The Project Gutenberg eBook of History for ready reference, Volume 7

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Title: History for ready reference, Volume 7

Recent history (1901 to 1910)

Author: J. N. Larned

Release date: May 16, 2024 [eBook #73639]

Language: English

Original publication: Springfield, Mass: C. A. Nichols Co

Credits: Don Kostuch

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE, VOLUME 7 ***
[Transcriber's notes.
   This work is derived from:
   https://archive.org/details/historyforreadyr07larn

   To provide some "foresight" on the many international
   conflicts mentioned in this work, I suggest reading a review
   of World War I, which commences four years after the
   publication of this work. For example:
   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I

   These modifications are intended to provide
   continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly
   brackets "{1234}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this
   case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.

   To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression:
     "^{[0-9]+}" to "" (empty string)

2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is
   placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but
   without surrounding empty lines.

3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break
   between subjects.

5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are
   replaced with spaces and newlines.

6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

---------------------------------
MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE
   Subheading one.
   Subheading two.

   Subject text.

      See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

      See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

      John Smith,
      External Citation Title,
      Chapter 3, page 89.
---------------------------------

   Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case
   (as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

   Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and
   immediately follow the main title.

   Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles
   (if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented
   three spaces.

   References to other articles in this work are in all upper
   case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They
   usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in". "See" is
   followed by either "(in this Volume)" or the Volume number
   of one of the preceding six Volumes.

   Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces
   and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in
   Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,
   including URLs of available internet versions.

   ----------Subject: Start--------
   ----------Subject: End----------
   indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other
   large block.

   To search for words separated by an unknown number of other
   characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words
   "first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:
     "first.{1,100}second"

   A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of
   this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings
   that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled
   differently by various authors. Search for:

   "Word List: Start".

   I use these free search tools:
   Notepad++ — https://notepad-plus-plus.org
   Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro — https://www.mythicsoft.com

   Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such
   Courier New.

End Transcriber's Notes.]

{i}
HISTORY

FOR READY REFERENCE

FROM THE BEST

HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE

SYSTEM OF HISTORY

FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS, AND
REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE
BETTER AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY
IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE


BY

J. N. LARNED


WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES
AND DRAWINGS BY

ALAN C. REILEY

REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

IN SEVEN VOLUMES


Volume VII.—RECENT HISTORY
(1901 TO 1910)

A to Z


SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

1910

{ii}

Copyright, 1910,
BY J. N. LARNED.


The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.
Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company

{iii}


PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH VOLUME


   In the preface to the Sixth Volume of this work, published in
   the spring of 1901, it was remarked that the last half-dozen
   years of the Nineteenth Century, which that Volume covered,
   had been filled with events so remarkable and changes so
   revolutionary in political and social conditions that many
   people had asked for an extension of my work to report them.
   The years then reviewed disclosed only the beginnings of what
   the decade since has been developing, in movements and
   achievements so varied, so numerous, in such rapid succession,
   with effects so profound and so problematical, that their
   appeal to our interest seems the strongest that has come to us
   yet from human history. That the interest in them justifies
   this further extension of my compilation of "recent history"
   has been made clear to me by the frequency of the suggestions
   of another Volume which have come to the publisher and to
   myself. In the new Volume I have striven to make a clear
   exhibit of all these strangely pregnant evolutionary and
   revolutionary movements of the present time, which are
   traversing all divisions and institutions of all society,
   occidental and oriental, along all the lines of its
   organization,—international, national, municipal, political,
   industrial, intellectual, moral,—leaving nothing in life
   untouched.

   A few indications of the subjects dealt with most extensively
   in the Volume may convey some idea of its scope, and of the
   aims pursued in its preparation. For example: "Railways" and
   "Combinations" ("Trusts"), treated mainly as the subjects of
   regulative governmental action, occupy 38 pages in all. "Labor
   Organization" fills 25 pages with the incidents of its trade
   unions, labor parties, strikes, mediations, arbitrations and
   industrial agreements. "Labor Protection" receives 6 pages,
   for the account of what has been done in various countries in
   the matters of employers’ liability, industrial insurance,
   hours of work, etc. "Labor Remuneration" receives 9 pages, for
   the reporting of experiments in cooperation, profit-sharing,
   wages-regulation, pensions, etc. Various dealings with the
   problems of "Poverty and Unemployment" are set forth in 8
   pages; similarly the problems of "Crime and Criminology"
   receive nearly 6; those of the Liquor Traffic 9; those of the
   Opium evil, 3. The development of organized work for "Social
   Betterment" is traced in 5 pages; that of reform in "Municipal
   Government" in 12. The "Race Problems," which are troubling
   many countries and people, are depicted in 15 pages.
   Twenty-six pages are given to the Educational history of the
   last decade; recent "Science and Invention" are reported in
   16. "Children under the Law" are the subject of 8 interesting
   pages on recent legislation touching the young.

   The contradictory states of temper in the world on the subject
   of War are depicted under two contrasted headings—"War, The
   Preparations for" and "War, The Revolt against," in
   particulars which fill 35 pages. Of the one great war of the
   period, between Japan and Russia, and the triumph of mediation
   which brought it to a close, the narrative, in about 20 pages,
   is full. The story of the late revolution in Turkey is told
   authentically in 9 pages, and that of Persia in 10. The
   abortive attempts at revolution in Russia, and the sham of
   constitutional government conceded, have their history in 18
   pages. The signs of wakened life in China are described in 12.
   The discontent of India and Lord Morley’s measures of reform
   in the

{iv}

   British-Indian government, enlarging the native representation
   in it, are set forth broadly in 15. Generally, as concerns the
   British Empire, the interesting conditions that have arisen in
   it very lately, adding South Africa to the group of unified
   Colonial Dominions, which are young British nations in the
   making, and drawing them all into a league with the "Mother
   Country" for organized imperial defense, are amply portrayed.
   So, too, are the agitations in recent British politics at
   home, which have arisen from an increasing antagonism between
   popular interests represented in the House of Commons and
   class interests intrenched in the House of Lords. In American
   politics, the remarkable invigoration and freshening of spirit
   which characterized the administration of President Roosevelt
   are made apparent in a broad exhibit of their many effective
   results.

   As was said of Volume VI., it can be said, I think, with even
   more truth of this, that it presents "History in the
   making,—the day by day evolution of events and changes as they
   passed under the hands and before the eyes and were recorded
   by the pens of the actual makers and witnesses of them."

   As an appendix to the present Volume, a new feature, related
   to the whole work, has been introduced. It offers a
   considerably extensive series of systematic courses for
   historical study and reading, the literature for which is
   supplied in the seven Volumes of "History for Ready
   Reference." This has been prepared in response to many
   requests which the publishers have received. Even for casual
   investigations it will be found serviceable to every possessor
   and user of the work.

      J. N. L.
      Buffalo, New York, May, 1910.

{v}

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

   I am indebted to the following named authors and publishers
   for permission kindly given me to quote from books and
   periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in connection
   with the passages borrowed severally from them:

   The publishers of
   The American Catholic Quarterly Review,
   The American Monthly Review of Reviews,
   The Associated Prohibition Press,
   The Atlantic Monthly Magazine,
   The Boston Transcript,
   The Century Magazine,
   The Contemporary Review,
   The Fortnightly Review,
   The New York Evening Post,
   The New York State Journal of Medicine,
   The Nineteenth Century Review,
   The North American Review,
   The Outlook,
   The Times (London),
   Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh,
   Messrs. Doubleday,
   Page & Co.,
   Messrs. E. P. Dutton & Co.,
   Messrs. Harper & Brothers,
   Messrs. Henry Holt & Co.,
   Messrs. Houghton Mifflin Company,
   Messrs. John Lane Company,
   Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons;
   Professors Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman (as joint authors);
   Mr. Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School, San Francisco;
   Mr. George Iles, author of "Inventors at Work",
   Dr. James Brown Scott, Solicitor of the U. S. Department of State.

   I am much indebted, furthermore, to the courtesy of many
   societies and persons from whom I have received reports and
   other documents that were essential to my work; and especially
   do I owe much to the helpfulness of many on the staff of the
   Buffalo Public Library.

{1}

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE


ABD EL AZIZ, Sultan of Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903, and 1907-1909.

ABDUL HAMID II., Sultan of Turkey.
   His forced restoration of the Constitution of 1876 .
   His faithlessness to it.
   His deposition.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December.),
      and 1909 (January-May).

ABDULLA MOHAMMED, The Mullah.

      See (in this Volume)
      Africa: Somaliland.

ABDURAHMAN,
   Ameer of Afghanistan: Death, 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ABERDEEN, The Earl of: Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

ABERDEEN, Lady.

      See (in this Volume)
      WOMEN,  INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

"ABIR," or A. B. I. R. COMPANY, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902 .
   The French in favor.
   Their railway building and plans.

   "Through Abyssinia the French hope to establish a line of
   trade across Africa from east to west in opposition to our
   Cape to Cairo railway from north to south. In this they have
   already achieved some success. They have settled themselves
   along the Gulf of Tadjoura, on the south of which they hold
   the magnificent Bay of Djibouti, while on the north their flag
   waves over the small port of Obok. But their real triumph in
   these regions has been the establishment of a lasting
   friendship with Abyssinia by judicious consignments of arms
   and ammunition—which were used against Italy in the war of
   1896. Finally, they are now in the act of building a French
   railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba, the capital of
   Abyssinia. This railway will completely cut out the British
   port of Zeila, for in the concession granted by Menelik it is
   stipulated that no company is to be permitted to construct a
   railroad on Abyssinian territory that shall enter into
   competition with that of M. Ilg and M. Chefneux. …

   "At Menelik’s capital, Addis Abeba, there is, to use the
   expression of M. Hugues le Roux, a silent duel in progress
   between the representatives of the various nationalities. We
   are represented by Colonel Harrington. But, although Menelik
   is wise enough to extend a friendly greeting to all, there is
   no reason to suppose that we should enjoy as great a share of
   favour as other nations. Although throughout the war we
   preserved a strict neutrality, we are regarded as a powerful
   and aggressive neighbour, and as the ally of Italy, whereas
   the French have been the truest friends of Abyssinia. The
   Russians are also in communication with the Negus, and their
   efforts are, of course, seconded by France. As for the
   Italians, their position seems now to be as good as that of
   any European nation."

      G. F. H. Berkeley,
      The Abyssinian Question and its History
      (Nineteenth Century, January, 1903).

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
   Treaty with Great Britain.

   A treaty between Great Britain and the Emperor Menelek, of the
   kingdom of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), signed on the 15th of May,
   1902, defines the boundaries between the Soudan and Ethiopia,
   and contains the following important provisions:

   "Article III.
   His Majesty the Emperor Menelek II., King of Kings of
   Ethiopia, engages himself towards the Government of his
   Britannic Majesty not to construct, or allow to be
   constructed, any work across the Blue Nile, Lake Tsana, or the
   Sobat, which would arrest the flow of their waters into the
   Nile, except in agreement with his Britannic Majesty’s
   Government and the Government of the Soudan.

   Article IV.
   The Emperor Menelek engages himself to allow his Britannic
   Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan to
   select in the neighborhood of Itang, on the Baro River, a
   block of territory having a river frontage of not more than
   2000 metres, in area not exceeding 400 hectares, which shall
   be leased to the Government of the Soudan, to be administered
   and occupied as a commercial station, so long as the Soudan is
   under the Anglo-Egyptian Government. It is agreed between the
   two high contracting parties that the territory so leased
   shall not be used for any political or military purpose.

   Article V.
   The Emperor Menelek grants his Britannic Majesty’s Government
   and the Government of the Soudan the right to construct a
   railway through Abyssinian territory to connect the Soudan
   with Uganda. A route for the railway will be selected by
   mutual agreement between the two high contracting parties."

ACCIDENTS TO WORKMEN:
   In the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

ACHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ACRE DISPUTES, The:
   Claims on the region by Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia.
   Its final partition.

   A considerable territory of much richness in the southwestern
   part of the Amazon Valley, around the upper waters of the
   Madeira, the Aquiry, and the Purus tributaries, was long in
   dispute between Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru, and became a cause
   of serious quarrel between the two first named in 1903. The
   then Brazilian President, Rodriguez Alves, in his first annual
   message, May, 1903, stated the situation from the Brazilian
   standpoint as follows:

   "Our former relations of such cordial friendship with Bolivia
   have suffered a not insignificant strain since the time when
   the Government of that sister Republic, unable to maintain its
   authority in the Acre region, inhabited exclusively, as you
   know, by Brazilians who, many years previously, had
   established themselves there in good faith, saw fit to deliver
   it over to a foreign syndicate upon whom it conferred powers
   almost sovereign. That concession, as dangerous for the
   neighboring nations as for Bolivia itself, encountered general
   disapproval in South America As the most immediately
   interested, Brazil, already in the time of my illustrious
   predecessor, protested against the contract to which I refer,
   and entered upon the policy of reprisals, prohibiting the free
   transit by the Amazon of merchandise between Bolivia and
   abroad.
{2}
   Neither that protest nor the counsels of friendship produced
   at that time the desired effect in La Paz, and, far from
   rescinding the contract or making the hoped-for modifications
   therein, the Bolivian Government concluded an especial
   arrangement for the purpose of hurrying the entrance of the
   syndicate into the possession of the territory.

   "When I assumed the government that was the situation, and in
   addition the inhabitants of the Acre, who had again proclaimed
   their independence, were masters of the whole country,
   excepting Puerto Acre, of which they did not get possession
   until the end of January. Although since January negotiations
   have been initiated by us for the purpose of removing amicably
   the cause of the disorders and complications which have had
   their seat of action in the Acre ever since the time when for
   the first time the Bolivian authorities penetrated thither, in
   1899, yet the Government of La Paz has nevertheless thought
   proper that its President and his minister of war should march
   against that territory at the head of armed forces with the
   end in view of crushing its inhabitants and then establishing
   the agents of the syndicate."

   The Brazilian President proceeded then to relate that he had
   notified the Bolivian Government of the intention of Brazil to
   "defend as its boundary the parallel of 10° 20' south," which
   it held to be the line indicated by the letter and the spirit
   of a treaty concluded in 1867; and that Bolivia had then
   agreed to a settlement of the dispute through diplomatic
   channels. "Upon the Bolivian Government agreeing to this," he
   continued, "we promptly reestablished freedom of transit for
   its foreign commerce by Brazilian waters. Shortly after this
   the syndicate, by reason of the indemnity which we paid it,
   renounced the concession which had been made it, eliminating
   thus this disturbing element."

   In conclusion of the subject, President Alves reported: "To
   the Peruvian Government we have announced, very willingly,
   since January, that we will examine, with attention, the
   claims which in due time they may be pleased to make upon the
   subject of the territories now in dispute between Brazil and
   Bolivia."

   The result of the ensuing negotiations between Brazil and
   Bolivia was a treaty signed in the following November and duly
   ratified, the terms of which were summarized as follows in a
   despatch from the American Legation at La Paz, December 26:
   "Three months after exchange of ratifications Brazil is to pay
   an indemnity of £1,000,000 and in March, 1905, £1,000,000. A
   small strip of territory, north Marso, Brazilero, embracing
   Bahia Negra and a port opposite Coimbra, on Paraguay River,
   are conceded, and all responsibilities respecting Peruvian
   contentions are assumed. The disputed Acre territory is
   conceded by Bolivia. A railroad for the common use of both
   countries is to be built from San Antonio, on Madeira River,
   to Cuajar Ameren, on Mamore River, within four years after
   ratification. Free navigation on the Amazon and its Bolivian
   affluents is conceded. A mixed commission, with umpire chosen
   from the diplomatic representation to Brazil, will treat all
   individual Acre claims."

   Subsequently it was determined in Bolivia that the entire
   indemnity received from Brazil should be expended on
   railroads, with an additional sum of £3,500,000, to be raised
   by loan.

   For the settlement of the remaining question of rights in the
   Acre territory, between Bolivia and Peru, a treaty of
   arbitration, negotiated in December, 1902, but ratified with
   modifications by the Bolivian Congress in October, 1903,
   provided that "the high contracting parties submit to the
   judgment and decision of the Government of the Argentine
   Republic, as arbitrator and judge of rights, the question of
   limits now pending between both republics, so as to obtain a
   definite and unappealable sentence, in virtue of which all the
   territory which in 1810 belonged to the jurisdiction or
   district of the Ancient Audience of Charcas, within the limits
   of the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, by acts of the ancient
   sovereign, may belong to the Republic of Bolivia; and all the
   territory which at the same date and by acts of equal origin
   belonged to the viceroyalty of Peru may belong to the Republic
   of Peru."

   The case was pending until July, 1909, when judgment favorable
   to the claims of Peru was pronounced by the President of the
   Argentine Republic, Señor Figueroa Alcorta. According to the
   award, as announced officially from Peru, the line was drawn
   to "follow the rivers Heath and Madre de Dios up to the mouth
   of the Toromonas and from there a straight line as far as the
   intersection of the river Tehuamanu with meridian 69. It will
   then run northwards along this meridian until it meets the
   territorial sovereignty of another nation."

   The Bolivians were enraged by the decision against them, and
   riotous attacks were made on the Argentine Legation at La Paz,
   the Bolivian capital, and on Argentine consulates elsewhere.
   Worse than this in offensiveness was a published declaration
   by President Montes of Bolivia that the arbitration award
   respecting the frontiers of Bolivia and Peru had been given by
   Argentina without regard to Bolivia’s petition that an actual
   inspection of the territory should be made in case the
   documents and titles submitted were unsatisfactory. "Had this
   been done," said the President of Bolivia, "the arbitrator
   would have been convinced of the respective possessions of the
   two countries. It is inexplicable how the arbitrator, after
   examining the titles and documents, could give such a
   decision. He passed over the elementary principles of
   international rights in awarding to Peru territory which had
   never been questioned as belonging to Bolivia. As a
   consequence Bolivia rejects the award."

   The insulted Government of Argentina demanded explanations;
   diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken
   off, and war seemed imminent. Fortunately the term of
   President Montes was near its close, and a man of evidently
   cooler temper, Elidoro Villazon, succeeded him in the
   Presidency on August 12th. The new President, in his message
   to Congress next day, while characterizing the award as
   unjust, said: "We must proceed circumspectly, and be guided by
   international rights and the customs of civilized nations in
   similar cases. I consider it right to avail ourselves of the
   means offered by diplomacy to obtain a rectification of the
   new frontier line given by arbitration, thus saving the
   compromised possessions of Bolivia."

{3}

   With this better spirit entering into the controversy, Bolivia
   was soon able to arrange with Peru for a concession from the
   latter which made her people willing to recognize the award.
   This agreement was effected on the 11th of September, and its
   terms, as made known in a despatch from Rio de Janeiro, were
   as follows:

   "Peru surrenders to Bolivia a very small extent of territory
   lying between the Madre de Dios River and the Acre, traversed
   by the rivers Tahuamano and Buyamaro, which together form the
   river Orton, an affluent of the Beni River. This territory,
   with an area of about 6,500 square kilometres, was discovered
   and colonized by Bolivians, who to-day are in possession of
   numerous prosperous industries there. Peru gets possession of
   all the upper course of the Madre de Dios, from its head
   waters to its confluence with the river Heath. Such a slight
   modification as the foregoing from the decision reached by the
   arbitrator in no way disturbs the Argentine Republic."

   As between Peru and Brazil the boundary question was settled
   by a treaty signed at Rio de Janeiro on the 8th of September,
   three days before the Bolivian pacification.

   This probably closes a territorial dispute which has troubled
   four countries in South America for many years, and brought
   quarrelling couples to the verge of war a number of times.

ADANA, Massacres at.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May), and (April-December).

ADDIS ABEBA, Capital of Abyssinia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

ADULTERATIONS, Laws against.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

AEHRENTHAL, Baron.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

AERONAUTICS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Death of Abdurahman.
   Succession of his son, Habibullah.
   Signs of a progressive spirit in the new Ameer.

   The late Ameer, Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was
   succeeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early in the third
   year of his reign the new Ameer began to show signs of a wish
   to have his country move a little on the lines of European
   progress, in the march which so many of his Asiatic neighbors
   were joining. His undertakings were disturbed for a time by
   trouble with his half-brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter’s
   mother, the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem; but he brought
   the trouble to an end which does not seem to have been
   tragical, and that, in itself, is a notable mark in his favor.
   The Russo-Japanese War interested him immensely, and he
   established a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to bring
   speedy news of events. He then read the reports in public,
   with expositions, to make the listening people understand the
   bearing of what was happening on their own interests, and the
   lessons they should learn from what the Japanese were doing.
   He is said to have done much in the way of improving
   agriculture and horse-breeding in Afghanistan; he has a desire
   to establish a Chiefs’ College, with the English language as
   the basis of instruction, but has met with strong opposition
   in this undertaking; and he has introduced electric lighting,
   with probably other luxuries of modern science, in Cabul. Such
   things in Afghanistan mark a highly progressive man. His
   political intelligence is proved by the cordiality of his
   relations with the British Indian Government. An interesting
   account of conditions in the Ameer’s country in 1904 was given
   by Mr. D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly Review of December,
   that year, under the title of "The Awakening of Afghanistan."

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1905.
   The Ameer becomes King.

   In a new treaty between the Government of Great Britain and
   the Ameer of Afghanistan, the latter was recognized as King.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1907.
   Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to
   Afghanistan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

AFRICA:
   Its Colonizability by white peoples.
   The regions habitable by Europeans.

   "There are three obstacles to the white race from Europe
   overrunning and colonising the continent of Africa as it has
   overrun and colonised the two Americas and Australasia. The
   first is the insalubrity of the well-watered regions and the
   uninhabitability of the desert tracts; the second is the
   opposition of strong indigenous races; and the third, of quite
   recent growth, is a growing sentiment which is increasingly
   influencing public opinion, in Europe more especially, and
   which forbids the white man to do evil that good may come:
   namely, to displace by force of arms pre-existing races in
   order that, the white man may take the land they occupy for
   his own use. It is probable that the second and third reasons
   combined may in future prove the more effective checks.
   Deserts, to be made habitable and cultivable, only need
   irrigation, and apparently there is a subterranean water
   supply underlying most African deserts which can be tapped by
   artesian wells. The extreme unhealthiness of the well-watered
   parts of Africa is due not so much to climate as to the
   presence of malaria in the systems of the Negro inhabitants.
   This malaria is conveyed from the black man to the white man
   by certain gnats of the genus Anopheles—possibly by
   other agencies. But the draining of marshes and the
   sterilisation of pools, together with other measures, may
   gradually bring about the extinction of the mosquito; while,
   on the other hand, it seems as though the drug (Cassia
   Beareana) obtained from the roots of a cassia bush may act
   as a complete cure for malarial fever. …

   "For practical purposes the only areas south of the Sahara
   Desert which at the present time are favourable to white
   colonisation are the following. In West Africa there can be no
   white colonisation under existing conditions; the white man
   can only remain there for a portion of his working life as an
   educator and administrator. … In North-East Africa,
   Abyssinia and Eritrea will suggest themselves as white man’s
   countries—presenting, that is to say, some of the conditions
   favourable to European colonisation. The actual coast of
   Eritrea is extremely hot, almost the hottest country in the
   world, but it is not necessarily very unhealthy. The heat,
   however, apart from the existence of a fairly abundant native
   population, almost precludes the idea of a European
   settlement. But on the mountains of the hinterland which are
   still within Italian territory there are said to be a few
   small areas suited at any rate to settlement by Italians, who,
   by-the-by, seem to be getting on very well with the natives in
   that part of Africa. But a European colonisation of Abyssinia,
   possible as it might be climatically, is out of the question
   in view of the relatively abundant and warlike population
   indigenous to the Ethiopian Empire. …

{4}

   "Then comes Central Africa, which may be taken to range from
   the northern limits of the Congo basin and the Great Lakes on
   the north to the Cunenc River and the Zambesi on the south.
   British East Africa and Uganda offer probably the largest
   continuous area of white man’s country in the central section
   of the continent. The Ankole country in the southwest of the
   Uganda Protectorate and the highlands north of Tanganyika,
   together with the slopes of the Ruwenzori range, offer small
   tracts of land thoroughly suited to occupation by a white race
   so far as climate and fertility are concerned; but these
   countries have already been occupied, to a great extent, by
   some of the earliest forerunners of the Caucasian (the
   Bahima), as well as by sturdy Negro tribes who have become
   inured to the cold. To the northeast of the Victoria Nyanza,
   however, there is an area which has as its outposts the
   southwest coast of Lake Rudolf, the great mountains of
   Debasien and Elgon, and the snow-clad extinct volcanoes of
   Kenia and Kilimanjaro. This land of plateaux and rift valleys
   is not far short of 70,000 square miles in extent, and so far
   as climate and other physical conditions are concerned is as
   well suited for occupation by British settlers as Queensland
   or New South Wales. But nearly 50,000 square miles of this
   East African territory is more or less in the occupation of
   sturdy Negro or Negroid races whom it would be neither just
   nor easy to expel. …

   "The only portion of German East Africa which is at all suited
   to European settlement lies along the edge of the
   Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau. Here is a district of a little more
   than a thousand square miles which is not only elevated and
   healthy, but very sparsely populated by Negroes. A few patches
   in the Katanga district and the extreme southern part of the
   Congo Free State offer similar conditions.

   "In British Central Africa we have perhaps 6,000 square miles
   of elevated, sparsely populated, fertile country to the
   northwest of Lake Nyasa and along the road to Tanganyika.
   There is also land of this description in the North-East
   Rhodesian province of British Central Africa, in Manikaland,
   and along the water-parting between the Congo and the Zambesi
   systems. Then in the southernmost prolongation of British
   Central Africa are the celebrated Shire Highlands, which,
   together with a few outlying mountain districts to the
   southwest of Lake Nyasa, may offer a total area of about 5,000
   square miles suitable to European colonisation. A small
   portion of the Mozambique province, in the interior of the
   Angoche coast, might answer to the same description. Then
   again, far away to the west, under the same latitudes, we
   have, at the back of Mossamedes and Benguela, other patches of
   white man’s country in the mountains of Bailundo and Shclla.

   "In South Africa, beyond the latitudes of the Zambesi, we come
   to lands which are increasingly suited to the white man’s
   occupation the further we proceed south. Nearly all German
   South-West Africa is arid desert, but inland there are
   plateaux and mountains which sometimes exceed 8,000 feet in
   altitude, and which have a sufficient rainfall to make
   European agriculture possible. … About two-thirds of the
   Transvaal, a third of Rhodesia, a small portion of southern
   Bechuanaland, two-thirds of the Orange River Colony,
   four-fifths of Cape Colony, and a third of Natal sum up the
   areas attributed to the white man in South Africa. The
   remainder of this part of the continent must be considered
   mainly as a reserve for the black man, and to a much smaller
   degree (in South-East Africa) as a field for Asiatic
   colonisation, preferentially on the part of British Indians.

   "Counting the white-skinned Berbers and Arabs of North Africa,
   and the more or less pure-blooded, light-skinned Egyptians, as
   white men, and the land they occupy as part of the white man’s
   share of the Dark Continent, we may then by a rough
   calculation arrive (by adding to white North Africa the other
   areas enumerated in the rest of the continent) at the fol-
   lowing estimate: that about 970,000 square miles of the whole
   African continent may be attributed to the white man as his
   legitimate share. If, however, we are merely to consider the
   territory that lies open to European colonisation, then we
   must considerably reduce our North African estimate."

      H. H. Johnston,
      The White Man's Place in Africa
      (Nineteenth Century, June, 1904).

AFRICA:
   Agreements between England and France concerning Egypt,
   Morocco, Senegambia, and Madagascar.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

AFRICA:
   British, German, and Congo frontier agreement.

   The following was telegraphed to the Press from Berlin,
   November 29, 1909:

   "An agreement was signed in Berlin during the summer, Reuter’s
   representative learns, whereby various questions affecting the
   frontier lines between British Uganda and German East Africa
   and the Congo, which have been under discussion for years,
   were definitely settled. The agreement is understood to be
   satisfactory to both parties, but the details are not to be
   published as yet."

AFRICA:
   French Central: A Land-locked Empire.

   "Since 1898, successive expeditions have converged from the
   French Niger Territories, from South Algeria, and from the
   French Congo towards Lake Tchad, which has ever exercised a
   mystic charm over the minds of explorers. Rabah, the usurper
   of Bornou, has been killed, and his son Fadel’allah recently
   met the same fate, so that all the belt of black countries
   stretching from the north of Sokoto, the north of Bornon and
   Baghirmi to the confines of Wadaï, the most easterly limit of
   the French sphere, are now occupied in a military sense. …
   Even if we consider the French as now firmly settled in these
   countries, peopled with timid blacks from whom little is to be
   feared, the succeeding problem, what to do with them, presents
   no seductive outlook.

   "The key to the situation is the question of transport, for
   here we have a vast land-locked empire, the roads to which are
   long, complicated, and difficult. For the present the question
   of a great Trans-Saharan railway may be left out of account,
   and in all probability more mature consideration will convince
   the French of the futility of such a scheme. Three roads
   running through French territory are available; from the
   east by the Niger, from the south by the French Congo, and
   from the north, Tunis or Algeria, across the great Sahara.
{5}
   Of the three, the only one which can be made of practical
   utility for a long time to come is that across the Sahara.
   From the centre of Africa there are several well-known caravan
   routes, all capable of being commercially used, provided the
   intervening tribes can be brought to acquiesce in the French
   domination. All these terminate in Turkish territory."

      E. J. Wardle,
      The French in Central Africa
      (Contemporary Review, October, 1902).

AFRICA:
   Subjugation of Hausa Land and occupation of Sokoto.

   Early in 1903 the High Commissioner of Nigeria, Sir F. Lugard,
   sent an expedition against the Emir of Kano, in the northern
   part of the Nigerian Protectorate, within the Sultanate of
   Sokoto, which had never been made submissive to the rule which
   Great Britain claimed. Kano was reached and taken by assault
   on the 3d of February, the Emir and his horsemen escaping
   toward Sokoto. The expedition then proceeded against Sokoto,
   where feeble resistance was offered, and the seat of the
   Sultanate was taken on the 15th of March. These conquests are
   believed to have effected a firm establishment of British
   ascendancy throughout the Niger territory, from the coast to
   the Saharan sphere of the French. The possession of Kano is
   important, as it is the starting point of caravan routes
   eastward and northward and the chief commercial town of the
   Western Sudan.

AFRICA:
   Rapid development of the railway system.

      See (in this Volume)
      Railways: Nigeria.

AFRICA:
   French Mauretanie.

      See Morocco: A. D.1909.

AFRICA:
   French Western: Eradication of Yellow Fever.

      See PUBLIC HEALTH: A. D. 1901-1905.

AFRICA:
   German Colonies: Cost to Germany.
   Small number of German Colonists.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

AFRICA:
   Unpopularity of the Colonial Policy in Germany.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

AFRICA:
   Wars with the Natives.

   In the German Parliament, on the 12th of January, 1905, it was
   stated by the Director of the Colonial Department, Dr. Stübel,
   that up to that date 11,000 German troops had been employed
   against the Hereros and Witbois in Southwest Africa, and that
   the campaign of 1904 had cost 42,000,000 marks (about
   $10,500,000). The military estimate for 1905 was 60,000,000
   marks. General von Trotha, Governor of the colony, who had
   been in command of operations, and who had set a price on the
   heads of Morenga and other insurgent chiefs, and had
   threatened the whole tribe with extermination, was to be
   superseded; but the Emperor, notwithstanding, conferred on him
   the Order "Pour le Merite." A similar conflict with the
   natives in German East Africa was opened in August, 1905, by
   the murder of Bishop Spiers and four missionaries and Sisters
   of Mercy. The Wangonis are of the Zulu race, mustering about
   30,000 warriors, and reinforcements of the German troops had
   to be sent out.

AFRICA:
   Opening of Diamond Fields.

   Diamond discoveries in German Southwest Africa began to
   acquire importance in 1908. As stated in a lecture on the
   subject by Herr Dernburg, the German Colonial Secretary, at
   Berlin, in January, 1909, these diamond deposits lie in
   crescent form around Lüderitz Bay, beginning to the south of
   Elizabeth Bay and extending northwards to the sea-coast in the
   vicinity of Anischab. The full extent of the stretch of
   diamond-bearing sand can only be ascertained by careful
   measurement, but it is even now permissible to describe the
   deposits as very considerable. The diamonds, which are found
   mixed with small agates and other half-precious stones, vary
   from one-fifth to three-quarters of a carat—the average not
   exceeding one-third of a carat. They are almost perfect
   octahedrons of good water. The regular exploitation may be
   said to have begun in September, 1908, the total recovered
   before that date only amounting to 2,720 carats. In September
   the amount was 6,644 carats, in October 8,621, in November
   10,228, and in December 11,549, or in all 39,762, the price of
   which would be about £55,000. The administrative regulations
   introduced stipulate, first, that half the net profit shall go
   to the Southwest African Treasury; secondly, that measures
   shall be taken to secure an adequate market for the new supply
   and to prevent depreciation; thirdly, that suitable conditions
   shall be established for the working of the mines; and,
   fourthly, that their exploitation shall be mainly reserved for
   German capital, and that increased work shall be provided for
   the German diamond-cutting industry.

AFRICA: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Continued existence of slavery.

   General F. Joubert-Pienaar, one of the prominent Boer leaders
   in the Boer-British War, is the authority for startling
   statements concerning the continued maintenance of slavery in
   Portuguese Africa. He attempted to become a settler in that
   region, and related subsequently what he saw and heard during
   his stay in it. Of an experience at the Island Principe he
   said: "The English director of the cable office took me to
   some of the cocoa plantations, with which the slopes of the
   hills are covered. He told me that it was a terribly unhealthy
   place to live, and that Europeans could not exist there for
   more than a couple of months at a time, and that frequent
   changes have to be made, therefore, in the telegraph
   department. He told me, further, that the year before the
   whole original population of the island had died from malarial
   fever, and that the following year they imported five hundred
   slaves, men and women, to repopulate the island. That was ten
   months before my visit. Pointing to five women walking on the
   street, he said: 'There are all that are left of the women
   imported, and only about a dozen men remain.' I asked him how
   they carried on the work of the plantations. He said it was
   done by simply importing slaves, from time to time, to replace
   those who had died."

   General Joubert-Pienaar declares that he never heard of a
   single case where one of these slaves had returned to his own
   country, while in the coast towns the abnormal proportion of
   native women and children noticeable is due to the fact that
   the men have been sent as slaves to the islands. The method of
   obtaining the slaves and of making the pretense of a contract
   with them is thus described: "When any slaves are wanted in
   the islands, the plantation owner informs the slave-traders on
   the mainland. The slave-trader goes to a strong chief, inland,
   and bargains with him for the number of slaves he requires,
   generally paying him in rifles and ammunition.
{6}
   This chief will not send any of his own men to the islands,
   but, calling his braves, he goes to some weaker tribe, attacks
   it, and annihilates the tribe, taking the men, women,
   children, and cattle captive. The men, and as many
   women as are necessary, he hands over to the
   slave-trader, the rest of the women and the cattle he
   keeps for himself and his people, and the children he
   sells to colonists for slaves. On these slave-hunting
   expeditions the most terrible cruelties are enacted and
   the most gruesome atrocities perpetrated. …  Arriving at
   the coast, these men—and sometimes women when they are
   required—are brought before an officer appointed for the
   purpose. He reads the contract to them in Portuguese; and
   after the contract has been read to these people, who do not
   understand one word of the language, a black man, who is
   stationed there for the purpose, shouts to these slaves to say
   ‘Yes!’ Of course they all repeat the ‘Yes’ after him, and the
   Portuguese official then certifies that these men have all
   agreed to go and work on the islands under the terms of the
   contract read to them. He then takes a little tin box, in
   which a copy of the contract is placed, and ties it around the
   neck of each of the slaves."

AFRICA:
   Somaliland: Troubles with the Mullah.

   In 1902 the British in their Somali Coast Protectorate began
   to be harassed by raids from the bordering desert region led
   by a religious agitator who had assumed the character known as
   that of a Mullah. Three years previously the British Consul at
   Berbera had reported to London the appearance of this
   personage, Muhammad Abdullah by name, in the Dolbahanta
   country, and that he was said to be "collecting arms and men
   with a view to establishing his authority over the
   southeastern portion of the Protectorate." He had made several
   pilgrimages to Mecca, and had attached himself there to a sect
   which "preaches more regularity in the hours of prayer" and
   "stricter attention to the forms of religion." He had begun
   the use of force to compel the tribes of his region to join
   his sect, and was evidently gaining power to make trouble. The
   trouble was realized in due time, and became serious in 1902,
   when, in October, Colonel Swayne, with a native levy of
   troops, having driven the Mullah’s raiders back into the
   desert, followed them thither, and suffered a serious reverse.
   He was attacked and compelled to retreat, with a loss of two
   officers and 70 men killed and two officers, with about 100
   men wounded. Troops were then sent to the Protectorate from
   India and careful preparations were made for dealing with the
   Mullah in a more effectual way. He, meantime, sent demands for
   political recognition and for the cession to him of a port.

   Early in 1903 operations against the Mullah were renewed, with
   strongly increased forces from India and from African native
   levies; but the results were again disastrous. A detachment
   from a column which pursued the Mullah into his own region
   ventured too far in the advance and was overwhelmed, losing
   nearly 200 officers and men. There appears to have been no
   success during the year to counterbalance this reverse.

AFRICA:
   Peace with the Mullah.

   The Mullah was brought at last to an agreement with Great
   Britain and Italy which established comparative peace for the
   time being in Somaliland, with the promise of freedom in
   trade.

   Notwithstanding the pacific agreement with the Mullah,
   effected in 1905, troubles on the Somali border have
   continued, because of his attacks on friendly tribes. Early in
   1909 it was announced that the British forces in Somaliland
   were to be increased, but that there was no intention to
   embark on any expedition against the Mullah. A despatch from
   Bombay, India, on the 3d of January, said: "Further operations
   against the Somaliland Mullah are strongly deprecated. It is
   impossible to conduct a successful campaign, owing to the
   difficulty of obtaining supplies, unless a light railway 200
   miles long is built to Bohotle. The Mullah, who is an able
   man, is not believed to be anxious to engage in fresh
   hostilities with the British, but he is determined to dominate
   the Hinterland. Experts consider that no new movement on the
   lines of the last campaign would produce a satisfactory
   result. The Mullah’s strength is unknown, but it is probably
   great, as his camp sometimes covers ten square miles. His
   mobility is astonishing, and he can always elude our troops.
   Our present advanced outpost is Burao, 80 miles from Berbera,
   where there is a small force of the King’s African Rifles. The
   country is practically worthless, and the best course,
   probably, is to hold the coast and to leave the far interior
   severely alone. The friendly tribes cannot be further
   effectively protected without permanently employing a large
   force. Minor operations are now merely a waste of money."

AFRICA:
   Sudan: Suppression of a new Mahdi.

   A new Mahdi proclaimed himself in Southern Kordofan in
   November, 1903. He was a native of Tunis, named Mahomed El
   Amin, who had twice made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Colonel
   Mahon, the Deputy-Governor of the Sudan, on hearing of
   Mahomed’s proclamation, started instantly from Khartoum, with
   200 cavalry, sending orders to El Obeid for 200 infantry, with
   Maxims, to meet him near Tagalla. With this force, after a
   five days march, through the desert toward the Tagalla
   mountains, he caught the Mahdi, took him to El Obeid and tried
   and hanged him straightway.

AFRICA:
   Population.

   Lord Cromer, in his annual report, 1904, estimated the
   population of the Sudan, within the British-Egyptian
   Condominium, at no more than 1,870,000, to which number it had
   been reduced by war and disease from former estimates of
   8,525,000, prior to the Mahdi domination.

      See, also, ALGIERS, CONGO, EGYPT, MOROCCO,
      RHODESIA, SOUTH AFRICA, etc.

AGLIPAY, Padre Gregorio:
   His secession from the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

AGRAM TRIALS, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN INTEREST, in Germany:
   Its triumph in 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN LAW, The Russian.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN RUSSIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

AGRICULTURE:
   Coöperative and other unions among farmers.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909;
      AND LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE:
   Dry Farming.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

{7}

AGRICULTURE:
   Germany: Decrease of agricultural population.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

AGRICULTURE:
   Increasing cooperative organization in Great Britain.

      See LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE: International Institute:
   Its origin and purpose.
   Created under the auspices of the King of Italy.
   Forty nations associated in its membership.
   Its seat near Rome.

   The idea of an international organization for systematizing
   the agricultural production of the world and regulating the
   markets of food products, by constant and authentic knowledge
   of crops and conditions, was conceived some years ago by Mr.
   David Lubin, of California. It was first expressed by him
   publicly at Budapest in 1896, but was the growth of thirteen
   years of thought preceding that date. As the result of Mr.
   Lubin’s efforts to interest governments and peoples in the
   project, King Victor Emmanuel III., of Italy, became its
   hearty patron in 1903, and took the initiative step toward
   effecting an organization as wide as the civilized world, by
   inviting all nations to take part in a convention of delegates
   for the purpose, at Rome, in May, 1905. The invitation, as
   addressed to the Government of the United States by the
   Italian Ambassador at Washington, on the 26th of February,
   1905, was in these words: "By order of my government, I have
   the honor to inform your excellency that His Majesty the King,
   my august sovereign, has taken the initiative in the formation
   of an international institute of agriculture to be composed of
   representatives of the great agricultural societies of the
   various countries and of delegates from the several
   governments. This institute, being devoid of any political
   intent, should tend to bring about a community of interests
   among agriculturists and to protect these interests in the
   markets of the world. It will study agricultural conditions in
   the different countries, periodically indicating the supply
   and the quality of products with accuracy and care, so as to
   proportion production to demand, increase and distribute the
   various crops according to the rate of consumption, render the
   commerce of agricultural products less costly and more
   expeditious, and suitably determine the prices thereof. Acting
   in unison with the various national bureaus already existing,
   it will furnish accurate information on conditions regarding
   agricultural labor in various localities, and will regulate
   and direct the currents of emigration. It will favor the
   institution of agricultural exchanges and labor bureaus. It
   will protect both producers and consumers against the excesses
   of transportation and forestalling syndicates, keeping a watch
   on middlemen, pointing out their abuses, and acquainting the
   public with the true conditions of the market. It will foster
   agreements for common defense against the diseases of plants
   and live stock, against which individual defense is less
   effectual. It will help to develop rural cooperation,
   agricultural insurance, and agrarian credit. It will study and
   propose measures of general interest, preparing international
   agreements for the benefit of agriculture and the agricultural
   classes.

   "Carrying out the intention of His Majesty, the Italian
   Government appeals to all friendly nations, each of which
   ought to have its own representatives in the institute,
   appointed to act as the exponents of their respective
   governments, as organs of mutual relations, and as mediums of
   reciprocal influence and information. It accordingly now
   invites them to participate through their delegates in the
   first convention, which is to be held at Rome next May for the
   purpose of preparing rules for the new institute.

   "The King’s Government trusts that the United States will be
   willing to cooperate in the enterprise, the first inspiration
   of which is due to an American citizen, and that, accepting
   the invitation to the conference at Rome, it will send thither
   a delegation commensurate with its importance as the foremost
   agricultural nation in the world."

   Gratifying responses to the invitation were made by most, if
   not all, of the governments addressed, and the Conference at
   Rome was held at the appointed time. It concluded its sessions
   on the 7th of June by attaching the signatures of the
   delegates of the Powers represented to a final Act, which
   embodies the resolutions on which they had agreed. This Act of
   organization was as follows:

   "Article 1.
   There is hereby created a permanent international institute of
   agriculture, having its seat at Rome.

   "Article 2.
   The international institute of agriculture is to be a
   government institution, in which each adhering power shall be
   represented by delegates of its choice. The institute shall be
   composed of a general assembly and a permanent committee, the
   composition and duties of which are defined in the ensuing
   articles.

   "Article 3.
   The general assembly of the institute shall be composed of the
   representatives of the adhering governments. Each nation,
   whatever be the number of its delegates, shall be entitled to
   a number of votes in the assembly which shall be determined
   according to the group to which it belongs, and to which
   reference will be made in article 10.

   "Article 4.
   The general assembly shall elect for each session from among
   its members a president and two vice-presidents. The sessions
   shall take place on dates fixed by the last general assembly
   and according to a programme proposed by the permanent
   committee and adopted by the adhering governments.

   "Article 5.
   The general assembly shall exercise supreme control over the
   international institute of agriculture. It shall approve the
   projects prepared by the permanent committee regarding the
   organization and internal workings of the institute. It shall
   fix the total amount of expenditures and audit and approve the
   accounts. It shall submit to the approval of the adhering
   governments modifications of any nature involving an increase
   in expenditure or an enlargement of the functions of the
   institute. It shall set the date for holding the sessions. It
   shall prepare its regulations. The presence at the general
   assemblies of delegates representing two-thirds of the
   adhering nations shall be required in order to render the
   deliberations valid.

   "Article 6.
   The executive power of the institute is intrusted to the
   permanent committee, which, under the direction and control of
   the general assembly, shall carry out the decisions of the
   latter and prepare propositions to submit to it.

{8}

   "Article 7.
   The permanent committee shall be composed of members
   designated by the respective governments. Each adhering nation
   shall be represented in the permanent committee by one member.
   However, the representation of one nation may be intrusted to
   a delegate of another adhering nation, provided that the
   actual number of members shall not be less than fifteen. The
   conditions of voting in the permanent committee shall be the
   same as those indicated in article 3 for the general
   assemblies.

   "Article 8.
   The permanent committee shall elect from among its
   members for a period of three years a president and a
   vice-president, who may be reelected. It shall prepare
   its internal regulations, vote the budget of the
   institute within the limits of the funds placed at its
   disposal by the general assembly, and appoint and remove
   the officials and employees of its office. The general
   secretary of the permanent committee shall act as
   secretary' of the assembly.

   "Article 9.
   The institute, confining its operations within an
   international sphere, shall—

   (a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible
   statistical, technical, or economic information concerning
   farming, both vegetable and animal products, the commerce in
   agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the
   various markets:

   (b) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as
   possible, all the information just referred to;

   (c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work;

   (d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear
   in any part of the world, showing the territories infected,
   the progress of the disease, and, if possible, the remedies
   which are effective in combating them;

   (e) Study questions concerning agricultural coöperation,
   insurance, and credit in all their aspects; collect and
   publish information which might be useful in the various
   countries in the organization of works connected with
   agricultural coöperation, insurance, and credit;

   (f) Submit to the approval of the governments, if there is
   occasion for it, measures for the protection of the common
   interests of farmers and for the improvement of their
   condition, after having utilized all the necessary sources of
   information, such as the wishes expressed by international or
   other agricultural congresses or congresses of sciences
   applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies,
   learned bodies, etc.

   All questions concerning the economic interests, the
   legislation, and the administration of a particular nation
   shall be excluded from the consideration of the institute.

   "Article 10.
   The nations adhering to the institute shall be classed in five
   groups, according to the place which each of them thinks it
   ought to occupy. The number of votes which each nation shall
   have and the number of units of assessment shall be
   established according to the following gradations:

   Groups of nations.   Numbers of votes   Units of assessment.

           I                  5                 16
          II                  4                  8
         III                  3                  4
          IV                  2                  2
           V                  1                  1

   In any event the contribution due per unit of assessment shall
   never exceed a maximum of 2,500 francs. As a temporary
   provision the assessment for the first two years shall not
   exceed 1,500 francs per unit. Colonies may, at the request of
   the nations to which they belong, be admitted to form part of
   the institute on the same conditions as the independent
   nations.

   "Article 11.
   The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications
   shall be exchanged as soon as possible by depositing them with
   the Italian Government."

   In communicating this Act of the Conference to the Government
   of the United States, the Italian Ambassador at Washington
   wrote August 9, 1905: "The final act of the conference was
   signed by the delegates under reservation of the approval of
   their respective governments, nor could it be otherwise. After
   this approval the convention, which constitutes the essential
   part of the act, shall, if approved (as the King’s Government
   does not doubt it will be), assume the character of an
   obligation on the part of the nations which shall have adhered
   to it through the signature of plenipotentiaries appointed for
   the purpose."

