
   of June, an act against private meetings, called the
   Conventicle Act, passed the House of Commons, and soon after
   was made a law, viz.: 'That every person above sixteen years
   of age, present at any meeting, under pretence of any exercise
   of religion, in other manner than is the practice of the
   church of England, where there are five persons more than the
   household, shall for the first offence, by a justice of peace
   be recorded, and sent to gaol three months, till he pay £5,
   and for the second offence six months, till he pay £10, and
   the third time being convicted by a jury, shall be banished to
   some of the American plantations, excepting New England or
   Virginia." ... In the year 1665 the plague broke out"--and
   the ejected ministers boldly took possession for the time of
   the deserted London pulpits. "While God was consuming the
   people by this judgment, and the Nonconformists were labouring
   to save their souls, the parliament, which sat at Oxford, was
   busy in making an act [called the Five Mile Act] to render
   their case incomparably harder than it was before, by putting
   upon them a certain oath ['that it is not lawful, upon any
   pretence whatsoever, to take arms against the king,' &c.],
   which, if they refused, they must not come (unless upon the
   road) within five miles of any city or corporation, any place
   that sent burgesses to parliament, any place where they had
   been ministers, or had preached after the act of oblivion. ...
   When this act came out, those ministers who had any
   maintenance of their own, found out some place of residence in
   obscure villages, or market-towns, that were not

      E. Calamy,
      The Nonconformist's Memorial,
      introduction, sections 4-6.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Stoughton,
      History of Religion in England,
      volume 3, chapters 6-9.

      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 4, chapter 6-7.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1663.
   The grant of the Carolinas to Monk, Clarendon, Shaftesbury,
   and others.

      See NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1663-1670.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1663.
   The King's charter to Rhode Island.

      See RHODE ISLAND: A. D. 1660-1663.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1664.
   The conquest of New Netherland (New York).

      See NEW YORK: A. D. 1664.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1664-1665.
   The first refractory symptoms in Massachusetts.

      See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1660-1665.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1665.
   The grant of New Jersey to Carteret and Berkeley.

      See NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1664-1667.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1665-1666.
   War with Holland renewed.
   The Dutch fleet in the Thames.

      See NETHERLANDS (HOLLAND): A. D. 1665-1666.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1668.
   The Triple Alliance with Holland and Sweden against Louis XIV.

      See NETHERLANDS (HOLLAND): A. D. 1668.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1668.
   Cession of Acadia (Nova Scotia) to France.

      See NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1621-1668.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1668-1670.
   The secret Catholicism and the perfidy of the King.
   His begging of bribes from Louis XIV.
   His betrayal of Holland.
   His breaking of the Triple Alliance.

   In 1668, the royal treasury being greatly embarrassed by the
   king's extravagances, an attempt was made "to reduce the
   annual expenditure below the amount of the royal income. ...
   But this plan of economy accorded not with the royal
   disposition, nor did it offer any prospect of extinguishing
   the debt. Charles remembered the promise of pecuniary
   assistance from France in the beginning of his reign; and,
   though his previous efforts to cultivate the friendship of
   Louis had been defeated by an unpropitious course of events,
   he resolved to renew the experiment.
   Immediately after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, Buckingham
   opened a negotiation with the duchess of Orleans, the king's
   sister, in France, and Charles, in his conversations with the
   French resident, apologised for his conduct in forming the
   triple alliance, and openly expressed his wish to enter into a
   closer union, a more intimate friendship, with Louis. ...
   About the end of the year the communications between the two
   princes became more open and confidential; French money, or
   the promise of French money, was received by the English
   ministers; the negotiation began to assume a more regular
   form, and the most solemn assurances of secrecy were given,
   that their real object might be withheld from the knowledge,
   or even the suspicion, of the States. In this stage of the
   proceedings Charles received an important communication from
   his brother James. Hitherto that prince had been an obedient
   and zealous son of the Church of England; but Dr. Heylin's
   History of the Reformation had shaken his religious credulity,
   and the result of the inquiry was a conviction that it became
   his duty to reconcile himself with the Church of Rome. He was
   not blind to the dangers to which such a change would expose
   him; and he therefore purposed to continue outwardly in
   communion with the established church, while he attended at
   the Catholic service in private. But, to his surprise, he
   learned from Symonds, a Jesuit missionary, that no
   dispensation could authorise such duplicity of conduct: a
   similar answer was returned to the same question from the
   pope; and James immediately took his resolution. He
   communicated to the king in private that he was determined to
   embrace the Catholic faith; and Charles without hesitation
   replied that he was of the same mind, and would consult with
   the duke on the subject in the presence of lord Arundell, lord
   Arlington, and Arlington's confidential friend, sir Thomas
   Clifford. ... The meeting was held in the duke's closet.
   Charles, with tears in his eyes, lamented the hardship of
   being compelled to profess a religion which he did not
   approve, declared his determination to emancipate himself from
   this restraint, and requested the opinion of those present, as
   to the most eligible means of effecting his purpose with
   safety and success. They advised him to communicate his
   intention to Louis, and to solicit the powerful aid of that
   monarch. Here occurs a very interesting question,--was Charles
   sincere or not? ... He was the most accomplished dissembler in
   his dominions; nor will it be any injustice to his character
   to suspect that his real object was to deceive both his
   brother and the king of France. ... Now, however, the secret
   negotiation proceeded with greater activity; and lord
   Arundell, accompanied by sir Richard Bellings, hastened to the
   French court. He solicited from Louis the present of a
   considerable sum, to enable the king to suppress any
   insurrection which might be provoked by his intended
   conversion, and offered the co-operation of England in the
   projected invasion of Holland, on the condition of an annual
   subsidy during the continuation of hostilities." On the advice
   of Louis, Charles postponed, for the time being, his intention
   to enter publicly the Romish church and thus provoke a
   national revolt; but his proposals were otherwise accepted,
   and a secret treaty was concluded at Dover, in May, 1670,
   through the agency of Charles' sister, Henrietta, the duchess
   of Orleans, who came over for that purpose. "Of this treaty,
   ... though much was afterwards said, little was certainly
   known. All the parties concerned, both the sovereigns and the
   negotiators, observed an impenetrable secrecy. What became of
   the copy transmitted to France is unknown; its counterpart was
   confided to the custody of sir Thomas Clifford, and is still
   in the keeping of his descendant, the lord Clifford of
   Chudleigh. The principal articles were:

      1. That the king of England should publicly profess himself
      a Catholic at such time as should appear to him most
      expedient, and subsequently to that profession should join
      with Louis in a war against the Dutch republic at such time
      as the most Christian king should judge proper.

      2. That to enable the king of England to suppress any
      insurrection which might be occasioned by his conversion,
      the king of France should grant him an aid of 2,000,000 of
      livres, by two payments, one at the expiration of three
      months, the other of six months, after the ratification of
      the treaty, and should also assist him with an armed force
      of 6,000 men, if ... necessary. ...

      4. That if, eventually, any new rights on the Spanish
      monarchy should accrue to the king of France, the king of
      England should aid him with all his power in the
      acquisition of those rights. 5. That both princes should
      make war on the united provinces, and that neither should
      conclude peace or truce with them without the advice and
      consent of his ally.".

      J. Lingard,
      History of England,
      volume 11, chapter 6.

      ALSO IN:
      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 11.

      O. Airy,
      The English Restoration and Louis XIV.,
      chapter 16.

      G. Burnet,
      History of My Own Time,
      book 2 (volume 1).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1671.
   The Cabal.

   "It was remarked that the committee of council, established
   for foreign affairs, was entirely changed; and that Prince
   Rupert, the Duke of Ormond, Secretary Trevor, and Lord-keeper
   Bridgeman, men in whose honour the nation had great
   confidence, were never called to any deliberations. The whole
   secret was intrusted to five persons, Clifford, Ashley
   [afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury], Buckingham, Arlington, and
   Lauderdale. These men were known by the appellation of the
   Cabal, a word which the initial letters of their names
   happened to compose. Never was there a more dangerous ministry
   in England, nor one more noted for pernicious counsels."

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      chapter. 65 (volume 6).

      See, also, CABINET, THE ENGLISH.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1672-1673.
   The Declaration of Indulgence and the Test Act.

   "It would have been impossible to obtain the consent of the
   party in the Royal Council which represented the old
   Presbyterians, of Ashley or Lauderdale or the Duke of
   Buckingham, to the Treaty of Dover. But it was possible to
   trick them into approval of a war with Holland by playing on
   their desire for a toleration of the Nonconformists. The
   announcement of the King's Catholicism was therefore deferred.
   ... His ministers outwitted, it only remained for Charles to
   outwit his Parliament. A large subsidy was demanded for the
   fleet, under the pretext of upholding the Triple Alliance, and
   the subsidy was no sooner granted than the two Houses were
   Fresh supplies were obtained by closing the Exchequer, and
   suspending--under Clifford's advice--the payment of either
   principal or interest on loans advanced to the public
   treasury. The measure spread bankruptcy among half the
   goldsmiths of London; but it was followed in 1672 by one yet
   more startling--the Declaration of Indulgence. By virtue of
   his ecclesiastical powers, the King ordered 'that all manner
   of penal laws on matters ecclesiastical against whatever sort
   of Nonconformists or recusants should be from that day
   suspended,' and gave liberty of public worship to all
   dissidents save Catholics, who were allowed to practice their
   religion only in private houses. ... The Declaration of
   Indulgence was at once followed by a declaration of war
   against the Dutch on the part of both England and France. ...
   It was necessary in 1673 to appeal to the Commons [for war
   supplies], but the Commons met in a mood of angry distrust.
   ... There was a general suspicion that a plot was on foot for
   the establishment of Catholicism and despotism, and that the
   war and the Indulgence were parts of the plot. The change of
   temper in the Commons was marked by the appearance of what was
   from that time called the Country party, with Lords Russell
   and Cavendish and Sir William Coventry at its head--a party
   which sympathized with the Nonconformists, but looked on it as
   its first duty to guard against the designs of the Court. As to
   the Declaration of Indulgence, however, all parties in the
   House were at one. The Commons resolved 'that penal statutes
   in matters ecclesiastical cannot be suspended but by consent
   of Parliament,' and refused supplies till the Declaration was
   recalled. The King yielded; but the Declaration was no sooner
   recalled than a Test Act was passed through both Houses
   without opposition, which required from everyone in the civil
   and military employment of the State the oaths of allegiance
   and supremacy, a declaration against transubstantiation, and a
   reception of the sacrament according to the rites of the
   Church of England. Clifford at once counseled resistance, and
   Buckingham talked flightily about bringing the army to London,
   but Arlington saw that all hope of carrying the 'great plan'
   through was at an end, and pressed Charles to yield. ...
   Charles sullenly gave way. No measure has ever brought about
   more startling results. The Duke of York owned himself a
   Catholic, and resigned his office as Lord High Admiral. ...
   Clifford, too, ... owned to being a Catholic, and ... laid
   down his staff of office. Their resignation was followed by
   that of hundreds of others in the army and the civil service
   of the Crown. ... The resignations were held to have proved
   the existence of the dangers which the Test Act had been
   passed to meet. From this moment all trust in Charles was at
   an end."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 9, section 3.