   On March 27, 1906, he was able to announce that "the States
   which were represented at the Conference of last year at Rome
   … have now all sanctioned by the signature of their
   plenipotentiaries the Convention drafted at that Conference."
   As appears from a copy transmitted, the Convention had been
   signed by the plenipotentiaries of forty nations, including
   twelve American republics besides the United States. To this
   gratifying announcement the Ambassador from Italy added the
   following:

   "His Majesty the King at the council of January 28 last signed
   a decree, a few copies of which I have the honor to inclose,
   by which a royal commission is established, and whose precise
   duty is to carry into effect, as soon as it becomes operative,
   the convention which will soon be referred to the several
   contracting governments for ratification."

   At the second general meeting of the Institute at Rome,
   December 12, 1909, more than 100 foreign delegates were
   present.

   "His Majesty the King, desiring again to prove how much he has
   at heart the contemplated international institute, has ordered
   that the net income of the royal domains of Tombelo and
   Coltano, amounting yearly to 300,000 lire, shall be turned
   over to the above-mentioned royal commission from the 1st of
   July next until the day when, the international institute of
   agriculture being legally constituted, the administration and
   usufruct of the said domains shall, in accordance with the
   announcement made to the international conference at its
   session of June 6, 1905, be transferred to the institute
   itself.

   "In obedience to His Majesty’s interest, the royal commission
   has decided to apply the sum graciously placed at its disposal
   for the aforesaid period to the construction of a palace,
   where the international institute will have its headquarters,
   and which will therefore be solely due to the munificence of
   the sovereign. The new building that is to stand on the
   village Umberto I., near the Porta Pinciana, and will cover
   10,000 square meters of public property, will, it is fully
   expected, be completed about the end of next year, which is
   the time when the permanent committee of the institute will
   likely be convened at Rome. This munificent act of His Majesty
   the King, whereby the erection of quarters worthy of the
   international institute of agriculture is provided for, thus
   begins the execution of the convention of June 7, 1905."

{9}

   Transmitting to the American Ambassador at Rome the
   President’s ratification of the Convention, on the 11th of
   July, 1906, Secretary Root made known that Congress had
   appropriated $4800 as the quota of the United States to the
   support of the International Institute of Agriculture for the
   fiscal year 1907, and $8000 for the travelling expenses of the
   delegates to be appointed to the grand assembly of the
   Institute, and for the salary of one member of the permanent
   committee; and to this he added: "In pursuance of the
   authority thus conferred, Mr. David Lubin, of Sacramento,
   California, has been selected to represent this Government on
   the permanent committee, it being understood that he is
   willing to serve without salary."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
      States, 1905 and 1906

AGUINALDO Y FAMY, Emilio.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

AHMED RIZA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
   Settlement of the boundary question.
   Dissatisfaction in Canada dissipated by better knowledge
   of the facts.

   The Alaska boundary question (see in Volume VI. of this work,
   under ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION) was brought to a settlement in
   1903 by an arrangement which submitted it to a Commission of
   six, three representing the United States and three acting for
   Great Britain and Canada. The American Commissioners were the
   Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of War, and senators Henry C.
   Lodge and George Turner, of Massachusetts and the State of
   Washington respectively. The British and Canadian members were
   the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Alverstone, Sir Louis
   Jette, of Quebec, and A. B. Aylesworth, of Toronto, Ontario.
   The Commission, meeting in London, arrived at its decision in
   October, signing, on the 20th, an agreement on all the
   questions submitted. "By this award," said President
   Roosevelt, in his subsequent Message to Congress, "the right
   of the United States to the control of a continuous strip or
   border of the mainland shore, skirting all the tide-water
   inlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed; the
   entrance to Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt
   appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet and to the
   northwestward of Wales and Pearse islands: a line is drawn
   from the head of Portland Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of
   north latitude: and the interior border line of the strip is
   fixed by lines connecting certain mountain summits lying
   between Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias and running along
   the crest of the divide separating the coast slope from the
   inland watershed, at the only part of the frontier where the
   drainage ridge approaches the coast within the distance of ten
   marine leagues stipulated by the treaty as the extreme width
   of the strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its branches.
   While the line so traced follows the provisional demarcation
   of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine River, and that of 1899
   at the summits of the White and Chilkoot passes, it runs much
   farther inland from the Klehine than the temporary line of the
   later modus vivendi, and leaves the entire mining
   district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek within the
   jurisdiction of the United States. The result is satisfactory
   in every way. It is of great material advantage to our people
   in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the field of
   discussion and possible danger a question liable to become
   more acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally it
   has furnished a signal proof of the fairness and good will
   with which two friendly nations can approach and determine
   issues involving national sovereignty, and by their nature
   incapable of submission to a third power for adjudication."

      Message of President Roosevelt,
      December 7, 1903.

   In Canada the feeling was very different from that expressed
   by President Roosevelt. There, the dissatisfaction was
   intense. The two Canadian Commissioners had opposed the award,
   while Lord Alverstone cast his vote with the three Americans,
   which provoked the accusation that his decision had been
   given, at the instigation of the British Government, not
   judicially, but diplomatically, for the pleasing of the United
   States, at the sacrifice of Canadian interests and rights. The
   groundlessness of such defamatory suspicions became plain when
   Lord Alverstone made public the reasons for his vote. A recent
   historian of Canada ends his account of the matter with the
   following remarks:

   "In vain did students and experts declare that they had felt
   before the tribunal met that Canada had, in very many
   respects, a weak case. It was pointed out that some of the
   Canadian surveys gave the line as the Americans claimed it,
   that Americans had by long occupation got a hold upon and a
   right of possession to various ports and sections, and that
   against this occupancy there had been no British protest
   whatever. Finally one distinguished citizen reminded the
   Canadians that if they had been allowed to select one man as
   sole arbitrator they would have been glad to accept Lord
   Alverstone. Lord Alverstone was really the one arbitrator and
   judge. Had he decided against the Americans, the case would
   have been deadlocked for years. In time Canadians came to a
   more sober and reasonable attitude on the subject. They came
   to see that Lord Alverstone could not have been prejudiced and
   that his decision was really the only one that was fair and
   unbiased. Some came also to see that the American case was
   much the stronger, and that in this light the decision was a
   just one. But they were not and are not ready to believe that
   the whole scheme was anything but one contrived at Washington
   to get the contest settled to the advantage of the Americans."

      F. B. Tracy,
      Tercentenary History of Canada,
      Volume 3, page 1044
      (Macmillan Co., New York, 1908).

   A full account of the arbitration with the correspondence
   preceding it, and the opinions written by the arbitrators
   severally, is given in the British Parliamentary

      Papers by Command
      (United States, Number 1, 1904), Cd. 1877.

ALASKA: A. D. 1906.
   Convention to provide for final establishment
   of the boundary line.

   Final proceedings for establishing the boundary line of Alaska
   were provided for in a Convention between the United States
   and Great Britain, signed April 21, 1906. The need and object
   of the Convention were set forth in its preamble as follows:

{10}

   "Whereas by a treaty between the United States of America and
   His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, for the cession of
   the Russian possessions in North America to the United States,
   concluded March 30, 1867, the most northerly part of the
   boundary line between the said Russian possessions and those
   of His Britannic Majesty, as established by the prior
   convention between Russia and Great Britain, of February 28/16
   [sic] 1825, is defined as following the 141st degree of
   longitude west from Greenwich, beginning at the point of
   intersection of the said 141st degree of west longitude with a
   certain line drawn parallel with the coast, and thence
   continuing from the said point of intersection, upon the said
   meridian of the 141st degree in its prolongation as far as the
   Frozen Ocean.

   "And whereas, the location of said meridian of the 141st
   degree of west longitude between the terminal points thereof
   defined in said treaty is dependent upon the scientific
   ascertainment of convenient points along the said meridian and
   the survey of the country intermediate between such points,
   involving no question of interpretation of the aforesaid
   treaties but merely the determination of such points and their
   connecting lines by the ordinary processes of observation and
   survey conducted by competent astronomers, engineers and
   surveyors;

   "And whereas such determination has not hitherto been made by
   a joint survey as is requisite in order to give complete
   effect to said treaties."

   To make such determination it was agreed that each Government
   should "appoint one Commissioner, with whom may be associated
   such surveyors, astronomers and other assistants as each
   Government may elect."

ALASKA:  A. D. 1906.
   Election of a delegate to Congress.

   An Act to authorize the election of a Delegate to Congress
   from the Territory of Alaska was approved by the President May
   7, 1906.

ALASKA COAL FIELDS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.

ALBANIA: A. D. 1904.
   Hostility to the Mürzsteg programme.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ALBERT, King of Belgium.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM; A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ALBERT, Marcellin:
   Leader of the winegrowers revolt in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALBERTA:
   Organized as a province of the Dominion of Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.


ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

ALCOHOL: Austria: A. D. 1903.
   Resolution of the National Convention of the Social
   Democratic Party against alcoholic drinks.

   At a convention of the Social Democracy of the Austrian
   Empire, held at Vienna, in November, 1903, Dr. Richard
   Frohlich read an elaborate report against the use of
   intoxicating liquors, concluding with an earnest appeal, in
   these words; "We want to create a new social order: to give
   the world a new face! To lay the foundations for the new
   society is the task of political and industrial organization—
   and there is no greater deterrent to the accomplishment of
   that task than alcohol. In building the new mansion of the
   future we think also of the men who are to dwell in it. Does
   it not bring a blush of shame to our cheeks merely to imagine
   that the men of the future society will be contented because
   they are intoxicated! Contentment in that new order
   will arise from a sound brain and the satisfaction of the
   rational desires which proceed from it. We have enough
   retarding forces to contend with in our struggle for this
   ideal of the future generation. One such force we are able
   to-day to overcome if we will. That is alcoholism, the last
   refuge of philistinism and stupid conservatism. If we really
   want the new world, we must provide the new men to make it.
   The program of total abstinence does not set new ideals for
   us, but it gives us a new weapon, sharp and effective for the
   conquest of our old ideals. The responsibility is upon us to
   use this weapon. Let us do it!"

   In response, the Convention adopted the following resolution:

   "The convention of the party recognizes in alcohol a serious
   detriment to the physical and mental power of the working man,
   and a great hindrance to all efforts of organization in the
   social democracy. Every means should be employed to remove the
   evils which have come from it.

   "The first aim in this struggle must be the economic
   betterment of the proletariat. And that must be accomplished
   by a clear teaching of the effects of alcohol, and by the
   removal of the common toleration of drinking.

   "The convention of the party, therefore, recommends that all
   the party groups and brotherhoods lend their support to the
   crusade against alcohol, and declares that the first step in
   this direction must be the abolishment of compulsory drinking
   in all of the meetings of the organization. Members of the
   party who are converted to total abstinence are recommended to
   form total abstinence clubs, to continue the propaganda and to
   see to it that their members are true to the political and
   economic duties of the party organization."

ALCOHOL: CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
   The Canada Temperance Act.

   Under what was known as the Scott Act, of 1878, the privilege
   of local option had been given to counties and cities in
   Canada, and had been brought into exercise by nine cities and
   seventy-three counties, which prohibited the sale of
   intoxicating liquors within their limits; but in most of these
   the supporters of the law were gradually overcome and the
   prohibition removed. In all the provinces except Quebec, a
   referendum vote taken in 1898 showed majorities in favor of a
   Dominion Prohibition Law; but the vote cast was so light and
   the adverse majorities in cities was so large that the
   government did not feel warranted in bringing forward a Bill.
   In 1906, however, the demand for local option in the matter of
   permitting alcoholic liquors to be sold had become strong
   enough to extort from Parliament the desired legislation. As
   amended in 1908, Part II. of this Canada Temperance Act (Part
   I. having prescribed the proceedings for bringing Part II.
   into force) provides that "from the day on which this Part
   comes into force and takes effect in any county or city, and
   for so long thereafter as, and while the same continues or is
   in force therein, no person shall, except as in this Part
   specially provided, by himself, his clerk, servant or agent,—
{11}
   (a) expose or keep for sale, within such county or city, any
   intoxicating liquor; or,
   ( b ) directly or indirectly on any pretense or upon any
   device, within any such county or city, sell or barter, or, in
   consideration of the purchase of any other property, give to
   any other person any intoxicating liquor; or,
   (c) send, ship, bring or carry or cause to be sent, shipped,
   brought, or carried to or into any such county or city, any
   intoxicating liquor; or,
   (d) deliver to any consignee or other person, or store,
   warehouse, or keep for delivery, any intoxicating liquor so
   sent, shipped, brought or carried."

   But these last two subsections are not to "apply to any
   intoxicating liquor sent, shipped, brought or carried to any
   person or persons for his or their personal or family use,
   except it be so sent, shipped, brought or carried to be paid
   for in such county or city to the person delivering the same,
   his clerk, servant, or agent, or his master or principal, if
   the person delivering it is himself a servant or agent."

   To bring Part II. of the Act into force in any county or city,
   not less than one-fourth of the total number of electors
   therein must petition the Governor in Council for a poll of
   votes on the question, and when the vote is taken there must
   be an affirmative majority; failing which no similar petition
   can be put to vote in the same community for three years.

   On the 2d of May, 1909, the following announcement of the
   operation of the law in the province of Ontario was made: "May
   Day, 1909, will long be remembered by the advocates of local
   option in Ontario. One hundred and forty-two bars passed out
   of existence yesterday, and of the 807 municipalities in the
   province 334 are now without a single license in force. The
   Toronto commissioners have cut off 40 licenses, leaving only
   110 in a city of nearly 400,000 people."

ALCOHOL:
   Casual occurrences of saloon suppression, showing what goes
   with it.

   Communities in which the liquor traffic is ordinarily favored
   are sometimes compelled by exigencies of circumstance to
   suppress it temporarily, and are forced then to see how much
   of crime and disorder goes with it. During the weeks in which
   military authority cleared saloons from San Francisco, after
   the calamity of 1906, every observer made note of the
   conspicuous freedom of the city "from all kinds of violence
   and crime," though the whole organization of life was upset.
   One trustworthy journal reported conditions six months after
   the calamity as follows: "During the two months and a half
   after April 18 San Francisco was probably the most orderly
   large city in the United States. Violence and crime were
   practically unknown. During that time the saloons and liquor
   stores of the city were closed tight. About the middle of July
   the saloons were permitted to open again. This action of the
   city government was accompanied by the expectation on the part
   of many citizens of an outbreak of violence and disorder.
   Clergymen, and it is said even the police, advised men and
   women to carry firearms for their own protection. For the past
   three months San Francisco has been living under a reign of m.
   In eighty days eighty-three murders, robberies, and assaults
   were registered on the police records. A despatch to
   Ridgway’s, the new weekly periodical, reports the sale in San
   Francisco during one week in October of over six thousand
   revolvers."

   When Stockholm, in the summer of 1909, was undergoing the
   trials of the great general strike, and by general consent of
   all concerned the sale of liquors was stopped, the same report
   went out, that magistrates and police had little to do. And
   that is the standing account of things from the Panama Canal
   Zone, about which an English visitor, Sir Harry Johnston,
   wrote in April, 1909:

   "The whole of the canal zone (ten miles on either side of the
   canal banks) is ‘teetotal,’ except in the actual towns of
   Panama and Colon. No alcohol is sold by the Canal Commission
   at its hotels or boarding-houses. And the general result of
   these stern measures—the improvement in health and the absence
   of crime—amply justifies this anti-alcohol policy. … There is
   singularly little serious crime throughout the canal zone. One
   has the sensation of being perfectly safe anywhere at any time
   of day or night. Petty dishonesty among the lower classes is
   common, especially at the railway stations, where one is
   liable to lose small articles of baggage if they are left
   unguarded. Panama in this respect is worse than the other
   towns of the Isthmus, new or old. But there is no open shock
   to any one’s prejudices or sentiments in the way of flagrant
   immorality (as at New Orleans, for example)."

   So easily can communities solve half, at least, of their most
   troublesome problems, and cure half, at least, of their worst
   social maladies, if they will!

ALCOHOL: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 .
   Passage of an amended licensing law.
   A moderate reform.

   A Licensing Bill, moderately in the interest of temperance
   reform, was discussed and passed in Parliament during the
   summer of 1902. It made publicans more strictly responsible
   for drunkenness incurred on their premises; strengthened the
   prohibition of liquor-selling to habitual drunkards; improved
   measures for the suppression of public drunkenness; subjected
   licenses to tradesmen for the sale of liquors off their
   premises to the unqualified discretion of justices, and
   facilitated the separation of husbands and wives from a
   drunken mate.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1904.
   Passing of a new Licensing Bill, providing compensation for
   the withdrawal of licenses on grounds of public policy.

   An agitation in Great Britain which almost equalled for a time
   that produced in the same period by Mr. Chamberlain’s campaign
   for a preferential tariff was stirred up by a new Licensing
   Bill, introduced as a Government measure on the 20th of April,
   1904. The bill provided for compensation to be made, at the
   expense of the liquor trade, for the taking of a license away
   from any public house, on grounds of public policy, no matter
   how briefly the license had been held. A fund for the
   compensations was to be raised by assessment on all engaged in
   the trade. Authority to refuse the renewal or transfer of
   licenses on any ground other than ill conduct or character was
   withdrawn from local magistrates and exercised by the courts
   of quarter sessions (composed of the justices of the peace in
   each county) only. When a public house was thought to be
   superfluous by local magistrates they were required to report
   the case to quarter sessions, where a hearing upon it would be
   given.
{12}
   If the Bench of quarter sessions decided to extinguish the
   license, it must specify the grounds of its decision in
   writing, and award a compensation, based on the estimated
   difference between the value of the licensed premises and the
   value of the same premises without a license. If no agreement
   on this basis could be reached, the Inland Revenue
   Commissioners should determine the sum.

   The Bill was advocated in the interest of temperance, as being
   calculated to reduce the number of public houses, and to raise
   their character. Mr. Balfour upheld it as "a great temperance
   measure." It should be the aim of Government, he argued, to
   "encourage respectable persons to keep public houses, and with
   that object they should make the trade secure." On the other
   side it was opposed with exceeding bitterness as a measure
   that had the backing and was in the interest of the brewers
   and the whole liquor trade; that created vested interests in
   the trade, rooting it to a new depth; that tended to add value
   to the low class of public houses, and obstructed future
   temperance reform. Repeated attempts to introduce a limit of
   years after which the awarding of compensation for the
   withdrawal of license would cease were defeated, and the Bill
   passed both Houses in August, substantially as it came into
   Parliament four months before.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1907.
   Drink in its relation to crime.
   Testimony of judges.

   "The following is from a newspaper report of a speech by Judge
   Rentoul, delivered in the Guildhall, Cambridge, on the 15th of
   October, 1907. He happened to be one of the judges of the
   chief criminal courts of this country, and he said to them on
   that platform that 90 per cent. of the cases that came to the
   Central Criminal Court of England came directly through drink.
   The late Lord Brampton, formerly Sir Henry Hawkins, perhaps
   the greatest criminal judge during the past century, had also
   put the figures at 90 per cent. Lord Coleridge, speaking at
   one Assizes, said, ‘Every single case in my present list comes
   from the use of strong drink.’ ‘If it were not,’ said his
   Honour, ‘for alcohol, three fourths of our criminal courts
   would be closed in this country and closed forever.’"

      H. A. Giles,
      Opium and Alcohol in China
      (Nineteenth Century, December, 1907).

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
   Passage of a new Licensing Bill by the Commons and its
   rejection by the Lords.

   Nothing contributed more to the defeat of the Conservative
   Ministry in the British Parliamentary elections of 1905 than
   the moral repugnance of the country to the Licensing Bill of
   1904 (described above); and the Liberal Government came to
   power with no commission from the people more positive than
   was in the demand for an amendment of that law. In 1908 it
   brought into Parliament and passed through the House of
   Commons a Bill which answered the demand, asserting the right
   and the need and the power in Government to put limitations on
   the granting of licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors,
   without treating them as vested interests under a sacred
   guard. The limitation, in fact, was made definite and
   mandatory by the first provision of the Bill, which declared;
   "Licensing justices shall, in accordance with this Act, reduce
   the number of on-licenses in their district so that at the end
   of a period of fourteen years from the fifth day of April
   nineteen hundred and nine the number of those licenses in any
   rural parish or urban area in their district shall not exceed
   the scale set out in the First Schedule to this Act as applied
   to that parish or area under the provisions of that schedule."
   The schedule referred to was as follows:

   Persons per acre.

   2 or less
   Exceeding   2 but not exceeding 25
   Exceeding  25 but not exceeding 50
   Exceeding  50 but not exceeding 75
   Exceeding  75 but not exceeding 100
   Exceeding 100 but not exceeding  200
   Exceeding 200

Number of on-licenses.

   1 to 400 persons or part of 400
   1 to 500 persons or part of 500
   1 to 600 persons or part of 600
   1 to 700 persons or part of 700
   1 to 800 persons or part of 800
   1 to 900 persons or part of 900
   1 to 1,000 persons or part of 1,000

   The Bill provided further for local option in the matter of
   granting new licenses, permitting a majority of voters in any
   licensing district to prohibit further grants; and introduced
   other changes of law in the interest of temperance, but not
   going to any extreme. When the measure went to the House of
   Lords it suffered there the same fate that had been meted out
   to the Education Bill of 1906. How serious an issue between
   the Commons and the Lords was raised by that occurrence is
   intimated in one passage of a speech made by the Liberal Prime
   Minister, Mr. Asquith, in July, 1909. He was reviewing some of
   the significant incidents of recent political history, and
   when he came to the Licensing Bill there was more feeling in
   his remarks than he had shown before. "That," he said, "was a
   Bill, as you know, which was debated for weeks and for months
   and passed through the House of Commons with sustained and
   unexampled majorities. When it reached ‘another place,’ what
   was its fate? It was rejected without even any pretence of
   consideration of its details, it was rejected in pursuance of
   a preconcerted party resolution, it was rejected with every
   circumstance of contumely and contempt. I will not pause to
   dwell upon, certainly not to praise, the provisions of the
   Licensing Bill, which, I may say, was to some extent my own
   handiwork. But in regard to its rejection I will say that it
   has made two things—that rejection and the circumstances
   preceding, following, and attending it have made two
   things—abundantly plain. The first is that it has ruined the
   prospects of any really effective temperance reform on
   anything like a large and comprehensive scale during the
   lifetime of the present Parliament. I will say next the
   circumstances of that rejection have brought into greater
   prominence than ever before the fact that our constitutional
   system is not, or at least that it can be made not to be, the
   embodiment, but the caricature of a representative and
   responsible Government. And the question of the relations
   between the two Houses of Parliament must be for us Liberals,
   at any rate, as I described it at the time, the dominant issue
   in our programme."

{13}

   The requirement of the Act of 1904 that compensation should be
   paid to every license-holder whose license was withdrawn for
   public reasons, put so narrow a limit on the reductions made,
   that the 138,011 licensed houses in England and Wales in 1904
   had only been diminished by about 3000 in 1908; whereas the
   country demanded a great cutting down of the excessive number.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
   Provisions of The Children Act for the Protection of Children.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS, &C.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
   Taxation of the Liquor Trade proposed in the Budget.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
   The Decreased Consumption of Whiskey caused by increased tax.

   Speaking in Parliament of the increased whiskey tax in his
   Budget, on the 29th of October, some months after it had gone
   into effect and its yield was being shown, the Chancellor of
   the Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd-George, acknowledged that he had
   greatly overestimated the revenue it would produce. He said:
   "The whole point was to what extent would an addition of a
   halfpenny a glass deter a man from taking his usual share of
   drink. I could no more estimate that than any other member of
   the House. I made a very liberal allowance for decrease in
   consumption, so liberal that nobody either in or out of the
   House agreed with it. Many said it was absurd. … I assumed
   that people who could afford it would not regard the halfpenny
   at all; that they would buy exactly the same quantity of
   whisky as before. The working classes I assumed would probably
   purchase a smaller quantity. Supposing a man says, I spend 2s.
   6d. on drink; he would not spend more; therefore he would
   consume less.

   "I made a rough calculation upon such information as I had how
   that would affect the consumption of whisky as a whole, but I
   find the change has gone beyond that, and my information now
   is not merely that there are thousands of people who drink a
   percentage which is, in proportion to the increase, less, but
   some of them drop it altogether. Some of them are barely
   drinking half what they were before. Altogether a most
   extraordinary effect has been produced upon the habits of the
   people. I am not here to apologize for that at all. In some
   districts, I am told, the drinking of spirits has gone down by
   70 percent, in Ireland, I think. I hear that there are
   districts in Scotland where it has gone down 50 per cent. I
   have a communication in regard to the whisky distillers of
   Glasgow saying that the decrease in Glasgow during September
   has been 36 per cent.

   "People have not even been driven to the consumption of beer.
   It is really almost unaccountable. People have not been driven
   from one form of alcohol to another, but have been driven from
   alcohol altogether. The fact is very extraordinary, and has
   gone beyond anything I have anticipated. … Our anticipations
   now are that the consumption of spirits, both of foreign and
   home manufacture, will go down by something between 20 and 25
   per cent. That means that a smaller quantity of spirits will
   be consumed in this country during this year by eight or nine
   million gallons.’’

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
   Organization of "The True Temperance Association."
   Its aim and appeal.

   Under the name of "The True Temperance Association," a London
   organization headed by Lord Halsbury made the following appeal
   to the English public, in May, 1909: "Let us take what is to
   hand—the publichouse; the regulated refreshment house of the
   people. Let us transform that out of its present condition of
   a mere drink-shop into a house of general, reasonable, and
   reputable entertainment—a place where there will be other
   things to consume besides beer and whisky, and other forms of
   recreation besides mere drink. We should imitate the model of
   the Continental café and German bierhaus; the White
   City and other exhibitions have shown us that they would not
   be exotics in this country; and those exhibitions with their
   wonderful record of sobriety also show us that there is every
   ground to expect that England, with transformed publichouses,
   would be as sober, and withal as bright as are Continental
   countries."

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1900:
   England, United States, France, and Germany.
   Comparative statement of the consumption of alcoholic drink.

   "The consumption of alcoholic drink in the above countries,
   per ten of population, was in the year 1900 as follows:

   Drink-consumption per 10 of population.

   Country.      Beer, spirits,   Beer.    Spirits.    Wine.
                  and wine.
                  Gallons.      Gallons.   Gallons.  Gallons.
   France          336             62         20        254
   United Kingdom  332            317         11          4
   Germany         309            275         19         15
   United States   147            133         11          3

   "Some years agone, the late P. G. Hamerton in his book
   French and English mentioned the increase of drinking
   in France, and we see that French drink-consumption per head
   is now greater than British consumption. The French drink more
   spirits, more wine, and have a larger total consumption per
   head than any of these three other nations.

   "The most striking fact in the above statement is the low
   drink-consumption per head in the United States. The American
   total per head is less than one-half of the total consumption
   per head in any of the three other countries. The superior
   sobriety of the American workman as compared with the
   Englishman has often been noticed, and observation in social
   grades higher than that of the artizan tends to show that
   American superiority in this respect is a general superiority
   not confined to workmen only. The developed alertness and
   prompt energy of the American may, it is quite likely, be due
   in some part to this relative abstinence from alcoholic drink
   which is now illustrated.

   "Looking back over the fifteen years 1886-1900, for the
   purpose of observing the increase or the decrease in
   drink-consumption per head of population, the following
   results have been obtained;—

   Country.     Average yearly drink-consumption,
                per head of population, during

                 1886-1890.  1891-1895.  1890-1900.
                  Gallons.   Gallons.    Gallons.
   France           26.5      31.5       32.3
   United Kingdom.  29.4      31.1       33.1
   Germany          24.4      26.6       29.9
   United States    11.8      14.3       14.2

   The drink-consumption per   The drink-consumption per
   head during 1886-1890       head during 1896-1900 was
   being taken at 100
                 per cent.           per cent.
   France           100                 122
   United Kingdom.  100                 113
   Germany          100                 123
   United States    100                 120

{14}

   "In each country the drink-consumption per head of population
   has increased since 1886-1890, and, with the exception of the
   United States, there has been an increase during each
   five-yearly period observed,

   "Comparing the period 1896-1900 with the period 1886-1890, we
   see that the percentage of increase per head of population in
   drink-consumption was smaller in the United Kingdom than in
   any of the three other countries. Germany and France have had
   the largest relative increases per head of population.

   "In the United States, the increase of 20 per cent in the
   drink-consumption per head of population is due to an increase
   in beer-drinking—the consumption per head of wine and of
   spirits has declined."

      J. H. Schooling,
      Drink: in England, the United States, France, and Germany
      (Fortnightly Review, January, 1902).

ALCOHOL: France: A. D. 1907.
   Revolt of the Wine Growers of Southern France against wine
   adulteration.

      See (in this Volume )
      FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALCOHOL: Germany:
   Temperance requisite in railway employees.

   The dangers to the traveling public that are attendant on the
   use of alcoholic stimulants by railway employees were
   discussed very seriously not long since by a writer in the
   Deutsche Monatsschrift. "The constantly growing demands
   upon transit service for safety and speed," he observed, "call
   for an increasingly higher efficiency of the personnel, not
   only as regards prudence, judgment, decision, and
   clearsightedness, but a sense of duty, all which qualities
   are, it has been proved, vitiated by nothing so readily and to
   such a degree as by indulgence in alcoholic drinks. The chief
   danger, moreover, consists not so much in excessive drink
   resulting in drunkenness, which is easily recognized, as in
   the more moderate but habitual use of liquor, which is harder
   to control, and the after-effects of heavy drinking.
   Scientific investigation has established the fact that even a
   moderate use of alcoholic beverages impairs the acuteness of
   sight and hearing, including the power of distinguishing
   colors. Most of the violations of discipline and duty in the
   German transportation service are due to indulgence in drink,
   besides leading to misery and want in the home."

   The writer alludes to an association of German railway
   officials started by himself, whose object it is to enlighten
   the public regarding the worthlessness of alcoholic drinks as
   a tonic and how they may be dispensed with as a means of
   refreshment. This society, he states, has been most
   encouragingly successful in its efforts. He adds the important
   statement that the Prussian Government, owing to recent
   serious accidents, has issued an order prohibiting all railway
   employees from taking any beverage containing alcohol while on
   duty.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1902.
   Resolution of Socialist Congress.
   The subject in Prussian schools.

   The German Socialist Congress, sitting at Munich in September,
   1902, adopted a resolution which warned the working classes
   against the dangers from immoderate indulgence in alcoholic
   drinks, but declined to make total abstinence a condition of
   party membership. In the previous March the Prussian minister
   of education had given instructions to the school authorities
   mm of the kingdom which aimed at the enlightening of the
   people as to the deleterious effects, both physical and
   economical, of an excessive use of alcoholic liquors. The same
   subject had been agitated in the Prussian parliament, and
   there was discussion of measures of more strict regulation of
   public houses.

ALCOHOL:
   International Congress on Alcoholism.

   For twenty-four years an International Congress on Alcoholism
   has held biennial meetings in different European cities,
   beginning at Antwerp in 1885, steadily demonstrating a growth
   of opposition—especially of scientific opposition—even in
   Continental Europe, to the use of alcoholic liquors. The
   meeting of 1905 was at Budapest; that of 1907 at Stockholm;
   that of 1909 at London. The delegates to the latter numbered
   about 1300, coming from nearly every European country, and
   from the United States, Canada, and South Africa. Of the
   strong character of the discussions at the London meeting the
   New York Evening Post said after its adjournment:

   "Men and women from every country, representing varying
   conditions of society, offered evidence tending to show, by
   actual figures of loss, the bad effects of drinking. From the
   standpoint of education, science, medicine, society,
   economics, efficiency, and law, the speakers all reached the
   same conclusion, bringing strong testimony in support.
   Efficiency was the keynote of papers representing public
   service on the part of the post office, the railroad, the
   navy, and the army of Great Britain."

   An interesting figure at the Congress, it was said by an
   American newspaper correspondent, was Judge William J.
   Pollard, of St. Louis, who went as a representative of the
   United States Government, and who was known widely as the
   originator of the pledge instead of prison method of dealing
   with drunkards. When he spoke on that subject he was given a
   double allowance of time, on the motion of a delegate from
   France, and, although under the constitution of the congress
   no resolution could be put, a declaration in favor of the plan
   was signed by practically every delegate in the hall. The
   declaration reads as follows:

   "We, the undersigned members and delegates attending the
   International Congress on Alcoholism assembled in Loudon,
   July, 1909, desire to record our gratification at the
   recognition in statute law by Great Britain, Vermont, United
   States of America, and Victoria (Australia) of the principle
   of reforming drunkards by the probation on pledge method,
   commonly known as the Pollard plan. The possibilities of this
   wise and beneficent policy are so great that we desire to
   commend its adoption throughout the world."

   "Judge Pollard’s plan, established in the Saint Louis police
   court nine years ago, consists in giving the drunkards a
   chance of reform. Instead of sentencing them to prison or
   fining them, Judge Pollard requires persons charged before him
   with drunkenness to take the pledge. If they do so he suspends
   sentence on them, and if the pledge is kept for a certain
   period they hear no more about the matter. If it is broken the
   fine or sentence is enforced."

   One of the results of the Congress was the organization of a
   "World’s Prohibition Confederation," "to better amalgamate the
   forces in various countries working along their respective
   lines towards the one common aim of the total suppression of
   the liquor traffic."

{15}

   Two sessions were held and the Conference finally decided by
   unanimous vote upon the following outline of the purposes and
   methods of the new Confederation:

   "(1) Name—
   The name of this association shall be 'The International
   Prohibition Confederation (Confederation Prohibitioniste
   Internationale—Internationaler Verbaud fuer Alkoholverbot).'

   "(2) Object—
   (a) To amalgamate the forces in various countries working
   along their respective lines towards the one common aim of the
   total suppression of the liquor traffic,

   (b) To obtain notes of progress, information, and news from
   all parts of the world, and send such information to all
   organizations joining the Confederation and other applicants.

   "(3) Membership—
   The membership shall consist of representatives of temperance
   organizations in all countries approving of the objects and
   such officers as may be elected by the Confederation.

   "(4) Finances—
   The financial support shall be gained from such contributions
   as the various affiliated societies and individual associate
   members may subscribe."

ALCOHOL: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.
   Twelve years of Local Option.
   Increasing majorities against the liquor traffic.
   The vote of women.

   Under the operation of a local option law since 1896, New
   Zealand has been steadily narrowing the liquor traffic, with
   what seems to be a fair prospect of extinguishing it entirely.
   The law provides for the taking of a vote in each
   parliamentary electoral district once in three years on three
   propositions, as follows:

   "1. That the number of licensed houses existing in the
   district shall continue.

   "2. That the number shall be reduced.

   "3. That no licenses whatever shall be granted.

   "Electors may vote for one of these proposals or for two of
   them. The prohibitionists strike out the top line, and thus
   vote for a reduction of the number of licenses, and also for
   total prohibition in their district. Those who oppose
   prohibition usually strike out the second and third lines, so
   as to vote for the continuance of existing licensed houses;
   while there are others, again, who strike out the first and
   third issues, with a view simply to a reduction in the number
   of licensed houses. An absolute majority of the votes carries
   reduction; but it requires a three-fifths majority to carry
   'no-license.' If reduction is carried the licensing committee
   must then reduce the publicans’ licenses in the district by
   not less than 5 per cent. or more than 25 per cent, of the
   total number existing."

   The local option vote has now been taken five times, with a
   slow but steady increase of majorities given against the
   liquor traffic, either to restrict or to end it,—as the
   following table shows:


         Continuance. Reduction. No-license. Valid votes.
   1896    139,500     94,500      98,300      259,800
   1899    142,400    107,700     118,500      281,800
   1902    148,400    132,200     151,500      318,800
   1905    182,800    151,000     198,700      396,400
   1908    186,300    161,800     209,100      410,100

   The figures here entered of the vote in 1908 are not official,
   but are said to be close to accuracy.

   The New Zealand correspondent of the London Times, from whose
   report the above is taken, adds these particulars: "The result
   of the local option poll taken in December, 1905, was to carry
   'no license' in three new districts and reduction in four
   districts. In 36 of the other districts a majority of the
   votes polled was for ‘no license,’ though the three-fifths
   majority necessary to carry the proposal was not obtained. The
   results of the recent poll were very striking. In six new
   districts ‘no-license ’ was carried, and in some others
   ‘no-license’ and ‘reduction’ were only lost by narrow margins.
   The rapid advance made by the ‘no license’ party is certainly
   remarkable.

   "While the proportion of votes cast for continuance is
   steadily declining, the proportion for ‘no-license’ is
   increasing at an accelerated rate. Already there is a bare
   majority of the total votes in favour of prohibition; while if
   we had national instead of local option the chances are that
   in a comparatively short period the necessary three-fifths
   majority to secure total prohibition in the country might be
   obtained. There are now indications that the ‘no-license’
   party will make a bold bid, not only for a bare majority vote
   on the no-license issue, but also for national option. In this
   event they will alienate the sympathies of the great majority
   of the moderates who now vote with them, so that the
   ‘no-license’ cause may receive, at least, a temporary check.

   "Three important suggestions have been made to save the
   trade—viz., reform from within, State control, and
   municipalization. Judging from past experience, the first idea
   seems hopeless. The trade has had its lessons, but has not
   taken sufficient heed. State control will scarcely be
   tolerated, since most people realize that the liquor trade in
   the hands of a Government might be a dangerous political
   engine, besides which there would always be the temptation
   ever present to a Government to use it for revenue purposes.
   Without very necessary reform from within, therefore, the only
   chance for the liquor trade would seem to lie in the direction
   of municipalization. Under municipal control, with the
   abolition of the open bar in favour of the cafe system, with
   better liquor, and with a thorough system of inspection and
   analysis, the liquor trade in New Zealand might obtain a new
   lease of life. Under the present system there is every
   indication that its doom is sealed."

   The importance of the vote of women, on this question
   especially, appears in the following statements: "In 1902,
   138,565 women, or 74.52 per cent. of those on the rolls,
   voted; in 1905, 175,046, or 82.23 per cent. of those on the
   rolls, voted. The proportion of females to males voting at
   successive general elections also shows a gradual increase
   from 69.57 per cent. in 1893 to 78.99 in 1905. Then there is
   the gradual increase in the proportion of females to males in
   the population of a young country to be considered. At the
   foundation of the colonies the males, naturally, largely
   outnumbered the females; but eventually the sexes will become
   more nearly equal in number. Thus, while in 1871 the
   proportion of females to males in the colony was only 70.52,
   in 1906 it was 88.65. Furthermore, women are taking a keener
   interest than ever in politics. They are beginning to
   appreciate the franchise and to exercise it intelligently in
   ever-increasing numbers."

{16}

   The warning and alarming effect of the local option vote of
   December, 1908, on the New Zealand liquor dealers was made
   apparent by their action taken soon after, as reported in the
   following Press despatch from Wellington, January 18, 1909:

   "As a result of the large 'moderate' vote cast at the recent
   poll on the question of total prohibition or reduction of
   facilities for obtaining drink, it was unanimously resolved
   to-day, at a meeting of the Auckland Brewers and Licensed
   Victuallers’ Association, representing all the wholesale and
   nearly every member of the retail trade, to abolish barmaids,
   to abolish private bars, and to raise the age-limit of youths
   who may be supplied with liquor from 18 to 20. No woman will
   be supplied with liquor for consumption on the premises unless
   she is boarding in the house.

   "In an interview, the Mayor of Auckland, who is himself a
   brewer, stated that since the trade has to ask the public
   every three years for the continuance of its existence, it is
   necessary for it to be conducted on lines approved by the
   public at large."

ALCOHOL: United States: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition in the
   five years.

   The following exhibit of the status of state and local
   prohibition in every State of the United States, on the 1st of
   November, 1909, compared with the same in 1904, is reproduced,
   with permission, from the latest leaflet published at the time
   of this writing (January 1, 1910) by the Associated
   Prohibition Press, located at 92 La Salle Street, Chicago:

   "The record at Prohibition National Headquarters, Chicago,
   shows that during the past four years the amount of
   Prohibition territory has been doubled and 20,000,000 people
   added to those living in Prohibition cities, counties and
   states, making an aggregate of over 40,000,000 now by their
   own choice in saloon-free districts.

   "The figures below show that nearly two-thirds of the
   territory and nearly one-half of the people are under
   Prohibition protection:

   "17,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1904.

   "25,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1909.

   "There are to-day 375 Prohibition cities in the United States,
   having a population of over 5,000 each, with a total
   population of more than three million and a half.

   "In 1904 there were scarcely 100 Prohibition cities of 5,000
   or over; there are now 90 Prohibition cities of 10,000 or
   over. There are fifty-five industrial centers in fourteen
   different states of 20,000 population and over, with an
   aggregate of 2,000,000 population, now under Prohibition law.

   "The Prohibition party is organized and at work in practically
   every state in the Union.

   "In 1904 the National Liquor League of the United States was
   organized at Cincinnati, January 7th and 8th, to put the 'lid'
   on the apparent beginnings of a Prohibition renaissance. Five
   years of the 'National Liquor League of the United States' has
   resulted in 20,000,000 people being added to the Prohibition
   population of the country; 250 new Prohibition cities; 6 new
   Prohibition states, hundreds of new Prohibition counties, and
   thousands of new Prohibition towns and villages in all the
   rest of the country.

   "One of the most striking contrasts between 1904 and 1909 is
   seen in the transformation which has been wrought in the
   attitude of the daily and secular press towards the
   Prohibition question. Since 1904 leading daily papers in all
   parts of the country have begun to exclude liquor advertising
   from their columns.

   "The daily press of America is to-day giving ten times more
   attention to and far more friendly treatment of the
   Prohibition issue than was the case in 1904.

   "On November 1st, 1909, the record of state and local
   Prohibition territory in the United States, at National
   Prohibition Headquarters, was as follows:


   The Situation by States.

State.        1904.           November 1, 1909.

Alabama    20 Prohibition     State Prohibition;
              counties.       enforcement legislation
           11 Dispensary.     enacted by Legislature,
           35 License.        August, 1909.
                              Data shows business prospers,
                              crime decreasing.
                              Popular vote on Constitutional
                              Prohibition November 29, 1909.

Arizona    No Prohibition     New county Prohibition law bare
           territory.         two-thirds requirement.
           Two-thirds         Four-fifths of Territory "dry"
           majority required. in 12 months is prediction.

Arkansas   44 Prohibition     57 Prohibition counties.
           counties.          State certain in next
           29 License.        Legislature.
            2 Partially
            license.

California 175 Prohibition    250 "dry" towns.
               towns.         Sentiment rapidly growing
                              for State Prohibition.


Colorado   Few Prohibition towns.   100 towns "dry."
           No local-option law.     Stricter law enforcement.
                                    Prohibition sentiment growing.

Connecticut  Half of State        Large increase in no-license
             local Prohibition.   vote. Legislature passed
                                  several important restrictive
                                  measures.


Delaware     Few small           Two-thirds of State Prohibition.
             Prohibition towns.

{17}

District of
Columbia      Apathy dominant.   New high license law.
                                 Sentiment for Prohibition
                                 organizing.
                                 Stricter enforcement.

Florida    30 Prohibition        35 counties "dry."
              counties.          Popular vote State
                                 Prohibition November, 1910.

Georgia      104 Prohibition     State Prohibition.
             counties out        Supporting sentiment grows.
             of 134.             Atlanta elects law-enforcement
             Large cities        Mayor. Crime largely decreasing.
             all license.

Idaho        No Prohibition      County law passed.
             territory.          Seven vote "dry."
             "Wide-open" State.  State Prohibition campaign on.

Illinois     8 Prohibition       36 "dry" counties.
             counties.           2500 "dry" towns.
             500 Prohibition     23 "dry" cities.
             towns.              No license fight on in Chicago.
             "Wide open" Sunday.

Indiana      140 Prohibition     70 Counties "dry."
             townships.          "Net Prohibition majority 67,025.
                                 Three-fourths of the
                                 State population under Prohibition.
                                 Sentiment for State Prohibition
                                 very active;
                                 1,780,839 or 65 per cent of
                                 State population in "dry"
                                 territory;
                                 32 "dry" cities (5,000 and over).

Iowa       25 License counties.    Campaign for State Prohibition
           Lax enforcement         developing great enthusiasm.
           of law.

Kansas     STATE PROHIBITION.      Legislature passed 1909
           Lax enforcement.        important additions to
           Law enforcement         State law.
           crusade at Kansas       The sale of alcohol in any
           City, Kan.,             form absolutely prohibited.
           a "fizzle."             Strict enforcement the rule.

Kentucky   47 Prohibition          96 Prohibition counties;
           counties.               1,541,613 or 66 per cent of
           Legislature defeated    total population in "dry"
           very moderate           territory.
           local option bill.      State Prohibition campaign
                                   launched in earnest.

Louisiana  20 Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment grows.
           parishes out of 54.     Local Prohibition proves
                                   notable success in
                                   33 "dry" parishes.

Maine      STATE PROHIBITION.      Move for resubmission
           Lax enforcement.        emphatically defeated
                                   by State Legislature.
                                   Sentiment for law enforcement
                                   growing steadily.

Maryland   15 Prohibition          Some locals gains.
           counties.               New high-license
                                   law for Baltimore.

Massachusetts. 250 Prohibition     Some local gains.
               towns and cities.   Twenty-five thousand
                                   State majority against license.
                                   Definite campaign for State
                                   Prohibition;
                                   261 towns "dry" out of 321;
                                   20 cities "dry" out of 33;
                                   26,297 State majority
                                   against license.

Michigan   2 Prohibition           Thirty Prohibition counties.
           counties.               Important new restrictive
           400 Prohibition towns.  legislation took effect
                                   September 1, 1909.
                                   State Prohibition campaign on.

Minnesota   400 Prohibition        1,611 "dry" towns.
            towns.                 State wide union
                                   of Prohibition forces.

Mississippi 65 Prohibition         Enforcement of State-wide
            counties.              law passed February, 1908.
            Legislature defeated   Governor Noel a vigorous
            State Prohibition      prohibitionist.
            amendment.

Missouri   3 Prohibition           77 'dry' counties.
            counties 1905.         State Prohibition
                                   campaign definitely under way.
                                   Vote November, 1910.

Montana    No Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment
           territory.              growing with notable increase
                                   of party vote in several
                                   districts.

Nebraska   200 Prohibition         26 Prohibition counties.
           towns.                  Many local gains.
                                   State capital Lincoln, 50,000,
                                   voted "dry."
                                   State Prohibition campaign on;
                                   48 "dry" county seats.

Nevada     No Prohibition          Sentiment against gambling
           territory.              and liquor selling growing.
                                   State Prohibition of gambling
                                   effective October 1, 1910.

New Hampshire. State Prohibition   183 "dry" towns.
               repealed 1903.

New Jersey     "Wide-open" State.   Whole year of 1909 filled
                                    with agitation.
                                    Law-defying Atlantic City
                                    ring provokes widespread
                                    public sentiment.
                                    County option expected.

{18}

New Mexico    Nothing.               Prohibition forces very
                                     active at legislative
                                     session. Strong sentiment for
                                     State Prohibition growing.


New York      285 Prohibition towns. Few changes. Concerted State
              Cities all license     wide campaign on in 300 local
              by State law.          Prohibition contests.

North Carolina. Local-option passed 1903.  Success of State
                Raleigh, capital, had      Prohibition shown by
                dispensary run by church   official statistics.
                deacons.                   In force January, 1908.

North Dakota    STATE PROHIBITION.         Same law. Sentiment
                Lax enforcement in         back of Prohibition
                some sections.             law overwhelming
                                           throughout State.
                                           Strong supplementary
                                           legislation passed 1909.

Ohio            First State               61 counties "dry."
                local-option law          Campaigns in largest
                passed.                   cities, and State
                                          Prohibition scheduled
                                          for near future.
                                          Net Prohibition majority
                                          in 70 county contests,
                                          66,132.