   "It is very true that the [Test Act] pointed only at
   Catholics, that it really proposed an anti-Popish test, yet
   the construction of it, although it did not exclude from
   office such Dissenters as could occasionally conform, did
   effectually exclude all who scrupled to do so. Aimed at the
   Romanists, it struck the Presbyterians. It is clear that, had
   the Nonconformists and the Catholics joined their forces with
   those of the Court, in opposing the measure, they might have
   defeated it; but the first of these classes for the present
   submitted to the inconvenience, from the horror which they
   entertained of Popery, hoping, at the same time, that some
   relief would be afforded for this personal sacrifice in the
   cause of a common Protestantism. Thus the passing of an Act,
   which, until a late period, inflicted a social wrong upon two
   large sections of the community, is to be attributed to the
   course pursued by the very parties whose successors became the

      J. Stoughton,
      History of Religion in England,
      volume 3, chapter 11.

      ALSO IN:
      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 4, chapter 8, and volume 5, chapter 1.

      J. Collier,
      Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain,
      part 2, book 9 (volume 8).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1672-1674.
   Alliance with Louis XIV. of France in war with Holland.

      See NETHERLANDS (HOLLAND): A. D. 1672-1674.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1673.
   Loss of New York, retaken by the Dutch.

      See NEW YORK: A. D. 1673.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1674.
   Peace with the Dutch.
   Treaty of Westminster.
   Recovery of New York.

      See NETHERLANDS (HOLLAND): A. D. 1674.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1675-1688.
   Concessions to France in Newfoundland.

      See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1660-1688.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1678-1679.
   The Popish Plot.

   "There was an uneasy feeling in the nation that it was being
   betrayed, and just then [August, 1678] a strange story caused
   a panic throughout all England. A preacher of low character,
   named Titus Oates, who had gone over to the Jesuits, declared
   that he knew of a plot among the Catholics to kill the king
   and set up a Catholic Government. He brought his tale to a
   magistrate, named Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey, and shortly
   afterwards [October 17] Godfrey was found murdered in a ditch
   near St. Pancras Church. The people thought that the Catholics
   had murdered him to hush up the 'Popish plot,' and when
   Parliament met a committee was appointed to examine into the
   matter. Some papers belonging to a Jesuit named Coleman
   alarmed them, and so great was the panic that an Act was
   passed shutting out all Catholics, except the Duke of York,
   from Parliament. After this no Catholic sat in either House
   for a hundred and fifty years. But worse followed. Oates
   became popular, and finding tale-bearing successful, he and
   other informers went on to swear away the lives of a great
   number of innocent Catholics. The most noted of these was Lord
   Stafford, an upright and honest peer, who was executed in
   1681, declaring his innocence. Charles laughed among his
   friends at the whole matter, but let it go on, and
   Shaftesbury, who wished to turn out Lord Danby, did all he
   could to fan the flame."

      A. B. Buckley,
      History of England for Beginners,
      chapter 19.

   "The capital and the whole nation went mad with hatred and
   fear. The penal laws, which had begun to lose something of
   their edge, were sharpened anew. Everywhere justices were
   busied in searching houses and seizing papers. All the gaols
   were filled with Papists. London had the aspect of a city in a
   state of siege. The train bands were under arms all night.
   Preparations were made for barricading the great
   thoroughfares. Patroles marched up and down the streets.
   Cannon were planted round Whitehall. No citizen thought
   himself safe unless he carried under his coat a small flail
   loaded with lead to brain the Popish assassins."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter. 2 (volume 1).


   "It being expected that printed Bibles would soon become rare,
   or locked up in an unknown tongue, many honest people, struck
   with the alarm, employed themselves in copying the Bible into
   short-hand that they might not be destitute of its
   consolations in the hour of calamity. ... It was about the
   year 1679 that the famous King's Head Club was formed, so
   named from its being held at the King's Head Tavern in Fleet
   Street. ... They were terrorists and spread alarm with great
   effect. It was at this club that silk armour, pistol proof,
   was recommended as a security against assassination at the
   hands of the Papists; and the particular kind of
   life-preserver of that day, called a Protestant flail, was

      G. Roberts,
      Life of Monmouth,
      chapter 5 (volume 1).

   "And now commenced, before the courts of justice and the upper
   house, a sombre prosecution of the catholic lords Arundel,
   Petre, Stafford, Powis, Bellasis, the Jesuits Coleman,
   Ireland, Grieve, Pickering, and, in succession, all who were
   implicated by the indefatigable denunciations of Titus Oates
   and Bedloe. Unhappily, these courts of justice, desiring, in
   common with the whole nation, to condemn rather than to
   examine, wanted neither elements which might, if strictly
   acted upon, establish legal proof of conspiracy against some
   of the accused, nor terrible laws to destroy them when found
   guilty. And it was here that a spectacle, at first imposing,
   became horrible. No friendly voice arose to save those men who
   were guilty only of impracticable wishes, of extravagant
   conceptions. The king, the duke of York, the French
   ambassador, thoroughly acquainted as they were with the real
   nature of these imputed crimes, remained silent; they were
   thoroughly cowed."

      A. Carrel,
      History of the Counter-Revolution in England,
      part 1, chapter 4.

   "Although, ... upon a review of this truly shocking
   transaction, we may be fairly justified ... in imputing to the
   greater part of those concerned in it, rather an extraordinary
   degree of blind credulity than the deliberate wickedness of
   planning and assisting in the perpetration of legal murders;
   yet the proceedings on the popish plot must always be
   considered as an indelible disgrace upon the English nation,
   in which king, parliament, judges, juries, witnesses,
   prosecutors, have all their respective, though certainly not
   equal, shares."

      C. J. Fox,
      History of the Early Part of the Reign of James II.,
      introduction, ch.

   "In this dreadful scene of wickedness, it is difficult not to
   assign the pre-eminence of guilt to Anthony Ashley Cooper,
   earl of Shaftesbury. If he did not first contrive, he
   certainly availed himself of the revelations of Oates, to work
   up the nation to the fury which produced the subsequent
   horrors. ... In extenuation of the delusion of the populace,
   something may be offered. The defamation of half a century had
   made the catholics the objects of protestant odium and
   distrust: and these had been increased by the accusation,
   artfully and assiduously fomented, of their having been the
   authors of the fire of the city of London. The publication,
   too, of Coleman's letters, certainly announced a considerable
   activity in the catholics to promote the catholic religion;
   and contained expressions, easily distorted to the sense, in
   which the favourers of the belief of the plot wished them to
   be understood. Danby's correspondence, likewise, which had
   long been generally known, and was about this time made
   public, had discovered that Charles was in the pay of France.
   These, with several other circumstances, had inflamed the
   imaginations of the public to the very highest pitch. A
   dreadful something (and not the less dreadful because its
   precise nature was altogether unknown), was generally
   apprehended. ... For their supposed part in the plot, ten
   laymen and seven priests, one of whom was seventy, another
   eighty, years of age, were executed. Seventeen others were
   condemned, but not executed. Some died in prison, and some
   were pardoned. On the whole body of catholics the laws were
   executed with horrible severity."

      C. Butler,
      Historical Memoirs of the English Catholics,
      chapter 32, section 3 (volume 2).

      ALSO IN:
      Lord Campbell,
      Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
      chapter 89 (volume 3).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1679 (May).
   The Habeas Corpus Act.

   "Arbitrary imprisonment is a grievance which, in some degree,
   has place in almost every government, except in that of Great
   Britain; and our absolute security from it we owe chiefly to
   the present Parliament; a merit which makes some atonement for
   the faction and violence into which their prejudices had, in
   other particulars, betrayed them. The great charter had laid
   the foundation of this valuable part of liberty; the petition
   of right had renewed and extended it; but some provisions were
   still wanting to render it complete, and prevent all evasion
   or delay from ministers and judges. The act of habeas corpus,
   which passed this session, served these purposes. By this act
   it was prohibited to send anyone to a prison beyond sea. No
   judge, under severe penalties, must refuse to any prisoner a
   writ of habeas corpus, by which the gaoler was directed to
   produce in court the body of the prisoner (whence the writ has
   its name), and to certify the cause of his detainer and
   imprisonment. If the gaol lie within twenty miles of the
   judge, the writ must be obeyed in three days; and so
   proportionably for greater distances; every prisoner must be
   indicted the first term after his commitment, and brought to
   trial in the subsequent term. And no man, after being enlarged
   by order of court, can be recommitted for the same offence."

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      chapter 67 (volume 6).

   "The older remedies serving as a safeguard against unlawful
   imprisonment, were--

   1. The writ of Mainprise, ensuring the delivery of the accused
   to a friend of the same, who gave security to answer for his
   appearance before the court when required, and in token of
   such undertaking he held him by the hand ('le prit par le

   2. The writ 'De odio et atiâ,' i. e., of hatred and malice,
   which, though not abolished, has long since been antiquated.
   ... It directed the sheriff to make inquisition in the county
   court whether the imprisonment proceeded from malice or not.

   3. The writ 'De homine replegiando,' or replevying a man, that
   is, delivering him out on security to answer what may be
   objected against him.

   A writ is, originally, a royal writing,
   either an open patent addressed to all to whom it may come,
   and issued under the great seal; or, 'litteræ clausæ,' a
   sealed letter addressed to a particular person; such writs
   were prepared in the royal courts or in the Court of Chancery.
   The most usual instrument of protection, however, against
   arbitrary imprisonment is the writ of 'Habeas corpus,' so
   called from its beginning with the words, 'Habeas corpus ad
   subjiciendum,' which, on account of its universal application
   and the security it affords, has, insensibly, taken precedence
   of all others.
   This is an old writ of the common law, and must be prayed for
   in any of the Superior courts of common law. ... But this writ
   . . . proved but a feeble, or rather wholly ineffectual
   protection against the arbitrary power of the sovereign. The
   right of an English subject to a writ of habeas corpus, and to
   a release from imprisonment unless sufficient cause be shown
   for his detention, was fully canvassed in the first years of
   the reign of Charles I. ... The parliament endeavoured to
   prevent such arbitrary imprisonment by passing the 'Petition
   of Right,' which enacted that no freeman, in any such manner
   ... should be imprisoned or detained. Even this act was found
   unavailing against the malevolent interpretations put by the
   judges; hence the 16 Charles I., c. 10, was passed, which
   enacts, that when any person is restrained of his liberty by
   the king in person, or by the Privy Council, or any member
   thereof, he shall, on demand of his counsel, have a writ of
   habeas corpus, and, three days after the writ, shall be
   brought before the court to determine whether there is ground
   for further imprisonment, for bail, or for his release.
   Notwithstanding these provisions, the immunity of English
   subjects from arbitrary detention was not ultimately
   established in full practical efficiency until the passing of
   the statute of Charles II., commonly called the 'Habeas Corpus

      E. Fischel,
      The English Constitution,
      book 1, chapter 9.

      ALSO IN:
      Sir W. Blackstone,
      Commentaries on the Laws of England,
      book 3, chapter 8.

      H. J. Stephen,
      book 5, chapter 12, section 5 (volume 4).

   The following is the text of the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679:

   I. Whereas great Delays have been used by Sheriffs, Gaolers
   and other Officers, to whose Custody any of the King's
   Subjects have been committed, for criminal or supposed
   criminal Matters, in making Returns of Writs of Habeas Corpus
   to them directed, by standing out an Alias and Pluries Habeas
   Corpus, and sometimes more, and by other Shifts, to avoid
   their yielding Obedience to such Writs, contrary to their
   Duty, and the known Laws of the Land, whereby many of the
   King's Subjects have been, and hereafter may be long detained
   in Prison, in such cases where by Law they are bailable, to
   their great Charges and Vexation.

   II. For the Prevention whereof, and the more speedy Relief of
   all Persons imprisoned for any such Criminal, or supposed
   Criminal Matters: (2.) Be it Enacted by the King's most
   Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the
   Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in this present
   Parliament assembled, and by the Authority thereof, that
   whensoever any Person or Persons shall bring any Habeas Corpus
   directed unto any Sheriff, or Sheriffs, Gaoler, Minister, or
   other Person whatsoever, for any Person in his or their
   Custody, and the said Writ shall be served upon the said
   Officer, or left at the Gaol or Prison, with any of the under
   Officers, under Keepers, or Deputy of the said Officers or
   Keepers, that the said Officer or Officers, his or their Under
   Officers, Under Keepers or Deputies, shall within three Days
   after the Service thereof, as aforesaid (unless the Commitment
   aforesaid were for Treason or Felony, plainly and specially
   expressed in the Warrant of Commitment), upon Payment or
   Tender of the Charges of bringing the said Prisoner, to be
   ascertained by the Judge or Court that awarded the same, and
   endorsed upon the said Writ, not exceeding Twelve-pence per
   Mile, and upon Security given by his own Bond, to pay the
   Charges of carrying back the Prisoner, if he shall be remanded
   by the Court or Judge, to which he shall be brought, according
   to the true Intent of this present Act, and that he will not
   make any Escape by the way, make Return of such Writ. (3.) And
   bring or cause to be brought the Body of the Party so
   committed or restrained, unto or before the Lord Chancellor,
   or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England for the time
   being, or the Judges or Barons of the said Court from whence
   the said Writ shall Issue, or unto and before such other
   Person or Persons before whom the said Writ is made
   returnable, according to the Command thereof. (4.) And shall
   then likewise certifie the true causes of his Detainer, or
   Imprisonment, unless the commitment of the said party be in
   any place beyond the Distance of twenty Miles from the Place
   or Places where such Court or Person is, or shall be residing;
   and if beyond the Distance of twenty Miles, and not above One
   Hundred Miles, then within the Space of Ten Days, and if
   beyond the Distance of One Hundred Miles, then within the
   space of Twenty Days, after such Delivery aforesaid, and not

   III. And to the Intent that no Sheriff, Gaoler or other
   Officer may pretend Ignorance of the Import of any such Writ,
   (2.) Be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all such
   Writs shall be marked in this manner, Per Statutum Tricesimo
   Primo Caroli Secundi Regis, and shall be signed by the Person
   that awards the same. (3.) And if any Person or Persons shall
   be or stand committed or detained, as aforesaid, for any
   Crime, unless for Felony or Treason, plainly expressed in the
   Warrant of Commitment, in the Vacation-time, and out of Term,
   it shall and may be lawful to and for the Person or Persons so
   committed or detained (other than Persons convict, or in
   Execution by legal Process) or anyone on his or their Behalf,
   to appeal, or complain to the Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper,
   or anyone of His Majesty's Justices, either of the one Bench,
   or of the other, or the Barons of the Exchequer of the Degree
   of the Coif. (4.) And the said Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper,
   Justices, or Barons, or any of them, upon View of the Copy or
   Copies of the Warrant or Warrants of Commitment and Detainer,
   or otherwise upon Oath made, that such Copy or Copies were
   denied to be given by such Person or Persons in whose custody
   the Prisoner or Prisoners is or are detained, are hereby
   authorized and required, upon Request made in Writing by such
   Person or Persons, or any on his, her, or their Behalf,
   attested and subscribed by two Witnesses, who were present at
   the Delivery of the same, to award and grant an Habeas Corpus
   under the Seal of such Court, whereof he shall then be one of
   the Judges, (5.) to be directed to the Officer or Officers in
   whose Custody the Party so committed or detained shall be,
   returnable immediate before the said Lord Chancellor, or Lord
   Keeper, or such Justice, Baron, or any other Justice or Baron,
   of the Degree of the Coif, of any of the said Courts. (6.) And
   upon Service thereof as aforesaid, the Officer or Officers,
   his or their under Officer or under Officers, under Keeper or
   under Keepers, or their Deputy, in whose Custody the Party is
   so committed or detained, shall within the times respectively
   before limited, bring such Prisoner or Prisoners before the
   said Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, or such Justices, Barons,
   or one of them, before whom the said Writ is made returnable,
   and in case of his Absence, before any of them, with the
   Return of such Writ, and the true Causes of the Commitment and
   (7.) And thereupon within two Days after the Party shall be
   brought before them the said Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper,
   or such Justice or Baron, before whom the Prisoner shall be
   brought as aforesaid, shall discharge the said Prisoner from
   his Imprisonment, taking his or their Recognizance, with one
   or more Surety or Sureties, in any Sum, according to their
   Discretions, having regard to the Quality of the Prisoner, and
   Nature of the Offence, for his or their Appearance in the
   Court of King's Bench the Term following, or at the next
   Assizes, Sessions, or general Gaol-Delivery, of and for such
   County, City or Place, where the Commitment was, or where the
   Offence was committed, or in such other Court where the said
   Offence is properly cognizable, as the Case shall require, and
   then shall certify the said Writ with the Return thereof, and
   the said Recognizance or Recognizances into the said Court,
   where such Appearance is to be made. (8.) Unless it shall
   appear unto the said Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper, or
   Justice, or Justices, or Baron or Barons, that the Party so
   committed is detained upon a legal Process, Order, or Warrant
   out of some Court that hath Jurisdiction of Criminal Matters,
   or by some Warrant signed and sealed with the Hand and Seal of
   any of the said Justices or Barons, or some Justice or
   Justices of the Peace, for such Matters or Offences, for the
   which by the Law, the Prisoner is not bailable.

   IV. Provided always, and be it enacted, That if any Person
   shall have wilfully neglected by the Space of two whole Terms
   after his Imprisonment to pray a Habeas Corpus for his
   Enlargement, such Person so wilfully neglecting, shall not
   have any Habeas Corpus to be granted in Vacation-time in
   Pursuance of this Act.

   V. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That
   if any Officer or Officers, his or their under Officer, or
   under Officers, under Keeper or under Keepers, or Deputy,
   shall neglect or refuse to make the Returns aforesaid, or to
   bring the Body or Bodies of the Prisoner or Prisoners,
   according to the Command of the said Writ, within the
   respective times aforesaid, or upon Demand made by the
   Prisoner, or Person in his Behalf, shall refuse to deliver, or
   within the Space of six Hours after Demand shall not deliver,
   to the Person so demanding, a true Copy of the Warrant or
   Warrants of Commitment and Detainer of such Prisoner, which he
   and they are hereby required to deliver accordingly; all and
   every the Head Gaolers and Keepers of such Prisons, and such
   other Person, in whose Custody the Prisoner shall be detained,
   shall for the first Offence, forfeit to the Prisoner, or Party
   grieved, the Sum of One Hundred Pounds. (2.) And for the
   second Offence, the Sum of Two Hundred Pounds, and shall and
   is hereby made incapable to hold or execute his said Office.
   (3.) The said Penalties to be recovered by the Prisoner or
   Party grieved, his Executors or Administrators, against such
   Offender, his Executors or Administrators, by any Action of
   Debt, Suit, Bill, Plaint or Information, in any of the King's
   Courts at Westminster, wherein no Essoin, Protection,
   Priviledge, Injunction, Wager of Law, or stay of Prosecution,
   by Non vult ulterius prosequi, or otherwise, shall be admitted
   or allowed, or any more than one Imparlance. (4.) And any
   Recovery or Judgment at the Suit of any Party grieved, shall
   be a sufficient Conviction for the first Offence; and any
   after Recovery or Judgment at the Suit of a Party grieved, for
   any Offence after the first Judgment, shall be a sufficient
   Conviction to bring the Officers or Person within the said
   Penalty for the Second Offence.

   VI. And for the Prevention of unjust Vexation, by reiterated
   Commitments for the same offence; (2.) Be it enacted by the
   Authority aforesaid, That no Person or Persons, which shall be
   delivered or set at large upon any Habeas Corpus, shall at any
   time hereafter be again imprisoned or committed for the same
   Offence, by any Person or Persons whatsoever, other than by
   the legal Order and Process of such Court wherein he or they
   shall be bound by Recognizance to appear, or other Court
   having Jurisdiction of the Cause. (3.) And if any other Person
   or Persons shall knowingly, contrary to this Act, recommit or
   imprison, or knowingly procure or cause to be recommitted or
   imprisoned for the same Offence, or pretended Offence, any
   Person or Persons delivered or set at large as aforesaid, or
   be knowingly aiding or assisting therein, then he or they
   shall forfeit to the Prisoner or Party grieved, the Sum of
   Five Hundred Pounds; any colourable Pretence or Variation in
   the Warrant or Warrants of Commitment notwithstanding, to be
   recovered as aforesaid.