Oklahoma        Few Prohibition towns.    Enforcement of State
                                          Prohibition law
                                          steadily growing success.
                                          Governor Haskell heartily
                                          supporting it.
                                          Prohibition Party
                                          organized September 27,
                                          1909.

Oregon          No Prohibition            State Prohibition vote
                territory.                November, 1910.
                No local-option law.      21 counties "dry."

Pennsylvania    Prohibition sentiment     County option defeated
                apathetic.                1909 but sentiment
                                          rapidly growing.
                                          Confident of advanced
                                          legislation at next
                                          session.

Rhode Island    20 Prohibition towns.     Little change

South Carolina  State dispensary.         37 Prohibition counties
                (Abolished 1908.)         out of 42.
                                          Sweeping Prohibition
                                          victories August 17, 1909.
                                          State campaign definitely on.

South Dakota    Scattering Prohibition    Few local changes.
                towns.                    Sentiment for State
                                          Prohibition campaign
                                          developing.

Tennessee*      8 License cities.         State Prohibition passed
                Liquor men threatened     January, 1909.
                repeal of Adams           Effective July 1, 1909.
                local-option law.         Liquor manufacture
                                          prohibition.
                                          Law effective
                                          January 1, 1910.
                                          Remarkably beneficial
                                          effects of Prohibition
                                          immediately shown in
                                          Nashville and other
                                          cities.

   * A proposal to embody state-wide prohibition in a constitutional
   amendment was voted down heavily in Tennessee on the 29th of
   November, 1909.

Texas           140 Prohibition           154 Prohibition counties.
                counties.                 State Prohibition
                                          referendum narrowly
                                          defeated by Legislature,
                                          only increased agitation
                                          for that object.
                                          Vote expected within
                                          two years.

Utah            No Prohibition            County Prohibition and
                territory.                State referendum
                                          defeated in Legislature,
                                          expected at next session.

Vermont         Prohibition               216 towns "dry."
                repealed 1903.            Demand for resubmission
                138 Prohibition            of State Prohibition growing.
                towns out of            Prohibition majority
                240 in 1904.              of 8,819 in whole State.

Virginia        Local-option law          71 Prohibition counties.
                passed 1903.              Democratic primary being
                                          fought out on Prohibition
                                          issue.

Washington      Few Prohibition towns.    Compromise local
                                          Prohibition law,
                                          passed Legislature, 1909.
                                          Prohibition sentiment
                                          growing. Alaska-Yukon
                                          Exposition, Seattle,
                                          first big "dry" exposition.

West Virginia.  40 out of 54              Some local gains.
                counties "dry"            Charleston, state capital
                                          "dry" since July 1.
                                          Only three wholly "wet"
                                          counties.
                                          State campaign on.

Wisconsin       300 Prohibition towns     789 towns "dry."
                                          Prohibition sentiment
                                          growing rapidly;
                                          4,000 business men
                                          cheer argument for
                                          Prohibition in great
                                          debate at Milwaukee
                                          March, 1909.

Wyoming         No Prohibition            New law effective
                territory.                January, 1910, puts
                                          whole State under
                                          Prohibition outside
                                          of incorporated towns.

{19}

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Diminished consumption of whiskey and beer.

   According to the annual report of the Commissioner of Internal
   Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, there were
   about 5,000,000 less gallons of whiskey contributing to the
   Federal revenue than in the fiscal year preceding, and
   something like 2,500,000 fewer barrels of beer and ale. "This
   seems clearly to mirror the effect of the prohibition movement
   which has lately gained such headway in certain sections of
   the South and West. Ordinarily, the consumption of spirits and
   malt liquor is fairly steady in times of depression; and when
   an industrial revival is under way, their use increases and
   reflects itself in larger revenue returns. The absolute
   shrinkage in consumption in the past fiscal year, therefore,
   is doubly significant."

   ----------ALCOHOL: End--------

ALCORTA, Jose Figueroa:
   President of Argentine Republic.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

ALDERMAN, Edward Anderson:
   President of the University of Virginia.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ALDRICH, Nelson W.:
   Work on the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

ALEXANDER, King of Servia:
   His murder.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ALEXEIEFF, Admiral:
   Appointed Viceroy in Manchuria, 1903.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFARO, General Elroy:
   Made President of Ecuador by a revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      ECUADOR: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALFONSO XIII.:
   His Coronation.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFONSO XIII.:
   Marriage.
   Attempted assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      Spain: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE, and Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906, and
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ALGIERS: A. D. 1896-1906.
   Encroachments on the Moroccan boundary.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1895-1906.

ALIENS ACT, The English.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ALIENS, Rights of:
   Pan-American Convention.

      See (in this Volume)
      American Republics.

ALI RIZA PASHA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALL INDIA MOSLEM LEAGUE.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER), and 1907-1909.

ALLIANCES:
   Franco-Russian.
   Effect of Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

ALLIANCES:
   Great Britain with Japan.

      See Japan: A. D. 1902, and 1905 (August).

ALLIANCES:
   The Triple Alliance.

      See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

ALMENARA, Dr. Domingo.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

ALSOP CLAIM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1909.

ALVERSTONE, Sir Richard Everard Webster, Lord Chief Justice:
   On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ALVES, Rodriquez.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

AMADE, General d’:
   Operations in Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMADOR, Manuel:
   President of Panama.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA.

AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION, of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers:
   Its strike in 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      Labor Organization, &c.: United States: A. D. 1901.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
   In Taff Vale case.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
   In strike of 1907

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

AMARAL, Admiral Ferreira do.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

AMBAN, Chinese.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

"AMERICAN INVASION" OF CANADA, The.

      See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

   ----------AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Start--------

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
   The South and Central American nations:
   Their recent rapid advance in character, dignity, and importance.

   Among the astonishing. changes that have come upon the
   political face of the world within a few years past, producing
   new arrangements of rank or standing and new distributions of
   influence in the great family of nations, the emergence of the
   South American republics from generally chronic disorder and
   obscure unimportance to a position, almost suddenly
   recognized, of present weight and dignity and great promise to
   the future, is far from the least.

   In 1890, when Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, opened the
   first well-planned endeavor of our government to put itself
   into such relations with them, of friendly influence, as the
   elder and stronger in the family of American republics ought
   to hold, there was little appreciation of the importance of
   the movement. Even Mr. Blaine did not seem to be fully earnest
   and fully sanguine in it, or else his chief and his colleagues
   in the government were not heartily with him; for his
   admirable scheme of policy was almost wrecked in the second
   year of its working, by the unaccountable impatience and
   harshness with which President Harrison wrung humiliating
   apologies from Chili for a trifling offense in 1892. The
   seeming arrogance of power then manifested cast a reasonable
   suspicion on the motives with which the great republic of
   North America had made overtures of fraternity to the
   republics of the South, and it freshened an old distrust in
   their minds.

{20}

   Happily, however, Mr. Blaine, in 1890, had brought about the
   creation of a harmonizing and unifying agency which needed
   only time to effect great results. This was the Bureau of the
   American Republics, established at Washington, by a vote of
   the delegates from eighteen North, South, and Central American
   governments, at an International American Conference, held in
   that city in March of the year named. Its immediate purpose
   was the promotion of commercial intercourse; but the
   information spread with that object, through all the countries
   concerned, has carried with it every kind of pacific
   understanding and stimulation. The common action with common
   interests thus organized must have had more than anything else
   to do with the generating of a public spirit, lately, in the
   Spanish-American countries, very different from any ever
   manifested before. It has wakened national ambitions in them
   and sobered the factious temper which kept them in political
   disorder so long.

   Ten years ago, the Central and South American republics had so
   little standing among the nations that few of them were
   invited to the Peace Conference of 1900, and the invitation
   was accepted by none. Spanish America was represented by
   Mexico alone. At the conference of 1907 at The Hague there
   were delegates from all, and several among their delegates
   took a notably important part, giving a marked distinction to
   the peoples they represent. It was by a special effort on the
   part of our then Secretary of State that they were brought
   thus into the council of nations.

   Mr. Root has had wonderful success, indeed, in realizing the
   aim of the policy projected and initiated by Mr. Blaine. He
   has cleared away the distrust and won the confidence of our
   fellow Americans at the middle and south of the continent,
   bringing them to a friendly acceptance of the leading which
   goes naturally with the power and the experience of these
   United States. The resulting weight in world politics of what
   may be called the Concert of America, paralleling the Concert
   of Europe, is one of the greater products of the present
   extraordinary time.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
   Their Second International Conference, at the City of
   Mexico, in 1901-1902.
   Its proceedings, conventions, resolutions, etc.

   The First International Conference of American Republics was
   held at Washington in the winter and spring of 1889-1890,
   attended by delegates from eighteen Governments of the New
   World.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      American Republics.

   On the suggestion of President McKinley, ten years later, and
   on the invitation of President Diaz, of Mexico, a second
   Conference was convened at the City of Mexico, on the 23d of
   October, 1901. The sessions of this Conference were prolonged
   until the 31st of January, 1902. It was attended by delegates
   from every independent nation then existing in America, being
   twenty in number; but the delegation of Venezuela was
   withdrawn by the Government of that State on the 14th of
   January, and the withdrawal was made retroactive to and from
   the preceding 31st of December. The delegation from the United
   States was composed of ex-United States Senator Henry G.
   Davis; Mr. William I. Buchanan, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
   and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Mr.
   John Barrett, formerly Minister Resident of the United States
   to Siam; and Messrs. Charles M. Pepper and Volney W. Foster.

   The following account of the work of the Conference and its
   results is compiled from the report made by the delegates of
   the United States to the Department of State:

   "Señor Raigosa, chairman of the Mexican delegation, was chosen
   temporary president, and the Conference then preceded to its
   permanent organization by the election of his excellency Señor
   Lic. Don Ignacio Mariscal, minister of foreign affairs of
   Mexico, and Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State of the
   United States, honorary presidents; Senor Lic. Don Genaro
   Raigosa, of Mexico, president; Senhor Don José Hygino Duarte
   Pereira, of Brazil, first vice-president, and Señor Doctor Don
   Baltasar Estupinian, of Salvador, second vice-president. …
   Under the rules adopted 19 committees were appointed and the
   work of the conference was apportioned among them. …

   "Discussion between the representatives of the Republics that
   would constitute the conference began months previous to its
   opening upon the subject of arbitration, and while every
   desire was manifested then and thereafter by all to see a
   conclusion reached by the conference in which all might join,
   unsettled questions existed between some of the Republics that
   would participate in the conference of a character that made
   their avoidance difficult in any general discussion of the
   subject. … This difficulty became more apparent as the
   conference proceeded with its work. … It was tacitly agreed
   between delegations, therefore, that the discussion of the
   subject should be confined, so far as possible, to a
   committee. … There was at no time any difficulty with regard
   to securing a unanimous report favoring a treaty covering
   merely arbitration as a principle; all delegations were in
   favor of that. The point of discussion was as to the extent to
   which the principle should be applied. Concerning this, three
   views were supported in the conference:
   (a) Obligatory arbitration, covering all questions pending or
   future when they did not affect either independence or the
   national honor of a country;
   (b) Obligatory arbitration covering future questions only and
   defining what questions shall constitute those to be excepted
   from arbitration; and
   (c) Facultative or voluntary arbitration, as best expressed by
   The Hague convention. …

   "A plan was finally suggested providing that all delegations
   should sign the protocol for adhesion to the convention of The
   Hague, as originally suggested by the United States
   delegation, and that the advocates of obligatory arbitration
   sign, between themselves, a project of treaty obligating their
   respective governments to submit to the permanent court at The
   Hague all questions arising or in existence, between
   themselves, which did not affect their independence or their
   national honor. Both the protocol and treaty were then to be
   brought before the conference, incorporated in the minutes
   without debate or action, and sent to the minister of foreign
   relations of Mexico, to be officially certified and
   transmitted by that official to the several signatory
   governments. After prolonged negotiations this plan was
   adopted and carried out as outlined above, all of the
   delegations in the conference, excepting those of Chile and
   Ecuador, signing the protocol covering adherence to The Hague
   convention before its submission to the conference.
{21}
   These, after a protracted debate on a point of order involving
   the plan adopted, later accepted in open conference a solution
   which made them—as they greatly desired to be, in another
   form than that adopted—parties to the protocol. The project of
   treaty of compulsory arbitration was signed by the delegations
   of the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Santo Domingo, El
   Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and
   Venezuela. …

   "By the above plan the conference attained the highest
   possible end, and for the first time each of the American
   Republics, as a result of that action, takes her place by the
   side of the other countries of the world in favor of
   international arbitration; more than this, by the unanimous
   acceptance thus of The Hague convention on the part of the 19
   Republics represented in the conference, it is given that
   force and character which places it to-day as the formal
   expression of the governments of the entire civilized world in
   favor of peace. The delegates of the United States believe,
   hence, that substantial progress and a noteworthy and historic
   step in advance has been taken in the interests of peace, and
   that means have been provided by which wars will be rendered
   less frequent, if not wholly avoided, between the countries of
   the Western Hemisphere. The opening of the doors of the
   permanent tribunal of The Hague to all of the Republics of
   America, as this protocol has done, is of itself an
   achievement of the greatest importance. As a result of this
   action the American Republics now have at their command the
   machinery of that great international body for the pacific
   settlement of any dispute they may desire to refer to
   arbitration. Beyond this the obligations imposed by their
   adhesion to the convention to have recourse, as far as
   circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of any
   one or more friendly powers, and to permit these offers to be
   made without considering them unfriendly, is certainly a point
   of great value gained by all.

   "In addition to accepting The Hague convention the conference
   went further. It accepted the three Hague conventions as
   principles of public American international law, and
   authorized and requested the President of the Mexican
   Republic, as heretofore explained, to enter upon negotiations
   with the several American Governments looking toward the most
   unrestricted application of arbitration possible should the
   way for such a step appear open. In addition to the protocol
   and treaty referred to, another step was taken in the
   direction of the settlement of international controversies by
   the adoption and signing, on the part of every country
   represented in the conference, of a project of treaty covering
   the arbitration of pecuniary claims. Under this the several
   republics obligate themselves for a period of five years to
   submit to the arbitration of the court at The Hague all claims
   for pecuniary loss or damage which may be presented by their
   respective citizens and which cannot be amicably adjusted
   through diplomatic channels, when such claims are of
   sufficient importance to warrant the expense of arbitration.
   Should both parties prefer that a special jurisdiction be
   organized, according to article 21 of the convention of The
   Hague this may be done, and if the permanent court of The
   Hague shall not be open to one or more of the signatory
   republics for any cause, they obligate themselves to stipulate
   then in a special treaty the rules under which a tribunal
   shall be established for the adjustment of the matter in
   dispute and the form of procedure to be followed in such
   arbitration. As a supplement to the protocol and treaty above
   referred to, this project of treaty is of great importance and
   will most certainly be of wide benefit to the good relations
   and intercourse between the United States and her sister
   republics of this Hemisphere." …

   "Among the most important recommendations made by the First
   International American Conference, held in Washington in
   1889-1890, with a view to facilitating trade and communication
   between the American Republics, was that looking to the
   construction of an intercontinental railway, by which all of
   the republics on the American continent would be put into rail
   communication with each other. In pursuance of the
   recommendations of that conference, an international railway
   commission was organized, and under its direction surveys were
   made which showed that it would be entirely practicable, by
   using, as far as possible, existing railway systems and
   filling in the gaps between them. … The report of the
   intercontinental railway commission showed that the distance
   between New York and Buenos Ayres by way of the proposed line
   would be 10,471 miles, of which a little less than one-half
   had then been constructed, leaving about 5,456 miles to be
   built. Following up the work of the first conference and the
   intercontinental railway commission, the present conference
   adopted a strong report and a series of carefully considered
   recommendations on this subject. …

   "The resolution … providing for the meeting of an
   international American customs congress in the city of New
   York within a year, to consider customs administrative
   matters, is one of the subjects on which early action should
   be taken by our Government if the success of the congress is
   to be assured. The governing board of the International Bureau
   of the American Republics is to fix the date for the meeting
   of this congress. … This congress will have nothing whatever
   to do with the subject of tariff rates in any of the countries
   represented. Its functions … briefly stated, are to consider
   means for bringing about, as far as may be practicable, the
   adoption by the several republics of uniform and simple
   methods of custom-house procedure and a uniform and simple
   system of port regulations and charges; measures to secure the
   adoption and use in customs schedules and laws of a common
   nomenclature of the products and merchandise of the American
   republics, to be issued in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and
   French, and that it may become the basis for the statistical
   data of exports and imports; to provide for the organization
   of a permanent customs committee or commission, composed of
   persons having technical and expert knowledge, which, as a
   dependency of the International Bureau of the American
   Republics, or otherwise, shall be charged with the execution
   of the resolutions and decisions of the congress and the study
   of the customs laws of the American republics, in order to
   suggest to the several governments the adoption of laws and
   measures which, with regard to custom house formalities, may
   tend to simplify and facilitate mercantile traffic. …

{22}

   "Another resolution which contemplates that early action must
   be taken by the several Governments is that regarding
   quarantine and sanitary matters. In dealing with this subject
   the object of the conference was to make sanitation take the
   place of quarantine. When the ideal had in view by the
   conference shall have been realized, the cities of the Western
   Hemisphere will have been put in such perfect sanitary
   condition that the propagation of disease germs in them will
   be impossible and quarantine restrictions upon travel and
   commerce, with their vexations and burdensome delays and
   expenses, will be unnecessary.

   "The conference fully recognized the value and importance to
   all the Republics of the International Bureau of the American
   Republics, which was established in Washington in pursuance of
   the action of the First International American Conference. …
   With a view to rendering the Bureau still more useful to all
   the countries represented in its administration, and making it
   still more valuable in establishing and maintaining closer
   relations between them, the conference adopted a plan of
   reorganization, or rather of broadening and expanding the
   existing organization. … The new regulations adopted provide
   that the Bureau shall be under the management of a governing
   board to be composed of the Secretary of State of the United
   States, who is to be its chairman, and the diplomatic
   representatives in Washington of all the other governments
   represented in the Bureau. This governing board is to meet
   regularly once a month, excepting in June, July, and August of
   each year. …

   "In order that the archæological and ethnological remains
   existing in the territory of the several Republics of the
   Western Hemisphere might be systematically studied and
   preserved, the conference adopted a resolution providing for
   the meeting of an American international archæological
   commission in the city of Washington, D. C., within two years
   from the date of the adoption of the resolution. …

   "The conference gave its most hearty indorsement to the
   project for the construction of an interoceanic canal by the
   Government of the United States." …

   "The recommendation of the conference that there be
   established in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans,
   Buenos Ayres, or any other important mercantile center, a bank
   with branches in the principal cities in the American
   republics, is in line with the similar resolution adopted by
   the First International American Conference in Washington in
   1889-1890."

   "In addition to the protocol for the adhesion of the American
   Republics to the Convention of The Hague, the treaty of
   compulsory arbitration signed by nine delegations, and the
   treaty for the arbitration of pecuniary claims, the Conference
   agreed to and signed a treaty for the extradition of
   criminals, … including a clause making anarchy an extraditable
   offense when it shall have been defined by the legislation of
   the respective countries; a convention on the practice of the
   learned professions, providing for the reciprocal recognition
   of the professional diplomas and titles granted in the several
   Republics; a convention for the formation of codes of public
   and private international law; … a convention on literary and
   artistic copyrights; … a convention for the exchange of
   official, scientific, literary, and industrial publications; …
   a treaty on patents of invention, etc.; … and a convention on
   the rights of aliens." The treaty on patents and the
   convention on the rights of aliens could not be signed by the
   delegates of the United States, for reasons set forth in their
   report.

   "The delegates desire especially to express their most
   grateful appreciation of the courtesy extended by the Mexican
   Government in preparing for the comfort of delegates and in
   all the arrangements for the conference. Every convenience at
   the command of that Government was placed at the disposal of
   delegates to assist them in the discharge of their labors. …

   "It is the belief of the delegates of the United States that
   the results of the Second International American Conference
   will be of great and lasting benefit to the nations
   participating in its deliberations. … That the relations
   between the American Republics have been improved as a result
   of the conference cannot be doubted. The intimate daily
   association for nearly four months, of leading men from every
   American Republic of itself tended toward this result.
   Delegates learned that, while existing international relations
   made differences of opinion inevitable between the
   representatives of some of the countries, they all had many
   interests in common. As a result, toleration for the opinions
   of others was shown by delegates to a marked degree, and the
   sessions of the conference were remarkably free from
   acrimonious debates and reflections on the policies of
   delegations or their Governments."

      57th Congress, 1st Session 1901-1902,
      Senate Document 330.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
   Their Third International Conference,
   at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1906.
   Proceedings, conventions, resolutions.

   The Third International Conference of American Republics was
   held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 21st to August 26th,
   1906. It was attended by delegates from each of the 21
   American Republics, excepting only Hayti and Venezuela. The
   delegates from the United States of America were the Honorable
   William I. Buchanan, chairman, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
   and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Dr. L.
   S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science, University of
   Pennsylvania; Honorable A. J. Montague, ex-Governor of
   Virginia; Mr. Tulio Larrinaga, Resident Commissioner from
   Porto Rico in Washington; Mr. Paul S. Reinsch, Professor of
   Political Science, University of Wisconsin; Mr. Van Leer Polk,
   ex-Consul-General; with a staff of secretaries, etc., from
   several departments of the public service at Washington.

   The Conference was attended also by the Secretary of State of
   the United States, the Honorable Elihu Root, incidentally to
   an important tour through many parts of South America which he
   made in the months of that summer. In the course of his
   journey he visited, on invitation, not only Brazil, but
   Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia; and, as
   stated in the next annual Message of President Roosevelt, "he
   refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only
   because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made
   it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried
   with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong
   desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he
   was everywhere received in the spirit of his message."

{23}

   In the instructions to the delegates from the United States,
   prepared by Secretary Root, this wise admonition was
   conveyed:—

   "It is important that you should keep in mind and, as occasion
   serves, impress upon your colleagues, that such a conference
   is not an agency for compulsion or a tribunal for
   adjudication; it is not designed to compel States to make
   treaties or to observe treaties; it should not sit in judgment
   upon the conduct of any State, or undertake to redress alleged
   wrongs, or to settle controverted questions of right. A
   successful attempt to give such a character to the Conference
   would necessarily be fatal to the Conference itself, for few
   if any of the States represented in it would be willing to
   submit their sovereignty to the supervision which would be
   exercised by a body thus arrogating to itself supreme and
   indefinite powers. The true function of such a conference is
   to deal with matters of common interest which are not really
   subjects of controversy, but upon which comparison of views
   and friendly discussion may smooth away differences of detail,
   develop substantial agreement and lead to coöperation along
   common lines for the attainment of objects which all really
   desire. It follows from this view of the functions of the
   Conference that it is not expected to accomplish any striking
   or spectacular final results; but is to deal with many matters
   which, not being subjects of controversy, attract little
   public attention, yet which, taken together, are of great
   importance for the development of friendly intercourse among
   nations; and it is to make such progress as may now be
   possible toward the acceptance of ideals, the full realization
   of which may be postponed to a distant future. All progress
   toward the complete reign of justice and peace among nations
   is accomplished by long and patient effort and by many
   successive steps; and it is confidently hoped that this
   Conference will mark some substantial advancement by all the
   American States in this process of developing Christian
   civilization. Not the least of the benefits anticipated from
   the Conference will be the establishment of agreeable personal
   relations, the removal of misconceptions and prejudices, and
   the habit of temperate and kindly discussion among the
   representatives of so many Republics."

   The following account of the Conference and its action is
   derived from the subsequent official report of the Delegates
   of the United States:—

   "The sessions of the Conference were held in a spacious and
   ornate building, erected especially for this purpose by the
   Brazilian Government, and situated on the superb new boulevard
   that for nearly four miles follows the shore of the Bay of
   Rio, and at the end of the new Avenida Central. The building
   is a permanent one, reproduced in granite and marble from the
   plans of the palace erected by Brazil at the Louisiana
   Purchase Exposition, at St. Louis. It is surrounded by an
   exquisite garden, and, facing as it does the entrance to the
   wonderfully beautiful Bay of Rio, the building is a notable
   landmark. It was christened 'The Monroe Palace' by special
   action of the Brazilian Government. The Brazilian Government
   installed in the palace a complete telegraph, mail, and
   telephone service, and telegrams, cables, and mail of the
   different delegations and of individual delegates were
   transmitted free. Recognition is due in this connection to the
   governments of the Argentine Republic, Paraguay, Uruguay, and
   Chili, which officially extended, through the director of
   telegraphs of Brazil, the courtesy of free transit for all
   telegrams sent by delegates over the telegraph lines of their
   respective countries. This marked courtesy on the part of
   Brazil and of the Republics mentioned was greatly appreciated
   by the delegates. In connection with the work of the
   Conference, the Brazilian Government organized and maintained
   at its expense an extensive and competent corps of
   translators, stenographers, and clerical assistants, whose
   services were at all times at the command of the delegates. A
   buffet lunch, for the convenience and comfort of delegates and
   their guests, was maintained in the palace throughout the
   period of the Conference. The palace was elaborately lighted
   and was the center of attraction day and night for great
   crowds of people, and nothing in connection with its equipment
   and administration or that concerned the comfort or
   convenience of delegates was left undone by the Brazilian
   Government. The Monroe Palace now becomes a national meeting
   place for the people of Brazil. It will remain as an adornment
   of the splendid new Rio that has risen from the old city during
   the past two or three years, and as an evidence of the
   progress and energy of the Brazilian people.

   "The Conference was formally opened in the presence of a large
   and distinguished audience on the evening of July 23, 1906, by
   His Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, the distinguished
   Brazilian minister for foreign affairs. The approaches to the
   palace were lined with troops, the public grounds and avenues
   of the city brilliantly illuminated and packed with people. …
   The Conference unanimously chose as its president, His
   Excellency Señor Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the Brazilian Ambassador
   to the United States; as honorary vice-presidents, His
   Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, and the Honorable Elihu
   Root, Secretary of State of the United States, and as its
   Secretary-General, His Excellency, Señor Dr. J. F. de
   Assis-Brasil, the Brazilian envoy extraordinary and minister
   plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic. The latter selected
   as his assistants one of the most competent and distinguished
   groups of men that has served any of the preceding
   conferences. … These officers left nothing undone toward
   aiding and facilitating the work of delegates, and to them the
   United States delegation feels greatly indebted for the many
   courtesies and the great kindness extended on all occasions.

   "The conference was attended by delegates from each of the 21
   American Republics, with the exception of Haiti and
   Venezuela." …

{24}

   "The distinguishing note of the Conference was the
   extraordinary session convened to receive the Secretary of
   State of the United States, Honorable Elihu Root, who, as
   stated earlier in this report, had been named one of the two
   honorary presidents of the Conference. The reception accorded
   the Secretary of State by the Conference was one of the most
   notable political events that has taken place in our relations
   with Central and South America, and manifested the feeling of
   good fellowship and sympathy that exists between the American
   Republics. We believe the visit of the Secretary of State to
   South America has resulted in greater good to our relations
   with Central and South America than any one thing that has
   heretofore taken place in our diplomatic history with them.
   The extraordinary session of the Conference to receive the
   Secretary of State was held on the evening of July 31 and was
   one of great brilliancy. In introducing the Secretary of State
   to the Conference, His Excellency Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the
   Brazilian Ambassador to the United States and President of the
   Conference, delivered a notable address, to which the
   Secretary of State replied."

   It was, indeed, a notable utterance of pregnant and impressive
   thought which Mr. Root addressed to this important congress of
   the American Republics, and it well deserved the distinction
   that was accorded to it by the President of the United States,
   when he appended it to his Message to Congress the following
   December. A considerable part of the brief but richly filled
   address may fitly be quoted here:

   "I bring from my country," said the Secretary, "a special
   greeting to her elder sisters in the civilization of America.
   Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that
   we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the
   traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working
   out the same problem of popular self-government.

   "It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in
   one generation nor in one century can the effective control of
   a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to government,
   be rejected and effective self-control by the governed be
   perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are many
   of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many, its partial
   failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-government
   does not come to man by nature. It is an art to be learned,
   and it is also an expression of character to be developed
   among all the thousands of men who exercise popular
   sovereignty.

   "To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward, the
   governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that comes
   from universal education, wisdom that follows practical
   experience, personal independence and self-respect befitting
   men who acknowledge no superior, self-control to replace that
   external control which a democracy rejects, respect for law,
   obedience to the lawful expressions of the public will,
   consideration for the opinions and interests of others equally
   entitled to a voice in the state, loyalty to that abstract
   conception—one’s country—as inspiring as that loyalty to
   personal sovereigns which has so illumined the pages of
   history, subordination of personal interests to the public
   good, love of justice and mercy, of liberty and order. All
   these we must seek by slow and patient effort; and of how many
   shortcomings in his own land and among his own people each one
   of us is conscious!

   "Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America
   alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its
   old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its
   civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By
   this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads.
   Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of
   humanity depends. Nor can we fail to see that the world makes
   substantial progress towards more perfect popular
   self-government. …

   "It is not by national isolation that these results have been
   accomplished or that this progress can be continued. No nation
   can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation’s
   growth is a part of the development of the race. There may be
   leaders and there may be laggards, but no nation can long
   continue very far in advance of the general progress of
   mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to extinction can
   remain very far behind. It is with nations as with individual
   men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the
   influence of others' judgment, broadening of views by the
   experience and thought of equals, acceptance of the moral
   standards of a community the desire for whose good opinion
   lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct—these are the
   conditions of growth in civilization. …

   "To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the
   American republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired
   by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I
   understand to be the function of the American Conference now
   in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot
   benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive
   benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain
   by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. …

   "The association of so many eminent men from all the
   Republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the
   friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate
   and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the
   ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation
   of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American
   peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring
   upon international questions—this alone, quite irrespective of
   the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may
   sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of
   international good understanding.

   "These beneficent results the Government and the people of the
   United States of America greatly desire. We wish for no
   victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own;
   for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We
   deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and
   weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much
   respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the
   observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak
   against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor
   desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not
   freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase
   our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in
   wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to
   accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their
   ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a
   common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger
   together.

{25}

   "Within a few months, for the first time the recognized
   possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents
   can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged
   rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress
   at The Hague. This will be the world’s formal and final
   acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American
   continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us
   pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of
   the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies;
   so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our
   republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the
   stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show
   that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have
   fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace.
   Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective
   an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence
   international conduct and prevent international wrong, and
   narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands
   from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the
   frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the
   perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and
   prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts,
   and happiness for us all."

   The fruits of the Conference were embodied in four conventions
   and a number of important resolutions. The text of a
   convention agreed to, which establishes between the States
   signing it the status of naturalized citizens who again take
   up their residence in the country of their origin, will be
   found elsewhere in this Volume, under the subject-heading
   Naturalization. Another, which amends and extends the
   operation of a treaty signed at the Second Conference, at
   Mexico, in 1902 (see above) is as follows:—

   "Sole article.
   The treaty on pecuniary claims signed at Mexico January
   thirtieth, nineteen hundred and two, shall continue in force,
   with the exception of the third article, which is hereby
   abolished, until the thirty-first day of December, nineteen
   hundred and twelve, both for the nations which have already
   ratified it, and for those which may hereafter ratify it."

   The third Convention signed was a modification and extension
   of another of the agreements of the Second Conference, at
   Mexico, having relation to patents of invention, literary
   property, etc. The fourth Convention provides for an
   "international Commission of Jurists, composed of one
   representative from each of the signatory States, appointed by
   their respective Governments, which Commission shall meet for
   the purpose of preparing a draft of a code of Private
   International Law and one of Public International Law,
   regulating the relations between the nations of America." The
   more important of the resolutions adopted were the following:

   "To ratify adherence to the principle of arbitration; and, to
   the end that so high a purpose may be rendered practicable, to
   recommend to the Nations represented at this Conference that
   instructions be given to their Delegates to the Second
   Conference to be held at The Hague, to endeavor to secure by
   the said Assembly, of world-wide character, the celebration of
   a General Arbitration Convention, so effective and definite
   that, meriting the approval of the civilized world, it shall
   be accepted and put in force by every nation."

   "To recommend to the Governments represented therein that they
   consider the point of inviting the Second Peace Conference, at
   The Hague, to examine the question of the compulsory
   collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to
   diminish between Nations conflicts having an exclusively
   pecuniary origin."

   Other resolutions of the Conference were directed to a
   broadening of the work and an enlargement of the influence of
   the International Bureau of the American Republics; to the
   erection of a building for that Bureau and for the
   contemplated Library in Memory of Columbus; to the creation in
   the Bureau of a section having "as its chief object a special
   study of the customs legislation, consular regulations and
   commercial statistics of the Republics of America," with a
   view to bringing them into more harmony, and to securing the
   greatest development and amplification of commercial relations
   between American Republics; to promote the establishment and
   maintenance of navigation lines connecting the principal ports
   of the American continent; to bring about more effective
   cooperation in international sanitary measures; to advance the
   construction of lines that shall form, connectedly, the
   desired Pan-American Railway, extending through the two
   continents.

   The time and place of future conferences are to be determined
   by the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: The International Bureau:
   Its increased efficiency.
   The gift of a building to it by Mr. Carnegie.

   The International Bureau of the American Republics, instituted
   at Washington in 1890 (see in Volume VI. of this work),
   assumed larger functions and increased importance in 1906,
   after the return of Mr. Root, United States Secretary of
   State, from his tour of visits to the South American States.
   The Honorable John Barrett, who had successively represented
   the Government of the United States in Panama, in Argentina
   and in Colombia, as well as at the Second Pan-American
   Conference, in Mexico, was made Director of the Bureau, and
   entered upon its duties with an exalted belief in the
   possibilities of good to be done in the American hemisphere by
   an energetic promotion of more intimate relations between its
   peoples. At the same time a new dignity was given to the
   International Union of the American Republics, embodied in the
   work of the Bureau, by the provision of a stately building for
   its use. Mr. Root had persuaded Congress to appropriate
   $200,000 for the site and building of such a home, to be
   offered to the Union, and this inadequate sum was supplemented
   by a generous private gift. It was easy to interest Mr. Andrew
   Carnegie in a project which bore so directly on the promotion
   of international friendliness and peace, and he offered an
   addition of $750,000 to the fund for the Pan-American
   Building.

   The site secured for the structure is that of the old Van Ness
   mansion, about half-way between the State, War and Navy
   Building and the Potomac River. It covers a tract of five
   acres, facing public parks on two sides. There the corner
   stone of a central seat of Pan-American coöperations and
   influences was laid in May, 1908, in the presence of official
   representatives from twenty-one American republics, and under
   their assembled flags.

{26}

AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

AMERICAN SUGAR REFINING COMPANY (the "Sugar Trust").

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMSTERDAM: A. D. 1907.
   Meeting of International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      Elective Franchise: Woman Suffrage.

AMUNDSEN, Roald: Arctic Exploration.
   Magnetic Pole Researches.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANAM: Deposition of the King.

   Toward the end of 1906, France asserted sovereignty over Anam,
   which had been a French Protectorate for many years, by
   adjudging its king to be insane, placing him in confinement,
   and thus ending his reign. He was accused of almost incredible
   atrocities, in torturing and murdering his wives and other
   subjects within his reach. Even cannibalism was included among
   his alleged crimes.

ANARCHISM IN INDIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1907-1909.

ANATOLIAN RAILWAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

ANDERSON, Judge A. B.:
   Acquittal of the Standard Oil Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ANDRASSY, Count.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

ANGELL, James Burrill:
   Retirement from Presidency of University of Michigan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ANGLE HILL, Capture of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

ANJUMAN,
ENJUMEN.

   A term which seems to signify in Persia either a local
   assembly or a political association of any nature.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ANNUITIES, for Workingmen.

      See POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

      See POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANTHRACITE COAL:
   The Railroad Monopoly.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKES.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

ANTI-REBATE LEGISLATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,
      and 1903 (FEBRUARY).

ANTI-SEMITIC DEMONSTRATIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      JEWS.

ANTI-TRUST, or Sherman Act, of 1890 .

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

ANTI-TRUST DECISIONS, in United States Courts.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.

ANTUNG: Opened to Foreign Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

ANTUNG-MUKDEN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909

APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTION OF THE CURIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

APPALACHIAN MOUNTAIN FORESTS, Preservation of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

APPONYI, Count Albert.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906; 1908-1909.

ARABIA: A. D. 1903-1905.
   "Holy War" with the Sultan opened by the Sheik Hamid
   Eddin, of the Hadramaut, claiming the Caliphate.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

ARBITRATION, INDUSTRIAL.

      See LABOR ORGANIZATION.

ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL:
   General Treaties, since the First Peace Conference, of 1899.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.

ARBITRATION, SPECIAL:
   Of the Pious Fund Dispute between Mexico and the
   United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

ARBITRATION, OF CLAIMS AGAINST VENEZUELA.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Alaska Boundary, between the United
States and Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ARBITRATION, Of Brazil and British Guiana:
   Boundary Dispute.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Great Britain and Russia:
   The Dogger Bank Incident.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ARBITRATION, Of Fisheries Questions between the United
States and Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ARBITRATION, Central American Court of Justice.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

ARBITRATION, Of Casablanca Incident, between Germany and France,
at The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1902.
   Noble ending of naval rivalries with Chile.
   A model arbitration treaty.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1903.
   The Foreign Population.

   "Statistics of 1903 showed 1,000,000 foreigners in Argentina
   in a total of 5,000,000. Of these 500,000 were Italians,
   200,000 Spaniards, 100,000 French, 25,000 English, 18,000
   Germans, 15,000 Swiss, 13,000 Austrians, and the remainder of
   many nationalities. The number of Americans did not exceed
   1,500, although many are coming now, to go into cattle-raising
   and farming in the country or into all kinds of business in
   Buenos Ayres. English influence is very strong, especially in
   financial circles, with the Germans almost equally active."

      John Barret,
      Argentina
      (American Review of Reviews, July, 1905).

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1904.
   Inauguration of President Quintana.

   Dr. Manuel Quintana, elected President of the Republic, was
   inaugurated on the 12th of October, 1904, and entered on an
   administration which promised much good to the country.

{27}

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1905.
   A revolutionary movement promptly suppressed.

   A revolutionary undertaking, in Buenos Aires and several
   provinces, had its outbreak on the 4th of February, but was
   suppressed so promptly that the public disturbance by it was
   very brief. Particulars of the affair were reported by the
   American Minister at Buenos Aires, Mr. Beaupré, as follows:

   "On the afternoon of the 3d instant rumors of an intended
   movement subversive of the established government of this
   country came to the Federal authorities from various parts of
   the Republic. These rumors were at first discredited, but
   finally proved so persistent that the President and heads of
   the various departments of the government proceeded to take
   measures of precaution. In the early hours of the morning of
   the next day, the 4th instant, the anticipated outbreak came
   simultaneously in the capital, Rosario, Mendoza, Cordoba, and
   Bahia Blanca, these being the largest cities of the Republic
   and the principal political and military centers.

   "In the capital the plan of the revolutionists seems to have
   been to attack the police stations and military arsenal, with
   a view perhaps of forcing the police of the capital into their
   ranks and of supplying themselves with arms and munitions. At
   the arsenal, by a simple stratagem of the minister of war, the
   malcontents were lured into the building and arrested. About
   the police stations there was some fighting, particularly at
   Station No. 14; but the insurgents proved unprepared and
   insufficiently organized, so that by dawn the movement had
   completely failed in this city. Except that many of the shops
   remained closed throughout the day of the 4th, and except for
   the presence of armed police in the streets, there were no
   evidences of any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen
   fatalities are reported.

   "The prompt and effective suppression of the revolution in
   this city is due in large measure to the energy and judgment
   displayed by the President and his ministers, who spent the
   entire night in the Government House in council. Following up
   the precautionary measures of the 3d instant and the active
   measures of the night of the 3d and 4th, the President
   proceeded at 8 A. M. of the 4th to declare the Republic in a
   state of siege for a period of thirty days, to call out the
   reserves and to establish a censorship of the press and of the
   telegraph service.

   "The movement in Rosario was about as brief and unsuccessful
   as that in the capital, so that by the forenoon of the 4th it
   was known to have failed in the two principal cities of the
   Republic. Here there was also some blood shed.

   "In the meantime the real center of the movement was the city
   of Cordoba, while serious trouble seemed in view in the city
   of Mendoza, where the revolutionists were said to be in a
   strong position, and in the province of Buenos Aires, where
   troops and marines were already in movement from Bahia Blanca
   upon the capital."

   Forces despatched to those points made as quick an ending of
   the revolt there as at the capital. "The revolutionary forces
   at Cordoba had made prisoners of the vice-president of the
   Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other prominent citizens.
   These prominent men they are reported to have proposed putting
   in their vanguard unless concessions were made to them. This
   and the conditions of the revolutionists the vice-president
   telegraphed to the Executive, who did not allow himself to be
   moved by threats or even by sympathy for his colleague.
   Consequently the revolutionists, finding threats and
   resistance vain, fled yesterday before the government troops
   arrived. With the failure of the movement in Cordoba the
   revolution is considered at an end and the country has
   returned to its former condition of peace and tranquillity."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1906.
   Death of its President.

   Dr. Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President of the
   Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, and was succeeded by
   the Vice-President, Dr. Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the
   office until 1910.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1908.
   Dreadnought building.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Assassination of Colonel Falcon.

   As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at Buenos Ayres, was
   returning from a funeral, with his secretary, on the 14th of
   November, a bomb was thrown into the carriage and exploded,
   with fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of nineteen
   years, was captured. The murder had been preceded by a number
   of bomb explosions in the past six months, all attributed to
   anarchists from Europe, of whom large numbers were said to
   have been collected in Buenos Ayres.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Chief food supply to Great Britain.

   "How many readers of The Times (said a special
   correspondent of the London Times writing from Buenos
   Aires, October 15, 1909), if asked to name the country which
   supplied the United Kingdom last year with the largest
   quantity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and frozen
   cattle, would unhesitatingly award the first place to the
   Argentine Republic? How many English people realize that this
   South American Republic is changing places with the North
   American Republic in the exporting of these and other food
   products to the United Kingdom? The Argentine Republic last
   year occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, whilst
   the United States may have to be content with the second,
   place in the exportation of foodstuffs. The change is partly
   due to the shortage of meat in America, and partly to the fact
   that with their increasing population the United States will
   have less and less surplus provisions with which to supply the
   world. Last year, the Argentine Republic sent England three
   times more maize than the United States did, something like
   four and a half million cwt. more wheat, and considerably over
   twice the amount of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The
   shipments of meat are considerably heavier for the first nine
   months of 1909, so the proportion shipped by the Argentine
   Republic is not likely to be less for the present year."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Arbitration of the Acre boundary dispute between
   Bolivia and Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.
   Agreement with Uruguay concerning the River Plate.

   The following message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of
   January, 1910: "A burning question between Argentina and
   Uruguay, which for two years was seemingly insoluble and
   possibly involved Brazil, has been settled by Señor Roque
   Saenz-Peña.

{28}

   As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed a Protocol at
   Montevideo yesterday, of which the following is a summary:
   Recognizing the reciprocal desire for friendly relations,
   fortified by the common origin of the two nations, the parties
   agree to declare that past differences are not capable of
   being regarded as a cause of offence and shall not be allowed
   to continue. The navigation and use of the waters of the River
   Plate will continue as heretofore without alteration, and
   differences which may arise in the future will be removed and
   settled in the same spirit of cordiality."

ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

ARICA QUESTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. I). 1907.

ARID LANDS, Reclamation of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ARIZONA:
   Refusal of statehood in union with New Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Incursions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia and Persia.
   Exaggerated accounts of massacre.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1905.
   Massacre by Tartars in the Caucasus.

   See (in this Volume)
   RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1909.
   Massacre at Adana and vicinity.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY) and (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ARMAMENTS.
   Armies.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATION FOR.

ARMOUR & CO.,et al.,
   The case of the United States against.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY:
   Decision against in rebating case.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.:
   Reports on affairs in the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

ARNOLDSEN, K. P.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

ARYA SAMAJ, The:

   This is "an organization founded in Bombay more than 30 years
   ago by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in Kathiawar. So
   far as I am aware, it has few followers in Bombay nowadays:
   but in the last few years it has waxed very strong in the
   Punjab. Originally it was a purely religious movement, based
   upon the teaching of the Vedas. It promotes the abolition of
   caste and idolatry, condemns early marriages, and permits the
   remarriage of widows. At the same time it is violently hostile
   to Christianity. There can be no question that large numbers
   of members of the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its
   spiritual side; but there can be equally no question that the
   organization, as a whole, has developed marked political
   tendencies subversive of British rule. …

   "In the United Provinces it is believed that there are now
   about 40,000 members of the Arya Samaj. I have entirely failed
   to secure any trustworthy estimate of the number of its
   members in this province [the Punjab], but there are
   flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large town and in
   many of the important villages, and proselytism is being
   actively pursued with marked success. The members of the Samaj
   strenuously deny that their organization has a political side.
   The literature of the sect, and particularly the writings of
   their founder, the ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came
   from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest in mundane
   politics. Dayanand was an enthusiast who denounced the
   idolatrous tendencies of modern Hinduism, and advocated a
   return to the earlier, purer faith. … Dayanand’s clarion call
   of "Back to the Vedas" produced a complete revulsion of
   feeling, and he made the Punjab a stronghold of the new creed.
   For that reason, the Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest
   opponent of Christianity in India; and Punjabi Mahomedans
   declare that it is also their most formidable foe."

      India correspondence of The Times.

ASHOKAN RESERVOIR.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASIATIC IMMIGRATION:
   The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia,
   America, and elsewhere.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   On the German attitude toward an international reduction of
   naval armaments.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
   on Preferential Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   Prime Minister.

      See
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

      See (in this Volume)
      Alcohol Problem: England: A. D. 1908.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   On the Budget of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ASIA:
   The Asiatic future of Russia as it appeared at the beginning
   of the twentieth century.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA.

ASSAM:
   United with Eastern Bengal.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of King Alexander, Queen Draga, and others of the Servian
   Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Count Alexei Ignatief.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Ashutosh Biswas.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of the Atabeg-i-Azam.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of General Beckman.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of Instruction.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz Felipe.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Premier Delyannis.

      See (in this Volume)
      GREECE: A. D. 1905.

{29}

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Colonel Falcon.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D). 1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Fehim Pasha.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER),
      and 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Prince Ito.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Colonel Karpoff.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of President McKinley.

      See (in this Volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901;
      and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of General Min.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of M. Plehve.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of General Sakharoff.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Count Schouvaloff.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Grand Duke Sergius.

   See (in this Volume)
   RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Shemsi Pasha.

      See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of M. Sipiagin.

      See RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1899-1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of D. W. Stevens.

      See KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin.

      See RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSINIBOIA:
   Absorbed in the Province of Saskatchewan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F.:
   Secretary-general of Third International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: German.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASSUAN DAM, Completion of.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

ATABEG-I-AZAM: Premier of Persia.
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ATABEGS,
ATABEKS.

      See (in this Volume)
      Persia: A. D. 1905-1906.

ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ATHABASCA:
   Absorbed in the Provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ATLANTA: A. D. 1906.
   Anti-Negro Riot.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ATWATER, Professor W. O.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1907.

   ----------AUSTRALIA: Start--------

AUSTRALIA:
   The Race Problem.
   Reasons for dread of Asiatic immigration.
   The demand for a white Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

AUSTRALIA:
   Woman Suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

AUSTRALIA:
   Government ownership of railways.
   Disconnecting gauges in the several states.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Tariff Question in the First
   Parliament of the Commonwealth.
   Issue between the Senate and the Representative Chamber.

   "The tariff originally proposed by the government was framed
   on lines of extreme protection, with special reference to the
   languishing industries of Victoria; it was inevitable that the
   opposition, mainly representing New South Wales, should fight
   tooth and nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of the
   struggle, which lasted almost without a serious interruption
   for nine months, has been a compromise which leaves the tariff
   of the commonwealth neither one thing nor the other. There can
   be little doubt that in debating power and political
   generalship the victory lay generally with the opposition; but
   after all the result, so far as it was a victory for the party
   of free trade, was due to the action of the Senate.