   VII. Provided always, and be it further enacted, That if any
   Person or Persons shall be committed for High Treason or
   Felony, plainly and specially expressed in the Warrant of
   Commitment, upon his Prayer or Petition in open Court the
   first Week of the Term, or first Day of the Sessions of Oyer
   and Terminer, or general Gaol Delivery, to be brought to his
   Tryal, shall not be indicted sometime in the next Term,
   Sessions of Oyer and Terminer, or general Gaol-Delivery after
   such Commitment, it shall and may be lawful to and for the
   Judges of the Court of King's Bench, and Justices of Oyer and
   Terminer, or general Gaol-Delivery, and they are hereby
   required, upon Motion to them made in open Court the last Day
   of the Term, Sessions or Gaol-Delivery, either by the
   Prisoner, or anyone in his Behalf, to set at Liberty the
   Prisoner upon Bail, unless it appear to the Judges and
   Justices upon Oath made, that the Witnesses for the King could
   not be produced the same Term, Sessions, or general
   Gaol-Delivery. (2.) And if any Person or Persons committed as
   aforesaid, upon his Prayer or Petition in open Court, the
   first Week of the Term, or first Day of the Sessions of Oyer
   and Terminer, and general Gaol-Delivery, to be brought to his
   Tryal, shall not be indicted and tryed the second Term,
   Sessions of Oyer and Terminer, or general Gaol-Delivery, after
   his Commitment, or upon his Tryal shall be acquitted, he shall
   be discharged from his Imprisonment.

   VIII. Provided always, that nothing in this Act shall extend
   to discharge out of Prison, any Person charged in Debt, or
   other Action, or with Process in any Civil Cause, but that
   after he shall be discharged of his Imprisonment for such his
   criminal Offence, he shall be kept in Custody, according to
   the Law for such other Suit.


   IX. Provided always, and be it enacted by the Authority
   aforesaid, That if any Person or Persons, Subjects of this
   Realm, shall be committed to any Prison, or in Custody of any
   Officer or Officers whatsoever, for any Criminal or supposed
   Criminal Matter, that the said Person shall not be removed
   from the said Prison and Custody, into the Custody of any
   other Officer or Officers. (2.) Unless it be by Habeas Corpus,
   or some other legal Writ; or where the Prisoner is delivered
   to the Constable or other inferiour Officer, to carry such
   Prisoner to some common Gaol. (3.) Or where any Person is sent
   by Order of any Judge of Assize, or Justice of the Peace, to
   any common Workhouse, or House of Correction. (4.) Or where
   the Prisoner is removed from one Prison or Place to another
   within the same County, in order to his or her Tryal or
   Discharge in due Course of Law. (5.) Or in case of sudden
   Fire, or Infection, or other Necessity. (6.) And if any Person
   or Persons shall after such Commitment aforesaid, make out and
   sign, or countersign, any Warrant or Warrants for such Removal
   aforesaid, contrary to this Act, as well he that makes or
   signs, or countersigns, such Warrant or Warrants, as the
   Officer or Officers, that obey or execute the same, shall
   suffer & incur the Pains & Forfeitures in this Act
   before-mentioned, both for the 1st & 2nd Offence,
   respectively, to be recover'd in manner aforesaid, by the
   Party grieved.

   X. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the Authority
   aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for any
   Prisoner & Prisoners as aforesaid, to move, and obtain his or
   their Habeas Corpus, as well out of the High Court of
   Chancery, or Court of Exchequer, as out of the Courts of
   King's Bench, or Common Pleas, or either of them. (2.) And if
   the said Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, or any Judge or
   Judges, Baron or Barons for the time being, of the Degree of
   the Coif, of any of the Courts aforesaid, in the Vacation
   time, upon view of the Copy or Copies of the Warrant or
   Warrants of Commitment or Detainer, or upon Oath made that
   such Copy or Copies were denied as aforesaid, shall deny any
   Writ of Habeas Corpus by this Act required to be granted,
   being moved for as aforesaid, they shall severally forfeit to
   the Prisoner or Party grieved, the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds,
   to be recovered in manner aforesaid.

   XI. And be it declared and enacted by the Authority aforesaid,
   That an Habeas Corpus according to the true Intent and meaning
   of this Act, may be directed, and run into any County
   Palatine, the Cinque Ports, or other priviledged Places,
   within the Kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, or Town of
   Berwick upon Tweed, and the Isles of Jersey or Guernsey, any
   Law or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

   XII. And for preventing illegal Imprisonments in Prisons
   beyond the Seas; (2.) Be it further enacted by the Authority
   aforesaid, That no Subject of this Realm that now is, or
   hereafter shall be, an Inhabitant or Resiant of this Kingdom
   of England, Dominion of Wales, or Town of Berwick upon Tweed,
   shall or may be sent Prisoner into Scotland, Ireland, Jersey,
   Guernsey, Tangier, or into Parts, Garrisons, Islands, or
   Places beyond the Seas, which are, or at any time hereafter
   shall be within or without the Dominions of his Majesty, his
   Heirs or Successors. (3.) And that every such Imprisonment is
   hereby enacted and adjudged to be illegal. (4.) And that if
   any of the said Subjects now is, or hereafter shall be so
   imprisoned, every such Person and Persons so imprisoned, shall
   and may for every such Imprisonment, maintain by Virtue of
   this Act, an Action or Actions of False Imprisonment, in any
   of his Majesty's Courts of Record, against the Person or
   Persons by whom he or she shall be so committed, detained,
   imprisoned, sent Prisoner or transported, contrary to the true
   meaning of this Act, and against all or any Person or Persons,
   that shall frame, contrive, write, seal or countersign any
   Warrant or Writing for such Commitment, Detainer, Imprisonment
   or Transportation, or shall be advising, aiding or assisting
   in the same, or any of them. (5.) And the Plaintiff in every
   such Action, shall have judgment to recover his treble Costs,
   besides Damages; which Damages so to be given, shall not be
   less than Five Hundred Pounds. (6.) In which Action, no Delay,
   Stay, or Stop of Proceeding, by Rule, Order or Command, nor no
   Injunction, Protection, or Priviledge whatsoever, nor any more
   than one Imparlance shall be allowed, excepting such Rule of
   the Court wherein the Action shall depend, made in open Court,
   as shall be thought in justice necessary, for special Cause to
   be expressed in the said Rule. (7.) And the Person or Persons
   who shall knowingly frame, contrive, write, seal or
   countersign any Warrant for such Commitment, Detainer, or
   Transportation, or shall so commit, detain, imprison, or
   transport any Person or Persons contrary to this Act, or be
   any ways advising, aiding or assisting therein, being lawfully
   convicted thereof, shall be disabled from thenceforth to bear
   any Office of Trust or Profit within the said Realm of
   England, Dominion of Wales, or Town of Berwick upon Tweed, or
   any of the Islands, Territories or Dominions thereunto
   belonging. (8.) And shall incur and sustain the Pains,
   Penalties, and Forfeitures, limited, ordained, and Provided in
   and by the Statute of Provision and Premunire made in the
   Sixteenth Year of King Richard the Second. (9.) And be
   incapable of any Pardon from the King, his Heirs or
   Successors, of the said Forfeitures, Losses, or Disabilities,
   or any of them.

   XIII. Provided always, That nothing in this Act shall extend
   to give Benefit to any Person who shall by Contract in
   Writing, agree with any Merchant or Owner, of any Plantation,
   or other Person whatsoever, to be transported to any part
   beyond the Seas, and receive Earnest upon such Agreement,
   altho' that afterwards such Person shall renounce such

   XIV. Provided always, and be it enacted, That if any Person or
   Persons, lawfully convicted of any Felony, shall in open Court
   pray to be transported beyond the Seas, and the Court shall
   think fit to leave him or them in Prison for that Purpose,
   such Person or Persons may be transported into any Parts
   beyond the Seas; This Act, or any thing therein contained to
   the contrary notwithstanding.

   XV. Provided also, and be it enacted, That nothing herein
   contained, shall be deemed, construed, or taken to extend to
   the Imprisonment of any Person before the first Day of June,
   One Thousand Six Hundred Seventy and Nine, or to any thing
   advised, procured, or otherwise done, relating to such
   Imprisonment; Any thing herein contained to the contrary


   XVI. Provided also, That if any Person or Persons, at any time
   resiant in this Realm, shall have committed any Capital
   Offence in Scotland or Ireland, or any of the Islands, or
   foreign Plantations of the King, his Heirs or Successors,
   where he or she ought to be tryed for such Offence, such
   Person or Persons may be sent to such Place, there to receive
   such Tryal, in such manner as the same might have been used
   before the making this Act; Any thing herein contained to the
   contrary notwithstanding.

   XVII. Provided also, and be it enacted, That no Person or
   Persons, shall be sued, impleaded, molested or troubled for
   any Offence against this Act, unless the Party offending be
   sued or impleaded for the same within two Years at the most
   after such time wherein the Offence shall be committed, in
   Case the Party grieved shall not be then in Prison; and if he
   shall be in Prison, then within the space of two Years after
   the Decease of the Person imprisoned, or his, or her Delivery
   out of Prison, which shall first happen.

   XVIII. And to the Intent no Person may avoid his Tryal at the
   Assizes, or general Gaol Delivery, by procuring his Removal
   before the Assizes at such time as he cannot be brought back
   to receive his Tryal there; (2.) Be it enacted, That after the
   Assizes proclaimed for that County where the Prisoner is
   detained, no Person shall be removed from the Common Gaol upon
   any Habeas Corpus granted in pursuance of this Act, but upon
   any such Habeas Corpus shall be brought before the Judge of
   Assize in open Court, who is thereupon to do what to Justice
   shall appertain.

   XIX. Provided nevertheless, That after the Assizes are ended,
   any Person or Persons detained may have his or her Habeas
   Corpus, according to the Direction and Intention of this Act.