   "To many, and apparently not least to the cabinet, the prompt
   and effective interference of the Senate in a question of
   taxation, which was generally supposed to be practically
   placed by the constitution almost as much beyond their control
   as custom has placed it beyond that of the House of Lords in
   England, was a great surprise, and as the first test of the
   respective powers of the two chambers of the legislature it
   can hardly fail to be of great political importance. It was
   provided by the constitution not only that all bills involving
   the taxation of the people, directly or indirectly, should, as
   in this country, originate in the representative chamber of
   the legislature, but further that such bills should not be
   altered or amended in their passage through the Senate. As a
   concession to the less populous states, it was agreed when the
   constitution was framed that while only the chamber, elected
   on a strict basis of population, should impose or control
   taxation, the Senate, in which all the states enjoy, as in
   America, equal representation, should have the right to
   suggest, for the consideration of the other chamber, any
   amendments it thought desirable in any money bill sent on for
   its assent. This provision, mild and inoffensive as it was
   supposed to be, has now been used in a way to upset the policy
   of the government, and practically to compel the assent of the
   representative chamber to the views of a Senate majority. The
   tariff bill as passed by the government majority was subjected
   to an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally fully
   fifty items of the schedule imposing duties were referred back
   to the representative chamber, with a request for their
   reconsideration and reduction or excision.

{30}

   "The government attempted to meet the difficulty by agreeing
   to a few trifling amendments on the lines suggested, and got
   the chamber peremptorily to reject all the others, sending the
   bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate replied by
   calmly adhering to the views it had already expressed, and
   sending the bill back again for further consideration,
   allowing it to be pretty plainly understood that, in the event
   of their views being ignored, they would place their reasons
   on record and reject the bill altogether, thus preventing any
   uniform tariff being established during the session. Face to
   face with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, and
   agreed to a compromise which they would not have dreamed of
   doing but for the action of the Senate, with its free-trade
   majority of two votes. The immediate result of the long
   struggle has been the passing of a tariff act which pleases
   neither party, but will apparently raise the required revenue
   of $40,000,000, needed to meet the wants of the federal and
   state governments."

      Hugh H. Lusk,
      The First Parliament of Australia
      (American Review of Reviews, March, 1903).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
   The "States Rights" temper.
   Question of constitutional relations between Commonwealth
   and States in external affairs, as raised by South Australia.
   Decision of the Imperial Government.

   "State-rights" questions and the provincialistic spirit behind
   them made a prompt appearance in the Australian Commonwealth
   after its federation was accomplished. One of the first
   wrangles to occur between the General Government and that of a
   State was appealed necessarily to the Imperial Government at
   London, because it arose out of a call from the latter, in
   September, 1902, for information about an incident which
   concerned a Dutch ship. The request for information went from
   London to the Commonwealth Government, and from the latter to
   the Government of South Australia, where the incident in
   question occurred, involving some act of its officials. The
   South Australian Ministry declined to pass the desired
   information through the channel of the Commonwealth Ministry,
   but would give it to the British Colonial Office, direct. A
   long triangular argumentative correspondence ensued, in the
   course of which much that seems like a repetition of the early
   history of the United States of America appears. Such as this,
   for example, in one of the letters of the Acting Premier of
   South Australia to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: "The
   importance to the States, especially to the smaller States, of
   strictly maintaining the lines of demarcation between
   Commonwealth and State power is manifest. Already a movement
   has begun to destroy the Federal element in the Constitution.
   A remarkable indication of this may be gathered from a speech
   made by Sir William Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home
   Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, on the 2nd day
   of the present month. Speaking of the Constitution, Sir
   William Lyne said: 'If the population increased in the States
   as he expected, he did not think three of the larger States
   would still consent to be governed by four of the smaller
   ones. He hoped that when the time came there would not be
   bloodshed, but that things would settle themselves in a manner
   worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’

   "Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful and successful
   working of the Constitution depends upon the strict
   maintenance of the lines of demarcation between the powers of
   the Commonwealth and those of the States, and that that line
   is drawn clearly in the Constitution, they cannot agree to the
   opinions of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for
   the Colonies, which increase, by implication, the power of the
   Commonwealth, and which seem to Ministers to tend to
   Unification, and to a sacrifice of the Federal to the National
   principle."

   This communication, transmitted to London, drew from the then
   Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, an unanswerable reply,
   addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 1903,
   in part as follows:

   "Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of power to the
   Commonwealth, notwithstanding the general terms of Section 3
   of the Act, is strictly limited to the Departments
   transferred, and to matters upon which the Commonwealth
   Parliament has power to make laws and has made laws,’ and that
   ‘in the distribution of legislative and consequently of
   executive power, made by the Constitution, all powers not
   specifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in the States.’

   "They are unable to agree ‘with the contention that there does
   not appear to be anything in the Constitution to justify this
   limitation,’ and argue that the validity of any claim of the
   Commonwealth to any particular power, should be tested by
   enquiring:—Does the Constitution specifically confer the
   power?

   "The view of the Act which I take is that it is a Constitution
   Act, and creates a new political community. It expressly
   declares that ‘the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South
   Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty
   is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed
   thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal
   Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia.’
   The object and scope of the Act is defined and declared by the
   preamble to be to give effect to the agreement of the people
   of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and
   Tasmania 'to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth
   under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
   Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established.’

   "The whole Act must be read in the light of this declaration
   and the provisions of Section 3. So far as other communities
   in the Empire or foreign nations are concerned, the people of
   Australia form one political community for which the
   Government of the Commonwealth alone can speak, and for
   everything affecting external states or communities, which
   takes place within its boundaries, that Government is
   responsible. The distribution of powers between the Federal
   and State Authorities is a matter of purely internal concern
   of which no external country or community can take any
   cognizance. It is to the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth
   alone that, through the Imperial Government, they must look,
   for remedy or relief for any action affecting them done within
   the bounds of the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a
   private individual, of a State official, or of a State
   government. The Commonwealth is, through His Majesty’s
   Government, just as responsible for any action of South
   Australia affecting an external community as the United States
   of America are for the action of Louisiana or any other State
   of the Union.

{31}

   "The Crown undoubtedly remains part of the constitution of the
   State of South Australia and, in matters affecting it in that
   capacity, the proper channel of communication is between the
   Secretary of State and the State Governor. But in matters
   affecting the Crown in its capacity as the central authority
   of the Empire, the Secretary of State can, since the people of
   Australia have become one political community, look only to
   the Governor-General, as the representative of the Crown in
   that community."

   The published correspondence ends with this, and it is to be
   assumed that South Australia had no more to say.

      Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Relations
      of the Australian Commonwealth and States in regard to
      External Affairs
      (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1587).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
   British Colonial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
   The Governor-Generalship.

   The office of Governor-General was resigned by Lord Hopetoun
   in the summer, and he was succeeded by Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902-1909.
   Undertakings of irrigation and forestry.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903.
   The Governor-Generalship.

   In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor of the
   Presidency of Bombay, was appointed Governor-General of
   Australia, succeeding Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Resignation of Premier Barton.
   The Deakin Ministry.
   Four months of power for the Labor Party.
   Its influence in the Commonwealth.

   Sir Edmund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister of the
   Australian Commonwealth since its Union in 1900 (see Australia
   in Volume VI. of this work), resigned in 1903 to accept a
   place on the bench of the High Federal Court, and was
   succeeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attorney-General in
   the Federal Cabinet. The most important occurrence of the year
   in the Commonwealth was the election of a new House of
   Representatives in the Federal Parliament and of one third of
   its Senate. These were the first federal elections occurring
   since those of 1900 which constituted the original Parliament,
   opened in May, 1901, and the first in which women went to the
   polls. The main issue in the elections was between the Labor
   Party and its opponents, and the rising power of the former
   was shown by its gain of six seats in each House, four from
   the Ministry and two from the opposition in the Senate, and
   all six from the Ministry in the lower House. This threw the
   balance of power into its hands in both branches of
   Parliament. Naturally, in these circumstances, labor questions
   became dominant in Australian politics, with Socialistic
   tendencies very strong.

   The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 1904, on an
   industrial arbitration bill which excluded State railway
   employés and other civil servants from its provisions,
   contrary to the demands of the Labor Party. The adverse
   majority was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 opponents
   of the protectionist policy of the Government, and 4 from the
   ranks of its own ordinary supporters. The ministry resigned,
   and the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, a young
   compositor by trade, was called to form a Government, which he
   did, drawing all but its Law Officer from the Labor Party. It
   is creditable to the capability of this Labor Ministry that,
   with so precarious a backing in the House, it should have held
   the management of Government, with apparently good
   satisfaction to the public, for about four months. It was
   defeated in August on another labor question, and gave way to
   a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and Moderate
   Protectionists, formed under Mr. George Houston Reid.

   An account of the Labor Ministry and its leader, from which
   the following facts are taken, was given by The Review of
   Reviews for Australasia at the time of its ascendancy: The
   average age of the members is only forty-three years, while in
   England sixty is the average age at which corresponding rank
   is attained. The nationalities of the members are as follows:
   One, the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are
   Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, and one is
   Welsh. There is not one who was born in England.

   Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but thirty-seven
   years of age. He was born in Valparaiso, where his parents
   were on a visit, but was only a few months old when they
   returned to New Zealand. At an early age he began his
   apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Typographical
   Union. When nineteen, he came to Sydney and joined the
   composing staff of the Star. Then he became president
   of the Sydney Trades and Labor Council, and president of the
   Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 1894, he was
   returned to a New South Wales Parliament, and took the leading
   place among the Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the
   first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead the Labor
   party in the federal House, and has won golden opinions in
   that position. He is a born leader of men, and has rare tact.
   He overcame the apprehension caused by his youth. He curbed
   the extremists of his party. Power came to him at once. He
   seized the advantage of leading a third party between two
   opponents. It was he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr.
   Deakin, who decided what should pass and what not.

   The situation developed in this period is described by an
   American writer, whose sympathies are ardently with the Labor
   Party, as follows:

   "Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were so divided
   in the Australian Parliament that neither could gain a
   majority without the Labor Party. A succession of governments
   bowled over by labor votes drove this hard fact into the
   political intelligence. The Labor Party was then invited to
   take the government. For five months men that had been
   carpenters, bricklayers, and painters administered the
   nation’s affairs. No convulsion of nature followed, no
   upheavals and no disasters. It is even admitted that the
   government of these men was conspicuously wise, able, and
   successful. But having a minority party, their way was
   necessarily precarious, and on the chance blow of an adverse
   vote they resigned. Some scene shifting followed, but in the
   end the present arrangement was reached, by which the
   government is in the hands of the Protectionists that follow
   Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is supported by the Labor Party
   on condition that the Government adopt certain legislation.
   And that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the Labor
   gang.’ The Deakin Government does not greatly care for the
   Labor Party, nor for the Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by
   reason of the Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor
   has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned measures of
   reform.
{32}
   Indeed the sum-total of the ‘revolutionary, radical, and
   socialistic laws’ passed by the Labor Party, directly or by
   bargaining with the Deakin or other ministries, indicates an
   exceedingly gentle order of revolution. It has done much in
   New South Wales and elsewhere to mitigate the great estate
   evil by enacting graduated land taxes; it has passed humane
   and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liability for
   accidents to workmen and laws greatly bettering the hard
   conditions of labor in mines and factories. It has passed a
   law to exclude trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for
   equal rights for men and women. In New South Wales it has
   enormously bettered conditions for toilers by regulating hours
   of employment even in department and other stores and by
   instituting a weekly half-holiday the year around for
   everybody. It has tried with a defective Arbitration and
   Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard Australia
   against the sobering terrors of the race problem that
   confronts America, it has succeeded in keeping out colored
   aliens. It has agitated for a Henry George land tax and for
   the national ownership of public services and obvious
   monopolies. And with one exception this is the full catalogue
   of its misdeeds." [The "one exception" is the abolition of
   coolie labor.]

      Charles E. Russell,
      The Uprising of the Many,
      chapter 24
      (Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1907).

      See, also, (in this Volume)
      Labor Organization: Australia.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Mr. Deakin’s precarious ministry.
   Power of the Labor Party without responsibility.
   Its principles and its "Fighting Platform."
   Important legislation of 1905.
   The Federal Capital question.
   General election of 1906.

   Mr. Reid, the Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an
   agreement with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, that the
   tariff question should not be opened during the term of the
   existing Parliament. But the truce became broken early in
   1905, each party attributing the breach to the other, and the
   Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the address replying
   to the Governor-General’s speech, resigned. The
   Protectionists, in provisional alliance with the Labor Party,
   then came back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head.

   Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by a writer in
   one of the English reviews: "The Labour Party can dictate
   terms to the Ministry, and ensure that its own policy is
   carried out by others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the
   cross benches. During the few months it was in office it was
   at the mercy of Parliament; it left most of the planks of its
   platform severely alone, and it had, during that time, less
   real power than it has had either before or since. It is not
   likely again to take office, unless it can command an absolute
   majority of its own members to give effect to its own ideas,
   and, indeed, it perhaps would be better for Australia that it
   had responsibility as well as power, rather than as at present
   power without responsibility. However, if not at the next
   general election, the party is bound ere long to get the clear
   Parliamentary majority it seeks. Under these circumstances,
   great importance attaches to its aims and organisation. …

   "To quote from the official report of the decisions of the
   last Triennial Conference of the Political Labour
   organisations of the Commonwealth, which sat in Melbourne last
   July, the objective of the Federal Labour party is as follows:

   "(a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon
   the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in
   Australia of an enlightened and self-reliant community,
   (b) The security of the full results of their industry to all
   producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the
   extension of the industrial and economic functions of the
   State and Municipality. The Labour party seek to achieve this
   objective by means of a policy that they invariably refer to
   as their platform. The planks of what is called the ‘Fighting
   Platform’ are as follows:

   "(1) The maintenance of a white Australia.
    (2) The nationalisation of monopolies.
    (3) Old age pensions.
    (4) A tariff referendum.
    (5) A progressive tax on unimproved land values.
    (6) The restriction of public borrowing.
    (7) Navigation laws.
    (8) A citizen defence force.
    (9) Arbitration amendment."

      J. W. Kirwan,
      The Australian Labour Party
      (Nineteenth Century, November, 1905).

   A strike in one of the coal mines of New South Wales during
   1905 brought the Arbitration Act of that province to an
   unsatisfactory test. The dispute, concerning wages, went to
   the Arbitration Court and was decided against the miners. They
   refused to accept the decision, abandoning work, and the
   court, when appealed to by the employers, found itself
   powerless to enforce the decision it had made. The judge
   resigned in consequence, and there was difficulty in finding
   another to take his seat.

   The Labor Party secured the passage of an Act which gives the
   trades-union label the force of a trade mark. Another
   important Act of 1905 modified the Immigration Restriction
   Act, so far as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and
   merchants, whose stay in the country was not likely to be
   permanent, and which, furthermore, permitted the introduction
   of white labor under contract, subject to conditions that were
   expected to prevent any lowering of standard wages.

   The location of a federal capital became a subject of positive
   quarrel between the Government of the Commonwealth and that of
   New South Wales. By agreements which preceded the federation,
   the Commonwealth capital was to be in New South Wales, but not
   less than a hundred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile
   avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded by the Federal
   Government when it chose a site, to be called Dalgety, about
   equidistant from Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales
   objected to the site and objected to the extent of territory
   demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed a survey of 900 square
   miles for the Federal District. New South Wales saw no reason
   for federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square miles.

   Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site named
   Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed upon and the choice
   confirmed by legislation. It is in the Murray district, about
   200 miles southwest of Sydney.

   A general election in the Commonwealth, near the close of
   1906, gave the Protectionists a small increase of strength in
   Parliament, and the Labor Party gained one seat, raising its
   representation from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called
   Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff-making. Their
   leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, dropped the tariff issue and
   made war on the State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in
   the new Parliament a considerably larger following than the
   Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, could muster, but it
   contained more Protectionists than Free Traders.

{33}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1906.
   Developing the water supply.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
   The "New Protection," under the Tariff Excise Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE "NEW PROTECTION."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
   Statistics of state schools.

      See EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
   Imperial Conference at London.

      See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908 (December).
   Population of the Commonwealth.

   According to a letter to the London Times, from Sydney,
   "the population of Australia on December 31, 1908, was
   estimated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded blacks),
   showing an increase of 509,965, or of 13.5 per cent. in the
   eight years of federation. That," said the writer, "is not a
   satisfactory expansion, and we should have fared better. New
   South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent. and Western
   Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent. but all the other States
   fared indifferently. There is reason to hope that in the
   change of fashion, Australia will again grow into some favour
   with the emigrant from home."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
   Change of Ministry.

   Late in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the
   provisional support of the Labor party, which had kept it in
   control of the Government for nearly four years, and suffered
   a defeat in Parliament which threw it out. For the second time
   a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, under Mr. Andrew
   Fisher.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
   The Governor-Generalship.

   After five years of service as Governor-General, Lord
   Northcote returned to England in the fall of 1908 and was
   succeeded by Lord Dudley.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Attitude of the people toward immigration.
   Land-locking against settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      Immigration: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   A summary of sixty years of growth and progress.

   Sir John Forrest, Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia,
   in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of Representatives,
   in August, 1909, surveyed the position of Australia as part of
   the British nation,—a continent, he observed, containing two
   billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, no other
   nation having right or title to any part of this splendid
   heritage of the Southern Hemisphere, which was another home
   for the British race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the
   population of Australia was 400,000 and there were no
   railways. Now the inhabitants numbered nearly four-and-a-half
   millions, of whom 96 per cent were British. They had
   £112,000,000 deposited in banks and deposits in savings banks
   to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors in these
   being one-third of the entire population. They had produced
   minerals to the value of £713,000,000. Ten million acres were
   under crop. During last year Australia had produced 62,000,000
   bushels of wheat. It had exported butter of the value of
   £2,387,000 and wool of the value of £23,000,000. Australia had
   90,000,000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. The
   oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,000.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Proposed federalization of state debts.

   On the 8th of September, 1909, the Government introduced a
   Bill in the House of Representatives for the amendment of the
   Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth to federalize
   the State debts incurred since the inauguration of the
   Commonwealth, in addition to those then existing. The Premier
   urged that if the agreement was carried out the Commonwealth
   would be freed financially, and if the debts were taken over
   the per capita payments would be appropriated to meet the
   interest on the debts, the States making up any deficiency.
   The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of October.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Federal acquisition of the Northern Territory.

   A Bill providing for the transfer to the Commonwealth of the
   vast unpopulated Northern Territory of the Australian
   Continent was before the Parliament of the Commonwealth during
   the last summer. In advocating its passage, the Minister for
   External Affairs explained that "the area to be transferred
   under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, Belgium,
   Switzerland, and Italy together. Port Darwin was nearer to
   Hongkong than to Sydney, and while the Northern Territory
   remained unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Australia. The
   military authorities, Sir George Le Hunte, formerly Governor
   of South Australia, and Lord Northcote, formerly
   Governor-General of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged
   its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had advised the
   Commonwealth to fill its ‘empty north.’

   "By the terms of the agreement the Commonwealth would assume
   responsibility for the debt of the territory, amounting to
   £2,725,000, and the accumulated deficit of the past
   administration, amounting to £600,000. The measure provided
   for the taking over of the Port Augusta-Oodnadatta Railway at
   a price of £2,240,000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake
   the construction of a trans continental line connecting the
   territory with South Australia, at an estimated cost of
   £4,500,000. The latest reports showed that the interior of the
   territory was a fertile and well-watered white man’s country,
   the healthiest in the tropical world, and that it was capable
   of carrying a large population."

      Despatch from Melbourne to The Times, London.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
   Opening of the session of Parliament.
   Programme of business proposed.
   The political situation.
   Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the ministry.
   Its success.
   Resignation of Premier Fisher and Cabinet.
   Return of Mr. Deakin to power.
   His programme.

   The Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on the 26th of
   May. In the speech of the Governor-General, Lord Dudley, as
   reported to the English Press, he stated that "notwithstanding
   a decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, arrangements had
   been made to pay old-age pensions from July 1. Large financial
   obligations would be incurred in the near future and would
   demand careful attention. Parliament would be invited to
   consider the financial relations between the Commonwealth and
   the States, with a view to an equitable adjustment of them.
   Proposals would be submitted for the establishment of a
   Commonwealth silver and paper currency.

{34}

   "The Governor-General went on to refer to the coming Imperial
   Defence Conference and the establishment of a General Staff
   for the Empire. Engagements had, he said, been entered into
   for the building of three destroyers, and Parliament would be
   asked to approve a policy of naval construction including the
   building of similar vessels in Australia and the training of
   the necessary crews. A measure providing for an effective
   citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an early stage.

   "It being recognized that the effective defence of Australia
   required a vast increase in the population, it was proposed to
   introduce a measure of progressive taxation on unimproved land
   values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, so as to
   offer immigrants the inducement necessary to attract them in
   large numbers.

   "Proposals would be submitted for the amendment of the
   Constitution, so as to enable Parliament to protect the
   interests of the consumer while ensuring a fair and reasonable
   wage to every worker to extend the jurisdiction of Parliament
   in regard to trusts and combinations, and to provide for the
   nationalization of monopolies."

      See (in this Volume),
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE ‘NEW PROTECTION’.

   In an editorial article on the situation at this juncture in
   Australia, which was, it remarked, "as interesting as it is
   obscure," the London Times rehearsed the main facts of
   it as follows:

   "It will be remembered that towards the close of last year the
   withdrawal of its support by the Labour party led somewhat
   unexpectedly to the defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s
   Cabinet. A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and was
   enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine with the Opposition
   against it to prorogue Parliament and get into recess. It has
   since elaborated a programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the
   Prime Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few weeks
   ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the Governor-General's
   speech, which strongly resembles in most particulars the
   national policy advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and
   includes besides one or two additional proposals, such as ‘the
   nationalization of monopolies,’ more exclusively the property
   of the Labour party itself. These latter aspirations are
   probably more pious than practical, and are certainly not the
   issues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand or fall.
   It will stand or fall by its proposals for the readjustment of
   the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the
   States, the establishment of a local flotilla designed for
   coastal defence, the creation of a citizen army based on
   universal training, and the imposition of a progressive land
   tax calculated to bring about the subdivision of large
   estates.

   "This latter proposal is the only one in which the Labour
   party cannot claim to be carrying out the spirit, if not the
   letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own programme; but, curiously enough,
   it does not seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has
   taken immediate issue with them. He is taking issue, we
   gather, first and foremost on the question of defence. The
   Labour Ministry is to be censured for refusing to make the
   offer of the Australian Dreadnought in the name of the
   Commonwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has already made
   it clear that he has not in any way modified his previous
   views on the necessity of providing immediately for the
   creation of an Australian flotilla, but he considers that this
   necessity should in no way prevent Australia from adding in
   emergency to the strength of the British fleet. Speaking at
   Sydney last month, he said: ‘Our defence needs not only our
   own flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is for
   us to recognize that by joining New Zealand and making our
   offer of a Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy … the
   Commonwealth must do its share to prove the reality of
   Australia’s federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire,
   to stand beside the stock from which we came.’

   "On this point there is no obscurity. It presents a clear
   difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin and the two sections of
   the Opposition with which he has now coalesced from the policy
   of the Ministry in power. But while it provides a rallying
   ground from which the coalition may defeat the Ministry, it
   provides no subsequent line of united advance. The terms on
   which the coalition has been formed seem indeed to contemplate
   no definite policy at all."

   The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. Fisher, referred to
   in the above, accomplished its purpose on the day after the
   opening of Parliament, by carrying a vote of adjournment which
   the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of confidence, and
   resigned. The former Premier, Mr. Deakin, then resumed the
   reins of Government, with a following that does not seem to
   have been expected to hold together very long. On the
   reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the Prime Minister made a
   statement of the business to be submitted to the House,
   including along with other measures the following: "A Bill
   would be introduced establishing an inter-State commission
   which, in addition to the powers conferred by the
   Constitution, would undertake many of the functions of the
   British Board of Trade. It would also undertake the duties of
   a Federal Labour Bureau, which would comprise the study of the
   question of unemployment and a scheme for insurance against
   unemployment. The commission would also assist in the
   supervision of the working of the existing Customs tariff. …
   An active policy of immigration would be undertaken, it was
   hoped with the cooperation of all the States. … The
   appointment of a High Commissioner in London with a
   well-equipped office was necessary to take charge of the
   financial interests of the Commonwealth, to supervise
   immigration, and to foster trade and commerce. … The Old Age
   Pensions Act was to be amended in the direction of simplifying
   the conditions for obtaining the pensions. … The policy of the
   Government in the matter of land defence would be founded on
   universal training, commencing in youth and continuing towards
   manhood. A military college, a school of musketry, and
   probably a primary naval college would be established to train
   officers. The counsel of one of the most experienced
   commanders of the British Army would be sought for with regard
   to the general development and disposition of Australia’s
   adult citizen soldiers.

   "In view of the approaching termination of the ten year period
   of the distribution of the Customs revenue provided for in the
   Constitution, a temporary arrangement was being prepared,
   pending a satisfactory permanent settlement of the financial
   relation between the State and the Commonwealth."

{35}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Federal High Court decision on Anti-Trust Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
   The Imperial Defense Conference.
   Defense Bill in Parliament.
   Proposed compulsory military training.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Coal Miners strike in New South Wales.
   See (in this Volume)
   LABOR ORGANIZATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Meeting at Sydney of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.
   The last year of a troublesome Constitutional Requirement.

   Article 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of
   Australia (see in Volume VI. of this work), reads as follows:

   "During a period of ten years after the establishment of the
   Commonwealth, and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
   provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties
   of custom and of excise not more than one fourth shall be
   applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.
   The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be
   paid to the several States, or applied toward the payment of
   interest on debts of the several States taken over by the
   Commonwealth." This, which has been known as the Braddon
   section, has imposed a serious handicap on the Federal
   Government. As its working was described recently by an
   English Press correspondent, "it made the Commonwealth raise
   four pounds whenever it wanted to spend one. It made the
   States begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it spent, even
   out of its own quarter—for every penny saved out of that
   quarter was an extra penny for the States. And it prevented
   every State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal
   Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how much money he
   was likely to get from Federal sources for his own spending."

   At the end of the year 1910 the requirement of the Article
   will cease to be obligatory, and the Federal Parliament will
   be free to make a different appropriation of the revenue from
   customs and excise. Meantime the subject is under discussion,
   and in August, 1909, it was announced that a conference of the
   State Governments had come to an agreement—subject to
   ratification by the Federal Government—which provides for the
   annual per capita payment of 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths
   of the Customs revenue which has hitherto been returned to
   them. Western Australia to receive a special extra
   contribution of £250,000, decreasing by £10,000 annually until
   it ceases. Until the arrangement becomes operative, the
   Commonwealth may deduct from the statutory payments to the
   States £600,000 annually towards the cost of old-age pensions.

   The readjustment of State shares in the Customs revenue is
   said to involve an annual loss to New South Wales of
   £1,000,000. According to a London newspaper correspondent,
   "the main effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of the
   book-keeping system between the States, the power to issue
   Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., and the securing of about
   £2,300,000 a year, or more, additional revenue. The States
   lose revenue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer of
   old-age pensions to the amount of nearly £1,000,000, of which
   they are relieved. In three of the States, all of which suffer
   little by the change, the pensions are new, and a considerable
   boon to the people. But more than half the money sacrifice
   falls upon New South Wales, and it goes to relieve her less
   prosperous neighbours. Well, that is true Federation!
   Naturally the Southern States would have nothing but a per
   capita distribution from the Commonwealth, and the New
   South Wales Ministers agreed to it with their eyes open. At
   present the Commonwealth Government secures the further
   revenue needed. But whether this agreement will so distinctly
   suit that Government as the State populations grow is another
   matter."

   A Bill for the required amendment of the Federal Constitution
   was introduced in the House of Representatives by the Prime
   Minister, Mr. Deakin, on the 8th of September. On the 4th of
   November, in opposition to the Government, an amendment to the
   Bill, limiting the duration of the agreement, instead of
   giving it force in perpetuity, was carried in committee of the
   whole by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 1st of
   December the Bill had its third reading in the Senate.

   ----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

   ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of population compared
   with other European countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902 (June).
   Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Notice by Austria of intention to end, in 1904, the
   Customs Union which formed part of the Ausgleich, or
   Federation Compact of 1867.
   Language struggle in Austria.

   The difficulties between Austria and Hungary, concerning a
   renewal of the Ausgleich, or federation compact of 1867, which
   created the dual empire,—some account of which is given in
   Volume VI. of this work,—were compromised in 1900 by an
   agreement which extended the Ausgleich temporarily until 1907.


      See, in Volume VI.
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

   It was stipulated, however, in the agreement, that if no
   permanent settlement of the questions involved should have
   been reached by the end of the year 1902, either party to the
   Ausgleich should be free to dissolve the Customs Union
   that formed part of it after 1904, provided that said party
   should have formally denounced the compact prior to January 1,
   1902. The formal notice or denunciation was given accordingly
   by Austria, whose government gave notice that it would end the
   Customs Union unless better terms from Hungary could be
   secured. In Hungary the Independence party led by Ferencz
   Kossuth, the son of Louis Kossuth, was eager for the break,
   desiring no union with Austria beyond that of the two crowns
   on one head. The tariff question seemed insoluble, because
   Hungary wanted protection for its agriculture, which Austria
   believed to be greatly disadvantageous to herself.

{36}

   The prime ministers of the two Governments came to an
   agreement which was submitted to the two parliaments early in
   1903, but obstruction in both bodies prevented any effective
   action. On other questions the antagonism was no less
   pronounced. The Hungarian Independence party was resolute in
   determining to separate the Hungarian from the Austrian army,
   making it distinctly Hungarian, under Hungarian officers and
   using the Hungarian word of command. This drew from the
   Emperor, in September, a public announcement that he must and
   would hold fast to the existing organization of the army. At
   length, in December, Kossuth agreed, for his party, to abandon
   obstruction on condition that Parliament should proclaim, as a
   principle, that "in Hungary the source of every right, and in
   the army the source of rights appertaining to the language of
   service and command, is the will of the nation as expressed
   through the legislature." But though obstruction from the
   Independence party ceased then it was continued by a Catholic
   party, on grounds of personal hostility to the Protestant
   Premier, Count Tisza, and the Government, deprived of
   authority to recruit the army, kept in service the men whose
   term had expired.

   An almost equal deadlock of legislation prevailed in Austria,
   where the struggle over language questions between Czechs and
   Germans went fiercely on; while Croatia was full of rebellious
   spirit, excited by the Magyarizing policy of its Hungarian
   governor.

   Twice, during 1903, the Hungarian administration underwent a
   change, the Szell Ministry giving way in June to one headed by
   Count Kuen Hedervary, he, in turn, being displaced by Count
   Tisza in October. The latter was a son of Koloman Tisza, who
   had formerly held the reins in Hungary for many years.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Concert with Russia in submitting the Mürzsteg Programme
   of reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
   Paralysis of Government in both divisions of the dual empire.

   Legislation in both Austria and Hungary was paralyzed
   throughout 1904 by obstructive oppositions which nothing could
   pacify. In Austria it was the battle of Czech against German
   for language rights; but, in the end, the German Premier, Dr.
   Körber, lost the support of his own race, by allowing Italian
   law-classes to be formed in the University at Innsprück, with
   a faculty of their own. He resigned on the last day of the
   year, and was succeeded by Baron Gautsch.

   In Hungary the obstruction was maintained by a combination of
   three parties,—the Independence Party of Ferencz Kossuth,
   which is irreconcilable in its repudiation of the union with
   Austria, the Liberal-Conservative Separatists, so-called, led
   by Count Apponyi, and a Catholic People’s Party, under Count
   Zichy. The extraordinary attitude of these practical
   anarchists, as they would seem to be, is indicated by a
   performance at the opening of the session of the Hungarian
   Parliament on the 13th of December, 1904, which is described
   in the Annual Register, as follows:

   "They entered the House before the usual time of meeting,
   assaulted the police when they endeavored to prevent some of
   the members from mounting the President’s platform, tore down
   the woodwork, destroyed the furniture, and finally had
   themselves photographed, with the ex-Premier Baron Banffy at
   their head, in the midst of the ruin they had wrought. This
   extraordinary scene was described by M. Kossuth as ‘a symbol
   of the political maturity of the Magyars, who, after asserting
   their rights, refrain from excesses;’ and by Count Apponyi as
   ‘an evidence of the importance attached to continuity of legal
   right in Hungary.’ When the broken furniture was removed and
   the House was restored to something like its former
   appearance, the members returned; but all the attempts of the
   Government to speak were howled down by the Opposition." The
   Opposition which accomplished this paralysis of Government in
   Hungary numbered, in its three divisions, only 190 members,
   out of 451.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Effects in Europe and on the Triple Alliance of the
   Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
   Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms
   in Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
   Hostility to the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1902.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Continued deadlock, seated mainly in Hungary.
   Resignation of Count Tisza.
   The Fejervary Ministry.
   Dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament.
   Kossuth and his allies take office.
   Universal male suffrage adopted in Austria.

   The deadlock of political forces in the Dual Empire was
   prolonged through another year, Hungary being the main seat of
   the block. Elections for the Hungarian Diet, in January, went
   heavily against the Ministry of Count Tisza and strongly in
   favor of that section of the Opposition which bore the name of
   the Independence Party and which was led by Ferencz Kossuth.
   Count Tisza resigned, and the Emperor-King endeavored to make
   terms with Kossuth, Apponyi, and Andrassy under which the
   Government might be carried on with parliamentary support.
   This proved impracticable, especially by reason of the
   insistent demand of the Opposition for a separation of the
   Hungarian from the Austrian part of the imperial army, and the
   determination of the sovereign not to yield to that demand.
   Count Tisza and his colleagues were kept in office until June,
   despite a heavy vote of censure in the Diet, and then the
   Emperor appointed as Premier General Baron Fejervary, who
   commanded no more support than his predecessor had done. The
   majority in the representative chamber denounced the Ministry
   as unconstitutional, and issued a manifesto, calling on the
   people to withhold taxes and military service from this
   simulacrum of Government, which had no lawful claim to either.
   This was accepted as good counsel by great numbers of people,
   and grave embarrassments resulted from the non-payment of
   taxes.

{37}

   In the August number (1905) of The American Review of
   Reviews Count Albert Apponyi, leader of one of the parties
   united more or less in the Hungarian Opposition, gave the
   Hungarian side of the political issues with Austria. In part,
   he wrote: "The writer had the honor of delivering at St.
   Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress of last year, a short
   historical account of our relation with the Austrian dynasty.
   There are to be found the chief facts, which show:
   (1) That our forefathers called that dynasty to the Hungarian
   throne, not in order to get Hungary absorbed into an Austrian
   or any other sort of empire, but, on the contrary, under the
   express condition of keeping the independence and the
   constitution of the Hungarian kingdom unimpaired;
   (2) that this condition has been accepted and sworn to by all
   those members of the dynasty (Joseph II. alone excepted) who
   ascended the Hungarian throne;
   (3) that, nevertheless, practical encroachments on our
   independence, followed by conflicts and reconciliations, have
   been at all epochs frequent;
   (4) but that a juridical fact never occurred which could be
   construed into a modification of that fundamental condition of
   the dynasty’s title to Hungary. …

   The physical person of the ruler is, in truth, the same in
   both countries, but the juridical personality of the King of
   Hungary is distinct and, as to the contents of its
   prerogative, widely different from the juridical personality
   of the Emperor of Austria. Hungary is the oldest
   constitutional country on the European Continent. The royal
   prerogative in her case is an emanation of the
   constitution,—not prior to it,—and consists in such rights as
   the nation has thought fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on
   the other hand, the existing constitution is a free gift of
   the Emperor, and has conferred on the people of Austria such
   rights as the Emperor has thought fit to grant to them. The
   title of ‘Emperor of Austria-Hungary’ … [sometimes used] is
   simply nonsense. The time-hallowed old Hungarian crown has not
   been melted into the brand-new Austrian imperial diadem. That
   imperial title does not contain, to any extent, the Hungarian
   royal title. The Emperor of Austria, as such, has just as much
   legal power in Hungary as the President of the United States
   has. He is, juridically speaking, a foreign potentate to us.

   "On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian—to whatever party
   he may belong—admits discussion. … The Liberal party,
   vanquished at the last elections, does not in the least differ
   from the victorious opposition as to the principles laid down
   in these pages; it only advocated a greater amount of
   forbearance against the petty encroachments which practically
   obscured them. That policy of forbearance became gradually
   distasteful to the country; seeing it shaken in the public
   mind, the recent prime minister, Count Tisza, formed the
   unhappy idea of gaining a new lease of power on its behalf by
   a parliamentary coup d’état. The rules of the House
   were broken, in order to prevent future obstruction, chiefly
   against military bills. This brought matters to an acute
   crisis. The parliament in which that breach of the rules had
   taken place became unfit for work of any sort, the country had
   to be consulted, and down went the Liberal party and the
   half-hearted policy it represented with no hope for revival.

   "The army question, with its ever-recurring difficulties, is a
   highly characteristic feature of the chronic latent conflict
   between the Austrian and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts
   to this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have an armed
   force corresponding to our national individuality, commanded
   in our language, and serving under our flags and emblems. It
   would be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in fact, an
   abdication of the title of ‘nation,’ to renounce such a
   national claim. The Austrians, on the other hand,—and,
   unhappily, their influence is still prevalent in this
   question,—not yet having abandoned the idea of a pan-Austrian
   empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present military
   organization, which makes the German language and the imperial
   emblems prevalent throughout the whole army, its Hungarian
   portion included."

   In September, 1905, the Emperor-King summoned the chiefs of
   the opposing coalition to Vienna and renewed his endeavor to
   make terms with them; but his own conditions, relative to the
   army, to the language of command and service in it, to the
   tariff relations between Austria and Hungary, and to other
   matters of dispute, were apparently as uncompromisable as
   theirs, and only intensified the bad feeling in the country.

   A little later the Fejervary Ministry announced a programme of
   policy which offered concessions and many excellent measures,
   but all save one of them were scorned. That one was a proposal
   of universal suffrage, with direct secret balloting, which in
   both Hungary and Austria had now become a subject of wide
   popular demand. The agitation for it became clamorous in the
   later months of the year, especially in the Austrian towns.
   But the leaders of the Hungarian Opposition were supposed to
   be personally hostile to universal suffrage. "As
   representatives of the most educated, wealthy, and powerful
   race in the kingdom, they have long enjoyed absolute political
   control. But universal suffrage," says a contemporary
   journalist, "would so increase the non-Magyar elements in
   Parliament as to deprive the Magyar leaders of much of their
   ascendency. At present these leaders are strong enough to
   defeat the King’s magnificent programme, announced by Baron
   Fejervary. But such a defeat would place them in an
   embarrassing position. They would have definitely assumed an
   attitude which belies their name of Liberal."

   The Fejervary programme was well planned to be troublesome to
   the opponents of the Government. While not surrendering to
   their demand for the Magyar language of command in the
   Hungarian part of the Imperial army, it proposed that the men
   who do not speak that language should be trained in it as far
   as possible. And it included a number of other most important
   measures: for compulsory free education; for compulsory
   insurance of workmen; for small farm grants to the peasantry;
   for the conversion of mortgage debts that weigh on small
   landowners, and for various taxation reforms. Evidently the
   Opposition endeavored to keep public attention and public
   feeling focused on the claim for a distinct Hungarian army,
   with the Magyar language for its word of command. Kossuth, the
   dominating leader of the coalition against the Government,
   defined the argument for this claim. No mention, he said, is
   made of any common army in the agreement on which the Dual
   Empire is founded. The Hungarian Constitution vests in the
   Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, "all those things
   which refer to the commanding and administration … of the
   Hungarian army."

{38}

   But the Constitution does not hint that the Hungarian army
   should be commanded in German. It has not specifically
   forbidden such a thing, but in another part of the
   Constitution it is provided that the language of public
   services in Hungary shall be Hungarian. And is not the army a
   "public service"? he asked. Besides, he explained: "A century
   ago the Hungarian magnates, generally, paid for their own
   soldiers, and ours was not, in the beginning, a State army.
   When the combination with Austria came about, the officers
   were of all nations, and the Austrians brought in many of
   their own. To tell the truth, our own Hungarians were too
   lazy—there is no other word for it—to take the trouble to
   reorganize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to the
   Austrians for the time being. It was for this reason, and with
   the consciousness of this defect, that Article XI. expressly
   left the language of command to be determined,
   constitutionally, later. But we also expressly confined it
   within the limits of our own Constitution … and we spoke of a
   Hungarian army, not a common one."

   The year 1906 opened with the discords of the situation in
   Hungary rather heightened than lessened, and on the 19th of
   February the Emperor dissolved the Hungarian Parliament,
   announcing that he did so for the reason that the parties of
   the Opposition had "persistently refused to take over the
   Government on an acceptable basis without violating the Royal
   rights as by law guaranteed." Disturbances on the occasion
   were prevented by strong forces of soldiery and police. Two
   days later the Austro-Hungarian tariff and a commercial
   treaty, both of which had been refused ratification in
   Hungary, were promulgated as of force, pending future action;
   and by various other arbitrary measures the Emperor-King
   assumed the right to prevent a governmental collapse. This
   attitude on the part of the sovereign appears to have produced
   a change of attitude among his opponents; for early in April
   M. Kossuth and Count Andrassy entered into an arrangement with
   him for the formation of a Ministry by themselves and their
   associates of the Coalition, with the understanding that the
   army question should be put aside until after the election of
   a new Parliament, to meet in May. At that session they
   promised to pass the budget, the new international commercial
   treaties, to maintain in every way the existing condition of
   things between Austria and Hungary, to permit the passage of a
   bill providing for universal manhood suffrage, and then for
   Parliament to terminate its labors, allowing the election of a
   new one under the universal suffrage system, the Cabinet to be
   re-formed conformably to the desires of the parliamentary
   majority. Thereupon the Emperor-King requested Dr. Alexander
   Wekerle, a former Hungarian Prime Minister, to form a Cabinet,
   including in it Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrassy, and Zichy. At the
   election, held soon after, the Independence party won about
   250 out of 400 seats. The new Parliament was opened on the 22d
   of May.

   In Austria, the grand event of 1906 was the franchise reform,
   which extinguished the whole system of class representation
   and established a representative Parliament on the broad basis
   of a manhood vote. "Every male citizen who had completed his
   twenty-fourth year and was not under any legal disability was
   entitled to be registered as a voter after one year’s
   residence. Every male, including members of the Upper House,
   who had possessed Austrian citizenship for at least three
   years and had completed his thirtieth year, was eligible for
   election as a deputy; but members of the Upper House elected
   to the Lower could not sit in both at once. Voting was to be
   direct in all provinces. In Galicia, however, every
   constituency would return two deputies, each voter having one
   vote, so as to permit of the representation of racial
   minorities, the population being composed of Poles and
   Ruthenians. Voting was to be obligatory under penalty of a
   fine wherever a provincial Diet should so decide. This Bill
   was passed, in the face of the opposition of the Conservative
   and aristocratic members of both Houses and of the extreme
   representatives of the various nationalities, mainly through
   the influence of the Emperor. He regarded it as the only way
   to get rid of Parliamentary obstruction, and the best means of
   stimulating loyalty to the dynasty."

   Two changes of Ministry occurred in Austria during 1906, Baron
   Gautsch, as Premier, giving way to Prince Hohenlohe in April,
   and the latter resigning in June, to be succeeded by Baron
   Beck. Count Goluchowski, who had been Austro-Hungarian
   Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1895, resigned in October,
   because of ill-feeling against him in Hungary, and was
   succeeded by Baron Aehrenthal.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906 (January-April).
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
   Effects of universal and equalized suffrage in Austria.

   Elections were held in Austria a few months after the passage
   of the law which introduced equal and universal male suffrage,
   and the character and disposition of the elected Reichsrath,
   which met in June, 1907, afforded indications of some
   remarkable effects from the extension and equalizing of the
   franchise. It was expected, of course, to popularize the
   Reichsrath, and break the domination of the upper classes in
   that body; but, according to reports, it has done much more.
   Prior to 1896, the members of the Abgeordncten or lower house
   of the Reichsrath, then numbering 353, were all divided into
   four sections, elected by four classes of people, as follows:
   85 elected by the owners of large landed estates, 22 by
   chambers of commerce and manufactures; 115 by town taxpayers
   assessed for five florins of annual tax, and by doctors of
   universities; 131 by country taxpayers assessed for five
   florins yearly. In that year the membership was enlarged by an
   addition of 72, who were to be representatives of the whole
   people, elected by universal male suffrage, while the old
   classified representation remained as before. The new law has
   swept away the whole system of a classified representation,
   and the representative house is now leveled to one footing, as
   a body of deputies from the people at large.

   The most conspicuous effect of this in the elections appears
   to have been a sudden break of the power which the German
   element in the much-mixed population of the Austrian dominion
   has been able to exercise hitherto. Hence, it must be the fact
   that the Germans hold far more than their proportion of the
   property which the old system represented, and derived from
   that, formerly, a weight in the Reichsrath which their numbers
   cannot give them on the equalized vote.

{39}

   Altogether, in the various Cisleithan states—the two Austrias
   proper, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Silesia, Salzburg, Tyrol,
   Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, Dalmatia—they form a
   little more than one third of the total population, the other
   two thirds being mainly Slavonic, in many divisions,
   principally Czech, Polish, and Slovene.

   Ten years ago the Austrian Reichsrath was offering a spectacle
   of factious disorder so violent that it drew the attention of
   the world, and was made entertaining as well as interesting by
   Mark Twain, then a resident for some months at Vienna and
   writing descriptions of the scenes of tumult that went on
   before his eyes.

      See in Volume VI. of this work
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

   The specially bitter race quarrel was over a language question
   between the Germans and the Czechs. The Czechs had succeeded
   in forcing the government to give their own tongue its
   rightful public use in Bohemia, where the German had displaced
   it officially for along time past. The determination of the
   Germans in the Reichsrath to undo this change practically
   paralyzed that legislature for a number of years, and seemed
   to be driving the realm of the House of Austria to inevitable
   wreck.

   Indeed, some factions of the Germans made no concealment of
   their wish for such a wreckage, out of which the German Kaiser
   at Berlin might pick the pieces that it pleased him to take.
   They have never doubted the sympathy and countenance of their
   kinsmen in the neighboring empire, and that has emboldened
   them to an attitude which a minority, in other circumstances,
   would hardly take.

   Within the last few years there has been a quieting of the
   antagonism; but most observers of the state of things in
   Austria have looked for serious troubles to arise, whenever
   the great personal influence of the present Emperor is
   withdrawn by his death. The imperial dominion of the Austrian
   archdukes could not be dissolved and its parts redistributed
   without subjecting the peace of Europe to such a trial as it
   never yet has gone unbrokenly through. If the Germans lose
   disturbing power in the Reichsrath, as the late elections are
   said to indicate that they will, and if racial factions give
   place to political parties, as a consequence of the equalized
   and universalized suffrage, then Austria may possibly be
   welded into a nation, and her neighbors may not be tempted to
   quarrel over her dismembered remains.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
   Final negotiation of a new financial Ausgleich.
   Adjustment of the vexed questions of tariff, joint debt,
   and revenue quotas.

   The long struggle toward a readjustment of the
   Ausgleich or Agreement of 1866 between Austria and
   Hungary, on its financial side, was brought to a close on the
   8th of October, 1907, by the signing of a new agreement that
   day. It continued the common customs arrangement until 1917,
   and provided that commercial treaties concluded with foreign
   powers must be signed by the representatives of both Austria
   and Hungary—a concession by Austria to Hungary. Hitherto the
   Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs had conducted such
   negotiations. On its part, Hungary made the minor concession
   of conforming its stock exchange laws to those of Austria.
   Previously, excise duties had been common to both states;
   henceforth they were to be left to each state to be determined
   and levied. In the joint fiscal burden, Hungary’s contribution
   was increased from 34.4 per cent to 36.4 per cent. Provision
   was made for a court of arbitration, composed of four Austrian
   and four Hungarian members, who must chose a ninth member as
   chairman.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Hungarian politics.
   The State Bank question.
   Split in the Independence party.
   M. de Justh, a new party leader.
   Attitude of M. Kossuth.
   Deadlock returned.