   XX. And be it also enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if
   any Information, Suit or Action, shall be brought or exhibited
   against any Person or Persons, for any Offence committed or to
   be committed against the Form of this Law, it shall be lawful
   for such Defendants to plead the general Issue, that they are
   not guilty, or that they owe nothing, and to give such special
   Matter in Evidence to the Jury, that shall try the same, which
   Matter being pleaded, had been good and sufficient matter in
   Law to have discharged the said Defendant or Defendants
   against the said Information, Suit or Action, and the said
   Matter shall be then as available to him or them, to all
   Intents and Purposes, as if he or they had sufficiently
   pleaded, set forth, or alleged the same Matter in Bar, or
   Discharge of such Information, Suit or Action.

   XXI. And because many times Persons charged with Petty-Treason
   or Felony, or as Accessaries thereunto, are committed upon
   Suspicion only, whereupon they are bailable or not, according
   as the Circumstances making out that Suspicion are more or
   less weighty, which are best known to the Justices of Peace
   that committed the Persons, and have the Examinations before
   them, or to other Justices of the Peace in the County; (2.) Be
   it therefore enacted, That where any Person shall appear to be
   committed by any Judge, or Justice of the Peace, and charged
   as necessary before the Fact, to any Petty-Treason or Felony,
   or upon Suspicion thereof, or with Suspicion of Petty-Treason
   or Felony, which Petty-Treason or Felony, shall be plainly and
   specially expressed in the Warrant of Commitment, that such
   Person shall not be removed or bailed by Virtue of this Act,
   or in any other manner than they might have been before the
   making of this Act.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1679 (June).
   The Meal-tub Plot.

   "Dangerfield, a subtle and dexterous man, who had gone through
   all the shapes and practices of roguery, and in particular was
   a false coiner, undertook now to coin a plot for the ends of
   the papists. He ... got into all companies, and mixed with the
   hottest men of the town, and studied to engage others with
   himself to swear that they had been invited to accept of
   commissions, and that a new form of government was to be set
   up, and that the king and the royal family were to be sent
   away. He was carried with this story, first to the duke, and
   then to the king, and had a weekly allowance of money, and was
   very kindly used by many of that side; so that a whisper run
   about town, that some extraordinary thing would quickly break
   out: and he having some correspondence with one colonel
   Mansel, he made up a bundle of seditious but ill contrived
   letters, and laid them in a dark corner of his room: and then
   some searchers were sent from the custom house to look for
   some forbidden goods, which they heard were in Mansel's
   chamber. There were no goods found: but as it was laid, they
   found that bundle of letters: and upon that a great noise was
   made of a discovery: but upon inquiry it appeared the letters
   were counterfeited, and the forger of them was suspected; so
   they searched into all Dangerfield's haunts, and in one of
   them they found a paper that contained the scheme of this
   whole fiction, which, because it was found in a meal-tub, came
   to be called the meal-tub plot. ... This was a great disgrace
   to the popish party, and the king suffered much by the
   countenance he had given him."

      G. Burnet,
      History of My Own Time,
      book 3, 1679.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1679-1681.
   The Exclusion Bill.

   "Though the duke of York was not charged with participation in
   the darkest schemes of the popish conspirators, it was evident
   that his succession was the great aim of their endeavours, and
   evident also that he had been engaged in the more real and
   undeniable intrigues of Coleman. His accession to the throne,
   long viewed with just apprehension, now seemed to threaten
   such perils to every part of the constitution as ought not
   supinely to be waited for, if any means could be devised to
   obviate them. This gave rise to the bold measure of the
   exclusion bill, too bold, indeed, for the spirit of the
   country, and the rock on which English liberty was nearly
   shipwrecked. In the long parliament, full as it was of
   pensioners and creatures of court influence, nothing so
   vigorous would have been successful. ... But the zeal they
   showed against Danby induced the king to put an end [January
   24, 1679] to this parliament of seventeen years' duration; an
   event long ardently desired by the popular party, who foresaw
   their ascendancy in the new elections. The next house of
   commons accordingly came together with an ardour not yet
   quenched by corruption; and after reviving the impeachments
   commenced by their predecessors, and carrying a measure long
   in agitation, a test which shut the catholic peers out of
   parliament, went upon the exclusion bill [the second reading
   of which was carried, May 21, 1679, by 207 to 128].


   Their dissolution put a stop to this; and in the next
   parliament the lords rejected it [after the commons had passed
   the bill, without a division, October, 1680]. ... The bill of
   exclusion ... provided that the imperial crown of England
   should descend to and be enjoyed by such person or persons
   successively during the life of the duke of York as would have
   inherited or enjoyed the same in case he were naturally dead.
   ... But a large part of the opposition had unfortunately other
   objects in view." Under the contaminating influence of the
   earl of Shaftesbury, "they broke away more and more from the
   line of national opinion, till a fatal reaction involved
   themselves in ruin, and exposed the cause of public liberty to
   its most imminent peril. The countenance and support of
   Shaftesbury brought forward that unconstitutional and most
   impolitic scheme of the duke of Monmouth's succession. [James,
   duke of Monmouth, was the acknowledged natural son of king
   Charles, by Lucy Walters, his mistress while in exile at the
   Hague.] There could hardly be a greater insult to a nation
   used to respect its hereditary line of kings, than to set up
   the bastard of a prostitute, without the least pretence of
   personal excellence or public services, against a princess of
   known virtue and attachment to the protestant religion. And
   the effrontery of this attempt was aggravated by the libels
   eagerly circulated to dupe the credulous populace into a
   belief of Monmouth's legitimacy."

      H. Hallam,
      Constitutional History of England,
      chapter 12.

      ALSO IN:
      A. Carrel,
      History of the Counter-Revolution in England,
      part 2, chapter 1.

      G. Roberts,
      Life of Monmouth,
      chapter 4-8 (volume 1).

      G. Burnet,
      History of My Own Time,
      book 3, 1679-81.

      Sir W. Temple,
      part 3 (Works, volume 2).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1680.
   Whigs and Tories acquire their respective names.

   "Factions indeed were at this time [A. D. 1680] extremely
   animated against each other. The very names by which each
   party denominated its antagonist discover the virulence and
   rancour which prevailed. For besides petitioner and abhorrer,
   appellations which were soon forgotten, this year is
   remarkable for being the epoch of the well-known epithets of
   Whig and Tory, by which, and sometimes without any material
   difference, this island has been so long divided. The court
   party reproached their antagonists with their affinity to the
   fanatical conventiclers in Scotland, who were known by the
   name of Whigs: the country party found a resemblance between
   the courtiers and the popish banditti in Ireland, to whom the
   appellation of Tory was affixed: and after this manner these
   foolish terms of reproach came into public and general use."

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      chapter 68 (volume 6).

   "The definition of the nickname Tory, as it originally arose,
   is given in 'A New Ballad' (Narcissus Luttrell's

      The word Tory's of Irish Extraction,
      'Tis a Legacy that they have left here
         They came here in their brogues,
         And have acted like Rogues,
      In endeavouring to learn us to swear."

      J. Grego,
      History of Parliamentary Elections,
      page 36.

      ALSO IN:
      G. W. Cooke,
      History of Party,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 2.

   For the origin of the name of the 'Whig party,


ENGLAND: A. D. 1681-1683.
   The Tory reaction and the downfall of the Whigs.
   The Rye-house Plot.

   "Shaftesbury's course rested wholly on the belief that the
   penury of the Treasury left Charles at his mercy, and that a
   refusal of supplies must wring from the King his assent to the
   exclusion. But the gold of France had freed the King from his
   thraldom. He had used the Parliament [of 1681] simply to
   exhibit himself as a sovereign whose patience and conciliatory
   temper was rewarded with insult and violence; and now that he
   saw his end accomplished, he suddenly dissolved the Houses in
   April, and appealed in a Royal declaration to the justice of
   the nation at large. The appeal was met by an almost universal
   burst of loyalty. The Church rallied to the King; his
   declaration was read from every pulpit; and the Universities
   solemnly decided that 'no religion, no law, no fault, no
   forfeiture' could avail to bar the sacred right of hereditary
   succession. ... The Duke of York returned in triumph to St.
   James's. ... Monmouth, who had resumed his progresses through
   the country as a means of checking the tide of reaction, was
   at once arrested. ... Shaftesbury, alive to the new danger,
   plunged desperately into conspiracies with a handful of
   adventurers as desperate as himself, hid himself in the City,
   where he boasted that ten thousand 'brisk boys' were ready to
   appear at his call, and urged his friends to rise in arms. But
   their delays drove him to flight. ... The flight of
   Shaftesbury proclaimed the triumph of the King. His wonderful
   sagacity had told him when the struggle was over and further
   resistance useless. But the Whig leaders, who had delayed to
   answer the Earl's call, still nursed projects of rising in
   arms, and the more desperate spirits who had clustered around
   him as he lay hidden in the City took refuge in plots of
   assassination, and in a plan for murdering Charles and his
   brother as they passed the Rye-house [a Hertfordshire farm
   house, so-called] on their road from London to Newmarket. Both
   the conspiracies were betrayed, and, though they were wholly
   distinct from one another, the cruel ingenuity of the Crown
   lawyers blended them into one. Lord Essex, the last of an
   ill-fated race, saved himself from a traitor's death by
   suicide in the Tower. Lord Russell, convicted on a charge of
   sharing in the Rye-house Plot, was beheaded in Lincoln Inn
   Fields. The same fate awaited Algernon Sidney. Monmouth fled
   in terror over sea, and his flight was followed by a series of
   prosecutions for sedition directed against his followers. In 1683
   the Constitutional opposition which had held Charles so long
   in check lay crushed at his feet. ... On the very day when the
   crowd around Russell's scaffold were dipping their
   handkerchiefs in his blood, as in the blood of a martyr, the
   University of Oxford solemnly declared that the doctrine of
   passive obedience, even to the worst of rulers, was a part of
   religion." During the brief remainder of his reign Charles was
   a prudently absolute monarch, governing without a Parliament,
   coolly ignoring the Triennial Act, and treating on occasions
   the Test Act, as well as other laws obnoxious to him, with
   contempt. He died unexpectedly, early in February, 1685, and
   his brother, the Duke of York, succeeded to the throne, as
   James II., with no resistance, but with much feeling opposed
   to him.

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 9, sections 5-6.


      ALSO IN:
      G. Roberts,
      Life of Monmouth;
      chapters 8-10 (volume 1).

      D. Hume,
      History of England,
      chapters 68-69 (volume 6).

      G. W. Cooke,
      History of Party,
      volume 1, chapters 6-11.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1685.
   Accession of James II.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1685 (February).
   The new King proclaims his religion.

   "The King [James II.] early put the loyalty of his Protestant
   friends to the proof. While he was a subject, he had been in
   the habit of hearing mass with closed doors in a small oratory
   which had been fitted up for his wife. He now ordered the
   doors to be thrown open, in order that all who came to pay
   their duty to him might see the ceremony. When the host was
   elevated there was a strange confusion in the antechamber. The
   Roman Catholics fell on their knees: the Protestants hurried
   out of the room. Soon a new pulpit was erected in the palace;
   and, during Lent, a series of sermons was preached there by
   Popish divines."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 4 (volume 2).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1685 (May-July).
   Monmouth's Rebellion.

   "The Parliament which assembled on the 22nd of May ... was
   almost entirely Tory. The failure of the Rye-House Plot had
   produced a reaction, which for a time entirely annihilated the
   Whig influence. ... The apparent triumph of the King and the
   Tory party was completed by the disastrous failure of the
   insurrection planned by their adversaries. A knot of exiled
   malcontents, some Scotch, some English, had collected in
   Holland. Among them was Monmouth and the Earl of Argyle, son
   of that Marquis of Argyle who had taken so prominent a part on
   the Presbyterian side in the Scotch troubles of Charles I.'s
   reign. Monmouth had kept aloof from politics till, on the
   accession of James, he was induced to join the exiles at
   Amsterdam, whither Argyle, a strong Presbyterian, but a man of
   lofty and moderate views, also repaired. National jealousy
   prevented any union between the exiles, and two expeditions
   were determined on,--the one under Argyle, who hoped to find
   an army ready to his hand among his clansmen in the West of
   Scotland, the other under Monmouth in the West of England.
   Argyle's expedition set sail on the 2nd of May [1685]. ...
   Argyle's invasion was ruined by the limited authority
   intrusted to him, and by the jealousy and insubordination of
   his fellow leaders. ... His army disbanded. He was himself
   taken in Renfrewshire, and, after an exhibition of admirable
   constancy, was beheaded. ... A week before the final
   dispersion of Argyle's troops, Monmouth had landed in England
   [at Lyme, June 11]. He was well received in the West. He had
   not been twenty-four hours in England before he found himself
   at the head of 1,500 men; but though popular among the common
   people, he received no support from the upper classes. Even
   the strongest Whigs disbelieved the story of his legitimacy,
   and thought his attempt ill-timed and fraught with danger. ...
   Meanwhile Monmouth had advanced to Taunton, had been there
   received with enthusiasm, and, vainly thinking to attract the
   nobility, had assumed the title of King. Nor was his reception
   at Bridgewater less flattering. But difficulties already began
   to gather round him; he was in such want of arms, that,
   although rustic implements were converted into pikes, he was
   still obliged to send away many volunteers; the militia were
   closing in upon him in all directions; Bristol had been seized
   by the Duke of Beaufort, and the regular army under Feversham
   and Churchill were approaching." After feebly attempting
   several movements, against Bristol and into Wiltshire,
   Monmouth lost heart and fell back to Bridgewater. "The
   Royalist army was close behind him, and on the fifth of July
   encamped about three miles from Bridgewater, on the plain of
   Sedgemoor." Monmouth was advised to undertake a night
   surprise, and did so in the early morning of the 6th. "The
   night was not unfitting for such an enterprise, for the mist
   was so thick that at a few paces nothing could be seen. Three
   great ditches by which the moor was drained lay between the
   armies; of the third of these, strangely enough, Monmouth knew
   nothing." The unexpected discovery of this third ditch, known
   as "the Bussex Rhine," which his cavalry could not cross, and
   behind which the enemy rallied, was the ruin of the
   enterprise. "Monmouth saw that the day was lost, and with the
   love of life which was one of the characteristics of his soft
   nature, he turned and fled. Even after his flight the battle
   was kept up bravely. At length the arrival of the King's
   artillery put an end to any further struggle. The defeat was
   followed by all the terrible scenes which mark a suppressed
   insurrection. ... Monmouth and Grey pursued their flight into
   the New Forest, and were there apprehended in the
   neighbourhood of Ringwood." Monmouth petitioned abjectly for
   his life, but in vain. He was executed on the 15th of July.
   "The failure of this insurrection was followed by the most
   terrible cruelties. Feversham returned to London, to be
   flattered by the King and laughed at by the Court for his
   military exploits. He left Colonel Kirke in command at
   Bridgewater. This man had learned, as commander at Tangier,
   all the worst arts of cruel despotism. His soldiery in bitter
   pleasantry were called Kirke's 'Lambs,' from the emblem of
   their regiment. It is impossible to say how many suffered at
   the hands of this man and his brutal troops; 100 captives are
   said by some to have been put to death the week after the
   battle. But this military revenge did not satisfy the Court."

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England,
      period 2, pages 764-768.

    The number of Monmouth's men killed is computed by some at
    2,000, by others at 300; a disparity, however, which may be
    easily reconciled by supposing that the one account takes in
    those who were killed in battle, while the other comprehends
    the wretched fugitives who were massacred in ditches,
    cornfields, and other hiding places, the following day."

      C. J. Fox,
      History of the Early Part of the Reign of James II.,
      chapter 3.

      ALSO IN:
      G. Roberts,
      Life of Monmouth,
      chapters 13-28 (volumes 1-2).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1685 (September).
   The Bloody Assizes.

   "Early in September, Jeffreys [Sir George Jeffreys, Chief
   Justice of the Court of King's Bench], accompanied by four
   other judges, set out on that circuit of which the memory will
   last as long as our race and language. ... At Winchester the
   Chief Justice first opened his commission. Hampshire had not
   been the theatre of war; but many of the vanquished rebels
   had, like their leader, fled thither." Two among these had
   been found concealed in the house of Lady Alice Lisle, a widow
   of eminent nobility of character, and Jeffreys' first proceeding
   was to arraign Lady Alice for the technical reason of the
   She was tried with extraordinary brutality of manner on the
   part of the judge; the jury was bullied into a verdict of
   guilty, and the innocent woman was condemned by the fiend on
   the bench to be burned alive. By great exertion of many
   people, the sentence was commuted from burning to beheading.
   No mercy beyond this could be obtained from Jeffreys or his
   fit master, the king. "In Hampshire Alice Lisle was the only
   victim: but, on the day following her execution, Jeffreys
   reached Dorchester, the principal town of the county in which
   Monmouth had landed, and the judicial massacre began. The
   court was hung, by order of the Chief Justice, with scarlet;
   and this innovation seemed to the multitude to indicate a
   bloody purpose. ... More than 300 prisoners were to be tried.
   The work seemed heavy; but Jeffreys had a contrivance for
   making it light. He let it be understood that the only chance
   of obtaining pardon or respite was to plead guilty.
   Twenty-nine persons, who put themselves on their country and
   were convicted, were ordered to be tied up without delay. The
   remaining prisoners pleaded guilty by scores. Two hundred and
   ninety-two received sentence of death. The whole number hanged
   in Dorsetshire amounted to seventy-four. From Dorchester
   Jeffreys proceeded to Exeter. The civil war had barely grazed
   the frontier of Devonshire. Here, therefore, comparatively few
   persons were capitally punished. Somersetshire, the chief seat
   of the rebellion, had been reserved for the last and most
   fearful vengeance. In this county two hundred and thirty-three
   prisoners were in a few days hanged, drawn and quartered. At
   every spot where two roads met, on every market place, on the
   green of every large village which had furnished Monmouth with
   soldiers, ironed corpses clattering in the wind, or heads and
   quarters stuck on poles, poisoned the air, and made the
   traveller sick with horror. ... The Chief Justice was all
   himself. His spirits rose higher and higher as the work went
   on. He laughed, shouted, joked, and swore in such a way that
   many thought him drunk from morning to night. ... Jeffreys
   boasted that he had hanged more traitors than all his
   predecessors together since the Conquest. ... Yet those rebels
   who were doomed to death were less to be pitied than some of
   the survivors. Several prisoners to whom Jeffreys was unable
   to bring home the charge of high treason were convicted of
   misdemeanours and were sentenced to scourging not less
   terrible than that which Oates had undergone. ... The number
   of prisoners whom Jeffreys transported was eight hundred and
   forty-one. These men, more wretched than their associates who
   suffered death, were distributed into gangs, and bestowed on
   persons who enjoyed favour at court. The conditions of the
   gift were that the convicts should be carried beyond sea as
   slaves, that they should not be emancipated for ten years, and
   that the place of their banishment should be some West Indian
   island. ... It was estimated by Jeffreys that, on an average,
   each of them, after all charges were paid, would be worth from
   ten to fifteen pounds. There was therefore much angry
   competition for grants. ... And now Jeffreys had done his
   work, and returned to claim his reward. He arrived at Windsor
   from the West, leaving carnage, mourning and terror behind
   him. The hatred with which he was regarded by the people of
   Somersetshire has no parallel in our history. ... But at the
   court Jeffreys was cordially welcomed. He was a judge after
   his master's own heart. James had watched the circuit with
   interest and delight. ... At a later period, when all men of
   all parties spoke with horror of the Bloody Assizes, the
   wicked Judge and the wicked King attempted to vindicate
   themselves by throwing the blame on each other."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapter 5.

      ALSO IN:
      Sir James Mackintosh,
      History of the Revolution
      in England, chapter 1.

      Lord Campbell,
      Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
      chapter 100 (volume 3).

      G. Roberts,
      Life of Monmouth,
      chapter 29-31 (volume 2).

      See, also, TAUNTON: A. D. 1685.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1685-1686.
   Faithless and tyrannical measures against
   the New England colonies.

      See CONNECTICUT: A. D. 1685-1687;
      and MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1671-1686.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1685-1689.
   The Despotism of James II. in Scotland.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1681-1689.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1686.
   The Court of High Commission revived.