   The complete deadlock of legislation in Hungary from 1904 into
   1906 was overcome but partially, and not for long, by the
   patched-up coalition which started the wheels of Government
   anew, under Dr. Wekerle, in April, 1906, as related above. In
   the course of the next two years the Wekerle Ministry
   accomplished some useful legislation, besides achieving the
   ratification of the important tariff and commerce agreement
   which settled long-troublesome disputes with Austria; but its
   very slight coherent energy was exhausted soon,—too soon for
   its promise of universal suffrage to be fulfilled.
   Practically, it seems to have been at the end of its
   capabilities for some time before the spring of 1909, when, in
   April, it resolved to resign, and began an effort to escape
   from office which went on through the year without success.
   The Crown could induce no one to take from Dr. Wekerle the
   impossible task of government, and kept that unfortunate
   gentleman in his powerless place.

   In Austro-Hungarian politics a new contention had now been
   developed, which divided the Independence party, led hitherto
   by M. Kossuth and Count Apponyi, so that it acquired on the
   new question a third more extreme sectional chief, in the
   person of the President of the Chamber, M. de Justh. The
   followers of M. de Justh were demanding the transformation of
   the existing joint State Bank into two autonomous banks,
   connected in operation, but distinctly Hungarian in one
   organization and Austrian in the other. This demand was
   opposed in Austria as determinedly as the obnoxious demand for
   army use of the Hungarian language in Hungarian regiments, and
   the Crown would give sanction to neither. Apparently, neither
   Kossuth nor Apponyi would act with M. de Justh on the bank
   question, and the Independence party lost, consequently, its
   advantage as the largest of the various parties in the
   Chamber.

   In November, when a test of numbers occurred at a conference
   of the party, the following of M. de Justh was found to be
   largely in the majority. A resolution demanding the separate
   Hungarian State Bank was adopted by 120 votes against 74,
   despite a declaration by M. Kossuth that he would quit the
   party if it took that stand. According to a Press report of
   what occurred at the conference, the burden of Kossuth’s
   speech to the conference was "that without his name and his
   leadership the party would never have obtained the majority,
   and that many of those who were about to vote against him owed
   their seats in Parliament to his recommendation. His speech
   was indeed a scarcely-veiled threat that when deprived of the
   support of his name his opponents would find themselves
   forsaken by their constituents. The defeated minority
   proceeded forthwith to constitute itself as the ‘Independence,
   1848, and Kossuth party,’ as distinguished from the
   ‘Independence and 1848 party,’ over which M. de Justh now
   reigns supreme."

{40}

   Immediately after his triumph at the party conference M. de
   Justh resigned the presidency of the Hungarian Chamber and
   presented himself for reelection. In that test he suffered
   defeat, the combined forces of the Andrassy Liberals, the
   Clerical People’s party, and the Kossuth group casting 201
   votes against 157. The Croatian Deputies abstained, owing, it
   is said, to a promise made to them by Dr. Wekerle that, if
   they remained neutral, he would deliver Croatia from the
   oppressive rule of the Ban, Baron Rauch. The political
   situation in Hungary was thus more than ever confused.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
   Alleged treasonable movement of Servians in Croatia.
   The Agram trials.

   The following telegram to the newspaper press, from Agram,
   Austria, October 5, 1909, reported the conclusion and the
   result of a long prosecution which had drawn wide attention
   and excited deep feeling in many parts of Europe for a full
   year:

   "After a trial lasting seven months, sentences were handed
   down to-day in the cases of fifty-two school teachers,
   priests, and other persons charged with connection with what
   is known as the ‘Greater Servia conspiracy.’ The prisoners
   were accused of high treason in participating in a movement
   for the union of Croatia, Slavonia, and Bosnia to Servia, even
   carrying the propaganda among the troops of the
   Austro-Hungarian army. Thirty of the accused are condemned to
   terms of rigorous imprisonment varying from four to twelve
   years, and twenty-two were acquitted. The persons condemned
   have given notification of appeal."

   On the 31st of December it was announced from Vienna that all
   but two of the condemned had been set at liberty pending their
   appeal, this being consequent on the revelations of forgery in
   the documents on which they were convicted.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH)
      at close of article.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
   Violence to the Treaty of Berlin.
   The European disturbance and its settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1808-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909.
   The language quarrel in Austria.

   "Amid deafening uproar from the Czech Radicals, the Austrian
   premier has submitted to the Chamber [February 3, 1909] two
   bills for the regulation of the Bohemian language question.
   The bills, which in present circumstances appear to have
   little chance of becoming law, divide Bohemia into 239
   judicial and 20 administrative districts. Of the former, 95
   are German, 138 Czech, and the remainder mixed, while of the
   administrative districts five are German, 10 Czech, and five
   mixed. In the German districts German is to be the predominant
   language, and in the Czech districts Czech, while in the mixed
   districts, which include Prague, the two languages are placed
   on an equal footing. Provision is, however, made for the use
   of either language if necessary throughout the whole
   province."

      NEW YORK EVENING POST.

   A telegram to the same journal from Vienna, March 10,
   reported:

   "The Lower House of the Austrian Parliament, which closed on
   February 5, after a scene of extraordinary turbulence arising
   from old racial ill-feeling between the Germans and the
   Czechs, reopened to-day with every promise of a continuance of
   the disorders. The galleries of the House were crowded with
   partisans of the two factions, and as soon as the ministers
   appeared hostile shouts came from the Czech and radical
   benches, drowning the cheers of the members of the Left party
   and the Poles.

   "Premier von Bienerth, amid an incessant tumult, declared the
   nineteenth session opened, saying he hoped the work would be
   crowned with success and the proceedings not disturbed. His
   statement sounded ironical in face of the unbroken uproar."

   The following is a later Press despatch, November 2, from
   Vienna:

   "The Emperor has accepted the resignations of the two Czech
   Ministers in the Austrian Cabinet, and has sanctioned the laws
   adopted by the Diets of Upper and Lower Austria, Salzburg and
   Vorarlberg, to establish the unilingual German character of
   those provinces. In the name of the Czech people the Czech
   National Council addressed yesterday a telegram to the Emperor
   begging that the laws might not be sanctioned, since, runs the
   telegram, they affect the honour of the Czech people and must
   cause constant racial strife both in the provinces and in
   Vienna, ‘which is not only the capital of Lower Austria, but
   is also the capital of the whole empire and of all its races.
   These laws are a dangerous beginning of constitutional changes
   in your Majesty’s glorious empire.’ A copy of the telegram was
   sent to the Polish leader, Dr. Glombinski, with an 'expression
   of the deepest regret that members of the Polish party should
   have supported as Ministers these anti-Slav laws.’"

   A revival of turbulent obstruction to legislative proceedings
   in the lower house of the Austrian Reichsrath led, at last, in
   December, to the enactment of rules which so enlarge the
   powers of the speaker as to enable him to suppress factious
   obstruction and to suspend deputies who outrage the decencies
   of behavior in the Chamber. The measure was limited in its
   operation to a year, but is expected to be prolonged.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Alleged plan of a Federated Triple Monarchy.

   "There has been circulated in Paris a curious document, full
   of figures, supposed to be based on authentic information.
   This document relates to the plan attributed to Prince Lentur
   and Count d’Aehrenthal to change the dual monarchy of
   Austria-Hungary into a triple monarchy. Croatia,
   Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, according to the scheme,
   would be united into an independent and constitutional
   kingdom, corresponding to the old Illyria. The double state,
   Austria-Hungary, would be changed into a three-fold
   Austria-Hungary-Illyria. A Slav nation would thus stand side
   by side with the Teutonic nation of Austria and the Magyar
   nation of Hungary. Its extent would be a good deal smaller, a
   little more than one-third, of the other two, and its
   population about a quarter of the Hungarian and one-sixth of
   the Austrian. According to this document, which is declared to
   have strong claims to be considered authentic, this change
   would no doubt be followed by a further one. Bohemia and
   Moravia would also want home rule. The monarchy would thus
   become a kind of Federal state. Hungary alone would remain
   standing strong and united as the centre and leader of this
   federation."

      New York Evening Post,
      December 29, 1909.

{41}

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909-1910.
   The Hungarian situation.

   Late in December, Dr. de Lukacs, who had served in the former
   Szell Ministry, was persuaded by the Crown to undertake the
   formation of a Government which might hope to secure some
   measure of parliamentary support, and on the 4th of January he
   was formally appointed Prime Minister; but his undertaking
   ended on the 11th, when he resigned, and Count Khuen Hedervary
   was heroic enough to accept the apparently hopeless task. The
   Hedervary Ministry suffered defeat on the 28th of January,
   when a vote of no confidence was carried by M. de Justh, and
   the King thereupon prorogued the chamber until March 24. A
   majority of the members, however, remained in session until
   they had adopted a resolution declaring the Government to be
   unconstitutional and forbidding the payment of taxes to it.
   Such is the Hungarian situation at the time this record of
   events goes to print—February, 1910.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1910.
   The Archduke Franz Ferdinand,
   Heir Apparent to the thrones.

   Since the tragically mysterious death (January 30, 1889) of
   the Emperor’s only son, Rudolph, the heir apparent to the
   several Hapsburgh crowns has been the Archduke Franz
   Ferdinand, son of the Emperor’s brother, the late Archduke
   Karl Ludwig. In order to contract a morganatic marriage, some
   years ago, he renounced the right of his children to the
   imperial and regal succession; but it is believed that he will
   force the regularizing of his marriage and the annulling of
   his renunciation, as he is reputed to be a man of strenuous
   will. According to report, also, he is strongly
   anti-democratic and reactionary, and extremely likely to give
   trouble as a sovereign to this democratic generation.

   ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

AUTOCRAT:
   Title denied to the Czar by the Third Duma.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

AZAD-UL-MULK.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

AZEFF:
   The Russian police spy and agent provocateur.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

AZUL, Party of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY.

B.

BABISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BACON, Robert:
   Secretary of State.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BADEN: A. D. 1906.
   Introduction of universal suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BAEYER, Adolf von.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BAGDAD RAILWAY, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

BA HAMED, Late Grand Wazeer of Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

BAHIA HONDA:
   Coaling and naval station leased to the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1903.

BAHIMA, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: ITS COLONIZABILITY.

BAILEY, L. H.:
   On Country Life Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

BAKHMETIEFF, Madame:
   Her humane work in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BAKHTIARI, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BAKU: Destruction of Oil Industry.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALDWIN ARCTIC EXPEDITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      Polar Exploration.

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   Becomes Prime Minister of England.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   His puzzling attitude on Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for
   preferential trade with the Colonies.
   Correspondence on Mr. Chamberlain’s resignation.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   In the "Dreadnought" debate of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BALFOUR MINISTRY:
   Its resignation.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

   ----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Start--------

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903-1907.
   Complaint of European non-action by Christian subjects
   of Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1907.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bosnia: A. D. 1908.
   Arbitrary annexation to Austria-Hungary.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria:
   The influence of Robert College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1901.
   The Bulgarian committee which directs revolutionary operations
   and assassinations in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
   Alleged promotion of revolt in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Barbarities of Bulgarian bands in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.


BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908.
   The race struggle in Macedonia.

      See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Independence of Turkey declared and won.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
   Prince Ferdinand assumes the title of King.

   On the acquisition of complete Bulgarian independence, Prince
   Ferdinand was said at first to be intending to assume the
   title of Tsar; but that intention, if it had been formed, was
   changed, and he took the title of King.

{42}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria and Servia: A.D. 1905.
   Customs Union Convention between the two States.
   Anger and Hostility of Austria.
   Dictatorial demands on Servia.
   The frontier closed to trade.

   "Servia and Bulgaria, in July, 1905, signed a Customs
   Convention, creating a customs union and breaking down the
   tariff barriers between the two countries. The age is the age
   of union in business, in finance, in every department in life.
   … Not only has the Customs Convention between the two
   countries, which is, after all, but the first step towards a
   real zollverein, demonstrated the trend of international
   development, but it has enabled the world to see clearly the
   relations existing between the small Balkan States—unprotected
   by any guarantee of neutrality—and their great neighbours. It
   has been made clear that, despite all the many protestations
   in Vienna of goodwill to the Balkan States, Austria does not
   wish to see real progress in that part of Europe. And what is
   true of Austria is true also of Russia. …

   "True to her unvarying policy, Austria no sooner heard of the
   Customs Convention than she set to work to destroy it,
   claiming that it damaged her commercial interests. By her
   unjust attempts at coercion, plain and undisguised, Austria
   brought into being a political bond between Bulgaria and
   Servia which was not in existence at the time of the signature
   of the Customs Convention. …

   "In the past Servia has fallen more and more completely under
   the domination of Austria; her geographical position and her
   internal troubles made her an easy prey for Vienna, and had it
   not been for the desire of Russia to share the dainty morsel,
   Servia would in all probability have gone ere this to join the
   Servian provinces of Bosnia and Hersegovina as an integral
   part of the Austrian Empire. Her commerce is almost solely
   with Austria or Hungary, and her finances are under the
   control of a French-Austrian syndicate. It might therefore
   well seem incredible that the small State, bound thus hand and
   foot to the oppressor, should dare to oppose her desire for
   liberty to the Austrian desire for gain, political,
   commercial, or financial. But just as under the Turkish rule
   the Servians began to fight for freedom in small bands, so the
   Customs Convention with Bulgaria represents the first blow for
   economic and political freedom. … While the Convention
   represents an effort on Servia’s part to free herself from the
   thrall of Austria, it was not directed against that country.
   It seeks rather to open up new markets and new means of
   export, for which there was sufficient reason in the fact that
   there was no increase in the export of Servian goods to
   Austria during the last few years, some of which even showed a
   decrease. Commercial development demanded that new markets
   should be sought and a new route via Bulgaria to the Black Sea
   ports be opened up. …

   "On January 8th the Austrian Minister in Belgrade presented a
   note from his Government making it a condition that in order
   that the negotiations for a commercial treaty should not be
   suspended, the Servian Government should engage not to bring
   the Customs Union before the Skouptchina before the conclusion
   of the treaty. At the same time he indicated the disastrous
   results of refusal on Servia’s part. The Servian Cabinet
   accepted the Austrian proposals as to the postponement of the
   presentation of the Customs Union to the Skouptchina, and
   promised also to consider the modification of the Convention
   in so far as these modifications were not contrary to the
   nature of the Customs Union. The Austrian Minister recommended
   a change of the reply, because his Government would not accept
   it as it stood. On the Servians refusing to make any change,
   he gave them till the afternoon of the next day to repent,
   with the alternative that the treaty negotiations would be
   broken off and the frontiers closed. … Servia insisted upon
   maintaining her dignity as a nation, while expressing her
   readiness to meet Austria in every possible economic way.
   Furious at the Servian refusal, the Viennese authorities
   ordered the closing of the frontiers to Servian cattle, pigs,
   and even fowls. This last restriction was contrary to the
   existing treaty of commerce between the two countries which
   does not expire till March 1st, 1906. The cattle and pigs were
   excluded under the arbitrary veterinary convention, it having
   been found that a pig had died of ‘diplomatic swine fever,’ a
   contagious disease, prevalent when Servia opposes Austrian
   desires. The cool indifference with which Austria ignored her
   treaty obligations with Servia led to a profound feeling that
   it was hardly worth making sacrifices in order to obtain a new
   commercial treaty, which could be as equally well ignored.
   Patriotic fervour waxed great in Servia, and the people
   prepared to make a good fight for their liberty. But it was
   never overlooked that the relations with Austria were of great
   and vital importance."

      Alfred Stead,
      The Serbo-Bulgarian Convention and its Results
      (Fortnightly Review, March, 1906).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Herzegovina: A. D. 1908.
   Annexation to Austria.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: A. D. 1905.
   Prince Nicholas’s Constitution, and his operation of it.

   "When Prince Nicholas heard that the Czar had promised his
   people a Constitution, he, disciple of Russia in all things,
   determined to outdo Nicholas II., and, as a matter of fact,
   granted his little country [December, 1905] a more liberal
   Constitution than that which Russia enjoys. In Russia certain
   things were not to be discussed in the Duma. In Montenegro,
   everything could be discussed. When this principle began to be
   put in practice, however, although in the most loyal and
   respectful manner, the Prince took offence and began to
   imprison politicians who dared to ask for information about
   the financial condition of the principality. As a consequence,
   he made himself unpopular among what in Russia would be called
   the ‘intelligencia,’ but, being a man of far stronger
   personality and more striking genius than the Czar of Russia,
   he is still feared and obeyed. He is, in fact, an old soldier
   with all the old soldier’s preference for barrack discipline
   as the only method of rule, and in thinking that he understood
   what is meant by the words ‘constitutional government’ he
   deceived himself, for he does not understand, and being an old
   man surrounded by flatterers, he is perhaps less able to
   understand now than he would have been thirty years ago.

   "If he had been more adaptable, and had taken greater pains to
   instruct his people in the methods of parliamentary
   government, the constitutionalist movement might have been a
   success, but unfortunately he withdrew from Cettinje in a
   ‘huff’ when the Skupschina passed some criticisms on the
   government, and declined to coöperate with the deputies,
   though they were all very anxious to have his advice. It is
   stated, on the other hand, however, that the Skupschina
   interpreted in too large a sense the Constitution that had
   been granted to them."

   Special Correspondent New York Evening Post,
   Cettinje, December 15, 1908.

{43}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   With Servia against Austrian annexation of Bosnia
   and Herzegovina.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Roumania: A. D. 1866-1906.
   Development of the country under King Charles I. and
   his admirable Queen.

   "The efforts of King Charles have been principally devoted
   towards internal improvement. Railways have increased and
   improved since the State purchased them in 1886, at an outlay
   of 237,500,000 francs. Then there were 1,407 kilometres; in
   1903 these had increased to 3,177. In the Dobrudja, given to
   Roumania after the war with Turkey, the King has created a
   great commercial port at Constantza, whence the grain and
   petroleum of Roumania can flood the market. From here will
   radiate a Roumanian merchant marine, which will bear the
   Roumanian flag to all parts of the world. Agriculture has been
   carefully cherished, and to-day the country is one of the
   principal grain-exporting countries of the world, and the lot
   of the peasant, formerly so low, has been improved. An
   educational system has sprung into being, owing much to the
   direct support and inspiration of the Royal family. The
   finances have been put on a stable footing, and although the
   nation has already acquired a sufficiency of debt, the future
   is not at all dangerously beset. Thanks to the discovery of
   extensive petroleum fields, Roumania has been strengthened and
   raised from the position of a country relying solely on the
   rain and sun for its prosperity; while thanks to the King’s
   indefatigable efforts and unceasing watchfulness, the
   petroleum industry has been protected from becoming the
   monopoly either of the ruthless Standard Oil Trust or of the
   politically guided and government-supported German Bank. Had
   King Charles done nothing else for Roumania, his determined
   and wise action in this question would have earned him all
   praise. But whether it be in the question of the Danube, with
   its international Commission, or of the transformation of the
   twelve enormous Crown lands, dispersed over the kingdom, into
   national and social models, to see and follow—a work due
   principally to M. Kalindero—the King’s interest in all things
   which directly or indirectly touch Roumania is unabated.

   "And what manner of man is this, who has thus created a
   European State out of the remnants of a land cursed by a
   Turkish rule and Phanariot sway? First and foremost he is
   always a Hohenzollern, swayed by his obedience to duty, and
   based upon that Hohenzollern saying: 'It is not enough to be
   born a prince, you must show that you are worthy of the
   title,' and second, he is ever a true Roumanian, who has
   caught much of the inspiration of those great former Roumanian
   leaders and warriors. His youth was one of discipline and
   healthy education, while the influence of his father on his
   character can never be overestimated. Every inch a king, he
   never forgets that he is always also a man—personal
   animosities never cloud his national judgment. An
   indefatigable worker and on an organised plan tending towards
   definite ends, King Charles devotes his whole time to his
   never-ceasing task. By his marriage to Princess Elizabeth of
   Wied’ [known in literature as Carmen Sylva] ‘a marriage so
   non-political as to make it a political event of the first
   importance,’ he brought to Roumania a queen who made herself
   beloved of all, and speedily became the centre of all
   charitable ideas and works."

      Alfred Stead,
      King Charles I. of Roumania
      (Fortnightly Review, July, 1906).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1902.
   Oppression of the Jews.
   Appeal of the United States to the signatories
   of the Treaty of Berlin.

   On the 11th of August, 1902, Mr. John Hay, Secretary of State
   in the Government of the United States, addressed a
   communication to the American Ambassadors and Ministers in
   Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia,
   Italy, and Turkey, whose governments were parties to the
   Berlin Treaty of 1878, directing that it be read to the proper
   ministers in the governments of those countries. The
   communication related to the treatment of the Jews in
   Roumania, which had long been a matter of deep concern to the
   United States, not only from sympathy with the persecuted
   people, but also because of the state in which it drove them
   as emigrants to this land. An abridgment of Secretary Hay’s
   despatch, published at the time, renders its substance as
   follows:

   "As long ago as in 1872 this country protested against the
   oppression of these Jews under Turkish rule. The Treaty of
   Berlin it was supposed would cure this wrong by the provisions
   of its forty-fourth article, which prescribed that ‘in
   Roumania the difference of religious creeds and confessions
   shall not be alleged against any person as a ground for
   exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment
   of civil and political rights, admission to public
   employments, functions and honors, or the exercise of the
   various professions and industries in any locality whatsoever.
   These prescriptions, however, have, in the lapse of time, been
   rendered nugatory as regards the native Jews of Roumania.
   Apart from the political disabilities of the Jews in that
   country, and their exclusion from the liberal professions,
   they are denied the inherent rights of man as a breadwinner in
   the ways of agriculture and trade. They are prohibited from
   owning land or from cultivating it as common laborers; they
   are debarred from residing in the rural districts, and many
   branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to
   them in the cities. They have become reduced to a state of
   wretched misery. The experience of the United States shows
   that the Jews possess in a high degree the qualities of good
   citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to our
   shores when coming equipped in mind and body, but when they
   come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by physical and mental
   oppression in their native land, their migration lacks the
   essential conditions which make alien immigration either
   acceptable or beneficial. Many of these Roumanian Jews are
   forced to quit their native country, and the United States is
   almost the only refuge left to them. They come hither unfitted
   by the conditions of their exile to take part in the new life
   of this land, and they are objects of charity for a long time.
   Therefore the right of remonstrance against the acts of the
   Roumanian Government is fairly established in favor of this
   Government. This Government cannot be a tacit party to what it
   regards as an international wrong. It is constrained to
   protest against the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania
   are subjected. The United States is not a signatory to the
   Treaty of Berlin, and cannot, therefore, appeal
   authoritatively to the stipulations of that treaty, but it
   does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein,
   because they are the principles of international law and
   eternal justice."

{44}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1907.
   Agrarian and anti-Semitic riots.

   Serious riotings of the peasants of Roumania, in both Moldavia
   and Wallachia, occurred in April, 1907. Before the rising
   could be suppressed more than 100,000 troops were employed;
   the capital, Bucharest, was in a state of siege, and martial
   law was proclaimed throughout the country. At first the
   character of the uprising seems to have been purely agrarian.
   The peasants demanded land at low prices and tried to throw
   off the yoke of the middlemen, who are mostly Jews. As the
   revolt spread, villages, farms, and even some towns were
   plundered and destroyed by wholesale. Hundreds of peasants
   were killed, and in several sections a state of real war
   existed for more than a week. King Charles issued a
   proclamation to his people promising the redress of their
   grievances. The Conservative ministry resigned on March 24 and
   a Liberal government was at once formed under the presidency
   of Dr. Sturdza.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia: A. D. 1901-1903.
   Royal Constitution-making and unmaking.

   The character of the Servian monarchy, and the value to the
   nation of its king-made Constitution, may be judged from the
   following report, May 12, 1903, to the State Department of the
   United States Government, by its Minister at Athens, who has
   the care of American interests at Belgrade: "The Servian
   constitution now in force is that which was granted the
   country by King Alexander on April 6-19, 1901. Under this
   constitution the influence of the radical party had gradually
   increased to such an extent that the King thought it was
   dangerous to the welfare of the country. For some time there
   were rumors to the effect that a new constitution was in
   contemplation and would probably be put into force on the
   anniversary of its predecessor. More or less excitement was
   caused by these reports, and in consequence the King
   determined to act at once.

   "On the afternoon of March 24—April 6 last [1903] a royal
   proclamation was issued to the Servian people, explaining the
   King’s views of the situation, suspending the constitution
   referred to above, annulling the ukase of April 6, 1901, and
   all subsequent ukases relating to the election of senators,
   retiring all the members of the council of state, dissolving
   the Skupshtina (national chamber of deputies), annulling the
   election of all senators chosen for the period 1901-1906,
   annulling various laws relating to the liberty of the press,
   the election of deputies, etc., and putting into force certain
   laws which had previously been repealed.

   "The next morning a second proclamation was issued, putting
   the same constitution in force again, and directing the life
   senators to elaborate a provisional law for the election of
   senators and deputies, who should hold office, respectively,
   until September, 1909, and May, 1907.

   "The date for the elections has been fixed for the first part
   of June. It is considered probable that the Radical members of
   the Government (four ministers, I believe) will soon withdraw
   from the cabinet."

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
   The murder of King Alexander, Queen Draga, her brothers,
   and two ministers of state.
   The military plot.

   King Alexander, who received the Servian crown, as a mere boy,
   by the abdication of his father, the erratic King Milan, in
   1889, began his reign autocratically, but attempted twelve
   years later, to propitiate popular favor by the grant of a
   liberal constitution, in 1901.

      See, in Volume I. of this work,
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889.

   This failed, however, to win the good will of his subjects,
   and he annulled it in April, 1903, with much of the
   legislation it had produced. This intensified public feeling
   against him, and against his unpopular Queen,—the former
   lady-in-waiting at his mother’s court, Madame Draga Maschin.
   This marriage in 1900 is related in:

      See in Volume VI. of this work
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

   There were fears of an intention to force recognition of Queen
   Draga's brother as heir apparent to the crown, and feeling in
   the army became especially bitter against both king and queen.
   The outcome was an awful tragedy of murder on the night of
   June 11, 1903, when a party of officers broke into the palace
   and slew, with barbaric ferocity, the King, the Queen, the
   Queen’s brothers, the Prime Minister, and the Minister for
   War. The following account of the horrible tragedy appeared in
   the next issue of The Contemporary Review:

   "All traces of the midnight carnage in the palace of Belgrade
   have been cleared away. The Pretender for whose benefit it was
   perpetrated comes in. First proclaimed in the midst of the
   still warm corpses, the title of military acclamation has been
   ratified by a National Assembly, convened by the Pretorians
   almost simultaneously with the massacre to meet three days
   after that event, and in the palace where Colonel Maschine and
   his lieutenants, acting in the names of outraged national
   dignity and social purity, put to shame human nature,
   Karageorgevich, whose career as a Pretender in some points
   resembles that of Louis Napoleon, accepts the proffered crown.
   The telegraphic agencies have informed us that order reigns at
   Belgrade, and that Peter I. has entered his capital amid
   demonstrations of public joy. The representatives of the Press
   of Europe, numbering about a hundred, were, through the
   civility of a palace official who witnessed the nocturnal
   invasion, taken through the theatre of one of the most
   revolting crimes of modern history. They were minutely
   informed of the circumstances connected with it, saw the
   smashed doors and floors where dynamite tubes had exploded,
   the pistol shots in walls and ceilings; the timepieces shaken
   by the explosion had stopped at five minutes past one on the
   morning of the 12th June. The palace official took them into
   the little wardrobe room in which the King and Queen had
   hidden themselves, and, when found, met their doom, unshriven,
   offering no resistance. …

{45}

   "Officers who had studied in the Zurich Polytechnic school
   knew how to use dynamite without injury to themselves when
   they wanted to break in doors massive as those of a church.
   Those who had been told off to cut the electric wires
   communicating with lamps had indiarubber gloves. They searched
   by the light of composite candles they had brought in their
   pockets for the hiding-place of the King and Queen. When they
   discovered the fugitives, some of the officers held high the
   candles for their comrades to lay on and not spare the
   unfortunate pair. There was no attempt to resist. All
   Alexander wanted was ‘to die with Draga,’ and this elevated
   him into the region of romance. It may hereafter furnish a
   theme to Servian bards. Another modern circumstance makes
   one’s flesh creep. The bodies, flung out of a window, lay on a
   garden walk until dawn, when a soldier received an order to
   wash them there with a fireman’s hydrant, and when they had
   been cleansed to lay them on the tables of the palace kitchen
   for dissection. The surgeons had been requisitioned to come
   there at five o’clock. …

   "At the post-mortem in the palace kitchen at Belgrade, the
   surgeons counted in the body of Alexander six revolver wounds,
   each deadly, and forty-two sword wounds. Draga received two
   pistol balls and sixty-two sword cuts and slashes. She had
   been cut to pieces, but they left her face unmutilated.
   And—still more frightful—her corpse bore black and blue marks
   that testified to a merciless pounding with strong fists. The
   regicides gave so many conflicting accounts of their adventure
   that one did not know what to believe. It is now certain that
   the King and Queen were defenceless, that they at once on
   being aroused by the dynamite took refuge in her wardrobe
   room, and that they never sought to escape by the roof, and
   did not run through a long suite of rooms, slamming the doors
   after them. They had not a moment’s time to utter a prayer.

   "Draga’s brothers received a five minutes’ respite to make
   their souls. Nicodemus, the eldest, for whom Mademoiselle Pach
   mourns in Brussels, asked for cigars and for leave to embrace
   his brother. He and Nicholas faced unflinchingly a firing
   party, casting away the cigar ends as they stood before a
   wall. …

   "Colonel Maschine, who figures as the ringleader in the
   conspiracy, had been in the inner circle of King Milan, who
   thought him a valuable officer. Milan, a man with considerable
   ability and without his match in playing an intricate and
   difficult diplomatic game, had been educated in his mother’s
   fast set in Vienna, and at a Paris lycée. … Military force as
   a means of government recommended itself to his barbarous
   mind. It may be that he saw in Maschine a man suitable for
   coup d’état work. An ostensible reason for taking him
   into favour was Maschine’s bravery in the campaign against
   Bulgaria and his personal fidelity to Milan, as twice evinced
   in saving his life. The partiality of the King buoyed up
   Maschine’s hopes of a brilliant military career. Death
   overtook Milan, who so often had escaped poison and assassin’s
   bullets, on his way to Belgrade, where he was to have set
   Alexander aside and remounted the throne. His unexpected
   decease blighted the colonel’s prospects, inasmuch as Draga
   gained thereby uncontrolled influence over the King. She and
   the Maschines had long kept up a bitter feud. Barbarians like
   to brood over their grievances, real or imaginary. Colonel
   Maschine could not forget or forgive, and his pride prevented
   him from trying to propitiate her when she let him know that
   he thought her more intractable than she really was. He had
   set about the slander that she poisoned her first husband, and
   then made believe he committed suicide. This story had been
   told by the Colonel to Milan. Alexander, when his father
   repeated it to him, called it a ‘machination,’ the name he
   ever after gave to slanders and libels that came to his
   knowledge about Draga. He refused to hear calumnious tales,
   but could not prevent anonymous letters passing into the hands
   of his secretary, and spoke of the Court of Russia as being
   stupidly turned against his wife by ‘machinations.’ One can
   understand from this why Colonel Maschine became the soul of
   the horrible conspiracy, and bent his whole mind to carry out
   a plan which has succeeded, through his perfect generalship as
   to ensemble, the minutest attention to details, the
   widest prescience, the coolest head and an utter
   unscrupulousness."

      Ivanovich,
      The Servian Massacre
      (Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

   In the same issue of The Contemporary, Dr. Dillon
   wrote: "A graphic version of one scene of the tragedy, which
   was given to me by one of the murderers, Adjutant N., is as
   follows:

   ‘We were wild with passion, trembling with excitement,
   incapable of receiving any impressions from the things and
   people around us. Hence we cannot say who shot the King in the
   head, who in the heart. But I have a vivid recollection of
   some things. I remember turning out the electric light and
   going to fetch candles to light my comrades on the way. That
   done I remained together with them to the end. I remember our
   breaking into the King’s bedroom, finding it empty, and then
   looking into the Queen’s wardrobe room, where we found the
   pair. Who fired first? I don’t know; nobody knows. At first we
   did not fire at all. We drew our sabres and cut off the
   fingers of the King and Queen; four fingers were hewn from the
   King’s hand. Then we fired.’"

      E. J. Dillon,
      Servia and the Rival Dynasties
      (Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

   The hideous crime which ended the reign of King Alexander
   excited horror everywhere except in Servia. There it seemed to
   be approved and rejoiced over universally, even the head of
   the national Servian Church, the Metropolitan of Belgrade,
   officiating at a thanksgiving service and commending the army
   for what it had done. Senators and Deputies of the Skupstchina
   filled the vacant throne by the election of Prince Peter
   Karageorgievitch, descendant of Kara Georg (Black George), the
   primary hero of the later struggle of the Servians with the
   Turk. King Alexander had been of the house of Milosh
   Obrenovitch, founder of the Obrenovitch dynasty, which
   supplanted that of Kara Georg.

      See in Volume I. of this work,
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
      14TH-19TH CENTURIES: SERVIA.

   Prince Peter, then in exile at Geneva, accepted the
   blood-stained crown, and was welcomed at Belgrade on the 24th
   of June. Foreign governments, except those of Russia and
   Austria-Hungary, gave no recognition to the new sovereign for
   some time; but, said a writer in The Fortnightly Review
   of the next month, "no thrill of horror has been manifested by
   the ‘dear brothers ’ and ‘cousins’ of the royal victims; on
   the very day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses of a
   King and Queen were being exposed to the outrages of frenzied
   fiends, there was never a pause in the pomp and circumstance
   and revelry of European Courts.
{46}
   But the ghastly details of the deed have appealed to the
   melodramatic instincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid
   indignation throughout every land. What honest person could
   fail to be stirred by the story of the conspirators, sitting
   over their wine under the verandah of the Srbski Kruna,
   uproariously urging the gipsy band to play Queen Draga’s March
   before they sallied forth to hack her to pieces with their
   swords; by the airy apologies of the baffled murderers when
   they roused a citizen for axes and candles, wherewith to track
   down their victims in the sleeping palace; by the thought of
   the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their own gardens,
   riddled with bullets, sighing through the small hours for the
   long-delayed relief of death? In the pages of ancient or
   mediaeval history, even in sensational fiction, such hellish
   horrors could not fail to arouse intense emotion; in the cold
   glare of the twentieth century they are brought home so
   vividly that we are almost eye-witnesses."

      Herbert Vivian,
      A ‘Glorious Revolution’ in Servia
      (Fortnightly Review, July, 1903).

   A general election in September gave the Radicals a decisive
   majority in the Skupstchina, and a Radical Ministry under
   General Gruiteh was formed.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1904.
   Coronation of King Peter.

   King Peter was anointed and crowned with due ceremony, at
   Zicha, on the 9th of October, 1904. Representatives of all the
   Powers in Europe except Great Britain did honor to the
   occasion by their presence; thus condoning the foul crime
   which smeared the new King’s crown with blood. The officers
   who committed the crime had been dismissed from their palace
   posts, but rewarded by military promotion.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Attitude toward Austria on the annexation of Bosnia and
   Herzegovina.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The alleged "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
   The Agram Trials.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
   Renunciation of the crown by the Crown Prince.

   The following note was addressed to the Prime Minister of
   Servia by the Crown Prince, George, on the 25th of March,
   1909: "Driven by unjustified insinuations based on an
   unfortunate occurrence, I beg in defence of my honour, as well
   as of my conscience, to declare that I renounce all claims to
   the Throne, as well as any other privileges to which I am
   entitled. I beg you to take note of this, and to take the
   necessary steps that this action may receive the necessary
   sanction. I place my services as a soldier and citizen at the
   disposal of my King and Fatherland, ready to give my life for
   them.
   —George."

   The "unfortunate occurrence" alluded to was the death of one
   of the Prince’s servants from injuries which the Prince was
   believed by the public to have inflicted, as he was reputed to
   have a brutal temper.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia and Bulgaria: A.D. 1905.
   Customs Union Convention.

      See above:
      BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

   ----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: End--------

BALLINGER, Richard A.:
   Secretary of the Interior, United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

BALLINGER, Richard A.:
   Action against Water Power Monopoly.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

BALLOONS, Dirigible.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

BALTIC FLEET, The Russian:
   Its voyage and destruction.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

BALTIC PROVINCES:
   Peasant insurrection.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALTIMORE: A. D. 1904.
   Destructive fire.

   Next to that at Chicago in 1871, the most destructive fire
   among the many that have devastated the cities of the United
   States occurred at Baltimore on February 7th and 8th, 1904. It
   burned for thirty hours, in the heart of the city, the center
   of its business, destroying some 2600 buildings and consuming
   property to the estimated value of $75,000,000.

BAMBAATA.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

BANNARD, Otto T.:

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1902.
   General strike and battle with soldiery.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
   Revolutionary outbreak.
   Trial and execution of Professor Ferrer.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
   Riotous hostility to war in Morocco.

      See MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

BARGE (ERIE) CANAL, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

BARNATO, Harry.
   Bequest for cancer research.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

BARRETT, Charles Simon:
   President of the National Farmers’ Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

BARRETT, John.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

BARRETT, John.
   Delegate to Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BARTHOLDT, Richard.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909, and 1907.

BARTON, Sir Edmund:
    Premier of Australia.

       See (in this Volume)
       AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

BAST, The taking of.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

BASUTOLAND:

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BAVARIA: A. D. 1906.
   Introduction of direct voting.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BEATIFICATION OF JOAN OF ARC.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

BECHUANALAND: A. D. 1904.
   Census.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BECK, Baron.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BECQUEREL, Henri.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;
      also, NOBEL PRIZES.

"BEEF TRUST," The:
Investigations and prosecutions by the U. S. Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
      A. D. 1901-1906; 1903-1906; and 1910.

{47}

BEERNAERT, M.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES

BEHRING, Emil Adolf von.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BEIRUT:
   Joy over the restored constitution of Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D). 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

   ----------BELGIUM: Start--------

BELGIUM: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of population compared with other European countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1900-1904.
   Municipal systems of insurance against unemployment.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.
   Popular opposition to the plural vote.
   Demand for constitutional revision defeated.
   General strike in the country.

   Substantially universal but not equal suffrage is given to the
   male citizens of Belgium by the Constitution of the kingdom as
   revised in 1893.

      See in Volume I. of this work,
      CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

   All have one vote, but certain classes of persons, qualified
   by property ownership, tax-payments, education, office-holding
   or professional dignity, are given one or two supplementary
   votes. Opposition to this political inequality had been
   growing from the first, until it united the Socialist and
   Liberal parties in a demand for the revision of the
   Constitution, not only to abolish the plural suffrage, but to
   introduce proportional representation and compulsory
   education. The agitation attending this demand brought about,
   in April, a general strike throughout the country of workmen
   in all departments of industry, to the extent of 350,000. The
   Government resisted the demand, maintaining that the system of
   plural voting had not been sufficiently tried, and the bill
   for constitutional revision was defeated in the Chamber of
   Representatives, after a bitter debate, by 84 votes to 64.

   The situation was described as follows by Mr. Townsend, the
   American Minister to Belgium, in a despatch of April 19:

   "The struggle between labor and capital in Belgium has become
   extremely acute in the past few years. A large industrial
   population, confined to a small superficial area, with long
   hours of labor and small wages, have combined to produce a
   feeling of discontent among the working classes, who, perhaps
   unjustly, blame the existing Government for a condition of
   affairs which may be due to economic conditions rather than
   political. This is a factor which may be largely responsible
   for the rapid growth of Socialism in Belgium during the past
   few years. Liberals and Socialists have combined to fight for
   universal suffrage, and have raised the cry ‘one man one vote’
   as a panacea for the existing ills.

   "The Clericals maintain that the existing system of plural
   voting meets the present requirements of the country; that it
   places a premium on education, and acts as a check to the
   power of the ignorant, who are prone to resort to violence and
   disorder. The more moderate Liberals in the House of
   Representatives expressed a willingness to accept a compromise
   in the shape of a total abolition of the triple vote, granting
   one vote at 25 years and a second vote to married men of 35 or
   40 years, with legitimate issue. The Clericals, however, would
   not consider a compromise and opposed revision in any form.

   "During the past fortnight, while the debates on the subject
   of revision were being held in the House of Representatives,
   the socialists and workingmen have held nightly meetings at
   the Maison du Peuple, and have frequently paraded the streets
   shouting for universal suffrage and ‘one man one vote.’ The
   Liberal members, as well as some of the socialist leaders in
   the House, have cautioned the paraders to be calm, to avoid
   violence and disorder. But the ranks of the paraders have been
   swelled by the addition of the representatives of the very
   lowest and criminal classes of the population, the result
   being a conflict with the police followed by the breaking of
   windows and other damages to property. Shots were exchanged
   between the gendarmes and rioters, several of the latter being
   killed and wounded. Similar scenes were at the same time
   enacted in other towns in Belgium, consequently the Government
   called out the troops. Order has been restored, but the
   streets of Brussels, as well as the large towns, are lined
   with soldiers. A general strike has taken place in all the
   industrial centers of Belgium, with the avowed object of
   forcing the Government to grant universal suffrage, but
   without success. The feeling of unrest is very general all
   over the country."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of
      the United States, 1902, page 85.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
   Enactment to compensate workmen for injurious accidents.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
   Agreement for settlement of claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903-1905.
   King Leopold’s administration of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
   Liberal gains in the elections, at the expense of the
   Catholics and Socialists.

   Belgian elections, in May, reduced the majority by which the
   Clericals still retained control of the Government, and took
   six seats in the representative chamber from the Socialists,
   adding in all nine to the representation of the Liberal party.
   The latter continued, with no success, its demand for a
   revision of the Constitution, especially for the abolition of
   the plural vote, which gives the Church party its majority in
   Parliament, while its voters are an actual minority of the
   nation.

   Belgian feeling on the subject of the charges of brutal
   oppression in the Congo Free State was deeply stirred, and its
   current ran strongly against the accusers of the King. The
   public in general appears to have been fully persuaded that
   interested motives were actuating the whole criticism of Congo
   administration, and that the stories of inhumanity to the
   natives were wholly false.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1906.
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908.
   North Sea and Baltic agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908 (October).
   Annexation of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909.
   New military law.
   Compulsory service with no substitution.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: BELGIAN.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (October).
   The Government’s programme of reforms in the Congo State.

      See CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

{47}

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Death of King Leopold.
   Accession of King Albert.

   On the 17th of December, 1909, King Leopold died. He was
   succeeded on the throne by Prince Albert, son of his brother,
   the Count of Flanders. Of the new King, who was born in 1875,
   it was said by The Times, of London: "The happiest
   expectations are cherished in Belgium for the new King’s
   reign. He has shown, together with his gracious Consort, that
   desire to identify himself with the interests of the humblest
   of his subjects which we are accustomed to admire among the
   characteristic merits of our own Royal Family. He was
   naturally precluded by his position from taking any part in
   the controversies connected with the Congo, but it may
   reasonably be thought that if his uncle’s life had been less
   prolonged the constitutional difficulties raised by the ‘Congo
   question’ would have been avoided. He is known to have been
   painfully impressed by the need of reform during his recent
   visit to the colony."

   ----------BELGIUM: End--------

BELL, Richard:
   Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

BENEDICTINES: Forbidden to teach in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      France: A. D. 1908.

BENGAL: A. D. 1905.
   Partition of the Province.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

BEQUESTS.

      See GIFTS.

BERESFORD, Admiral Lord Charles:
   On the "Dreadnought."

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: DREADNOUGHT ERA.

BERKELEY, California:
   Perfect example of the "Commission Plan" of Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CALIFORNIA.

BERLIN: A. D. 1903.
   Sweeping victory of Socialists in Imperial election.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

BERLIN: A. D. 1905.
   Strike in electrical industries.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

BERLIN TREATY OF 1878, Violations of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, Dr. von:
   Appointed Chancellor of the German Empire.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909, AND 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

"BIG SIX," The.

      See (in this Volume)
      Combinations, Industrial: United States: A. D. 1903-1906.
      The "Beef Trust."

BIRRELL, Augustine,
   President of the Board of Education.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

BIRRELL, Augustine,
   Chief Secretary for Ireland.
   Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (MAY).

BISWAS, Ashutosh, Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

BITUMINOUS COAL STRIKES.

   See (in this Volume)
   LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BJORNSON, Bjornstjerne.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BLACK HAND, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

BLERIOT, Louis.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

BLIND, Karl:
   On the "Young Turks."

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

"BLOC," Chancellor Bülow’s:
   Incongruous coalition in the German Reichstag.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

   Its break.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

"BLOODY SUNDAY."

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

BOARDS OF CONCILIATION.

      See Labor Organization:
      GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOBRIKOFF, Governor-General of Finland:
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

BOER-BRITISH WAR, Last year of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOERS, The:
   Repatriation and resettlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BOERS, The:
   Active in movement for South African Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOGOLIEPOFF, M.,
   Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      American Republics.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901.
   Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1902 (NOVEMBER).

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1903-1909.
   Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Brazil and Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

BOMBAY PRESIDENCY, The Bubonic Plague in.

      See (in this Volume)
      Public Health: Bubonic Plague.

BONAPARTE, Charles J.:
   Secretary of the Navy and Attorney-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BOND, Sir Robert: Premier of Newfoundland.
   Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

BOND, Sir Robert:
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      British Empire: A. D. 1907.

BOND, Sir Robert:
   Resignation and defeat at election.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

BONHAM, Captain W. F.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BONILLA, General Manuel:
   Revolutionary President of Honduras.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903, and 1907.

BONUS SYSTEM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE BONUS SYSTEM.

"BOODLERS," so called, in municipal government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BORSTAL SYSTEM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PREVENTIVE DETENTION.

BOSHIN CLUB.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

BOSNIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BOSTON: A. D. 1904.
   International Peace Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

BOSTON: A. D. 1909.
   New plan of city government chosen by popular vote.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

{49}

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
   In the closing year of the Boer-British War.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
   Premier of the Transvaal.
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
   Leader in movement for South African Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOURGEOIS, Leon:
   President of the French Chamber of Deputies.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902. (APRIL-OCTOBER).

BOURGEOIS, Leon:
   President of Chamber of Deputies.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

BOURGEOIS, Leon:
   Minister of Foreign Affairs.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

BOURSE LAW, German:
   Revision of it.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

BOURSES DU TRAVAIL.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D.1884-1909.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
   Penalty paid by China for it.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
   Recurrence of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1902.

BOYCOTTING: In China:
   The boycotting of the United States in 1905.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In India.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOYCOTTING: In Ireland:
   The recent practice.

      See IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In Turkey, of Austrian commodities.

      See EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BOYCOTTING: In the United States:
   By Trade Unions.
   Decisions of courts.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BRADDON SECTION, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.

BRANCO, Baron do Rio.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

BRAUN, Ferdinand.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Participation in Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1902.
   Inauguration of President Alves.

   Dr. Rodriguez Alves was inducted in office as President of the
   United States of Brazil on the 15th of November, 1902,
   succeeding Dr. Campos Salles.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1903.
   Settlement of boundary dispute with Bolivia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
   An impromptu Revolt that became a comedy of errors.

   "To the American who is under the impression that all South
   America is continually in the throes of one or another
   revolution it will come as a surprise to learn that this vast
   district, comprising one half the territory and almost two
   thirds the population of the whole continent, has known no
   revolution since the founding of the Republic. The revolts of
   1893, 1897, and 1904, menacing in varying degree, were
   outbursts fostered by a centralization of national vitality
   which inspired the belief in each insurrectionist that it was
   but necessary to strike the head,—the body would lie dormant.
   The justification of this belief lay in the historical fact
   that the vast majority of successful revolts throughout South
   America have consisted merely in coups d'état. The
   masses have lain dormant, and the fighting, if any, has
   generally come after the somersault.