   "James conceived the design of employing his authority as head
   of the Church of England as a means of subjecting that church
   to his pleasure, if not of finally destroying it. It is hard
   to conceive how he could reconcile to his religion the
   exercise of supremacy in an heretical sect, and thus sanction
   by his example the usurpations of the Tudors on the rights of
   the Catholic Church. ... He, indeed, considered the
   ecclesiastical supremacy as placed in his hands by Providence
   to enable him to betray the Protestant establishment. 'God,'
   said he to Barillon, 'has permitted that all the laws made to
   establish Protestantism now serve as a foundation for my
   measures to re-establish true religion, and give me a right to
   exercise a more extensive power than other Catholic princes
   possess in the ecclesiastical affairs of their dominions.' He
   found legal advisers ready with paltry expedients for evading
   the two statutes of 1641 and 1660 [abolishing, and
   re-affirming the abolition of the Court of High Commission],
   under the futile pretext that they forbade only a court vested
   with such powers of corporal punishment as had been exercised
   by the old Court of High Commission; and in conformity to
   their pernicious counsel, he issued, in July, a commission to
   certain ministers, prelates, and judges, to act as a Court of
   Commissioners in Ecclesiastical Causes. The first purpose of
   this court was to enforce directions to preachers, issued by
   the King, enjoining them to abstain from preaching on
   controverted questions."

      Sir James Mackintosh,
      History of the Revolution in England,
      chapter 2.

      ALSO IN:
      D. Neal,
      History of the Puritans,
      volume 5, chapter 3.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1686.
   The consolidation of New England under a royal

      See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1686.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1687.
   Riddance of the Test Act by royal dispensing power.

   "The abolition of the tests was a thing resolved upon in the
   catholic council, and for this a sanction of some kind or
   other was required, as they dared not yet proceed upon the
   royal will alone. Chance, or the machinations of the
   catholics, created an affair which brought the question of the
   tests under another form before the court of king's bench.
   This court had not the power to abolish the Test Act, but it
   might consider whether the king had the right of exempting
   particular subjects from the formalities. ... The king ...
   closeted himself with the judges one by one, dismissed some,
   and got those who replaced them, 'ignorant men,' says an
   historian, 'and scandalously incompetent,' to acknowledge his
   dispensing power. ... The judges of the king's bench, after a
   trial, ... declared, almost in the very language used by the
   crown counsel:

      1. That the kings of England are sovereign princes;

      2. That the laws of England are the king's laws;

      3. That therefore it is an inseparable prerogative in the
      kings of England to dispense with penal laws in particular
      cases, and upon particular necessary reasons;

      4. That of those reasons, and those necessities, the king
      himself is sole judge; and finally, which is consequent
      upon all,

      5. That this is not a trust invested in, or granted to the
      king by the people, but the ancient remains of the
      sovereign power and prerogative of the kings of England,
      which never yet was taken from them, nor can be.

   The case thus decided, the king thought he might rely upon the
   respect always felt by the English people for the decisions of
   the higher courts, to exempt all his catholic subjects from
   the obligations of the test. And upon this, it became no
   longer a question merely of preserving in their commissions
   and offices those whose dismissal had been demanded by
   parliament. ... To obtain or to retain certain employments, it
   was necessary to be of the same religion with the king.
   Papists replaced in the army and in the administration all
   those who had pronounced at all energetically for the
   maintenance of the tests. Abjurations, somewhat out of credit
   during the last session of parliament, again resumed favour."

      A. Carrel,
      History of the Counter-Revolution in England,
      chapter 3.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Stoughton,
      History of Religion in England,
      volume 4, chapter 4.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1687-1688.
   Declarations of Indulgence.
   Trial of the Seven Bishops.

   "Under pretence of toleration for Dissenters, James
   endeavoured, under another form, to remove obstacles from
   Romanists. He announced an Indulgence. He began in Scotland by
   issuing on the 12th of February, 1687, in Edinburgh, a
   Proclamation granting relief to scrupulous consciences. Hereby
   he professed to relieve the Presbyterians, but the relief of
   them amounted to nothing; to the Romanists it was complete.
   ... On the 18th of March, 1687, he announced to the English
   Privy Council his intention to prorogue Parliament, and to
   grant upon his own authority entire liberty of conscience to
   all his subjects. Accordingly on the 4th of April he published
   his Indulgence, declaring his desire to see all his subjects
   become members of the Church of Rome, and his resolution
   (since that was impracticable) to protect them in the free
   exercise of their religion; also promising to protect the
   Established Church: then he annulled a number of Acts of
   Parliament, suspended all penal laws against Nonconformists,
   authorised Roman Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to
   perform worship publicly, and abrogated all Acts of Parliament
   imposing any religious test for civil or military offices.
   This declaration was then notoriously illegal and
   unconstitutional. James now issued a second and third
   declaration for Scotland, and courted the Dissenters in
   England, but with small encouragement. ... On the 27th of
   April, 1688, James issued a second Declaration of Indulgence
   for England. ... On the 4th of May, by an order in Council, he
   directed his Declaration of the 27th of April to be publicly
   read during divine service in all Churches and Chapels, by the
   officiating ministers, on two successive Sundays--namely, on
   the 20th and 27th of May in London, and on the 3d and 10th of
   June in the country; and desired the Bishops to circulate this
   Declaration through their dioceses. Hitherto the Bishops and
   Clergy had held the doctrine of passive obedience to the
   sovereign, however bad in character or in his measures--now
   they were placed by the King himself in a dilemma. Here was a
   violation of existing law, and an intentional injury to their
   Church, if not a plan for the substitution of another. The
   Nonconformists, whom James pretended to serve, coincided with
   and supported the Church. A decided course must be taken. The
   London Clergy met and resolved not to read the Declaration. On
   the 12th of May, at Lambeth Palace, the Archbishop of
   Canterbury and other Prelates assembled. They resolved that
   the Declaration ought not to be read. On Friday, the 18th of
   May, a second meeting of the Prelates and eminent divines was
   held at Lambeth Palace. A petition to the King was drawn up by
   the Archbishop of Canterbury in his own handwriting,
   disclaiming all disloyalty and all intolerance, ... but
   stating that Parliament had decided that the King could not
   dispense with Statutes in matters ecclesiastical--that the
   Declaration was therefore illegal--and could not be solemnly
   published by the petitioners in the House of God and during
   divine service. This paper was signed by Sancroft, Archbishop
   of Canterbury, Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, Turner of Ely, Lake
   of Chichester, Ken of Bath and Wells, White of Peterborough,
   and Trelawny of Bristol. It was approved by Compton, Bishop of
   London, but not signed, because he was under suspension. The
   Archbishop had long been forbidden to appear at Court,
   therefore could not present it. On Friday evening the six
   Bishops who had signed were introduced by Sunderland to the
   King, who read the document and pronounced it libellous [and
   seditious and rebellious], and the Bishops retired. On Sunday,
   the 20th of May, the first day appointed, the Declaration was
   read in London only in four Churches out of one hundred. The
   Dissenters and Church Laymen sided with the Clergy. On the
   following Sunday the Declaration was treated in the same
   manner in London, and on Sunday, the 3d of June, was
   disregarded by Bishops and Clergy in all parts of England.
   James, by the advice of Jeffreys, ordered the Archbishop and
   Bishops to be indicted for a seditious libel. They were, on
   the 8th of June, conveyed to the Tower amidst the most
   enthusiastic demonstrations of respect and affection from all
   classes. The same night the Queen was said to have given birth
   to a son; but the national opinion was that some trick had
   been played. On the 29th of June the trial of the seven
   Bishops came on before the Court of King's Bench. ... The
   Jury, who, after remaining together all night (one being
   stubborn) pronounced a verdict of not guilty on the morning of
   the 30th June, 1688."

      W. H. Torriano,
      William the Third,
      chapter 2.


   "The court met at nine o'clock. The nobility and gentry
   covered the benches, and an immense concourse of people filled
   the Hall, and blocked up the adjoining streets. Sir Robert
   Langley, the foreman of the jury, being, according to
   established form, asked whether the accused were guilty or not
   guilty, pronounced the verdict 'Not guilty.' No sooner were
   these words uttered than a loud huzza arose from the audience
   in the court. It was instantly echoed from without by a shout
   of joy, which sounded like a crack of the ancient and massy
   roof of Westminster Hall. It passed with electrical rapidity
   from voice to voice along the infinite multitude who waited in
   the streets. It reached the Temple in a few minutes. ... 'The
   acclamations,' says Sir John Reresby, 'were a very rebellion
   in noise.' In no long time they ran to the camp at Hounslow,
   and were repeated with an ominous voice by the soldiers in the
   hearing of the King, who, on being told that they were for the
   acquittal of the bishops, said, with an ambiguity probably
   arising from confusion, 'So much the worse for them.'"

      Sir J. Mackintosh,
      History of the Revolution in England in 1688,
      chapter 9.

      ALSO IN:
      A. Strickland,
      Lives of the Seven Bishops.

      R. Southey,
      Book of the Church,
      chapter 18.

      G. G. Perry,
      History of the Church of England,
      chapter 30 (volume 2).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1688 (July).
   William and Mary of Orange the hope of the nation.

   "The wiser among English statesmen had fixed their hopes
   steadily on the succession of Mary, the elder daughter and
   heiress of James. The tyranny of her father's reign made this
   succession the hope of the people at large. But to Europe the
   importance of the change, whenever it should come about, lay
   not so much in the succession of Mary as in the new power
   which such an event would give to her husband, William, Prince
   of Orange. We have come, in fact, to a moment when the
   struggle of England against the aggression of its King blends
   with the larger struggle of Europe against the aggression of
   Lewis XIV."

      J. R. Green,
      Short History of England,
      chapter 9, section 7.

   "William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, Stadtholder of the
   republic of the United Provinces, was, before the birth of the
   Prince of Wales, first prince of the blood royal of England
   [as son of Princess Mary, daughter of Charles I., and,
   therefore, nephew as well as son-in-law of James II.]; and his
   consort, the Lady Mary, the eldest daughter of the King, was,
   at that period, presumptive heiress to the crown."

      Sir J. Mackintosh,
      History of the Revolution in England,
      chapter 10.

   Invitation to William of Orange and his acceptance of it.