   "The revolt of November of last year in Brazil was so typical
   of South American revolutions, and so elementary, that it
   affords a lucid illustration. Owing to the prompt and
   efficient measures taken by the government to suppress true
   reports of the disturbance, and owing, too, to its signal
   failure, this revolt was scarcely mentioned by the American
   press. Nevertheless, it missed by little causing international
   commotion. …

   "A great epidemic of smallpox led the government to require of
   Congress a law making vaccination compulsory. Long and heated
   debate on the constitutionality of the measure went on, while
   the epidemic assumed alarming proportions. The Executive’s
   patience being worn out, arbitrary pressure was brought to
   bear, and the law passed. This intervention brought down the
   general censure of the press, and the opposition seized the
   handle with disproportionate avidity. On the eleventh of
   November a mass meeting was held in one of the central squares
   of Rio Janeiro. … The mounted police broke up the meeting with
   the flat of the sword: no lives were lost. On the following
   day the scene was duplicated, several people injured, and a
   life lost. By night riots had broken out in various parts of
   the city.

   "Up to the fourteenth of November, revolution was not even
   rumored. … Toward evening city and government were genuinely
   surprised by the news that General Travassos, who was to have
   commanded a battalion in the review, immediately upon the
   announcement of its postponement had proceeded to the Military
   Academy on the outskirts of the city, and, before the student
   body, had demanded of the officer in charge transfer of his
   command. Frightened by the attitude of the cadets, the
   commanding officer made a puerile protest, and surrendered. He
   and his staff were allowed to withdraw, and carried the news
   of the revolt to the city. It was soon confirmed: the cadets
   were advancing on the President’s palace, under the leadership
   of General Travassos. …

   "The shortest line of march was along the bay front, and to
   repulse the attack were sent by land a battalion of the line
   reinforced by police, and by sea two gunboats under the play
   of searchlights from an armored cruiser. The cadets marched
   under the assurance that no soldier of the line would fire on
   them, as the army was back of the movement. … They were met by
   an armed force, indistinguishable owing to the destruction of
   all the lamps by rioters. The force was the advancing
   battalion, and it is generally believed that it fired on the
   cadets, mistaking them for the returning body of police which
   had followed the water front. Brisk fighting ensued, when
   suddenly the cry arose among the cadets that they had been
   betrayed, and were attacked by soldiers of the line. They
   broke and made a disorderly retreat to the Academy. Almost
   simultaneously the soldiers learned their mistake, and that
   they had opposed a commanding officer; and they turned in
   precipitous flight. General Travassos was mortally wounded in
   the engagement. …

{50}

   "Meanwhile the detachment of police dispatched from the city
   had advanced along the bay front to the stone quarry, where
   they awaited the rebels. Drawn up at this spot under close
   formation, they were mistaken by the gunboats for the cadets,
   and were made the target of a disastrous hail of bullets from
   quick-firing guns. Their retreat also was precipitous.

   "Such was the comedy of errors which will be known as the
   Revolt of 1904. Its net results were a rude but salutary
   recall of the government to watchfulness; added prestige
   abroad for the government, vouched by a rise in its bonds;
   and, most significant of all, spontaneous and immediate
   support of the Chief Executive from neighboring states. And
   yet the credit was not due to the government, which avowedly
   had been caught napping, but to the Goddess of Chance, the
   arbiter of every coup d'état."

      G. A. Chamberlain,
      The Cause of South American Revolutions
      (Atlantic Monthly, June, 1905).

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
   Settlement of boundary between Brazil and British Guiana.

   By the decision of the King of Italy, to whom the boundary
   question in dispute between Brazil and British Guiana had been
   referred, the line separating the territories of the two
   states was defined, as drawn by Nature, along the watershed,
   starting from Mount Yakontipu and running easterly to the
   source of the river Mahu, thence down that river to the Tacuta
   and up the latter to its source, where it touches the boundary
   already determined. Both countries to have free navigation of
   the rivers in question.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
   Presidential Election.

   The quadrennial presidential election occurring in Brazil in
   the spring of 1906 raised Dr. Alfonso Moreira Penna from the
   Vice-Presidency to the Presidency of the Republic, with no
   disturbance of its quiet.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
   German Colonies.

   "Already 500,000 Germans, emigrants and their offspring, are
   resident in Brazil. The great majority of them, it is true,
   have embraced Brazilian citizenship, but their ideals and ties
   are essentially and inviolably German. In the south, where
   they are thickest, they have become the ruling element. German
   factories, warehouses, shops, farms, schools and churches dot
   the country everywhere. German has superseded Portuguese, the
   official language of Brazil, in scores of communities. Twenty
   million pounds of vested interests—banking, street railroads,
   electric works, mines, coffee-plantations, and a great variety
   of business undertakings—claim the protection of the Kaiser’s
   flag. A cross-country railway and a still more extensive
   projected system are in the hands of German capitalists. The
   country’s vast ocean traffic, the Amazon river shipping, and
   much of the coasting trade are dominated by Germans.

   "Over and above this purely commercial conquest, however,
   looms a factor of more vital importance to North American
   susceptibilities—namely, the creation of a nation of Germans
   in Brazil. That is the avowed purpose of three German
   colonising concerns, which have become lords and masters over
   8,000 square miles of Brazilian territory, an area
   considerably larger than the kingdom of Saxony, and capable of
   dwarfing half-a-dozen German Grand Duchies. It is the object
   of these territorial syndicates to people their lands with
   immigrants willing to be ‘kept German’—a race of transplanted
   men and women who will find themselves amid conditions
   deliberately designed to perpetuate ‘Deutschthum,’ which means
   the German language, German customs, and unyielding loyalty to
   German economic hopes."

      F. W. Wile,
      German Colonisation in Brazil
      (Fortnightly Review, January, 1906).

   "The talk about German exploitation of Brazil for colonization
   purposes is pure buncombe. The writer has visited the southern
   Brazilian provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and
   Parana, where most of the Germans reside, and he has seen no
   more reason for Brazil to fear ulterior purposes on the part
   of Germany than has the United States because Germans form a
   large percentage of the population of New York, Chicago, and
   Milwaukee. The Germans make excellent Brazilian citizens,
   while loving the Fatherland from association and respecting
   the Emperor for his great personality."

      John Barrett,
      The United States and Latin America
      (North American Review, September 21, 1906).

      See (in this Volume), also,
      GERMANY: A. D. 1904.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
   Third International Conference of American Republics
   at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1907.
   Adoption of obligatory military service.

   By a law enacted in 1907 military service was made obligatory.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908.
   Dreadnought building.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Increasing immigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
   Frontier agreements and demarcations.

   The Message of President Penna to Congress, May 3, 1909,
   contained the following announcements:

   "On September 15 last, a treaty between Brazil and Holland was
   finally approved at The Hague, to determine the limits of our
   frontier with the Colony of Surinam or Dutch Guiana. The
   demarcation of the new frontier line between Brazil and
   Bolivia in Matto Grosso is now completed, and awaits only the
   approval of the two Governments interested. The same mixed
   commission to which was intrusted this survey will now proceed
   to reconnoitre the head-waters of the Rio Verde. The
   Government of the French Republic proposes the appointment of
   a mixed commission for the demarcation of the common boundary
   established on December 1, 1900, by arbitration of the Swiss
   Federal Council. An agreement will shortly be arrived at with
   Great Britain to determine the frontier of Brazil with British
   Guiana."

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
   Death of President Penna.
   Accession of the Vice-President.

   Dr. Alfonso Penna, President of Brazil, died suddenly on the
   14th of June, 1909, and was succeeded in the office by the
   Vice-President, Señor Nilo Pecanha, who will fill out the
   presidential term, ending November 15, 1910. Meantime an
   active canvass of candidates for the succeeding term has been
   in progress, the names most discussed being those of General
   Hermes de Fonseca, Baron Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign
   Affairs, and Señor Ruy Barbosa, a prominent advocate.

   ----------BRAZIL: End--------

BRENNAN MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

   See (in this Volume)
   SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

BRIAND, Aristide:
   in the Ministry of France as Minister of Public
   Instruction and Public Worship.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

{51}

BRIAND, Aristide:
   Prime Minister of France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

BRIAND, Aristide:
   On the French secular or neutral schools and the clerical
   attack on them.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

BRENT, Bishop:
   Service on International Opium Commission and on
   Philippine Committee.

      See (in this Volume)
      Opium Problem.

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA:
   Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

BRITISH COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Increased representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA:
   Its habitability by whites.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

   ----------THE BRITISH EMPIRE: Start--------

THE BRITISH EMPIRE:
   A Census of the Empire.

   In March, 1906, a "Census of the British Empire"—the first
   ever undertaken—was published as a Parliamentary Blue Book.
   Its preparation had been proposed by Mr. Chamberlain, who
   suggested, while Colonial Secretary, that the figures of the
   census of the United Kingdom in 1901 should be collated with
   those of other portions of the empire, to be analyzed,
   tabulated, and published as a whole. A full realization of the
   plan of collation had been found impracticable, owing to the
   wide differences of circumstance and of the forms of
   census-taking in different parts of the Empire; but many
   summings up of highly interesting and important facts were
   obtained.

   The territory covered by the British Empire was shown to be
   11,908,378 square miles, being an increase of 40 per cent.
   since 1861, and embracing more than a fifth of the land
   surface of the globe. This exceeds the area of the Russian
   Empire (European and Asiatic) by more than three millions of
   square miles. It is nearly three times the area of the Chinese
   Empire, and more than three times that of the United States
   and their exterior possessions. An exact count of population
   in all regions of the Empire was impossible, but the estimated
   total is 400,000,000, of which 300,000,000 is assigned to Asia
   and 43,000,000 to Africa. The United Kingdom contains
   41,500,000, British America 7,500,000, Australasia, 5,000,000,
   the Mediterranean possessions 500,000, and there are 150,000
   in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Classified by
   religion, there 208,000,000 Hindus, 94,000,000 Mohammedans,
   58,000,000 Christians, 12,000,000 Buddhists, and 23,000,000 of
   other religions—Parsees, Confucians, Jews, Sikhs, and Jains,
   over whom Edward VII. of England reigns as Emperor or King.
   His Asiatic subjects alone are three-fourths as many as the
   Emperor of China is supposed to rule, and considerable more
   than twice the number that live within the whole sweep of the
   scepter of the Tsar.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902.
   Conference at London with the Prime Ministers
   of the self-governing Colonies.
   Address of the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain.
   Results of the Conference.

   Taking advantage of the presence in London of the Prime
   Ministers of the various self-governing colonies of Britain,
   on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward VII., a
   Conference with them, touching questions of general interest,
   was arranged by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr.
   Chamberlain, in meetings which extended from June to August,
   1902. The proceedings were confidential, and no report of
   discussions made public; but the resulting resolutions,
   together with the opening address of the Colonial Secretary,
   and certain statements on subjects considered, are printed in
   a Parliamentary paper (Cd. 1299) from which the following
   account of the Conference is derived:

   Mr. Chamberlain in his address argued strongly and with
   feeling for a political federation of the Empire. He said: "I
   may be considered, perhaps, to be a dreamer, or too
   enthusiastic, but I do not hesitate to say that, in my
   opinion, the political federation of the Empire is within the
   limits of possibility. I recognize as fully as any one can do
   the difficulties which would attend such a great change in
   our constitutional system. I recognise the variety of
   interests that are concerned: the immense disproportion in
   wealth and the population of the different members of the
   Empire, and above all, the distances which still separate
   them, and the lack of sufficient communication. These are
   difficulties which at one time appeared to be, and indeed
   were, insurmountable. But now I cannot but recollect that
   similar difficulties almost, if not quite as great, have been
   surmounted in the case of the United States of America. And
   difficulties, perhaps not quite so great, but still very
   considerable, have been surmounted in the federation of the
   Dominion of Canada. … We have no right to put by our action
   any limit to the Imperial patriotism of the future; and it is
   my opinion that, as time goes on, there will be a continually
   growing sense of the common interests which unite us, and
   also, perhaps, which is equally important, of the common
   dangers which threaten us. At the same time I would be the
   last to suggest that we should do anything which could by any
   possibility be considered premature. We have had, within the
   last few years, a most splendid evidence of the results of a
   voluntary union without any formal obligations, in the great
   crisis of the war through which we have now happily passed.
   The action of the self-governing Colonies in the time of
   danger of the motherland has produced here a deep and a
   lasting impression. … I feel, therefore, in view of this it
   would be a fatal mistake to transform the spontaneous
   enthusiasm which has been so readily shown throughout the
   Empire into anything in the nature of an obligation which
   might be at this time unwillingly assumed or only formally
   accepted. The link which unites us, almost invisible as it is
   sentimental in its character, is one which we would gladly
   strengthen, but at the same time it has proved itself to be so
   strong that certainly we would not wish to substitute for it a
   chain which might be galling in its incidence. And, therefore,
   upon this point of the political relations between the
   Colonies and ourselves. His Majesty’s Government, while they
   would welcome any approach which might be made to a more
   definite and a closer union, feel that it is not for them to
   press this upon you. The demand, if it comes, and when it
   comes, must come from the Colonies. If it comes it will be
   enthusiastically received in this country.

{52}

   "And in this connection I would venture to refer to an
   expression in an eloquent speech of my right honorable friend,
   the Premier of the Dominion of Canada—an expression which has
   called forth much appreciation in this country, although I
   believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has himself in subsequent
   speeches explained that it was not quite correctly understood.
   But the expression was, ‘If you want our aid call us to your
   councils.’ Gentlemen, we do want your aid. We do require your
   assistance in the administration of the vast Empire, which is
   yours as well as ours. The weary Titan staggers under the too
   vast orb of its fate. We have borne the burden for many years.
   We think it is time our children should assist us to support
   it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that
   we shall hasten gladly to call you to our councils. If you are
   prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate
   share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet
   you with any proposal for giving to you a corresponding voice
   in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point
   out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have
   been made that representation should be given to the Colonies
   in either, or in both, Houses of Parliament. There is no
   objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to
   us, it is a proposal which His Majesty’s Government would
   certainly feel justified in favourably considering, but I have
   always felt myself that the most practical form in which we
   could achieve our object would be the establishment or the
   creation of a real council of the Empire, to which all
   questions of Imperial interest might be referred, and if it
   were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our
   course—we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our
   Constitutions have been worked out—if it be desired to
   proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be
   merely an advisory council. But, although that would be a
   preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be
   completely secured until there had been conferred upon such a
   Council executive functions, and perhaps also legislative
   powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think
   the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in
   this direction."

   Turning naturally from this to the subject of imperial
   defence, Mr. Chamberlain gave the substance of a paper which
   would be submitted to the Conference, exhibiting comparatively
   the naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and
   of the different self-governing colonies. The cost of the
   armaments of the United Kingdom had increased enormously since
   1897, and "that increase," he said, "is not entirely due to
   our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of
   other Powers who have made great advances, especially in
   connection with the Navy, which we have found it to be our
   duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is
   extraordinary. At the present moment the estimates for the
   present year for naval and military expenditure in the United
   Kingdom—not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the
   normal estimates—involve an expenditure per head of the
   population of the United Kingdom of 29s. 3d. per annum. In
   Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per
   head of the population, about one-fifteenth of that incurred
   by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales—I have not the
   figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those
   as illustrations—and I find that in New South Wales the
   expenditure is 3s. 5d.; in Victoria, 3s. 3d.; in New Zealand,
   3s. 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s.
   and 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that is a fair
   distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe
   that the United Kingdom can, for all time, make this
   inordinate sacrifice. … I think, therefore, you will agree
   with me that it is not unreasonable for us to call your
   serious attention to a state of things which cannot be
   permanent. We hope that we are not likely to make upon you any
   demand that would seem to you to be excessive. We know
   perfectly well your difficulties, as you probably are
   acquainted with ours."

   The speaker passed next to the question of commercial
   relations between the mother land and its colonies. "Two
   salient facts" he set with emphasis before his colonial
   audience. "The first is this. That if we chose—that is to say,
   if those whom we represent chose—the Empire might be
   self-sustaining. It is so wide; its products are so various;
   its climates so different, that there is absolutely nothing
   which is necessary to our existence, hardly anything which is
   desirable as a luxury, which can not be produced within the
   borders of the Empire itself. And the second salient fact is
   that the Empire at the present time, and especially the United
   Kingdom—which is the great market of the world—derives the
   greater part of its necessaries from foreign countries, and
   that it exports the largest part of its available produce
   —surplus produce—also to foreign countries. This trade might
   be the trade, the inter-imperial trade, of the Empire. It is
   at the present time, as I say, a trade largely between the
   Empire and foreign countries. Now, I confess, that to my mind
   that is not a satisfactory state of things, and I hope that
   you will agree with me that everything which can possibly tend
   to increase the interchange of products between the different
   parts of the Empire is deserving of our cordial encouragement.
   What we desire, what His Majesty’s Government has publicly
   stated to be the object for which they would most gladly
   strive, is a free interchange. If you are unable to accept
   that as a principle, then I ask you how far can you approach
   to it? If a free interchange between the different parts of
   the Empire could be secured it would then be a matter for
   separate consideration altogether what should be the attitude
   of the Empire as a whole or of its several parts towards
   foreign nations? …

   "Three proposals have been made for the consideration of the
   present Conference, on the initiative of New Zealand. The
   first and the most important one is that a preferential tariff
   should be arranged in favour of British goods which are now
   taxable in the respective Colonies and in the United Kingdom.
   And although no proposal comes to us from Canada, I am, of
   course, aware that similar questions have been recently
   specially discussed very actively and very intelligently in
   the Dominion, and that a strong opinion prevails there that
   the time is ripe for something of this kind."

{53}

   Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the results of the Canadian
   preferential tariff, showing that England derived very little
   commercial benefit from it, and continued: "I think the very
   valuable experience, somewhat disappointing and discouraging
   as I have already pointed out, but the very valuable
   experience which we have derived from the history of the
   Canadian tariff, shows that while we may most readily and most
   gratefully accept from you any preference which you may be
   willing voluntarily to accord to us, we cannot bargain with
   you for it; we cannot pay for it unless you go much further
   and enable us to enter your home market on terms of greater
   equality."

   On the subject of imperial defence, the result of the
   Conference was an agreement from Australia and New Zealand to
   increase their contribution towards an improved Australasian
   squadron and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Naval
   Reserve to £200,000 a year for the former and £40,000 for the
   latter; an agreement from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute
   £50,000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward the general
   maintenance of the Navy, and a pledge from Newfoundland of
   £3000 per annum toward a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve.
   From Canada no agreement was reported. In a "Memorandum by the
   First Lord of the Admiralty" of interviews held with the
   several Premiers it is said: "Sir Wilfrid Laurier informed me
   that His Majesty’s Government of the Dominion of Canada are
   contemplating the establishment of a local Naval force in the
   waters of Canada, but that they were not able to make any
   offer of assistance analogous to those enumerated above."

   Concerning preferential trade, the following resolutions were
   adopted:

   "1. That this Conference recognises that the principle of
   preferential trade between the United Kingdom and His
   Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas would stimulate and
   facilitate mutual commercial intercourse, and would, by
   promoting the development of the resources and industries of
   the several parts, strengthen the Empire.

   "2. That this Conference recognises that, in the present
   circumstances of the Colonies, it is not practicable to adopt
   a general system of Free Trade as between the Mother Country
   and the British Dominions beyond the seas.

   "3. That with a view, however, to promoting the increase of
   trade within the Empire, it is desirable that those Colonies
   which have not already adopted such a policy should, as far as
   their circumstances permit, give substantial preferential
   treatment to the products and manufactures of the United
   Kingdom.

   "4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies respectfully urge
   on His Majesty’s Government the expediency of granting in the
   United Kingdom preferential treatment to the products and
   manufactures of the Colonies either by exemption from or
   reduction of duties now or hereafter imposed.

   "5. That the Prime Ministers present at the Conference
   undertake to submit to their respective Governments at the
   earliest opportunity the principle of the resolution and to
   request them to take such measures as may be necessary to give
   effect to it."

   The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated the extent to
   which they were prepared to recommend to their several
   Parliaments a preferential treatment of British goods: The
   Premier of Canada would propose to continue the existing
   preference of 33 1/3 per cent., and an additional preference
   on lists of selected articles—
   (a) by further reducing the duties in favor of the United
   Kingdom;
   (b) by raising the duties against foreign imports;
   (c) by imposing duties on certain foreign imports now on the
   free list.

   In New Zealand the recommendation would be of a general
   preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent in respect of
   lists of selected articles on the lines proposed by Canada. At
   the Cape and Natal a preference of 25 per cent. would be
   advised, or its equivalent given by increasing duties on
   foreign imports. The recommendation in Australia would be of a
   preferential treatment not yet defined.

   A resolution was adopted favoring future Conferences at
   intervals not exceeding four years. Other resolutions
   recommended that a preference be given to products of the
   Empire in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colonial; that
   the privileges of coastwise trade within the Empire be refused
   to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to
   ships of their own nationality; that a mutual protection of
   patents within the Empire be devised; that the principle of
   cheap postage between the different parts of the Empire on all
   newspapers and periodicals published therein be adopted; that
   the metric system of weights and measures be adopted
   throughout the Empire. These were the mainly important
   conclusions derived from the Conference, and it was difficult
   to regard them as quite satisfactory.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1903.
   Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade
   with the Colonies.
   Its political effects in Great Britain.
   His resignation from the Cabinet.
   Disclosures of the correspondence.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
   Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
   Formulation of the Constitution of the Conference, to be
   known as the Imperial Conference.
   Discussion of preferential trade, imperial defence,
   and other subjects.
   Resolutions adopted.

   According to the resolution adopted by the Colonial Conference
   of 1902, the next Conference should have been held in 1906,
   but by agreement of all parties it was deferred until the
   following year. In the interval, a protracted correspondence
   occurred between the Colonial Office and the Governments of
   the several States federated in the Commonwealth of Australia,
   each of which claimed representation in the Conference by its
   own Ministers, and protested against the sufficiency of the
   representation that would be given to it by the General
   Government of the Commonwealth. The "State Rights" doctrine
   received no encouragement, however, and only the Premier of
   the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, and one of the members of his
   Cabinet, took part in the Conference, which held its first
   meeting in London on the 15th of April and its final one on
   the 14th of May.

{54}

   At the first meeting there were present, as representatives of
   the Imperial Government, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
   Campbell-Bannerman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
   the Earl of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members of
   the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. The Premiers
   of the self-governing colonies, excepting Sir Robert Bond, of
   Newfoundland, who arrived a few days later, were all in
   attendance,—namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the
   Honorable Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir J. G.
   Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, of Cape Colony, the
   Honorable F. R. Moor, of Natal, and General Louis Botha, of
   the Transvaal. The Conference was first addressed by the Prime
   Minister, and responses to his remarks were made by the
   several colonial premiers. It was then agreed that the
   constitution of the Conference and the question of military
   defence should be the subjects first considered. Before ending
   this preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling on the
   constitution of the Conference, that any Ministers
   accompanying their Prime Ministers, should be at liberty to
   attend its meetings.

   At the second session of the Conference resolutions brought
   forward by the Governments of Australia and New Zealand,
   proposing to give the character of an Imperial Council to the
   Conference, and a resolution from the Government of Cape
   Colony on the subject of Imperial Defence, together with a
   draft resolution concerning the constitution of the Conference
   which the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were discussed,
   without action taken. The discussion was continued at the
   third and fourth meetings, and the resolution proposed by the
   Secretary of State for the Colonies, being amended in some
   particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows:

   "That it will be to the advantage of the Empire if a
   Conference to be called the Imperial Conference is held every
   four years at which questions of common interest may be
   discussed and considered as between His Majesty’s Government
   and his Governments of the self-governing Dominions beyond the
   seas. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be ex
   officio President, and the Prime Ministers of the
   self-governing Dominions ex officio members of the
   Conference. The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an
   ex officio member of the Conference and will take the
   chair in the absence of the President. He will arrange for
   such Imperial Conferences after communication with the Prime
   Ministers of the respective Dominions.

   "Such other Ministers as the respective Governments may
   appoint will also be members of the Conference—it being
   understood that, except by special permission of the
   Conference, each discussion will be conducted by not more than
   two representatives from each Government, and that each
   Government will have only one vote.

   "That it is desirable to establish a system by which the
   several Governments represented shall be kept informed during
   the periods between the Conferences in regard to matters which
   have been or may be subjects for discussion, by means of a
   permanent secretarial staff charged under the direction of the
   Secretary of State for the Colonies with the duty of obtaining
   information for the use of the Conference, of attending to its
   resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on matters
   relating to its affairs.

   "That upon matters of importance requiring consultation
   between two or more Governments which cannot conveniently be
   postponed until the next Conference, or involving subjects of
   a minor character or such as call for detailed consideration,
   subsidiary conferences should be held between representatives
   of the Governments concerned specially chosen for the
   purpose."

   On the subject of Imperial Defence, which was then taken up,
   and in the discussion of which the Secretary of State for War
   took part, the following resolutions were approved:

   "That the Colonies be authorized to refer to the Committee of
   Imperial Defence through the Secretary of State for advice any
   local questions in regard to which expert assistance is deemed
   desirable.

   "That whenever so desired, a representative of the colony
   which may wish for advice should be summoned to attend as a
   member of the Committee during the discussion of the questions
   raised.

   "That this Conference welcomes and cordially approves the
   exposition of general principles embodied in the statement of
   the Secretary of State for War, and, without wishing to commit
   any of the Governments represented, recognizes and affirms the
   need of developing for the service of the Empire a General
   Staff, selected from the forces of the Empire as a whole,
   which shall study military science in all its branches, shall
   collect and disseminate to the various Governments military
   information and intelligence, shall undertake the preparation
   of schemes of defence on a common principle, and without in
   the least interfering in questions connected with command and
   administration, shall at the request of the respective
   Governments advise as to the training, education, and war
   organization of the military forces of the Crown in every part
   of the Empire."

   At subsequent meetings the following resolutions were adopted
   or accepted:

   On the subject of Emigration: "That it is desirable to
   encourage British emigrants to proceed to British colonies
   rather than foreign countries. That the Imperial Government be
   requested to cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants
   in assisting suitable persons to emigrate."

   On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Conference "agreed to
   the following finding: The resolution of the Commonwealth of
   Australia, ‘That it is desirable to establish an Imperial
   Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully discussed.

   "The resolution submitted by the Government of Cape Colony was
   accepted, amended as follows:

   ‘This Conference, recognizing the importance to all parts of
   the Empire of the appellate jurisdiction of His Majesty the
   King in Council, desires to place upon record its opinion—

   "‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s subjects beyond
   the seas it is expedient that the practice and procedure of
   the Right Honourable the Lords of the Judicial Committee of
   the Privy Council be definitely laid down in the form of a
   code of rules and regulations.

   "‘(2) That in the codification of the rules regard should be
   had to the necessity for the removal of anachronisms and
   anomalies, the possibility of the curtailment of expense, and
   the desirability of the establishment of courses of procedure
   which would minimize delays.

{55}

   "‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of uniform rights of
   appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, the various
   Orders in Council, instructions to Governors, charters of
   justice, ordinances and proclamations upon the subject of the
   appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign should be taken into
   consideration for the purpose of determining the desirability
   of equalizing the conditions which gave right of appeal to His
   Majesty.

   "‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would be
   avoided if some portion of His Majesty’s prerogative to grant
   special leave to appeal in cases where there exists no right
   of appeal were exercised under definite rules and
   restrictions.’

   "The following resolutions, presented to the Conference by
   General Botha and supported by the representatives of Cape
   Colony and Natal, were accepted:

   "‘(1) That when a Court of Appeal has been established for any
   group of colonies geographically connected, whether federated
   or not, to which appeals lie from the decisions of the Supreme
   Courts of such colonies, it shall be competent for the
   Legislature of each such colony to abolish any existing right
   of appeal from its Supreme Court to the Judicial Committee of
   the Privy Council.

   "‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Appeal shall be
   final, but leave to appeal from such decisions may be granted
   by the said Court in certain cases prescribed by the statute
   under which it is established.

   "‘(3) That the right of any person to apply to the Judicial
   Committee of the Privy Council for leave to appeal to it from
   the decision of such Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’"

   And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the Conference came to
   the discussion of the question which had been dominant in all
   minds from the first,—the question of preferential trade.
   Essentially it was a settled question already,—settled, that
   is, by the voters of the United Kingdom a year and a half
   before, when they took the administration of their Government
   away from the party which had approved the fiscal proposals of
   Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotiation of the colonies
   now was with a Ministry that stood pledged against the
   preferential tariff arrangements they desired. On their side
   they had committed their fortunes to the stimulant working of
   protective tariffs, against which the judgment and experience
   of England was still firm. The preferential tariffs which
   preferential trade involved were in the line of their policy,
   but directly antagonistic to hers. How impossible this made an
   arrangement of reciprocity on that line was intimated gently
   by the Prime Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its
   first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by the
   Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, and by the President
   of the Board of Trade, Mr. David Lloyd-George. "If the
   Colonies," said Mr. Asquith, "thought it their duty to foster
   industries by protective tariffs their action would not evoke
   remonstrance or even criticism from him. He noted that various
   self-governing Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country,
   but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs did not
   admit the manufactures of the Mother Country to compete on
   equal terms with the local product. Doubtless the Colonies
   held this to be vital to their interests, and in the same way
   His Majesty’s Government held that free trade was vital in the
   interests of the United Kingdom. Reference had been made to
   the fact that Cobden advocated free trade here as a part of a
   universal system of free trade, but the official author of the
   policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground of its
   necessity to this country alone. His Majesty’s Government held
   that it was more necessary now than it was in his day. He
   pointed out the position now existing. We had a population of
   44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an enormous debt
   largely contracted in building up the Empire, and of the cost
   of Imperial diplomacy and Imperial defence. That population
   was dependent for food and raw materials on external sources
   of supply. This is the essential point for consideration. He
   asked how the supremacy of Great Britain was maintained. He
   thought it must be attributed to our special productive
   activity, to the profits which we obtain from keeping the
   biggest open market in the world, and to the enormous earnings
   of our shipping. All these were based in the long run on
   keeping our food and our raw materials on the same basis and
   as nearly as possible at the same price. Free trade was no
   shibboleth, but a principle maintained because it was a matter
   of vital national interest. He drew attention to the tariff
   reform campaign, and observed that, after the fullest
   examination and discussion, the people of England had declared
   in favour of free trade by a majority of unexampled size. As
   spokesman for the people, His Majesty’s Government could not
   accept any infringement of that policy, even by way of such an
   experiment as Dr. Jameson had suggested. It was necessary to
   state that fact fully and frankly at the outset. …

   "For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, speaking for the
   people of this country, could not accept the principle of
   preferential trade by way of tariff preference. He thought,
   however, that the discussion had thrown light on other methods
   by which inter-imperial trade relations might be improved.
   Reference had been made to the improvement of means of
   communication, especially steamer services, to the increase in
   the number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to the
   desirability of removing or reducing the Suez Canal dues, and
   of establishing mail communication with the Australasian
   Colonies via Canada. All these were matters on which His
   Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to consider and
   cooperate with any practical proposals, and he said this the
   more earnestly as he felt that in the performance of his duty
   it had been necessary for him to enunciate a general policy
   which was not in accord with the views of the Colonial
   representatives."

   Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. "He had hoped," he
   said, "it might have been possible for those present,
   acknowledging the limitations imposed on them by the
   convictions they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see
   whether it might not be possible to find other means of
   attaining the object in view. The Colonies regard a tax on our
   foods as necessary both for raising revenue and also for the
   protection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin acknowledged
   that the late election in Australia was fought on the issue of
   protection and preference. It was open for the representatives
   of the Imperial Government to have ignored the mandate given to
   Mr. Deakin and to have endeavoured to commit their colleagues
   here to a policy of free trade within the Empire, to which
   those colleagues would not assent without being false to the
   trust reposed in them by their own people. Sir William Lyne
   the other day had urged the commercial union of the whole
   Empire, quoting the consolidation of the United Kingdom, the
   United States, and the Federation of South Africa and
   Australia. In these cases all tolls and tariffs were removed.

{56}

   "Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by His Majesty’s
   Government and refused, it might have been said by the Press
   that the Colonies had refused to listen to the appeal of the
   Mother Country to be put on equal terms with her children, and
   later that the door had been slammed in the old mother’s face
   by her ungrateful progeny. His Majesty’s Government had not
   taken this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignoring
   local conditions and exigencies. They were not here to attempt
   to manoeuvre each other into false positions, but to discharge
   the practical business of the Empire. They were in perfect
   accord as to the objects they could strive to promote. His
   Majesty’s Government were in favour of any scheme for the
   development of inter-imperial trade which did not inflict
   sacrifices on any individual community so as to create a sense
   of grievance deep enough to introduce the elements of
   discontent and discord, and thus impair the true unity of the
   Empire. …

   "He agreed that this federation of free commonwealths is worth
   making some sacrifice for. He differed only on ways and means.
   He was convinced that to tax the food of our people is to cast
   an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest part of the
   population, and that a tax on raw material would fetter us in
   the severe struggle with our foreign competitors. This,
   therefore, was a sacrifice which would weaken our power to
   make further sacrifices, and we ought not to be called upon to
   make it. In Mr. Deakin’s resolution the Government were asked
   to do what no protectionist country in the world would
   do—viz., to tax necessaries of either life or livelihood which
   we cannot produce ourselves, and of which the Colonies cannot
   supply us with a sufficiency for many years.

   "He wished to acknowledge the considerable advantage conferred
   upon the British manufacturer by the preference recently given
   to him in colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had produced a
   satisfactory effect on our export trade, and apparently had
   also benefited Canada, for our purchases from Canada had also
   increased. The South African and New Zealand tariffs had not
   yet been put to, the test by much actual experience, but would
   no doubt have a similarly happy result. The same applied to
   Australia, and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for the
   actual concessions, but for the spirit of comradeship and
   affection which inspired the policy. But it was said, ‘What
   are you prepared to do in return?’ His first answer was that
   Great Britain was the best customer the Colonies have got for
   their products. To illustrate this he gave the following
   figures: In 1905, the last year for which the information was
   available, the exports from the self-governing Colonies to all
   foreign countries only amounted to 40½ millions, while the
   exports to the United Kingdom amounted to 65¾ millions,
   exclusive of bullion and specie (21¾ millions)."

   The outcome of the discussion was a simple reaffirmation of
   the five resolutions on the subject that were adopted at the
   Conference of 1902, and which will be found in the report of
   that Conference, preceding this. Before putting those
   resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His Majesty’s
   Government could not assent to them so far as they implied
   that it is necessary or expedient to alter the fiscal system
   of the United Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that
   reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved their readoption,
   said in doing so: "Free trade within the Empire had been
   suggested, just as there was free trade within the boundaries
   of the United States, Germany, and France. For the British
   Empire this was impossible for two reasons—the United Kingdom
   was not prepared to limit free trade to the Empire, and the
   Colonies were not prepared to accept free trade even within
   its boundaries. In Canada the policy of free trade within the
   Empire was impracticable, as it was necessary for her to have
   Customs duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had given
   the British preference deliberately, and had no cause to
   regret it; she had from time to time increased it, and in the
   last tariff had maintained it generally at the increased
   amount of 33 1/3 per cent. Canadian opinion had been almost
   unanimous in favour of preference, for Canada felt that she
   would as a result of the preference sell more to Great Britain
   and buy more from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada all
   the credit to which he thought she was entitled in making a
   comparison which showed no great advantage to British goods.
   He dwelt on the effect of the proximity of a nation like the
   United States, of their own stock, enormous in numbers, and
   most enterprising in trade; it was not a matter for surprise
   that their trade with that country had increased. But, so far
   as they could, they had done everything to keep trade within
   the Empire. They had built canals and railways from east to
   west of Canada, and they had taken care to assist the
   principle of mutual trade so far as legislation could do it. …
   He explained that in the recent revision of the Canadian
   tariff they had adopted a new principle in providing an
   intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were prepared to
   negotiate with nations like France or Italy on the basis of
   that tariff, but their lower preference tariff remained
   reserved for the British Empire."

   Other resolutions adopted or accepted during the last two
   sessions of the Conference were as follows:

   "That it is desirable that the attention of the Governments of
   the Colonies and the United Kingdom should be called to the
   present state of the navigation laws in the Empire, and in
   other countries, and to the advisability of refusing the
   privileges of coastwise trade, including trade between the
   Mother Country and its Colonies and possessions, and between
   one colony or possession and another, to countries in which
   the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own
   nationality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with a
   view of seeing whether any other steps should be taken to
   promote Imperial trade in British vessels." (This was voted by
   the representatives of the Colonies only, "His Majesty’s
   Government dissenting.")

{57}

   "That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Government, after
   full consultation with the Colonies, should endeavour to
   provide for such uniformity as may be practicable in the
   granting and protection of trade marks and patents."

   "That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
   secure greater uniformity in the trade statistics of the
   Empire, and that the Note prepared on this subject by the
   Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the
   various Governments represented at this Conference."

   "That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
   secure greater uniformity in Company Laws of the Empire, and
   that the memorandum and analysis prepared on this subject by
   the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of
   the various Governments represented at this Conference."

   "That, in view of the social and political advantages and the
   material commercial advantages to accrue from a system of
   international penny postage, this Conference recommends to His
   Majesty’s Government the advisability, if and when a suitable
   opportunity occurs, of approaching the Governments of other
   States, members of the Universal Postal Union, in order to
   obtain further reductions of postage rates, with a view to a
   more general and if possible a universal adoption of the penny
   rate."

   "That, with a view to attain uniformity so far as practicable,
   an inquiry should be held to consider further the question of
   naturalization, and in particular to consider how far, and
   under what conditions, naturalization in one part of His
   Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other parts of
   those dominions, a subsidiary conference to be held, if
   necessary, under the terms of the resolution adopted by this
   Conference on April 20 last."

   "That in the opinion of this Conference the interests of the
   Empire demand that in so far as practicable its different
   portions should be connected by the best possible means of
   mail communication, travel, and transportation; That to this
   end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected
   with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand
   by the best service available within reasonable cost; That for
   the purpose of carrying the above project into effect such
   financial support as may be necessary should be contributed by
   Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable
   proportions."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.
   The total of its prospective Military Strength when present
   Imperial plans are carried out.

   In a speech made in March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for
   War, summed up the total of defensive military strength which
   the Empire might count on when recent plans for Imperial
   defence are carried out. He said: "With the divisions between
   the Cape and Malta and those which Lord Kitchener had in
   India, the Regular Army had for overseas work 16 divisions,
   equivalent to eight army corps, which was larger than any
   other nation had for overseas work, the reason being that we,
   unlike others, were responsible for 12 million square miles
   and 400 millions of human beings. The second line, what one
   might call the local line of home defence, consisted of the 14
   divisions of the Territorial Army. Supposing Canada, the
   population of which was very rapidly increasing, were to build
   on the foundations laid at the Conference, by the new
   proposals which Canada had accepted she might easily add five
   or six Territorial divisions of her own. Those would be for
   her own defence, but they knew that in 1899, when a supreme
   emergency arose, she did not scruple to send forth her
   strength to help the Mother Country. In Australia there was a
   remarkable movement for the organization of the forces of the
   Crown, which might easily produce five Australian Territorial
   divisions. New Zealand might produce another division, and
   South Africa could rapidly produce four or five. … If they
   could add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 for the
   second line Army of the Empire there would be 30 divisions
   altogether, and these, added to the 16 Regular first line
   divisions for use overseas, would give us an army for war
   conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, equivalent to 23
   army corps. The army of Germany had 23 army corps, and no
   other army in the world had an organization so great. He was
   speaking of possibilities."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (June).
   The Imperial Press Conference in England.

   Among the many endeavors of late years in England to draw the
   distant peoples of the great British Empire into closer
   relations with its sovereign Mother Country, and into the
   feeling of stronger ties of unity among themselves and with
   her, none seems to have been wiser or more surely of effect
   than that which brought about the Imperial Press Conference of
   June, 1909. It assembled sixty representatives of the
   Newspaper Press of every part of the Empire and of every shade
   of political opinion. It entertained them delightfully and
   impressively for three weeks. It made all England and its
   colonies and dependencies listen to their discussion of many
   questions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to make the
   most and best that can be made of the great political organism
   which extends its law to every continent and its influence to
   all the world. It brought before them its most distinguished
   and eloquent men to address them at meetings and feasts. It
   assembled at Spithead its stupendous central fleet of
   battleships, to pass it in review before them. It filled their
   minds with an undoubtedly new realization of what the United
   Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—the sovereign, the seat,
   the center of greatness in their Empire—is to it; and they
   went back to Canada, to Australia, to South Africa, to New
   Zealand, even to India, to propagate that realization in other
   minds.

   A Western Australian editor, speaking at one of the banquets
   of the Conference, referred to this result, saying: "The
   influence that had been brought to bear upon the overseas
   delegates could not fail to have very great effects upon their
   writings in the future. Coming as they did from isolated parts
   of the Empire, it was an agreeable surprise to them to find
   that they had all been thinking Imperially, and thinking in
   much the same way. While the spirit of nationalism was growing
   up very strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism was
   in no way out of harmony with the true spirit of Imperialism;
   and it had been a revelation to the delegates to find the
   unanimity that existed, not only among the English-speaking
   people of the Empire, but among those who came from different
   races. They had been helped to strengthen that feeling of
   Imperial unity in the certain hope that eventually the highest
   ideals of the best form of Imperialism would be realized. That
   form of Imperialism was not associated with a policy of
   aggrandisement, but was associated with the policy that would
   tend to promote the peace of the world, and the prosperity and
   the betterment of humanity generally."

{58}

   A writer in The Times, reviewing the Conference after
   it closed, quoted the above and added: "The speaker just
   quoted travelled for seven days across Australia before he
   reached the capital of the State where he joined his
   fellow-delegates from the Commonwealth. The Australian party,
   when once it had left Sydney, was three weeks on the ocean
   before it reached the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian
   delegate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, declared that when
   at home he was as remote from one of his Canadian colleagues
   as Egypt is from London, and as remote from another, in the
   opposite direction, as London is from Russia. It might have
   been supposed that distances like those just indicated would
   have had the effect of causing some estrangement between men
   so widely separated; but the contrary proved to be the case.
   The Australians, following the All-Red route, which was
   defined as the official route, were greeted on their arrival
   on Canadian soil with an enthusiasm which both surprised and
   touched them. Wherever they went they found themselves among
   friends, anxious and eager to exchange views and ideas on all
   sorts of subjects affecting the common interests of the two
   peoples. They were banqueted by many representative men, from
   the Governor-General downwards, and, having been welcomed with
   the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the Pacific coast, were
   given a not less hearty ‘God-speed’ from Quebec on the St.
   Lawrence.

   "Among the indirect results of the Conference must be
   mentioned the knowledge gained from such experiences. When in
   Canada the Australians were able to see how far their own
   trade interests were identical with those of the people among
   whom they had come, how the Canadians are facing the same
   problems both of politics and material development, of
   commerce and agriculture. And when, the feastings over, they
   found themselves on board the steamer with their Canadian
   fellow-delegates, a community of interests was at once
   established, and lasting friendships were formed.

   "Similarly, when the delegates had all assembled in England
   there arose a spirit of comradeship which subsisted without a
   jarring note from the beginning of the Conference to the end.
   Nor must it be forgotten that the men who formed part of this
   company of editors and writers of the overseas Press were not
   wholly of British race. From Canada came representatives of
   the French-Canadians, from South Africa some of Boer and Dutch
   extraction, from India one delegate at least of Indian blood.
   The welding together of all these men in a spirit of loyalty
   to the Empire in which they as well as we have a share has
   been one of the most significant features of the Conference."

   The practical object for which the Press Conference strove
   most earnestly was a cheapening of telegraphic communication,
   by cable or wireless, between the distant parts of the Empire,
   to the end that there may be an ampler publication of news
   from each division of it in every other. It received strong
   assurances of coöperation from the Imperial Government in its
   efforts to accomplish this end. To a deputation which waited
   on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: "Your Conference, if I
   may venture to say so, has very wisely appointed a standing
   committee to deal with that matter. The Post Office and other
   Government departments concerned will be anxious to assist and
   to keep themselves in touch with this committee by information
   and intercommunication and in all other ways that may be
   practicable. I think it will be the solid and substantial
   result of your deliberations on this very great Imperial
   necessity that in regard to the development of electric
   communication between different parts of the Empire we shall
   now have on the side of the Press a body formally organized
   and constantly existing with which we can enter into necessary
   communication, and by mutual discussion and reference, having
   regard to the various considerations to which I have already
   adverted, we may accelerate the developments of what we all
   agree to be one of the first requisites of an Empire such as
   ours—a cheap, a certain, a constant, a convenient, and a
   universally accessible system of electric communication."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
   Imperial Defence Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The Preparations for: Military and Naval.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Congress of Empire Chambers of Commerce.

   A Congress of Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts of
   the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, New South Wales, on
   the 14th of September, 1909, gave much of its discussion to
   the proposition that the several parts of the Empire should
   afford preferential treatment to each other in their several
   markets, on a basis of reciprocity, and adopted resolutions to
   the effect that the Congress "urges upon the Governments of
   the Empire that they should treat this matter as of present
   practical importance, and that the organizations represented
   at this Congress pledge themselves to press their respective
   Governments to take such action at the next Imperial
   Conference as will give effect to the principle advocated in
   this resolution." This was carried on individual voting, by 81
   votes to 31. On voting by chambers, the resolution was passed
   with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral.

   Among the other resolutions of the Congress were the
   following: "That this Congress urges upon his Majesty’s
   Government and upon the Governments of the Colonies the
   appointment of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider
   questions of Imperial interest, especially those tending to
   promote trade between the various parts of the Empire."

   "That the settlement in adequate Volume of the Anglo-Saxon
   race in the British Dominions is deserving of the constant
   solicitude of the Home and Colonial Governments, who are
   hereby urged to consider what further or better steps than
   those at present existing should be taken to elaborate a
   general State-aided scheme at reduced rates to encourage
   emigration of suitable settlers under well-considered
   conditions."

   "This Congress is of opinion that it is desirable to complete
   the Imperial route between the Motherland, Canada, Australia
   and New Zealand by State-owned electric communication across
   Canada to Great Britain and that the postal departments of the
   various Governments of the Empire should be requested to frame
   a combined scheme of substantial reductions in telegraphic
   rates."

{59}

BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904.
   Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

      See (in this Volume)
      Brazil: A. D. 1904.

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA.

      See SOUTH AFRICA

BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906 (August).

BRYAN, William Jennings:
   Suggestion at the Peace Congress in New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BRYAN, William Jennings:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908(April-November).

BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN AND OF RAILWAY TRAINMEN.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907.
   Sugar Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902,
   and Additional Act, 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTY CONFERENCE.

BRYCE, James:
   Chief Secretary for Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

BUBONIC PLAGUE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Delegate to Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Diplomatic Service in Venezuela.

      See VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Death, October 16, 1909.

BUCHNER, Eduard.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUDGET OF 1909, The British.

       See (in this Volume)
       ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
   The Pan-American Exposition.
   Assassination of President McKinley.
   Vice-President Roosevelt becomes President of the United States.

   In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
   of 1901, an account was given of the plan and preparations
   made for the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at
   the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. The following
   characterization of the Exposition by a visitor is sufficient
   to add what was then said of it:

   "They have staged electricity at Buffalo this summer, and they
   call it the Pan-American Exposition. It took a rectangle of
   350 acres for the stage, and over $10,000,000 for the
   settings. The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious
   night scene the world has ever had the fortune to witness. The
   staging of Niagara is the one unforgettable thing about the
   affair. The Pan-American is, however, much more than this. …

   "It may be well to say that the original generic scheme for
   the Exposition, that of joining the three Americas in a
   unified attempt to show one another their trade resources,
   seems to be in results far less prominent than was hoped at
   first. For one reason or another,—I have heard European
   influences in South America given as a chief cause,—the Latin
   Americas did not cooperate as was expected. The great trade
   idea upon which the Pan-American was originally based
   gradually faded, and gave place to the idea of an electrical
   beatification—for which the spectator will perhaps be
   thankful. There are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the
   South American countries, but the United States occupies
   industrially foreground, background, and middle distance. The
   other countries fill in the odd corners. The ardent patriot
   will see no lack of proportion in this; and as there is a hint
   of Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable exhibits by
   Chile and Honduras, we have enough of the sister continent to
   justify the name. Most of the southern republics are
   represented in one way or another. It is hard, however, to
   explain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It is upon much
   too small a scale to do credit to her great resources. It is
   worthy of note that when the other countries realized the
   importance and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about
   vigorously to retrieve themselves.