   "In July, in almost exact coincidence of time with the Queen's
   accouchement [generally doubted and suspected], came the
   memorable trial of the Seven Bishops, which gave the first
   demonstration of the full force of that popular animosity
   which James's rule had provoked. Some months before, however,
   Edward Russell, nephew of the Earl of Bedford, and cousin of
   Algernon Sidney's fellow-victim, had sought the Hague with
   proposals to William [prince of Orange] to make an armed
   descent upon England, as vindicator of English liberties and
   the Protestant religion. William had cautiously required a
   signed invitation from at least a few representative statesmen
   before committing himself to such an enterprise, and on the
   day of the acquittal of the Seven Bishops a paper, signed in
   cipher by Lords Shrewsbury, Devonshire, Danby, and Lumley, by
   Compton, Bishop of Northampton, by Edward Russell, and by
   Henry Sidney, brother of Algernon, was conveyed by Admiral
   Herbert to the Hague. William was now furnished with the
   required security for English assistance in the projected
   undertaking, but the task before him was still one of extreme
   difficulty. ... On the 10th of October, matters now being ripe
   for such a step, William, in conjunction with some of his
   English advisers, put forth his famous declaration. Starting
   with a preamble to the effect that the observance of laws is
   necessary to the happiness of states, the instrument proceeds
   to enumerate fifteen particulars in which the laws of England
   had been set at naught. The most important of these were--

      (1) the exercise of the dispensing power;

      (2) the corruption, coercion, and packing of the judicial

      (3) the violation of the test laws by the appointment of
      papists to offices (particularly judicial and military
      offices, and the administration of Ireland), and generally
      the arbitrary and illegal measures resorted to by James for
      the propagation of the Catholic religion;

      (4) the establishment and action of the Court of High

      (5) the infringement of some municipal charters, and the
      procuring of the surrender of others;

      (6) interference with elections by turning out of all
      employment such as refused to vote as they were required;

      (7) the grave suspicion which had arisen that the Prince of
      Wales was not born of the Queen, which as yet nothing had
      been done to remove.

   Having set forth these grievances, the Prince's manifesto went
   on to recite the close interest which he and his consort had
   in this matter as next in succession to the crown, and the
   earnest solicitations which had been made to him by many lords
   spiritual and temporal, and other English subjects of all
   ranks, to interpose, and concluded by affirming in a very
   distinct and solemn manner that the sole object of the
   expedition then preparing was to obtain the assembling of a
   free and lawful Parliament, to which the Prince pledged
   himself to refer all questions concerning the due execution of
   the laws, and the maintenance of the Protestant religion, and
   the conclusion of an agreement between the Church of England
   and the Dissenters, as also the inquiry into the birth of the
   'pretended Prince of Wales'; and that this object being
   attained, the Prince would, as soon as the state of the nation
   should permit of it, send home his foreign forces. About a
   week after, on the 16th of October, all things being now in
   readiness, the Prince took solemn leave of the States-General.
   ... On the 19th William and his armament set sail from
   Helvoetsluys, but was met on the following day by a violent
   storm which forced him to put back on the 21st. On the 1st of
   November the fleet put to sea a second time. ... By noon of
   the 5th of November, the Prince's fleet was wafted safely into

      H. D. Traill,
      William the Third,
      chapter 3.

      ALSO IN:
      G. Burnet,
      History of My Own Time, 1688
      (volume 3).

      L. von Ranke,
      History of England, 17th Century,
      book 18, chapters 1-4 (volume 4).

      Lord Campbell,
      Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
      chapters 106-107: Somers (volume 4).

      T. P. Courtenay,
      Life of Danby (Lardner's Cab. Cyclop.),
      pages 315-324.


   The Revolution.
   Ignominious flight of James.

   "The declaration published by the prince [on landing]
   consisted of sixteen articles. It enumerated those proceedings
   of the government since the accession of the king, which were
   regarded as in the greatest degree opposed to the liberty of
   the subject and to the safety of the Protestant religion. ...
   To provide some effectual remedy against these and similar
   evils, was the only design of the enterprise in which the
   prince, in compliance with earnest solicitations from many
   lords, both spiritual and temporal, from numbers among the
   gentry and all ranks of people, had now embarked. ...
   Addresses were also published to the army and navy. ... The
   immediate effect of these appeals did not correspond with the
   expectations of William and his followers. On the 8th of
   November the people of Exeter received the prince with quiet
   submission. The memory of Monmouth's expedition was still
   fresh and terrible through the west. On the 12th, lord
   Cornbury, son of the earl of Clarendon, went over, with some
   officers, and about a hundred of his regiment, to the prince;
   and most of the officers, with a larger body of the privates
   belonging to the regiment commanded by the duke of St.
   Alban's, followed their example. Of three regiments, however,
   quartered near Salisbury, the majority could not be induced to
   desert the service of the king. ... Every day now brought with
   it new accessions to the standard of the prince, and tidings
   of movements in different parts of the kingdom in his favour;
   while James was as constantly reminded, by one desertion after
   another, that he lived in an atmosphere of treachery, with
   scarcely a man or woman about him to be trusted. The defection
   of the lords Churchill and Drumlaneric, and of the dukes of
   Grafton and Ormond, was followed by that of prince George and
   the princess Anne. Prince George joined the invader at
   Sherburne; the princess made her escape from Whitehall at
   night, under the guardianship of the bishop of London, and
   found an asylum among the adherents of the prince of Orange
   who were in arms in Northamptonshire. By this time Bristol and
   Plymouth, Hull, York, and Newcastle, were among the places of
   strength which had been seized by the partisans of the prince.
   His standard had also been unfurled with success in the
   counties of Derby, Nottingham, York, and Cheshire. ... Even in
   Oxford, several of the heads of colleges concurred in sending
   Dr. Finch, warden of All Souls' College, to invite the prince
   from Dorsetshire to their city, assuring him of their
   willingness to receive him, and to melt down their plate for
   his service, if it should be needed. So desperate had the
   affairs of James now become, that some of his advisers urged
   his leaving the kingdom, and negotiating with safety to his
   person from a distance; but from that course he was dissuaded
   by Halifax and Godolphin. In compliance with the advice of an
   assembly of peers, James issued a proclamation on the 13th of
   November, stating that writs had been signed to convene a
   parliament on the 15th of January; that a pardon of all
   offences should previously pass the great seal; and that
   commissioners should proceed immediately to the head-quarters
   of the prince of Orange, to negotiate on the present state of
   affairs. The commissioners chosen by the king were Halifax,
   Nottingham, and Godolphin; but William evaded for some days
   the conference which they solicited. In the meantime a forged
   proclamation in the name of the prince was made public in
   London, denouncing the Catholics of the metropolis as plotting
   the destruction of life and property on the largest possible
   scale. ... No one doubted the authenticity of this document,
   and the ferment and disorder which it spread through the city
   filled the king with the greatest apprehension for the safety
   of himself and family. On the morning of the 9th of December,
   the queen and the infant prince of Wales were lodged on board
   a yacht at Gravesend, and commenced a safe voyage to Calais.
   James pledged himself to follow within 24 hours. In the course
   of that day the royal commissioners sent a report of their
   proceedings to Whitehall. The demands of the prince were, that
   a parliament should be assembled; that all persons holding
   public trusts in violation of the Test-laws should relinquish
   them; that the city should have command of the Tower; that the
   fleet, and the places of strength through the kingdom should
   be placed in the hands of Protestants; that the expense of the
   Dutch armament should be defrayed, in part, from the English
   Treasury; and that the king and the prince, and their
   respective forces, should remain at an equal distance from
   London during the sitting of parliament. James read these
   articles with some surprise, observing that they were much
   more moderate than he had expected. But his pledge had been
   given to the queen; the city was still in great agitation; and
   private letters, intimating that his person was not beyond the
   reach of danger, suggested that his interests might possibly
   be better served by his absence than by his presence. Hence
   his purpose to leave the kingdom remained unaltered. At three
   o'clock on the following morning the king left Whitehall with
   sir Edward Hales, disguising himself as an attendant. The
   vessel provided to convey him to France was a miserable
   fishing-boat. It descended the river without interruption
   until it came near to Feversham, where some fishermen,
   suspecting Hales and the king to be Catholics, probably
   priests endeavouring to make their escape in disguise, took
   them from the vessel. ... The arrest of the monarch at
   Feversham on Wednesday was followed by an order of the privy
   council, commanding that his carriage and the royal guards
   should be sent to reconduct him to the capital. ... After some
   consultation the king was informed that the public interests
   required his immediate withdrawment to some distance from
   Westminster, and Hampton Court was named. James expressed a
   preference for Rochester, and his wishes in that respect were
   complied with. The day on which the king withdrew to Rochester
   William took up his residence in St. James's. The king chose
   his retreat, deeming it probable that it might be expedient
   for him to make a second effort to reach the continent. ...
   His guards left him so much at liberty, that no impediment to
   his departure was likely to arise; and on the last day of this
   memorable year--only a week after his removal from Whitehall,
   James embarked secretly at Rochester, and with a favourable
   breeze safely reached the French coast."

      R. Vaughan,
      History of England under the House of Stuart,
      volume 2, pages 914-918.

      ALSO IN:
      Lord Macaulay,
      History of England,
      chapters 9-10 (volume 2).

      H. D. Traill,
      William the Third,
      chapter 4.

      Continuation of Sir J. Mackintosh's
      History of the Revolution in 1688,
      chapters 16-17.

      Sir J. Dalrymple,
      Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland,
      part 1, books 6-7 (volume 2).


   The settlement of the Crown on William and Mary.
   The Declaration of Rights.

   "The convention met on the 22nd of January. Their first care
   was to address the prince to take the administration of
   affairs and disposal of the revenue into his hands, in order
   to give a kind of parliamentary sanction to the power he
   already exercised. On the 28th of January the commons, after a
   debate in which the friends of the late king made but a faint
   opposition, came to their great vote: That king James II.,
   having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of this
   kingdom, by breaking the original contract between king and
   people, and by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons
   having violated the fundamental laws, and having withdrawn
   himself out of the kingdom, has abdicated the government, and
   that the throne is thereby vacant. They resolved unanimously
   the next day, That it hath been found by experience
   inconsistent with the safety and welfare of this protestant
   kingdom to be governed by a popish prince. This vote was a
   remarkable triumph of the Whig party, who had contended for
   the exclusion bill. ... The lords agreed with equal unanimity
   to this vote; which, though it was expressed only as an
   abstract proposition, led by a practical inference to the
   whole change that the whigs had in view. But upon the former
   resolution several important divisions took place." The lords
   were unwilling to commit themselves to the two propositions,
   that James had "abdicated" the government by his desertion of
   it, and that the throne had thereby become "vacant." They
   yielded at length, however, and adopted the resolution as the
   commons had passed it. They "followed this up by a resolution,
   that the prince and princess of Orange shall be declared king
   and queen of England, and all the dominions thereunto
   belonging. But the commons, with a noble patriotism, delayed