   "So the staging of electricity was undertaken. There was
   Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is backed in the great race
   of American cities by the power of Niagara and the commerce of
   the Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleasing. Here
   was the psychological place. It was also the psychological
   moment,—a period of general prosperity, a time when America
   had set about her great task of making commercial vassals of
   the Old World countries. The psychological idea came with
   electricity, and under this happy triad of influences
   conspiring for success the work was begun.

   "The managers took a big rectangle of unused land to the north
   of a beautiful park, and welded with it the most attractive
   portion of that park for their groundwork. Then they charted
   an effect. They put millions into an attempt to please, and
   did more, for they have both pleased and startled,—an effect
   peculiarly delightful to Americans."

      E. R. White,
      Aspects of the Pan-American Exposition
      (Atlantic Monthly, July, 1901).

   The Pan-American Exposition may be said to have been paralyzed
   in the first week of its fifth month by the awful tragedy of
   the wanton murder of President McKinley, while it entertained
   him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. McKinley, had
   arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of September, for a long planned
   visit to the Exposition, and had accepted the hospitality of
   its President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the afternoon of the
   6th he held a public reception in the Temple of Music, on the
   Exposition grounds, and it was there that the brutal assassin
   found his opportunity for the deed. The following graphic
   narrative of the tragedy is from the pen of Mr. Walter Wellman
   in the American Review of Reviews:

   "Usually a secret-service agent is stationed by the
   President’s side when he receives the public, but on this
   occasion President Milburn stood at the President’s left.
   Secretary Cortelyou was at his right, and a little to the
   rear. Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer
   Ireland.
{60}
   Eight or ten feet away was Officer Foster. When all was ready,
   the line of people was permitted to move, each one pausing to
   shake the hand of the President. He beamed upon them all in
   his courtly way. When one stranger timidly permitted himself
   to be pushed along without a greeting, the President called
   out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your hand.’ Mr.
   McKinley would never permit any one to go past him without a
   handshake. He was particularly gracious to the children and to
   timid women. Here, as we have often seen him in Washington and
   elsewhere, he patted little girls or boys on the head or cheek
   and smiled at them in his sweet way. A woman and a little girl
   had just passed, and were looking back at the President, proud
   of the gracious manner in which he had greeted them. Next came
   a tall, powerful negro—Parker. After Parker, a slight, boyish
   figure, a face bearing marks of foreign descent, a smooth,
   youthful face, with nothing sinister to be detected in it. No
   one had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a murderous
   purpose. He had his right hand bound up in a handkerchief, and
   this had been noticed by both of the secret-service men as
   well as by others. But the appearance in a reception line of
   men with wounded and bandaged hands is not uncommon. In fact,
   one had already passed along the line. Many men carried
   handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was warm.

   "So this youth approached. He was met with a smile. The
   President held out his hand; but it was not grasped.
   Supporting his bandaged right hand with his left, the assassin
   fired two bullets at the President. The first passed through
   the stomach and lodged in the back. The second, it is
   believed, struck a button on the President’s waistcoat and
   glanced therefrom, making an abrasion upon the sternum. The
   interval between the two shots was so short as to be scarcely
   measurable. As the second shot rang out, Detective Foster
   sprang forward and intercepted the hand of the assassin, who
   was endeavoring to fire a third bullet into his victim. The
   President did not fall. He was at once supported by Mr.
   Milburn, by Detective Geary, and by Secretary Cortelyou.
   Before turning, he raised himself on tiptoe and cast upon the
   miserable wretch before him, who was at that moment in the
   clutches of a number of men, a look which none who saw it can
   ever forget. It appeared to say, ‘You miserable, why should
   you shoot me? What have I done to you?’ It was the indignation
   of a gentleman, of a great soul, when attacked by a ruffian. A
   few drops of blood spurted out and fell on the President’s
   waistcoat. At once the wounded man was led to a chair, into
   which he sank. His collar was removed and his shirt opened at
   the front. Those about him fanned him with their hats.
   Secretary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. McKinley
   whispered, ‘Cortelyou, be careful. Tell Mrs. McKinley gently.’

   "A struggle ensued immediately between the assassin and those
   about him. Detective Foster not only intercepted the arm of
   the murderer, and prevented the firing of a third shot from
   the revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he planted a
   blow square upon the assassin’s face. Even after he fell,
   Czolgosz endeavored to twist about and fire again at the
   President. Mr. Foster threw himself upon the wretch. Parker,
   the colored man, struck him almost at the same instant that
   Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men were trying to beat and
   strike the murderer, and they were so thick about him that
   they struck one another in their excitement. A private of the
   artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet-sword at the neck
   of Czolgosz, and would have driven it home had not Detective
   Ireland held his arm and begged him not to shed blood there
   before the President. Just then the President raised his eyes,
   saw what was going on, and with a slight motion of his right
   hand toward his assailant, exclaimed: ‘Let no one hurt him.’"

   As soon as possible, the wounded President was removed to the
   Exposition Hospital, and surgeons were quickly in attendance.
   The medical director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park,
   President of the American Society of Surgeons, chanced to be
   absent, at Niagara Falls, where he was performing an operation
   at the time. The necessary operation upon the President was
   performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by Dr. Herman
   Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the Marine Hospital service, and
   others. The one fatal bullet of the two that were fired was
   found to have passed through both walls of the stomach, and
   its further progress was not traced. Dr. Park arrived on the
   scene before the operation was finished and took part in the
   subsequent consultations.

   From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed to Mr. Milburn’s
   house, where Mrs. McKinley, being an invalid, had remained
   that day. There he received all possible care during the eight
   days in which the nation hoped against hope that he might be
   saved. Dr. Charles McBurney was called from New York to join
   the attending physicians and surgeons, and approved all that
   had been done. For a week there seemed good ground for
   believing that the sound constitution of the President would
   defeat the assassin’s attempt; but on Friday the 13th the
   signs underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes past
   two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he breathed his last.

   Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was then at a camp in
   the Adirondacks, was summoned at once, and arrived in the city
   that afternoon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox (whose guest
   he became), in the presence of the members of the late
   President’s cabinet and of a few friends and newspaper
   correspondents, he took the oath of office as President,
   administered by Judge Hazel, of the United States District
   Court. Before taking the oath he said: "I wish to say that it
   shall be my aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policies
   of President McKinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the
   honor of our beloved country."

   The assassin, who called himself Nieman at first, was
   identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, having reputable parents
   at Cleveland, Ohio. He had come under anarchist influences and
   been taught to believe that all heads of government were
   enemies of the people and ought to be slain. There was no
   other motive discoverable for his crime. He was arraigned in
   the County Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of
   September, three days after his victim’s death, and, having no
   counsel, two former Justices of the Supreme Court of the
   State, Loran L. Lewis and Robert C. Titus, consented to be
   assigned for his defence.
{61}
   On the 23d he was tried in the Supreme Court, Justice Truman
   C. White presiding, the only defence possible being that on
   the question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced by the
   verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was sentenced to be
   executed, in the State Prison at Auburn, within the week
   beginning October 28.

      See, also, (in this Volume) under
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

BU HAMARA, the Mahdi.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909.

BULGARIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancellor of the German Empire:
   Action on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
   On German Navy-building.

      See WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
   Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted financial reform.
   His resignation.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

BURGER, SCHALK W.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY.

      See (in this Volume)
      KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

BURNS, John:
   President of the Local Government Board.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909.

BURNS, William J.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

BURTON, Joseph R.:
   United States Senator.

   Convicted of having received $2500 from a fraudulent concern,
   which had been debarred from using the United States mails, in
   return for his efforts to have embargo removed; sentenced to a
   fine of $2500 and nine months imprisonment, May, 1909.

BUTLER, Charles Henry:
   Technical delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUTLER, Edward:
   Political "Boss" of St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of
   Charles F. Kelly.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
   President of Columbia University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
   Arrangement of professorial interchanges
   with German universities.

      See EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

BUXTON, Sidney C.:
   Postmaster-General (British).

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.


C.


CACERES, Ramon.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

CADETS, Russian.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

CAJAL, Ramon y.
      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

CALABRIA:
   Destructive earthquake in 1905.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES.

CALAMITIES, Recent extraordinary.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES, FAMINES, FIRE, FLOODS, VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Growth.
   Industries.
   Products.
   Railway facilities, etc.

   "Within the past decade numerous events have tended to direct
   the attention of the United States and of the world to the
   importance of the Pacific ocean and the lands bordering upon
   it, as the field of great activities in the near future. The
   Spanish-American war, and particularly the voyage of the
   battleship Oregon around South America hastened the movement
   for an inter-oceanic canal. The development of the Alaskan
   gold fields gave a great impetus to shipping and trade in
   staple supplies in Pacific coast cities. The war between
   Russia and Japan revealed the maritime enterprise and
   established the naval prestige of Japan.

   "Since the earliest days of American occupation California has
   been steadily filling up with people. These later movements in
   Pacific coast history, together with the steady development of
   natural resources, have greatly accelerated the advance in
   population, especially in cities as the centers of industrial
   and commercial activity. The census of 1900 showed a total
   population of 1,485,053. At the beginning of 1909 the number
   is estimated by the State Board of Trade at 2,564,363. The
   growth of cities in the same period is shown by the following
   instances,—the first figure being the population by the
   census of 1900, the second the State Board of Trade estimate
   for 1909.

                    1900.     1909.

   Alameda         16,464    25,000
   Berkeley        13,214    40,000
   Fresno          12,470    32,000
   Los Angeles    102,479   305,000
   Oakland         66,960   200,000
   Sacramento      29,282    55,000
   San Francisco  342,782   500,000
   San Jose        21,500    45,000
   Stockton        17,506    25,000

   "Two features characterize the recent development of
   California agriculture,—the increased value of the products,
   and a greater variety of crops. Originally wheat was the
   staple crop, but now sugar beets, hops, beans, alfalfa, and
   garden seeds must be added to the common cereals to make the
   list of staples. In 1908 the wheat crop was valued at
   $18,894,961, and the barley at $26,841,394.

   "Orchards and vineyards furnish one of the best records of
   advancing wealth. Shipments out of the state by rail and by
   sea are given by the State Board of Trade as follows:

                             1898.    1908.

                             Tons.    Tons.
   Green Deciduous Fruits   69,732   161,224
   Citrus Fruits           180,658   399,094
   Dried Fruits             76,662   133,846
   Raisins                  47,796    29,601
   Nuts                      5,815    10,887
   Canned Fruits            52,219    85,135

{62}

   "About ninety per cent of all the citrus fruits go from the
   southern part of the State (south of Tehachapi mountains) and
   substantially all the fresh deciduous fruits go from the
   northern and central portions, Sacramento being one of the
   largest shipping points. Nearly all the dried fruits, raisins,
   canned fruits, wine and brandy, go from the northern and
   central portions. Most of the walnuts are grown in the south,
   and most of the almonds in the northern and central parts of
   the state. Olives are grown in about equal quantities, north
   and south. General farming, including stock raising, is much
   more widely pursued north of Tehachapi than south, and the
   same is true of the mining industry. The principal forests of
   the state are in the Sierra region and in the Coast Range
   Mountains north of Sonoma county.

   "Formerly wool was an important product of California. The
   industry reached its maximum about thirty years ago,—the wool
   clip of 1876 amounting to 56,550,973 pounds. Since that date
   the wool product steadily declined till 1906, when the total
   amount was 24,000,000 pounds. Since 1906 the decline has been
   swift, as shown by the total of 15,000,000 pounds for 1908.

   "In the production of the precious metals the record of
   California is very steady in recent years,—the gold output for
   1900 being valued at $15,863,355, and for 1907 at $16,727,928.
   On the other hand the oil industry shows a marvelous advance.
   The output of petroleum from California oil wells was
   4,000,000 barrels in 1900, and 48,300,758 barrels in 1908.
   Since 1906 the oil product of California has amounted to over
   twenty-five per cent of the total production of the United
   States. California petroleum now exceeds in value the output
   of her gold mines.

   "For a long time the high cost of fuel retarded the growth of
   manufactures in California. Recently, however, the production
   of fuel oil and the introduction of electrical power developed
   from the water power in the streams of the Sierras have given
   a great impetus to manufacturing industries. The use of
   electricity is certain to be greatly increased in the near
   future and for this reason the people of California are
   tremendously interested in the policy of the federal government
   in the preservation of the mountain streams and in the
   disposition of water-power sites. The value of the products of
   manufacturing enterprises in the state for 1908 is estimated
   at about $500,000,000, of which the sum of $175,000,000 is
   credited to San Francisco, $62,000,000 to Los Angeles,
   $52,000,000, to Oakland, with Sacramento, San Jose, Stockton
   and Fresno following in the order of naming.

   "California is a state of magnificent dimensions and it is
   quite in keeping with the size of the state to find that in
   1907, with but two per cent, of the total population of the
   United States she had three per cent. of the total railway
   mileage of the country. New construction was almost entirely
   suspended in 1908, but has been resumed in 1909. The most
   important new road is the Western Pacific which enters the
   state by the Beckwith Pass to the north of the line of the
   Central Pacific route, from Sacramento to Ogden, and with the
   advantage of crossing the Sierras at 2000 feet less elevation.
   It reaches the Sacramento Valley by the canyon of the Feather
   River and opens up a large area of rich country to railway
   communication. It will be completed through to San Francisco
   in 1910, and will be the fifth trans continental line
   terminating on San Francisco Bay.

   "Another great work of railway construction in progress in
   1909 is the rebuilding upon an improved grade of the Central
   Pacific road through the Sierras. The extreme elevation of the
   present road at the summit of the range (7000 feet) is to be
   diminished by a lengthy tunnel. Other work of construction
   soon to be brought to completion is the extension of the
   Northwestern Pacific, a coast road north from San Francisco
   Bay to Eureka on Humboldt Bay, and the extension of the Ocean
   Shore Railway south along the coast to Santa Cruz.

   "The records of the State Railroad Commission show in 1909 a
   total mileage in the state of 6744.54 miles.

   "The lines operated by the principal companies measure up as
   follows:

                                          MILES.
   Southern Pacific System.               3,582
   Santa Fé System.                         978
   Northwestern Pacific.                    404
   San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake.    341
   Western Pacific.                         237
   Yosemite Valley Railroad.                 79

   "Suburban electric railways have reached a high stage of
   development and utility in Southern California, in the Santa
   Clara Valley, connecting numerous cities and towns in the
   vicinity of San Francisco Bay, and in the Sacramento Valley.
   The increase of electric power by the further utilization of
   the water power of the Sierra Nevada streams will certainly
   bring about in the near future a great extension of electrical
   transportation for freighting as well as in passenger
   traffic."

      Frederick H. Clark,
      Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School, San Francisco.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Constitutional changes.

   "Amendments to the state constitution originate with the
   legislature, and are placed before the voters of the state at
   the biennial state elections. Dissatisfaction with parts of
   the state constitution is manifested by an increasing number
   of proposed amendments. So long as property interests are not
   antagonized, the voters show a willingness to make changes by
   ratifying a large majority of the amendments proposed. Among
   the important subjects upon which amendments have been adopted
   within the past ten years are the following:

   authorization of legislation for the control of
   primary elections;
   providing for the use of voting machines;
   the establishment of a system of state highways;
   increasing the salaries of judges and of state
   executive officers;
   changing the pay of members of the legislature from
   $8.00 per diem for a period not to exceed 60 days to
   the sum of $1000 for the regular session;
   authorizing the legislature to provide a state tax for the
   support of high schools;
   permitting exemption from taxation of various forms of
   property, such as buildings used exclusively for religious
   purposes and the endowments of the Leland Stanford Junior
   University, the California School of Mechanical Arts,
   and the Cogswell Polytechnical College,
   —also personal property at the will of the owner
   to the amount of $100;
   eight hours made a legal day’s work on all public work
   throughout the state;
   authorization for the depositing of public funds in banks.

{63}

   An important change in the state judiciary was made in 1904 by
   the creation of district courts of appeal for the relief of
   the congested condition of the business of the State Supreme
   Court. The state was divided into three judicial districts, in
   each of which was established a court of appeal consisting of
   three judges elected from within the district for a term of
   twelve years.

   "A plan for the reorganization of the revenue system of the
   state was placed before the voters in 1908, but failed of
   adoption. The proposed amendment was the outcome of a movement
   that began in 1905 with the appointment of a special
   commission on taxation. This commission employed expert
   assistance and made a thorough study of the subject of public
   revenues. Its work was placed before the next meeting of the
   legislature from which came the proposed amendment. Its
   central object was to discover new sources of revenue for the
   state treasury, leaving the direct property tax for the
   maintenance of local government alone."

      Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
      Lowell, High School, San Francisco.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Anti-Japanese agitation.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.
   The earthquake of April 18.
   Destruction at San Francisco by fire following the shock.
   Cause of the occurrence.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

CALIPHATE, The Mohammedan:
   The Turkish Sultan’s title disputed.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

CAMPBELL, H. W.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
   Prime Minister of the British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
   Address at Colonial Conference.

      See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
   DEATH, April 22, 1908.

   ----------CANADA: Start--------

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
   The interchange of people between Canada and the United States.
   The "American Invasion."
   Rapid settlement of the Canadian Northwest.
   Immigration in the last decade.

   "Nature is healing the schism of the race by her own slow but
   efficacious methods. Hundreds of families of the United Empire
   stock have gone back to the United States, in some instances
   to the very place of their origin. Upwards of a million native
   Canadians are now living in the States, the great majority as
   naturalised Americans; whilst American farmers, attracted by
   cheap land and good laws, are entering the Canadian North-West
   at the rate of 50,000 a year. The exodus, as migration across
   the line is called, is a heavy drain on Canada; like an
   ancient conqueror, it sweeps away the flower of both sexes,
   leaving the unfittest to survive. During the last 30 years we
   have spent $10,000,000 on immigration work in Europe, yet our
   population has not held its natural increase, has not, that
   is, grown as fast as the population of an old and over-crowded
   country like England. The Canadian lad thinks no more of
   transferring himself to Buffalo or Chicago than a Scotch youth
   of going up to London, perhaps not so much. On the other hand,
   American tourists, ‘drummers,’ lecturers, sportsmen and
   investors come and go in Canada precisely as if this were a
   State of the Union. When we produce a champion athlete, a
   clever journalist or eloquent divine, they annex him and
   advertise him next day as a Yankee. Marrying and giving in
   marriage is going on without the slightest regard for the
   doctrines of the Loyalists. There are said to be 200 college
   professors of Canadian birth in the United States. I am
   acquainted with some of them, and in their opinion, whatever
   it may be worth, Canada can best serve herself by becoming
   politically independent, and could best serve England by
   joining the American Union, where her presence and vote would
   offset the Anglophobia latent or active in other elements.

   "The influence of the Canadian-Americans, to say nothing of
   that of the Americans proper, is visible on every side in
   English Canada; they are constantly visiting the old home, in
   many cases paying the interest of the mortgage on it. The
   French Canadians in New England have taught those in Quebec
   that the priest has no business to interfere unduly in
   elections, or to make war on Liberalism; that the Press ought
   to be free, and the State, not the Church, supreme within the
   sphere she defines as her own. Every day the French Canadian
   papers publish columns of correspondence from the French
   settlements in the factory towns across the line, but of
   British affairs editors and readers know little, and,
   apparently, care less. I mention this not to sneer at the
   French Canadian Press, but to show those Englishmen who urge
   us to cultivate the Imperialist spirit how difficult it would
   be for Mrs. Partington to keep out the Atlantic.

   "In English Canada, our newspapers supply us with British news
   filtered through American channels; we read American books,
   are interested in American politics, frequent their
   watering-places and race tracks, imitate their tariffs, play
   baseball and poker, live under local institutions fashioned
   after theirs, think like them, speak like them, eat like them,
   dress like them; when we visit England, we find ourselves
   taken for them and treated well in consequence, better than if
   we confessed ourselves Colonials."

      E. Farrer,
      Canada and the new Imperialism
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1903).

   "Some ten years since there began to trickle into the vast
   wastes of the West the tiny rivulet of immigration which has
   now become a great stream. Many influences have gone toward
   widening this current of immigration, but the initial impulse
   which set it in motion came from the courage of one man. In
   1896 Clifford Sifton, a young man, thirty-five years of age,
   who had already played a considerable rôle in the
   politics of Manitoba, became Minister of the Interior in the
   Dominion Government. He was equipped with a genius for
   organization, an almost unequaled capacity for persistent hard
   work, and, above all, a faith in the West which knew neither
   wavering nor questioning.
{64}
   He threw himself with immense energy into the task of
   advertising the Canadian West to the world and inducing
   immigration. His conception of the problem and its solution
   was Napoleonic; for he saw what others could not see and even
   scouted as absurd, that the people who could be induced most
   easily to lead the procession into the vacant prairies lived
   in the adjoining States of the American Union. A new
   generation had grown up in these States on the farms secured
   as free grants by their fathers in the ’70's, and he saw that
   when they looked for lands for themselves there would be none
   available at all comparable with those of Western Canada.
   Therefore, he argued, to acquaint them with the opportunities
   and possibilities of the new land to the north would be to
   insure such a migration as he desired, and if the stream once
   began flowing it would widen by its own velocity. This was the
   great idea which, given effect to by an organization called
   into being by first-class executive talent, operating with
   limitless resources, broke forever the great silence of the
   prairies and made them the Mecca of the world’s landless folk.

   "There had been for years Canadian immigration agencies at
   various places in the United States, but they had been
   administered in a spirit of perfunctory hopelessness. These
   offices were reorganized; new ones opened; tens of thousands
   of dollars were expended in advertising and in the
   distribution of printed literature; enterprising drummers were
   sent abroad throughout the Western States to preach up the
   opportunities of Western Canada; representative farmers were
   induced to take trips through the Canadian West, all expenses
   paid by the government,—in fact, everything that trained
   business talent could suggest was done.

   "The result? In the first year of the new order of things 2412
   Americans came to Canada, and thereafter the number mounted
   yearly. By 1899 the figures had reached 11,945; 1901, 17,987;
   1902, 26,388; 1903, 49,473; 1904, 45,171; 1905, 43,652; 1906,
   57,919. During the ten years ending June 30, 1906, no less
   than 272,609 persons left the United States to become
   residents of Western Canada. These people came from all parts
   of the United States. The government homestead records for
   1906 show applications from persons coming from every State
   and Territory of the United States, including the District of
   Columbia and Alaska. North Dakota led in the applications,
   with Minnesota a close second; then came Iowa, Michigan,
   Washington, Wisconsin, Illinois, tapering to two from Alabama
   and one from Georgia. …

   "It has given Canada over a quarter of a million of settlers
   with the highest average of efficiency. They, almost without
   exception, have sufficient capital to make a good start, a
   most important consideration in a new country where money is
   scarce and dear. Akin to the Canadians in race, language,
   political and social customs, they become a part of the
   community just as naturally as one stream flows into another
   at the same level. These settlers have also brought with them
   fifty years’ experience in prairie farming, and by their
   example have enormously affected agricultural methods. …

   "More important, however, was the advertisement which the
   ‘American invasion’ gave Western Canada. It was precisely what
   the country needed—indeed there could have been no substitute
   for it in effectiveness. The Eastern Canadian was rather out
   of conceit with his own West; and if a migratory instinct
   drove him onward he went to the United States. In Great
   Britain Western Canada could get no hearing at all,—her
   emigrants went to Australia, the United States, New Zealand,
   or even to alien lands in preference to Canada. It is doubtful
   whether any possible exertions by the Government could have
   turned the attention of these people to Canada had not the
   influx of Americans to the prairies, loudly announced by all
   controllable agencies of publicity, challenged their attention
   and pricked their national pride. Once the fact was driven
   into their consciousness they began to hold that if Western
   Canada was good enough for ‘Yankees’ it was good enough for
   them. British newspapers in particular showed a belated but
   very real interest.

   "The result has been a heavily increasing immigration from the
   British Isles, until it now exceeds by many thousands every
   year the arrivals from the United States. For the ten-year
   period specified above there were 311,747 immigrants from
   Great Britain, compared with 272,609 from the United States;
   with 248,250 from ‘other countries,’ chiefly continental
   Europe. The Scandinavian, Teutonic, and Slavic peoples are all
   strongly represented in Western Canada. The most numerous
   non-British people are the Ruthenians, or little Russians. In
   addition there is a large yearly influx of Canadian settlers
   from the older provinces, of whom there is no record excepting
   in the homestead applications. These figures showed that out
   of 41,869 applications for homesteads last year 27 per cent.
   were Canadians, 29 per cent. Americans, 20 per cent. from the
   British Isles, while the remaining 24 per cent. comprised
   persons of eighteen different nationalities. These statistics
   show that Western Canada is overwhelmingly English-speaking."

      John W. Dafoe,
      Western Canada: Its Resources and Possibilities
      (American Review of Reviews, June, 1907).

   Writing from Toronto, June 24, 1909, the regular Correspondent
   of the London Times took the subject of Canadian
   immigration, especially that from the United States, for
   extended treatment. Part of his remarks were as follows:

   "So long as the American States had free, fertile lands, it
   was natural that population should flow into the Republic.
   America, in the mind of Europe, was the land of promise and
   the home of freedom, and the United States was America. Canada
   was but a fringe of inhospitable British territory, where the
   spring came late and summer was brief, and winter was long and
   stern. The first great impulse to settlement came with the
   construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but an even more
   material factor in Canadian development was the comparative
   exhaustion of the free land of the Western States and the
   increasing reputation of the Canadian West as a wheat-growing
   country. If the 20th century belongs to Canada, as Sir Wilfrid
   Laurier has said, it is primarily because the American
   Republic has become a far less formidable competitor for
   British and European immigration, and because thousands of
   American farmers have discovered that they can sell their
   improved farms at good prices and secure lands of equal value
   in Canada for themselves and their sons with a very small
   investment of capital.

{65}

   "The total immigration since 1901 is estimated at 1,200,000.
   In that year it was 49,149. It rose in 1902 to 67,379. Thence
   there was a steady increase until 1907, when the figures were
   262,469. In 1908 the total immigration was between 140, 000
   and 142,000, and for this year the estimate is 200,000.
   British immigrants began to come in considerable Volume in
   1901, when there were 17,269 arrivals. The best year was 1907,
   when the number reported was 120,182, as compared with 83,975
   from the Continent of Europe and 58,312 from the United
   States. The decline in 1908 was chiefly in British and
   European immigration. Between 50,000 and 55,000 came from
   across the border, which was a greater number than came from
   either Britain or Europe. This year it is estimated that
   70,000 Americans will come into the country. They will take up
   between 20,000 and 25,000 homesteads, and as it is considered
   that they bring property to the average value of $1,000 each
   this would give a total new capital of $70,000,000. In 1907,
   the year in which we had our greatest Volume of immigration,
   there were 178,500 British and Americans as compared with
   84,000 from the Continent of Europe. For the last year there
   were 100,000 British and Americans and not a third as many
   from Europe.

   "It is apparent that, even with the best business management
   the Empire can apply to the direction of its population, the
   American immigration to Canada will continue to exceed that
   from Great Britain. One of the most careful and soberminded of
   our public men with whom I talked a few days ago, a man who
   knows the West and for years has had intimate official
   knowledge of the movements of population on both sides of the
   border, believes that in the next ten or twelve years five
   millions of Americans will come into Canada. Upon this I
   pronounce no opinion, save to agree that the overflow from the
   United States is bound to increase in Volume. Naturally there
   are those amongst us who regard ‘the American invasion’ with
   uneasiness, and fear the ultimate effect upon our institutions
   and upon the relation of Canada to the Empire. In this
   connexion I can only say that for some years I have been at
   pains to consult men from all parts of the West who should
   know the mind of these American settlers and their general
   disposition towards the social and political institutions of
   the country, and as yet I have not found a single Western
   Canadian to express apprehension. They all agree that, while
   the Americans have a natural affection for ‘Old Glory’ and as
   yet may confuse the Fourth with the First of July, they pay
   ready allegiance to the flag under which they have come to
   live, and very generally agree that the impartial and
   inflexible administration of justice in Canada is in itself
   sufficient reason for the permanence of the British allegiance
   and an honest loyalty to Canadian institutions. What may be
   hidden in the womb of the future, when many of these Americans
   sit in the Legislatures and in the Federal Parliament, and
   become powerful in moulding public policy, we cannot know, but
   at least it is seldom that the seeds of revolution thrive
   amongst a prosperous agricultural population.

   "But it is to one particular phase of the movement of
   population that I desire chiefly to call attention. The
   migration to the West has had a marked effect on the older
   Canadian provinces. Many farms in the long settled districts
   have been almost deserted. The old remain; the young have
   gone. The only compensation is that the sons prosper in the
   West."

   According to a despatch from Ottawa in September, 1909, "the
   annual Immigration Report states that the total arrivals in
   Canada during the last fiscal year were 146,908. For the first
   time in Canadian history immigrants from the United States
   exceeded those from the United Kingdom; the figures are
   respectively 59,832 and 52,901. The total immigration during
   the 13 years which the present Government has been in office
   was 1,366,658. American immigrants in that period have brought
   to Canada £12,000,000 in cash and effects. Immigration from
   France and Belgium declined last year and Japanese immigration
   fell off by 7,106. Only six Hindus entered Canada, compared
   with 2,623 in the previous year; 3,803 immigrants were
   rejected at ocean ports, of whom 1,748 were deported. The
   total deportations since 1902, when the system was first
   inaugurated, were 3,149, of whom 2,607 were English."

   Two months later it was reported from Ottawa that during the
   first six months of 1909 "homestead entries were made by
   27,296 bona fide settlers, representing free grants of
   Dominion lands of 4,367,360 acres. This is an increase of 939
   entries and of 150,200 acres as compared with the
   corresponding period of 1908. In September the total number of
   homestead entries was 2,902; of these 926 were American, 325
   English, 109 Scotch, 54 Irish, 336 Canadians from Ontario, and
   83 Canadians from Quebec."

   Previously, in August, it had been stated that "German
   capitalists have interested Toronto men in a big plan to
   colonize the lands of Alberta and Saskatchewan on a
   time-payment system. The scheme includes advances to settlers
   for the purchase of implements and for help in house building.
   The expectation is that 20,000 Germans will avail themselves
   of the scheme."

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1903.
   German retaliation for the tariff discrimination
   in favor of British goods.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS.

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Census of the Dominion.
   New apportionment of parliamentary representation.

   The census of the Dominion, taken in 1901, showed
   a total population of     5,370,000,
   of which
   Ontario contained         2,182,947;
   Quebec,                   1,648,898;
   Nova Scotia,                459,574;
   New Brunswick,              331,120;
   Manitoba,                   254,947;
   British Columbia,           177,272;
   Prince Edward Island,       103,259;
   The Northwest Territories,
   Yukon included,             211,649.

   The new distribution of parliamentary representation,
   determined this year, gave the House of Commons a total
   membership of 214, apportioned as follows; Quebec 65 (as
   guaranteed by the Confederation Act); Ontario 86; Nova Scotia
   18; New Brunswick 13; Manitoba 10; British Columbia 7;
   Northwest Territories 10; Prince Edward Island 4; the Yukon 1.
   The basis was one representative for each 2500 people. Ontario
   lost 6 seats, Nova Scotia 2, New Brunswick and Prince Edward
   Island 1 each; all the other provinces gained, British
   Columbia to the extent of 7 seats, the Northwest Territories
   4, and Manitoba 3.

CANADA: A. D. 1902.
   Colonial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

{66}

CANADA: A. D. 1903.
   Discovery of the cobalt silver mines in Ontario.

   Ore bodies carrying values in silver, cobalt, nickel, and
   arsenic were discovered in 1903, during the building of the
   Temiskaming and North Ontario Railway near the town of
   Haileybury, at a distance of about 103 miles from North Bay.
   The railway line ran over the most important vein that has
   been found, and signs of the latter were noticed in the spring
   of the year named. Prospecting was begun in the fall with
   quick results of important discovery, and the rapid attraction
   of a large mining population to what has become famous as the
   Cobalt District. The production of silver in the district
   increased from $111,887 in 1904 to $9,500,000 in 1908. The
   ores are said to be unique among those of North America.

      16th Annual Report of Ontario Bureau of Mines.

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (May).
   Adoption of "Empire Day" in Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May).

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Settlement of the Alaskan boundary question.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Measures to establish sovereignty over land and sea
   of Hudson Bay region.

   "The agreement by Britain and America to arbitrate at The
   Hague the Newfoundland Fishery Question will probably pave the
   way for a similar solution of another entanglement, as
   threatening and complicated as that respecting the Alaskan
   Boundary, apparently now imminent between Canada and the
   United States over the sovereignty of Hudson Bay. This has a
   special relation to the Newfoundland problem, being also based
   on the treaty of 1818. The Canadian Government in August,
   1903, despatched the Newfoundland sealing steamer ‘Neptune’
   (one of the type of wood-built ships suited for the work) to
   the region, with an official expedition whose three-fold
   object was:
   (1) to reassert British sovereignty over all the land and seas
   there;
   (2) to expel or subject to Canadian authority the United
   States whalers who fish there, illegally, it is held; and
   (3) to secure further data tending to determine the
   navigability of the waters for an ocean grain route and
   justify subsidising or discouraging the construction of
   railways from the north-west to the shores of Hudson Bay.

   "In the summer of 1904, in anticipation of the ‘Neptune’s’
   return, the Canadian Government purchased from Germany the
   Antarctic exploring steamer ‘Gauss,’ re-named her the
   ‘Arctic,’ and sent her to Hudson Bay as an official cruiser,
   she conveying also Major Moodie, of the North-West Mounted
   Police, who was commissioned as ‘Governor of Hudson Bay ’ and
   was accompanied by a body of that famous force, to assist him
   in the administration of this extensive province, they to
   build posts there and establish themselves at the most
   important points. … The undisguised purpose of the Dominion is
   to take all possible steps to prevent the United States from
   securing any advantage, territorial or diplomatic, which would
   enable her to put forward pretensions such as have been
   advanced by her with respect to the Alaskan Boundary.

   "The similarity of this question to that of the Alaskan
   Boundary is quite striking. Geographically, the Hudson Bay
   region is to the Northeastern portion of the continent what
   Alaska is to the North-western. In the variety and value of
   natural resources both have much in common. The development of
   the Hudson Bay region, while not as advanced as that of
   Alaska, seems destined to be much accelerated in the near
   future in every department of industrial endeavour. The United
   States whalers, voyaging from New Bedford into Hudson Bay, and
   from San Francisco into Alaskan seas, penetrate to the very
   confines of the Arctic zone itself. To proceed against them
   now, after their having enjoyed for over seventy years an
   unrestricted access to Hudson Bay, whether entitled thereto or
   not, is a step which may provoke a repetition of the
   difficulties which were recently experienced over the Alaskan
   Boundary. …

   "[Canada] contends that from the entrance to Hudson Strait,
   which she says is in a line drawn from Cape Chidley, the
   northern projection of Labrador, to Resolution Island, the
   southern extremity of Baffin Land, all the waters and lands to
   the west, including the numerous islands of Arctic America,
   are her exclusive possession. She bases this contention on the
   following grounds:—

   "1. Discovery (the waters, coastline and hinterland having
   been discovered and charted by British explorers).

   "2. Occupation (the region having been occupied only by the
   Hudson Bay Company).

   "3. Treaty cession (the British rights to the region having
   been admitted by the French in 1713).

   "4. Acquiescence (the United States having acknowledged the
   Hudson Bay Company’s rights in 1818).

   "5. Purchase (Canada having bought out the Company in 1870).

   "But Americans are indisposed to acquiesce in any such
   conclusion as regards the waters of the Bay. They contend that
   the British had originally no rights beyond the three-mile
   limit, that the French in 1713 could cede them no more, and
   that the American concurrence in 1818 could apply only to the
   same territorial waters. In other words, they question the
   right of the British Monarch to grant such a Charter as he
   did, and it may be observed here that the same point has
   frequently been made in England also in the past by opponents
   of the Company and by legal critics."

      P. T. McGrath,
      The Hudson Bay Dispute
      (Fortnightly Review, January, 1908).

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.
   Attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward
   Great Britain and the United States on the Tariff question.

   "The attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association
   toward both the United States and Britain has been very
   frequently misrepresented by opponents of tariff reform in
   Canada and England. … The views of the Association were
   clearly set forth in the recommendations made by the Tariff
   Committee at the annual meeting in September, 1903, and
   adopted by the Association after full discussion. The
   attendance was very large, and the meeting was practically
   unanimous, only one member dissenting. The resolutions were as
   follows:

{67}

   "'(1) That we reaffirm the tariff resolution passed at the
   last annual meeting in Halifax, as follows: Resolved, That in
   the opinion of this Association, the changed conditions which
   now obtain in Canada demand the immediate and thorough
   revision of the tariff, upon lines which will more effectually
   transfer to the workshops of our Dominion the manufacture of
   many of the goods which we now import from other countries;
   that, in any such revision, the interests of all sections of
   the community, whether of agriculture, mining, fishing, or
   manufacturing, should be fully considered, with a view, not
   only to the preservation, but to the further development, of
   all these great natural industries; that, while such a tariff
   should primarily be framed for Canadian interests, it should
   nevertheless give a substantial preference to the Mother
   Country, and also to any other part of the British Empire with
   which reciprocal preferential trade can be arranged,
   recognizing always that under any conditions the minimum
   tariff must afford adequate protection to all Canadian
   producers.

   (2) That, except in very special cases, we are opposed to the
   granting of bounties in Canada as a substitute for a policy of
   reasonable and permanent protection.

   (3) That we are strongly opposed to any reciprocity treaty
   with the United States affecting the manufacturing industries
   of Canada.

   (4) We recommend that the Dominion Government establish in
   Canada a permanent tariff commission of experts, who shall
   have constant supervision of tariff policy and changes, and
   shall follow closely the workings of the Canadian tariff with
   a view to making such recommendations to the Government as
   will best conserve and advance the interests of the Dominion.’

   "These resolutions were reaffirmed at the annual conventions
   in 1904 and 1905, meeting with no opposition."

      Watson Griffin,
      Canadian Manufacturers' Tariff Campaign
      (North American Review, August, 1906).

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.
   New transcontinental railway project.
   The Grand Trunk Pacific.

   "The project for a new transcontinental railway made the year
   1903 industrially significant. The scheme when finally
   presented to Parliament by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on July 31st,
   provided for the building of a new line from Moncton, New
   Brunswick, through Quebec to Winnipeg and the Pacific Coast at
   a terminus then not fixed, but now known to be Prince Rupert.
   The road is to be divided into two parts; the Eastern from
   Moncton to Winnipeg, which is to be built by the Government,
   and the Western from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, to be built by
   the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company. Provision was made
   for a lease of the Eastern section by the company and its
   purchase after fifty years. This company is practically the
   same as the Grand Trunk Railway Company. Sir Wilfrid estimated
   the cost at $13,000,000. There were provisions for Government
   assistance in the guaranteeing of the bonds of the new
   company."

      F. B. Tracy,
      Tercentenary History of Canada,
      Volume 3, page 1034 (Macmillan Company, New York, 1908).

   At the half yearly meeting of the Grand Trunk Company in
   London, October 21, 1909, the President, Sir C. Rivers Wilson,
   who had recently returned from Canada, spoke of the present
   state and prospects of the transcontinental line, partly as
   follows:

   "They were, he remarked, under an obligation to complete their
   road through to Prince Rupert by December 1, 1911, but, owing
   to the want of labour, he feared there was very little chance
   of their succeeding in doing so. … They had built through to
   Winnipeg on the one hand and to Lake Superior on the other,
   but there remained an unfortunate link of 245 miles to
   complete their junction with Lake Superior. … After what had
   happened he was very chary of making any prediction, but he
   should think that, after all that had taken place, and after
   the great pressure which was now being put on the contractors,
   the road would be finished by next summer. Their great object,
   of course, was to link up the west with their eastern system.
   That would be done during the summer by the road coming down
   to Lake Superior, which would enable them to communicate by
   water with their Georgian Bay port, and during the winter,
   when navigation was closed, by way of land north of Lake
   Superior by the line the Government was to build to a place
   called Cochrane, about 540 miles distant, where they would
   obtain communication with North Bay and put themselves in
   contact with their own Ontario road."

CANADA: A. D. 1904.
   General Election.
   Continuance of the Laurier Ministry.
   The Earl of Minto succeeded as Governor-General by Earl Grey.

   The general election in 1904 resulted in a parliamentary
   majority of 64 for the Liberals, thus firmly reseating the
   Laurier Ministry. The Conservatives carried Ontario, but were
   beaten heavily in the Maritime Provinces, in Quebec, and in
   the West. The general prosperity of the country gave a backing
   to the Liberals which no political criticism could overcome.

   The Earl of Minto was succeeded as Governor-General, in 1904,
   by Earl Grey, grandson of the Earl Grey who, as Prime Minister
   of England in 1832, carried through the first Reform of
   Parliament, extinguishing the "rotten boroughs," transferring
   political power from the land-owning aristocracy to the middle
   class of English people, and beginning the democratizing of
   government, which two later reforms have made nearly complete.
   "There can be no doubt," said a Canadian correspondent of one
   of the London journals lately, "that the present
   Governor-General is more widely popular in Canada than any of
   his predecessors in that high office were, or could have been.
   Happy in his personality, happier still in his opportunities,
   he is known and liked by all sorts and conditions of Canadians
   in every part of the country; whereas more than one of those
   who have represented the Sovereign there since the creation of
   the Canadian Confederacy were regarded as august functionaries
   forming the ‘dignified part’ of the constitutional mechanism
   (to use Bagehot’s phrase), and as sedulously avoiding close
   contact with the people at large."

   Within the past year it has been announced officially from
   Ottawa that Lord Grey will fill out his full period of six
   years in the office of Governor-General, expiring in December,
   1910.

CANADA: A. D. 1904.
   Creation of the Board of Railway Commissioners.
   Its large regulative powers.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Race problems.
   Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
   Labor hostility.
   Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu laborers.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

{68}

CANADA: A. D. 1905.
   New Provinces created.
   Alberta and Saskatchewan.
   Revival of the Separate School controversy.
   The compromise settlement.

   By Bills brought into the Dominion Parliament by the Premier,
   Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on the 21st of February, 1905, and
   subsequently passed, the four Northwest Territories ceded to
   the Dominion by Great Britain in 1870 were reorganized as two
   provinces, and admitted to membership in the Canadian Federal
   Union, bearing the names of Alberta and Saskatchewan, with
   Edmonton for the capital of the former and Regina for the
   latter.

      See, in Volume IV. of this work,
      NORTHWEST TERRITORIES OF CANADA.

   Saskatchewan includes the territories of Saskatchewan,
   Assiniboia, and one-half of Athabasca, and Alberta the
   territory of Alberta and the remainder of Athabasca. The
   entire area of the two provinces is 550,345 square miles, and
   it extends from Manitoba west to the 110th meridian, and from
   the United States boundary to 60 north latitude. The
   population of each province was reckoned at 250,000, and was
   rapidly increasing. The Dominion Government retains control of
   the public lands. Each of the new provinces received at the
   beginning five representatives in the Dominion House of
   Commons and four in the Senate. A single Legislative Chamber
   of twenty-five members was provided for each; each has a
   Lieutenant-Governor, with a Cabinet of responsible Ministers.
   The Dominion Treasury contributes $250,000 yearly to the
   revenue of each.

   A provision in these bills for conceding separate schools to
   religious minorities revived the controversy which raged in
   Canada for many years, after the Province of Manitoba, in
   1890, had abolished denominational schools and established a
   free, compulsory, unsectarian school system.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and A. D, 1898 (JANUARY).

   The Government was forced to amend the provision, devising a
   compromise which cannot be said to have satisfied either party
   to the dispute, but which saved the Government from a probable
   defeat. This affords a half hour of religious teaching, by
   denominational teachers, at the end of school hours, the
   denominational character of the instruction determined by the
   majority in attendance, and its reception to be optional. As
   explained at the time by a writer in The Outlook, the working
   of the system is as follows. "The half-hour is the only
   noteworthy feature of the separate schools. They are liable
   for no other school taxation than that which is necessary to
   support those schools. In all other respects, in every detail
   of government control and oversight, they are exactly like the
   schools of the majority. From nine o’clock in the morning
   until three o’clock in the afternoon the order of lessons is
   the same for all; so are the textbooks, the standards of
   efficiency, and the qualifications of the teachers. There
   cannot be any control of the school by any clerical or
   sectarian body. There cannot be any sectarian teaching between
   nine o’clock in the morning and three o’clock in the
   afternoon. The Normal schools of the new provinces will give a
   uniform normal training for all teachers, and there will be
   uniform curricula and courses of study for all schools of the
   same grade. There will be complete and absolute control of all
   schools as to their government and conduct by the central
   school authority created by the new provincial Legislature.
   The distribution of the legislative grant to all schools will
   be according to educational efficiency, a wise provision which
   did not apply to separate schools of the old type. To
   recapitulate, all the schools are alike, except that where the
   trustees are Protestant there is Protestant religious teaching
   from half-past three to four, and where the trustees are Roman
   Catholic there is Roman Catholic teaching during the
   half-hour. That is the only distinction, and neither
   Protestant nor Roman Catholic children, when they are in the
   minority, need remain to hear any religious teaching against
   their parents’ wishes."

CANADA: A. D. 1906.
   Dominion Forest Reserves Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      Conservation of Natural Resources.

CANADA: A. D. 1906.
   Passage of the "Lord’s Day Act."

      See (in this Volume)
      SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

CANADA: A. D. 1906.
   Prisons and Reformatory Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1906 (May).
   Departure of the last British garrison.

   On the 1st of May, 1906, the last British garrison in the
   Dominion was withdrawn from Esquimault, in British Columbia,
   under an arrangement which leaves the Canadian Government in
   undivided control of all military posts.

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Political experiments in Ontario.
   Broadening the functions of government.

   The Canadians of their Middle West, who used to be the most
   conservative of Britons, have manifested lately a new spirit,
   wafted, perhaps, from adventuresome New Zealand, and are
   trying governmental experiments that would stagger
   Oklahoma,—trying them, too, with what looks like success.

   For the development of the rich cobalt and silver mining
   region on its eastern border, and for the encouragement of
   colonization farther northward on the same border, the Ontario
   Government has not hesitated to construct and own and operate
   officially an important line of railway, the Temiskaming and
   Northern Ontario, which is reported to have been profitable
   from the start. The road may possibly be extended to James
   Bay, the southward projection of Hudson Bay.

   The progressive government of Ontario has also undertaken to
   work for its own benefit the mines in a large lately opened
   block of the Cobalt mining territory, covering about 100
   square miles. In somewhat the same line of economic policy, it
   determined in 1906 to control the development and transmission
   of electric power at and from Niagara Falls, and accomplished
   its purpose by a contract with the Ontario Power Company,
   which secures power to municipalities in Ontario at an
   extremely reasonable rate.

   This adventurous policy in economic directions is less
   surprising, however, than an absolutely novel experiment in
   the officializing of political parties, as agencies in
   representative government, which has been put on trial in
   Ontario during two parliamentary sessions. For the first time
   in constitutional history, the opposition leader in a
   legislature has been made a recognized functionary and
   salaried by the Government to the extent of $7,000 a year.
   Theoretically, the importance of an effectively critical
   opposition to the majority party in a legislature is always
   acknowledged. Is there not good sense, then, theoretically at
   least, in a policy of government which aims to increase the
   efficiency of that criticism and give it a responsible
   character, in the mode which the Ontarians are trying?

{69}

   After between two and three years trial of this last named
   experiment, with a salaried leader of the Opposition, the
   Toronto correspondent of the London Times wrote, in
   June, 1909, to that paper as follows:

   "This is an experiment in Parliamentary government which has
   not been attempted elsewhere. It has both advantages and
   disadvantages. There are few men of wealth or leisure in
   Canadian public life, and generally a private party fund has
   been provided for the support of the leader of the Opposition.
   The charge was commonly made that as this fund was likely to
   be provided by the few wealthy men of the party they would
   exact compensation in the form of official appointment or
   legislative favour when the Opposition leader became the head
   of the Government. It was decided, therefore, to give a
   salary, equal to the emoluments of a Minister of the Crown, to
   the leader of the Opposition. Mr. Borden [leader of the
   Opposition in Ontario for some time past] sanctioned this
   legislation and accepted the remuneration provided. It was
   argued that he thus became a pensioner on the Government, and
   that a servile consideration for his salary would affect his
   independence and restrain his criticism of the paymasters on
   the Treasury benches. Mr. Borden, while disposed more than
   once to relinquish the salary, felt that this criticism was
   unjust, and, knowing the grave financial distresses which some
   of his predecessors had experienced, waited patiently for the
   attack to exhaust itself and for opportunity to prove that he
   was not a dependent of the Treasury. At length his course
   seems to be justified, and the appropriation of a salary for
   the leader of the Opposition seems likely to become a settled
   feature of the Canadian Parliamentary system. The real test
   will come, however, if the system of Parliamentary groups
   should ever replace the established two-party system in
   Canada. But for the time the experiment has been justified,
   and under the conditions which so often obtain in Canada it
   may even be said that the official salary enhances the
   independence and dignity of the Opposition leader in
   Parliament."

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
   The Canada Temperance Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1907.
   The founding of Macdonald College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (March).
   The "Industrial Disputes Investigation Act," to aid in the
   prevention and settlement of Strikes and Lockouts.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
   Imperial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      British Empire: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Convention respecting commercial relations with France
   and its amendment.

   A Convention which greatly liberalized the tariff regulations
   affecting trade between Canada and France was concluded
   between the British and French Governments and signed at Paris
   on the 19th of September, 1907. It gave "the benefit of the
   minimum tariff and of the lowest rates of customs duty
   applicable to like products of other foreign origin,"
   reciprocally, in each country to certain enumerated products
   of the other; with mutual pledges that every reduction granted
   by either to any foreign country should apply to similar
   products of the other.

   In January, 1909, an amended Convention was negotiated which
   liberalized still further this commercial agreement, enlarging
   the schedules of favored products, especially the agricultural
   schedules, giving important advantages to Canada in the French
   market. The amended Convention was ratified in France on the
   13th of July, and in Canada early in December.

CANADA: A. D. 1908.
   Child Labor legislation.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1908.
   Governmental undertaking of a railway to Hudson Bay.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Convention for the preservation and propagation of Food
   Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

         See (in this Volume)
         FOOD FISHES.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty respecting the demarcation of the International
   Boundary between the United States and Canada.

   A Treaty "providing for the more complete definition and
   demarcation of the international boundary between the United
   States and the Dominion of Canada," negotiated by Ambassador
   Bryce and Secretary Root, appointed Plenipotentiaries of the
   Governments of Great Britain and the United States,
   respectively, was signed at Washington on the 4th of June,
   1908. The Treaty provides for parcelling the boundary line in
   eight sections, for the determination in each of which each
   Government "shall appoint, without delay, an expert geographer
   or surveyor to serve as Commissioner." Its first article
   prescribes with minuteness the procedure to be followed and
   the consideration to be given to former surveys and
   determinations of the boundary line "in the waters of
   Passamaquoddy Bay from the mouth of the St. Croix River to the
   Bay of Fundy." The second article defines similarly the task
   appointed to the Commissioners who shall determine the "line
   drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix from its mouth
   in the Bay of Fundy to its source." The third article
   instructs the Commissioners who shall fix the line from the
   source of the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. The fourth deals
   in like manner with the next section of the line, from "the
   point of its intersection with the St. Lawrence River near the
   forty-fifth parallel of north latitude, as determined under
   articles I. and VI. of the Treaty of August 9, 1842, between
   Great Britain and the United States, and thence through the
   Great Lakes and communicating waterways to the mouth of Pigeon
   River, at the western shore of Lake Superior." The fifth
   pursues the line from "the mouth of Pigeon River to the
   northwestern-most point of the Lake of the Woods." The sixth
   traces the work to be done on the line from that point of the
   Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. The
   seventh relates to the section of boundary "along the
   forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the summit of the
   Rocky Mountains westward to the eastern shore of the Gulf of
   Georgia, as defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15,
   1846, between Great Britain and the United States and as
   marked by monuments along its course,"—for the renewing and
   completing of which monuments commissioners were appointed by
   concurrent action of the two Governments in 1902 and 1903. The
   eighth article has to do with the western terminal section of
   the task, carrying the boundary line "from the forty-ninth
   parallel of north latitude along the middle of the channel
   which separates Vancouver’s Island from the mainland and the
   Haro Channel and of Fuca’s Straits to the Pacific Ocean, as
   defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between
   Great Britain and the United States, and as determined by the
   award made on October 21, 1872, by the Emperor of Germany as
   arbitrator.

{70}

   In articles one and two there are provisions for the
   arbitration of disagreements; and the concluding article
   contains the following:

   "If a dispute or difference should arise about the location or
   demarcation of any portion of the boundary covered by the
   provisions of this Treaty and an agreement with respect
   thereto is not reached by the Commissioners charged herein
   with locating and marking such portion of the line, they shall
   make a report in writing jointly to both Governments, or
   severally each to his own Government, setting out fully the
   questions in dispute and the differences between them, but
   such Commissioners shall, nevertheless, proceed to carry on
   and complete as far as possible the work herein assigned to
   them with respect to the remaining portions of the line.

   "In case of such a disagreement between the Commissioners, the
   two Governments shall endeavor to agree upon an adjustment of
   the questions in dispute, and if an agreement is reached
   between the two Governments it shall be reduced to writing in
   the form of a protocol, and shall be communicated to the said
   Commissioners, who shall proceed to lay down and mark the
   boundary in accordance therewith, and as herein provided, but
   without prejudice to the special provisions contained in
   Articles I and II regarding arbitration.

   "It is understood that under the foregoing articles the same
   persons will be appointed to carry out the delimitation of
   boundaries in the several sections aforesaid, other than the
   section covered by Article IV, unless either of the
   Contracting Powers finds it expedient for some reason which it
   may think sufficient to appoint some other person to be
   Commissioner for any one of the above-mentioned sections."

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (July).
   Tercentenary Celebration of the Founding of Quebec.

   The three hundredth anniversary of the founding of Quebec by
   Champlain was celebrated at that city in July, 1908, with
   remarkable spirit and success. The Government of the Dominion
   took an active and important part in the preparations,
   nationalizing the battle-field of Wolfe’s victory over
   Montcalm, on the Plains of Abraham, and converting it into a
   park, where the principal pageants and ceremonies of the
   occasion were performed. The Imperial Government interested
   itself warmly in the undertaking, the Prince of Wales, Lord
   Roberts, the Duke of Norfolk, and other distinguished
   personages from Great Britain coming as guests of the
   festivity and to bear a part. Living descendants of Wolfe and
   Montcalm were also invited guests, and the Governments of
   France and the United States were officially represented.
   Battleships from the fleets of these nations and from Germany,
   Italy, Spain, Japan and the Argentine Republic were brought to
   a friendly concourse in the harbor of Quebec, for
   participation in the brilliant spectacles of the féte. These
   included a military representation of the armies of Wolfe and
   Montcalm, on the field where they fought; a representation of
   the landing of Champlain, from a ship which duplicated the
   structure and equipment of his own, and a number of other
   historical pageants, all admirably planned and executed, and
   offering a rare entertainment to the many thousands of
   visitors who were attracted to Quebec from all parts of the
   Dominion and the United States.

   The celebration began on the 19th of July and continued
   through two weeks.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (September).
   Act to amend Civil Service Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909.
   The projected Georgian Bay Canal.
   Present state of the project.

   "The scheme for a canal to give through transport for
   ocean-going steamers from Montreal to the Great Lakes may now
   be said to have emerged from the field of idealism into that
   of practical politics, the need for such a waterway having
   been generally recognized by Canadian politicians. In
   commercial circles there is the strongest feeling that the
   canal works should be put in hand at once, and at the end of
   April last a powerful deputation representing 20 Canadian
   Boards of Trade and 54 municipalities pressed this point of
   view upon the Government. At the present time questions of
   finance alone prohibit the practical adoption of the
   enterprise. … When the work is started, it will probably be
   found that the contract will be entrusted to private
   enterprise under Government supervision.

   … The present position of the negotiations between the
   Government and the canal company is that the latter
   corporation having matured its scheme, the Government
   engineers have made a report, and a compromise has now to be
   effected on those points where the recommendations of the
   Government engineers differ from the scheme of construction
   drawn up by the Georgian Bay Canal Company.

   "The total distance of the route planned by the canal company
   engineers between Georgian Bay on Lake Huron to Montreal, the
   head of ocean navigation on the St. Lawrence River, is 440
   miles. The project is essentially a river and lake
   canalization scheme, and for the greater part of its course
   the projected route follows the course of the French River and
   the Ottawa. River and its lakes. From Georgian Bay to the
   summit level it is proposed to utilize the middle channel of
   French River to Lake Nipissing. From the northern side of this
   lake to the summit level, a distance of over 80 miles from
   Georgian Bay, it would be mainly an artificial waterway. From
   the summit level, 677 ft. above sea level, there is a long
   fall to Montreal, and the route proposed by the canal company
   engineers is via Trout and Turtle Lakes, the little
   Mattawa River into Talon Lake to Sand Bay, a distance of 21
   miles. A canal three miles long would carry the waterway to
   the Mattawa River, 13 miles of which would be utilized, and a
   short canal cut would give access to the Ottawa River, which
   would then be followed for a distance of 293 miles. Thence the
   St. Lawrence River or a branch of the Ottawa River, known as
   the Back River, would form the new waterway for the last 25
   miles. The difference in elevation of 659 ft. between Montreal
   and the summit level, and 99 ft. between the summit and
   Georgian Bay would be bridged by 27 locks, ranging in lift
   from 5 ft. to 50 ft. These locks would be designed for a
   length of 940 ft., with a width of 70 ft. and with 22 ft. of
   water upon the lock sills, the proposed depth of the canal
   being 24 ft.
{71}
   The total length of canal cutting for the route is estimated
   at from 28 to 34 miles, and in all about 108 miles out of the
   total length of 440 miles would require excavation work for
   lock approaches, canals, and submerged channels.

   "The plans of the Government engineers, as embodied in a
   report to the Department Of Public Works, do not differ
   materially from those of the canal company. The latter
   proposes a 24 ft. waterway, with 22 ft. upon the lock sills;
   the Government plans provide for a 22 ft. waterway, which, it
   is pointed out, would more than equal the conditions as they
   exist to-day in the channels connecting the waters of the
   Great Lakes, which govern the draught of boats on the Lakes. …
   The opening up of the Great Lakes for the first time to
   ocean-going traffic would be an event of the first commercial
   magnitude. It is not generally recognized that the trade of
   the Lakes is greater than the coasting trade of England, of
   France, and of Germany put together. The statistical reports
   of Lake commerce passing through the canals at Sault Ste.
   Marie, Michigan and Ontario, show that the tonnage passing
   through these canals increased during 1897 to 1907 from
   18,982,755 to 58,217,214.

   "Reference should also be made to the water powers which would
   be created by the present plans for the construction of the
   canal. The report of the Government engineers states that
   nearly 1,000,000 h. p. could be secured along the Ottawa and
   French rivers and it is estimated that 100,000 h. p. would be
   available within almost a mile of the city of Montreal.

   "The question yet to be decided is when can the country afford
   to start the work. Sir Robert Perks, M. P., who has been
   intimately associated with the scheme, recently submitted an
   offer to the Government on behalf of the canal company, who
   own the charter, to provide £5,000,000 at a 3 per cent.
   guarantee, with ½ per cent. sinking fund, for the construction
   of the French River section of the canal, a distance of about
   86 miles, and to build docks and warehouses at North Bay on
   Lake Nipissing. … It is estimated that it would take ten years
   from the inception of the work before the canal would be open
   for navigation, and that the total cost would be about
   £20,000,000."

      Engineering Correspondence London Times,
      August 18, 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909.
   The Great Mackenzie Basin.
   The Newest Canadian West.

   A report on the agricultural possibilities of the great
   Mackenzie Basin, prepared by a select committee of the
   Dominion Senate, was made public in the summer of 1909.
   "Basing their calculations upon the testimony of witnesses,
   the Committee calculate that some two million square miles
   between the northern limits of Saskatchewan and Alberta and
   the Arctic Circle can be used for pasturage and for the
   cultivation of wheat, barley, potatoes, and other vegetables.
   Until a few years ago not only the Mackenzie basin but the
   valley of Peace rivers were on account of their high latitudes
   considered to be unfit for cultivation. The comparatively mild
   climate, which, as the report shows, they in reality enjoy, is
   said to be due to the proximity of large bodies of water such
   as the Great Slave and Great Bear lakes and to the
   chinook wind, the warm current of air that blows across
   the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific. The shortness of the
   sub-Arctic summer appears to be offset by the proportionate
   length of the days and by the clearness of the air. In regard
   to the future of the district with which it deals the report
   points out that in 1870 the representatives of the people of
   Eastern Canada were anxious to obtain in regard to what is now
   the prosperous province of Manitoba exactly the same
   information as the Committee has been engaged in collecting
   about Canada’s ‘newest west.’"

CANADA: A. D. 1909.
   The opposition in Newfoundland to union with the Dominion.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (January).
   The Waterways Treaty between the United States and Great
   Britain, concerning the waters between the former and Canada.

   Resulting from the labors of an International Waterways
   Commission, appointed four years before, a Waterways Treaty,
   having reference to the lakes and rivers that lie along the
   boundary between Canada and the United States, was concluded
   by Ambassador Bryce, on the part of the British Government,
   and Secretary of State Root, on the part of the United States,
   in January, 1909. The Treaty was ratified by the Senate of the
   United States in the closing hours of the Congressional
   session which ended March 4, but with a proviso, in the form
   of a resolution attached. The following is a summary of the
   provisions of the Treaty as it went to the Senate:

   "A preliminary article defines the Canadian and American
   boundary waters.

   "Article I. enacts that the navigation of these waters,
   including Lake Michigan and the canals connecting them, shall
   for ever continue free and open for the purposes of commerce
   to the inhabitants of both countries. Regulations affecting
   canals in the territory of either country shall apply equally
   to inhabitants of the other who may wish to make use thereof.

   "Article II. reserves to the signatories and to the State and
   provincial Governments exclusive control over the use,
   diversion, &c., of such waters in their territory as flow into
   the boundary waters or across the frontier. Any inhabitant of
   either country injured by the use of this privilege will be
   entitled to the legal remedies he would have if he were a
   native of the defendant country. The contracting parties,
   however, reserve the right of objection whenever navigation on
   their own side of the boundary is imperilled by any diversion
   of water across it.

   "Articles III. and IV. provide that no works shall be
   undertaken on either side of the line, if such works would be
   likely to affect the level of the waters on the other side,
   without agreement between the contracting parties and the
   sanction of the Joint Commission. Pollution of the waters is
   also forbidden.

   "Article V., which relates to the diversion of the waters of
   Niagara, the control of the level of Lake Erie, and the flow
   of the Niagara River, has a clause which states that it is the
   desire of both parties to accomplish these objects with the
   least possible injury to the investments which have already
   been made in the construction of power plants on the United
   States side of the Niagara River under grants of authority
   from the State of New York, and on the Canadian side of the
   river under licenses authorized by the Dominion of Canada and
   the Province of Ontario.

{72}

   "Article VI. apportions the uses of the St. Mary’s and Milk
   rivers and their tributaries in the west.

   "Article VII. provides for the creation of an International
   Joint Commission, consisting of three representatives of
   Canada and three of the United States.

   "Article VIII. provides that the Commission shall have
   jurisdiction over, and shall decide all cases involving, the
   waterways where, under articles III. and IV., their approval
   is required, and gives principles for their guidance. The
   contracting parties are to have equal and similar rights. The
   uses of the water are to be considered in the following
   order:—First, domestic and sanitary purposes; secondly,
   purposes of navigation; third, purposes of power and
   irrigation. The Commission is invested with some discretion
   with regard to departure from the principle of equal division,
   &c. In case of a tie vote each Commissioner is to make a
   separate report to his Government; whereupon the two
   Governments shall attempt to reach an agreement.

   "The two following articles, IX. and X., requiring that all
   disputes shall be referred to the Commission, stand out as the
   most important provisions of the treaty. Article IX., after
   stating that matters of difference shall be referred to the
   Commission whenever either Government desires, goes on to
   authorize the Commission in each case so referred to examine
   into and report upon the facts and circumstances of the
   particular questions referred, together with such conclusions
   and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
   to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
   respect thereto by the terms of reference. Such reports of the
   Commission are in no way to have the character of an arbitral
   award. The Commission shall make joint report to both
   Governments in all cases wherein all or a majority of the
   Commissioners agree, and in case of disagreement the minority
   may make joint report to both Governments, or separate reports
   to their respective Governments. In case the Commission is
   evenly divided upon any question referred to it, separate
   reports shall be made by the Commissioners, one on each side
   to their own Government.

   "Article X. extends the powers of the Commission by providing
   that other matters of difference affecting the rights of
   either country may be referred to the Commission. In each case
   so referred the Commission is authorized to examine into and
   report upon the facts and circumstances of the particular
   questions and matters referred, together with such conclusions
   and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
   to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
   respect thereto by the terms of reference. A majority of the
   Commission shall have power to render a decision or finding
   upon any of the questions or matters so referred.

   "In the event of a failure of the Commission to agree upon the
   issues submitted to them for decision or report, the article
   requires the Commissioners to make a joint report to both
   Governments, or separate reports to their respective
   Governments, showing the different conclusions arrived at with
   regard to matters or questions so referred, which shall
   thereupon be submitted for decision by the high contracting
   parties to an umpire chosen in accordance with procedure
   prescribed in the fourth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of
   Article XLV. of The Hague Convention for the pacific
   settlement of international disputes, dated October 18, 1907.
   Such umpire, the article concludes, shall have power to render
   a final decision on matters whereon the Commission have failed
   to agree."

   The resolution attached to the Treaty by the Senate of the
   United States related to the use of waters flowing at the
   rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, and was
   introduced by Senator Smith of Michigan. It is as follows:

   "Resolved—As part of this ratification, the United States
   approves this treaty, with the understanding that nothing in
   the treaty shall be construed as affecting or changing any
   existing territorial or riparian right in the water, or the
   rights of owners of lands under water, on either side of the
   international boundary, at the rapids of St. Mary’s River at
   Sault Ste. Marie, in the use of waters flowing over such
   lands, subject to the requirements of navigation in the
   boundary waters and of the navigation of canals, and without
   prejudice to the existing right of the United States and
   Canada, each to use the waters of St. Mary’s River within its
   own territory; and that this interpretation will be mentioned
   in the ratification of this treaty as conveying the true
   meaning of the treaty, and will in effect form part of the
   treaty."

   This stipulation was objectionable to Canada, and the consent
   of the Dominion Government to a ratification of the Treaty on
   the part of Great Britain was withheld. It has been
   understood, however, that the objection will be substantially
   removed if the Government of the United States acquires
   possession of the lands and riparian property concerned, which
   was provided for by an Act of Congress passed in March. The
   necessary proceedings will consume some time.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   The institution of a Department of External Affairs.

   An Associated Press despatch from Ottawa, on the 18th of
   February, 1909, made known that "the Canadian Government has
   announced its intention of creating a portfolio of external
   affairs. Heretofore all of the foreign business of Canada has
   been carried on through the channel of the British colonial
   and foreign office. Even after the external affairs branch is
   created by Canada this will be the principal avenue for such
   business. That method is cumbersome. In the case of
   negotiations with the United States, papers have to cross the
   Atlantic twice in passing from Washington to Ottawa, being
   sent first to the colonial office and then back to Canada. The
   process has been much criticised and both the prime minister
   and the opposition leader have declared themselves in favor of
   a modification. The creation of the external department is
   regarded as the first step. The most radical proposal is the
   intimation that in negotiations with the United States there
   will hereafter be direct communication between Washington and
   Canada, through the medium of the British Ambassador."

{73}

   In the British Parliament, on the 4th of March, the Prime
   Minister, Mr. Asquith, replied to a question on the subject,
   as follows:

   "It is understood that the Canadian Government propose to
   establish a Department of External Affairs. This department is
   merely intended—like the corresponding department of the Com
   [Commonwealth?] wealth Government—to conduct correspondence
   with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his
   Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington, and with the several
   departments of the Canadian Government. At present delay
   occurs in dealing with the correspondence, as there is no
   department to conduct the work. No suggestion has been made by
   the Canadian Government for the increase of their powers in
   dealing with external affairs."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Participation in a North American Conference on the
   Conservation of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (April).
   Statistics of the Budget speech.
   Revenue.
   Trade.
   No increase of taxation.

   The following was reported in a despatch from Ottawa, April
   20, 1909:

   "Notwithstanding the financial stringency of the past year,
   which reduced the revenue of Canada by $11,500,000, Mr.
   Fielding, Minister of Finance, in his Budget speech today made
   the gratifying announcement that there was a surplus of
   $1,500,000 for the year ended March 31. The increase in the
   net debt was $46,029,000, of which $32,000,000 was for the
   National Transcontinental Railway and the Quebec Bridge. The
   total trade of the country during the past year was
   $553,737,000, a decrease of $97,000,000, principally in
   imports. The estimated expenditures for the current year were
   $80,078,624. In the judgment of the Government there was no
   necessity for increased taxation, but the situation should be
   met by a substantial reduction in expenditures."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Important ruling by the Railway Commission affecting
   American Railways.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
   Imperial Defence Conference.
   Its agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
   Meeting of the British Association for
   the Advancement of Science.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
   Proposed union of the Maritime Provinces.

   A Press despatch of August 19, from Ottawa, reported:

   "At a conference of the Boards of Trade of the Maritime
   Provinces at Charlottetown a resolution was adopted in favour
   of the union of the Maritime Provinces. The Governments of
   Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island were
   asked to appoint a committee to draft terms of union. The
   general opinion is that only union can avert the overwhelming
   influence of the West in future."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Convention relating to obstructions in the St. John River.

   "Commissioners have been appointed on the part of the United
   States to act jointly with commissioners on the part of Canada
   in examining into the question of obstructions in the St. John
   River, between Maine and New Brunswick, and to make
   recommendations for the regulation of the uses thereof, and
   are now engaged in this work."

      Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
      December 6, 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909-1910.
   As affected by the new tariff of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CANADA: A. D. 1910.
   Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1910 (January).
   Announcement of naval programme.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

   ----------CANADA: End--------

CANADA STEEL CORPORATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY STRIKE, 1908.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANAL ZONE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

CANALS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA, GEORGIAN BAY,
      and (for Barge Canal) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

CAMPANILE OF ST. MARK’S, at Venice.
   Its fall.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENICE: A. D. 1902.

CANBERRA,
YASS-CANBERRA.
   Chosen site of the Capital of Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

CANCER RESEARCH.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

CANDAMO, PRESIDENT MANUEL.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

CAPE COLONY.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA.

CAPITALISTIC COMBINATIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.;
      also RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES.

CAPUCHINS:
   Forbidden to teach in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

CARDUCCI, Giosue.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.


CARLOS I., King of Portugal.
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909.

CARMEN SYLVA: Queen of Roumania.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA: A. D. 1866-1906.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   Gift to Scottish universities and students.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   Gift of a building at Washington for the
   Bureau of the American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   Gift of a court house and library for the Permanent Court of
   Arbitration at The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   At Peace Congress in New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

   April 15, 1904, a letter from Andrew Carnegie was made public
   announcing that he had set apart a fund of $5,000,000 to be
   known as "The Hero Fund." In this letter Mr. Carnegie said:
   "We live in an heroic age. Not seldom are we thrilled by deeds
   of heroism where men or women are injured or lose their lives
   in attempting to preserve or rescue their fellows; such are
   the heroes of civilization.
{74}
   The heroes of barbarism maimed or killed. I have long felt
   that the heroes and those dependent upon them should be freed
   from pecuniary cares resulting from their heroism and as a
   fund for this purpose I have transferred to a commission
   $5,000,000 of collateral 5 per cent bonds of the United States
   Steel Corporation." Only such as follow peaceful vocations on
   sea or land in the United States or Canada are eligible to
   receive money or medals for heroic deeds. The commission which
   has charge of the fund has its headquarters in Pittsburg,
   Pennsylvania. A similar fund in Great Britain was created soon
   afterward by Mr. Carnegie, and in May, 1909, he placed, for
   the same purpose, $1,000,000 of the bonds of the United States
   Steel Corporation in the hands of trustees in France, under
   the sanction of the French Government.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, The, at Pittsburg:
   Its enlargement and re-dedication.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

CARTAGO, COSTA RICA:
   Institution of the Central American Court of Justice.
   Gift of a building by Mr. Carnegie.

      See (in this Volume)
      Central America: A. D. 1908.

CARTELS.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

CASABLANCA:
   Bombardment by French and Spanish fleets.
   The Casablanca incident.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

CASEMENT, ROGER: British consul in the Congo State.
   His reports.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

CASTRO, CIPRIANO:
   President of Venezuela.

      See in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA,
      also COLOMBIA: 1898-1902.

CASTRO, Luciano de.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

CATALONIA: A. D. 1902.
   Disorders.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

CATHOLIC DISABILITIES, IN ENGLAND:
   Majority vote in Commons for removing.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

CATHOLIC PEOPLE’S PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

CATSKILL AQUEDUCT.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

CATTLE DRIVING.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

CAUCASUS, The:
   Conflict of Tartars and Armenians.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).

CENSORSHIP.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

CENSUS BILL, PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S VETO OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

CENSUS BUREAU, CREATION OF A PERMANENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (March).

CENTER, or CENTRUM PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

   ----------CENTRAL AMERICA: Start--------

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation of all the states in the Second and Third
   International Conferences of American republics.
   Their signature of an obligatory arbitration convention.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1902.
   Treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace
   between the five republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903.
   Honduras: Revolution, establishing General Bonilla
   in the Presidency.

   In the spring of 1903 a rising in Honduras against the
   Government was reported to be in progress, under General
   Bonilla. Early in March the situation was stated by the
   American consular agent at Amapala as follows:

   "A great part of the members of the Congress that was in
   session in Tegucigalpa, amongst them the President of the
   Congress, fled from the capital to the frontier of Salvador
   the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto dissolved
   on that date. It seems that the council of ministers formed a
   new Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes
   of the fugitives. The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel
   Arias president, and General Maximo B. Rosales vice-president
   of the Republic. The new Government was recognized by
   Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the other
   Central American Republics. In the meantime General Bonilla
   has gone ahead with his military operations against the new
   government. His forces have taken the fortified towns of
   Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of
   Nicaragua. On the 22d of February General Bonilla was as
   attacked in El Aceituno by General Sierra, the ex-president,
   who was completely defeated and escaped with several hundred
   men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified town of
   Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of
   about 4,500 men."

   In despatches of the 15th and 24th of April, Minister Combs,
   who represented the United States in transactions with both
   Guatemala and Honduras, advised the State Department that
   General Bonilla was in possession of Tegucigalpa; that
   ex-President Arias was a prisoner; that peace was restored,
   and that Bonilla should be recognized as President.
   Accordingly the recognition was given.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904.
   Nicaragua, Honduras, Salvador, and Guatemala: Peace Conference.

   A despatch, August 31, 1904, from the American Minister at San
   José, Costa Rica, to the State Department at Washington, was
   as follows:

   "I have the honor to advise that on the 21st instant, at
   Corinto, Nicaragua, the Presidents of Nicaragua, Honduras, and
   El Salvador, and a special delegate representing the President
   of Guatemala, held a conference ostensibly for the purpose of
   securing the peace of Central America. … The parties holding
   the conference have issued a lengthy manifesto, which
   indicates nothing of interest to our Government except that
   the four governments represented are controlled by parties who
   will aid each other by military force, if necessary, in
   maintaining the status quo, and that the peace of Central
   America is thus reasonably assured by making revolutionary
   efforts more difficult and less liable to achieve success."

{75}

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904. Nicaragua and Honduras:
   Agreement to arbitrate boundary dispute.

   In October, 1904, the United States Government was informed
   that Nicaragua and Honduras had agreed to submit a boundary
   dispute to the King of Spain.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905. Nicaragua:
   Treaty with Great Britain concerning the Mosquito Territory.

   The following treaty between Great Britain and the Republic of
   Nicaragua was signed at Managua, Nicaragua, April 19, 1905:

   Article I.
   The High Contracting Parties agree that the Treaty of Managua
   of January 28, 1860, is and shall remain abrogated.

   Article II.
   His Britannic Majesty agrees to recognize the absolute
   sovereignty of Nicaragua over the territory that constituted
   the former Mosquito Reserve, as defined in the aforesaid
   Treaty of Managua.

   Article III.
   In consideration of the fact that the Mosquito Indians were at
   one time under the protection of Great Britain, and in view of
   the interest that His Majesty’s Government and the Nicaraguan
   Government take in their welfare, the Nicaraguan Government
   agree to grant them the following concessions:

   (a) The Government will submit to the National Assembly a law
   exempting, for fifty years from the date of the ratification
   of this Treaty, all the Mosquito Indians and the Creoles born
   before the year 1894, from military service, and from all
   direct taxation on their persons, property, possessions,
   animals, and means of subsistence.

   (b) The Government will allow the Indians to live in their
   villages enjoying the concessions granted by this Convention,
   and following their own customs, in so far as they are not
   opposed to the laws of the country and to public morality.

   (c) The Nicaraguan Government will concede a further period of
   two years for them to legalize their rights to the property
   acquired in conformity with the Regulations in force before
   1894 in the Reserve. The Government will make no charge to the
   said inhabitants either for the lands or the measurement
   thereof, or for the grant of title-deeds. For this purpose the
   title-deeds in the possession of the said Indians and Creoles
   before 1894 will be renewed in conformity with the laws, and,
   in cases where no such title-deeds exist, the Government will
   give to each family, at their place of residence, eight
   manzanas of land, if the members of the family do not exceed
   four in number, and two manzanas for each person if the family
   exceeds that number.

   (d) Public pasture lands will be reserved for the use of the
   inhabitants in the neighbourhood of each Indian village.

   (e) In the event of any Mosquito Indians or Creoles proving
   that the lands which they held in conformity with the
   Regulations in force before 1894 have been claimed by and
   allotted to other persons, the Government will indemnify them
   by the grant of suitable public lands of approximate value as
   near as possible to their present residences.

   Article IV.
   The ex-Chief of the Mosquito Indians, Robert Henry Clarence,
   will be permitted by the Nicaraguan Government to reside in
   the Republic of Nicaragua and to enjoy full protection so long
   as he does not transgress the laws, and provided his acts do
   not tend to incite the Indians against Nicaragua.

   Article V.
   The Mosquito Indians, and other inhabitants of the former
   Reserve, will enjoy the same rights as are secured by the laws
   of Nicaragua to other Nicaraguan citizens.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1906. Honduras, Guatemala, and Salvador:
   War, ended by mediation of the United States and Mexico.

   Neither the Convention of Peace and Compulsory Arbitration
   signed at Corinto in 1902 by the presidents of all five of the
   Central American republics, nor the peace agreement between
   four of them two years later, sufficed to prevent an outbreak
   of war in 1906 which involved the three states of Honduras,
   Guatemala, and Salvador. President Roosevelt, in his annual
   Message to Congress that year, referred to the war as having
   arisen from "trouble which had existed for some time"; but
   does not indicate the nature of the "trouble"; nor is any
   light thrown on it in a long diplomatic correspondence between
   the parties to it and the governments of the United States and
   Mexico, which appears in the American report of Foreign
   Relations for 1906. Probably nobody outside of the
   belligerents ever learned definitely why they felt called upon
   to fight, or what they had to settle when peace was made.

   Seemingly Honduras was the aggressor; but the affair seems
   hardly worth the trouble of any deep investigation. Its chief
   importance is in the successful mediation that was undertaken
   jointly by the governments of the United States and Mexico, of
   which President Roosevelt made report in the Message referred
   to above:

   "The thoroughly good understanding which exists between the
   United States and Mexico," said the President, "enabled this
   Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation
   between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not
   without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a
   meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board
   a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was
   there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of
   thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable
   amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the
   means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed the following
   resolution in reference to this action:

   "‘That the Third International American Conference shall
   address to the Presidents of the United States of America and
   of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference
   which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the
   happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace
   between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador.’

   "This affords an excellent example of one way in which the
   influence of the United States can properly be exercised for
   the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is,
   by action taken in concert with other American republics and
   therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which
   might attach if the action were taken by one alone."

{76}

   The resulting "General Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce,
   etc., between the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
   Guatemala, and Honduras," signed September 25, 1906, involved
   solemn engagements in its first four articles, as follows:

   "ARTICLE 1.
   There shall be perpetual peace and a frank, loyal, and sincere
   friendship among the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
   Guatemala, and Honduras, each and every one of the aforesaid
   Governments being in duty bound to consider as one of their
   principal obligations the maintenance of such peace and the
   preservation of such friendship, by endeavoring to contribute
   every means to procure the desired end, and to remove, as far
   as lies in their power, any obstacles, whatever their nature,
   which might prevent it. In order to secure such ends they
   shall always unite when the importance of the case demands it,
   to foster their moral, intellectual, and industrial progress,
   thus making their interests one and the same, as it becomes
   sister countries.

   "ARTICLE 2.
   In the event, which is not to be expected, that any of the
   high contracting parties should fail to comply with or cause
   any deviation from any of the subjects agreed to in the
   present treaty, such event, as well as any particular
   difficulty which may arise between them, shall necessarily be
   settled by the civilized means of arbitration.

   "ARTICLE 3.
   The Governments of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, in
   conformity with the stipulations of the treaty executed on
   board the Marblehead, hereby appoint as umpires, Their
   Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America
   and of the United Mexican States, to whom all particular
   difficulties arising among said Governments shall be submitted
   for arbitration.

   "For the purpose of agreeing on the manner to effect such
   arbitration, the above-mentioned Republics shall accredit, at
   the latest within three months from this date, their
   respective legations near the Governments of the United States
   of America and Mexico, and in the meanwhile arbitration shall
   be ruled according to the stipulations of the treaty of
   compulsory arbitration concluded in Mexico on the 29th of
   January, 1902.

   "ARTICLE 4.
   Guatemala not having subscribed to the Corinto convention of
   January 20, 1902, Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras do hereby
   respectively declare, that said Corinto convention is to
   continue in force, and that any particular difference which
   may arise among them shall be settled in conformity with the
   aforesaid convention and with the regulations established by
   the Central American court of arbitration on the 9th of
   October of that year."

   Notwithstanding these grave pledges to each other, three of
   the parties to this treaty were at war the next year.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
   Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador: War.
   Mexican and American Mediation.
   The Washington Peace Conference.
   General Treaty of Peace and Amity.
   Central American Court of Justice.

   In February, 1907, a fresh outbreak of Central American war
   occurred, originally between Nicaragua and Honduras, but
   involving Salvador, presently, in alliance with Honduras. The
   arbitration convention of 1904 had not accomplished a specific
   settlement of the boundary disputes between Honduras and
   Nicaragua, and President Zelaya, of the latter republic,
   accused the former of encroachments. Mexico and the United
   States had endeavored to pacify the disputants before
   hostilities began, but without success. The quarrel was fought
   out, and a complete victory won by Nicaragua, whose forces
   captured the Honduran capital and drove President Bonilla from
   the country. A provisional government was established in
   Honduras and terms of peace arranged, April 24th. Then the
   good offices of President Roosevelt and President Diaz were
   employed again, with the result which the former communicated
   to Congress in his Message of December 3, 1907, as follows:

   "The effort to compose this new difficulty has resulted in the
   acceptance of the joint suggestion of the Presidents of Mexico
   and of the United States for a general peace conference
   between all the countries of Central America. On the 17th day
   of September last a protocol was signed between the
   representatives of the five Central American countries
   accredited to this Government agreeing upon a conference to be
   held in the City of Washington 'in order to devise the means
   of preserving the good relations among said Republics and
   bringing about permanent peace in those countries.’ The
   protocol includes the expression of a wish that the Presidents
   of the United States and Mexico should appoint
   ‘representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a
   purely friendly way toward the realization of the objects of
   the conference.’ The conference is now in session and will
   have our best wishes and, where it is practicable, our
   friendly assistance."

   The first regular session of the Conference was held on the
   14th of November, the place of meeting being the building of
   the International Bureau of the American Republics. In
   addition to the delegates present from the States of Costa
   Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, the
   Republic of Mexico designated Señor Don Enrique C. Creel,
   Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United
   States, and the United States designated Honorable William I.
   Buchanan, as representatives from Mexico and the United States
   at the conference. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of
   State of the United States, was present, also, at the first
   session, over which he presided until the organization of the
   Conference had been effected. His opening address to the
   Conference included these wise and impressive remarks:

   "We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admonished by the many
   failures which have been made by the people of Central America
   to establish agreement among themselves which would be
   lasting, that the task you have before you is no easy one. The
   trial has often been made and the agreements which have been
   elaborated, signed, ratified, seem to have been written in
   water. Yet I cannot resist the impression that we have at last
   come to the threshold of a happier day for Central America.

   "It would ill become me to attempt to propose or suggest the
   steps which you should take, but I will venture to observe
   that the all-important thing for you to accomplish is that
   while you enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be
   framed in consonance with the most peaceful aspirations and
   the most rigid sense of justice, you shall devise also some
   practical methods under which it will be possible to secure
   the performance of those agreements.
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   The mere declaration of general principles, the mere agreement
   upon lines of policy and of conduct are of little value unless
   there be practical and definite methods provided by which the
   responsibility for failing to keep the agreement may be fixed
   upon some definite person, and the public sentiment of Central
   America brought to bear to prevent the violation. The
   declaration that a man is entitled to his liberty would be of
   little value with us in this country were it not for the writ
   of habeas corpus that makes it the duty of a specific
   judge, when applied to, to inquire into the cause of his
   detention, and set him at liberty if he is unjustly detained.
   The provision which declares that a man should not be deprived
   of his property without due process of law would be of little
   value were it not for the practical provision which imposes on
   specific officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to take
   away a man’s property without due process of law.

   "To find practical definite methods by which you shall make it
   somebody’s duty to see that the great principles you declare
   are not violated, by which if an attempt be made to violate
   them the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty
   individual—those, in my judgment, are the problems to which
   you should specifically and most earnestly address
   yourselves."

   The address of Secretary Root was followed by one of excellent
   counsel from the Mexican Ambassador, and a reply to both was
   made, on behalf of the Conference, by Señor Don Luis Anderson,
   Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica. The Conference then
   elected its officers, choosing Minister Anderson for its
   President, and proceeded to the transaction of business.

   Fourteen sessions were held between November 14 and December
   20, resulting from which eight conventions were agreed to and
   signed on the latter date. These conventions are:

   General Treaty of Peace and Amity;
   Additional Convention to the General Treaty;
   Establishing a Central American Court of Justice;
   Extradition;
   On Future Conferences (Monetary);
   On Communications;
   Establishing an International Central American Bureau;
   and Establishing a Pedagogical Institute.

   The essential provisions of the General Treaty of Peace and
   Amity are in the following articles:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The Republics of Central America consider as one of their
   first duties in their mutual relations, the maintenance of
   peace; and they bind themselves to always preserve the most
   complete harmony, and decide every difference or difficulty
   that may arise amongst them, of whatsoever nature it may be,
   by means of the Central American Court of Justice, created by
   the Convention which they have concluded for that purpose on
   this date."

   "Article III.
   Bearing in mind the central geographical position of Honduras
   and the facilities which this circumstance has afforded in
   order that its territory should have been most often the
   theatre of Central American conflicts, Honduras declares from
   now on its absolute neutrality in any event of conflict
   amongst the other Republics; and the latter, in their turn,
   provided such neutrality be observed, bind themselves to
   respect it and in no case to violate the Honduranean
   territory.

   "ARTICLE IV.
   Bearing in mind the advantages which must be gained from the
   creation of Central American institutions for the development
   of their most vital interests, besides the Pedagogical
   Institute and the International Central American Bureau which
   have been established according to the Conventions celebrated
   to that end by this Conference, the creation of a practical
   Agricultural School in the Republic of Salvador, one of Mines
   and Mechanics in that of Honduras, and another of Arts and
   Trades in that of Nicaragua, is especially recommended to the
   Governments.

   "ARTICLE V.
   In order to cultivate the relations between the States, the
   contracting parties obligate themselves each to accredit to
   the others a permanent Legation.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   The citizens of one of the contracting parties, residing in
   the territory of any of the others, shall enjoy the same civil
   rights as nationals, and shall be considered as citizens in
   the country of their residence if they fulfill the conditions
   which the respective constituent laws provide. Those that are
   not naturalized shall be exempt from obligatory military
   service, either by sea or land, and from every forced loan or
   military requirement, and they shall not be obliged on any
   account to make more contributions or ordinary or
   extraordinary imposts than those which nationals pay."

   "ARTICLE X.
   The Governments of the contracting Republics bind themselves
   to respect the inviolability of the right of asylum aboard the
   merchant vessels of whatsoever nationality anchored in their
   ports. Therefore, only persons accused of common crimes and by
   order of the competent judge, after due legal procedure, can
   be taken from them. Those prosecuted on account of political
   crimes or common crimes in connection with political ones, can
   only be taken therefrom in case they have embarked in a port
   of the State which claims them, whilst they may remain in its
   jurisdictional waters, and after the requirements hereinbefore
   exacted in the case of common crime have been fulfilled."

   "ARTICLE XIV.
   Public instruments executed in one of the contracting
   Republics shall be valid in the others, provided they shall
   have been properly authenticated and in their execution the
   laws of the Republic whence they proceed shall have been
   observed."

   "ARTICLE XVI.
   Desiring to prevent one of the most frequent causes of
   disturbances in the Republics, the contracting Governments
   shall not permit the head men or principal chiefs of political
   emigrations, nor agents thereof, to reside in the departments
   fronting on the countries whose peace they might disturb.

   "Those who may have been actually established in a permanent
   manner in a frontier department shall be able to remain in the
   place of their residence under the immediate surveillance of
   the Governments affording them an asylum, but from the moment
   when they become a menace to public order they shall be
   included in the rule of the preceding paragraph.

   "ARTICLE XVII.
   Every person, no matter what his nationality, who, within the
   territory of one of the contracting parties, shall initiate or
   foster revolutionary movements against any of the others,
   shall be immediately brought to the capital of the Republic,
   where he shall be submitted to trial according to law."

   "ARTICLE XIX.
   The present Treaty shall remain in force for the term of ten
   years counted from the day of the exchange of ratifications.
   Nevertheless, if one year before the expiration of said term,
   none of the contracting parties shall have given special
   notice to the others concerning its intention to terminate it,
   it shall remain in force until one year after such
   notification may have been made."

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   The "Additional Convention to the General Treaty "is in three
   articles, as follows:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The Governments of the High Contracting Parties shall not
   recognize any other Government which may come into power in
   any of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup d’Etat,
   or of a revolution against the recognized Government, so long
   as the representatives of the people, freely elected, have not
   constitutionally reorganized the country.

   "ARTICLE II.
   No Government of Central America shall in case of civil war
   intervene in favor of or against the Government of the country
   where the struggle may take place.

   "Article III.
   The Governments of Central America, in the first place, are
   recommended to endeavor to procure by the means at their
   command a constitutional reform in the sense of prohibiting
   the reëlection of the President of a Republic, where such
   prohibition does not exist, in the second place to adopt all
   measures necessary to effect a complete guarantee of the
   principle of alternation in power."

   The "Convention for the Establishment of a Central American
   Court of Justice" contains thirty-eight articles, with a
   "Provisional Article" and an "Annexed Article" appended. The
   more important provisions are in the following:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The High Contracting Parties agree by the present Convention
   to constitute and maintain a permanent tribunal which shall be
   called the ‘Central American Court of Justice,’ to which they
   bind themselves to submit all controversies or questions which
   may arise among them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what
   their origin may be, in case the respective Departments of
   Foreign Affairs should not have been able to reach an
   understanding.

   "ARTICLE II.
   This Court shall also take cognizance of the questions which
   individuals of one Central American country may raise against
   any of the other contracting Governments, because of the
   violation of Treaties or Conventions, and other cases of an
   international character; no matter whether his own Government
   supports said claim or not; and provided that the remedies
   which the laws of the respective country provide against such
   violation shall have been exhausted and that a denial of
   justice shall be shown.

   "ARTICLE III.
   It shall also take cognizance of the cases which by common
   accord contracting Governments may submit to it, no matter
   whether they arise between two or more of them or between one
   of said Governments and individuals.

   [Footnote: After signing the treaties an omission was
   discovered in this Article. An additional protocol was
   thereupon signed by all the delegates adding to this Article,
   and to be considered as an integral part of the Convention,
   the following words:

   "It shall also have jurisdiction over cases arising between
   any of the contracting Governments and individuals, when by
   common accord they may have been submitted to it.]

   "Article IV.
   The Court may likewise take cognizance of the international
   questions which by special agreement any one of the Central
   American Governments and a foreign Government may have
   determined to submit to it.

   "ARTICLE V.
   The Central American Court of Justice shall sit at the City of
   Cartago in the Republic of Costa Rica, but it shall be
   authorized to transfer its residence to another point in
   Central America when it may deem it proper to do so for
   reasons of health, of guaranteeing the exercise of its
   functions, or of the personal security of its members.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   The Central American Court of Justice shall consist of five
   Justices named, one from each Republic and selected from among
   the jurists who possess the qualifications which the laws of
   each country may exact for the exercise of high judicial
   functions, and enjoy the highest consideration, not only
   because of their moral character but also on account of their
   professional ability. The vacancies shall be filled by
   substitute Justices, named at the same time and in the same
   manner as the regular ones and who shall unite the same
   qualifications as the former. The attendance of the five
   Justices who constitute the Tribunal is indispensable in order
   to have a legal quorum in the judgments of the Court.

   "ARTICLE VII.
   The legislative power of each one of the five contracting
   Republics shall name one regular and two substitutes as their
   respective Justices. The salary of each Justice shall be eight
   thousand dollars, gold, per annum, which shall be paid by the
   Treasury of the Court. The salary of the Justice of the place
   where the Court resides shall be designated by the respective
   Government. Besides, each State shall contribute two thousand
   dollars, gold, annually for the ordinary and extraordinary
   expenses of the Tribunal. The Governments of the contracting
   Republics bind themselves to include their respective
   contributions in their budgets of expenses and to remit
   quarterly in advance to the Treasury of the Court the
   proportion which corresponds to them on account of such
   expenditures."

   "ARTICLE XIII.
   The Central American Court of Justice represents the national
   conscience of Central America, wherefore the Justices who
   compose the Tribunal shall not consider themselves prohibited
   from the exercise of their functions because of the interest
   which the Republics, whence they derive their appointment, may
   have in any case or question. With regard to implications and
   challenges, the rules of procedure which the Court may fix
   shall make proper provision."

   "ARTICLE XXII.
   The Court is authorized to determine its jurisdiction,
   interpreting the Treaties and Conventions germane to the
   matter in dispute, applying the principles of international
   law.

   "ARTICLE XXIII.
   Every final or interlocutory decision shall be rendered in
   accordance with the agreement of at least three of the
   Justices of the Court. In case of disagreement, one of the
   substitute Justices shall be chosen by lot, and if still a
   majority of three be not obtained other Justices shall
   continue to be chosen by lot until three votes in the same
   sense shall have been obtained.

   "ARTICLE XXIV.
   The decisions must be in writing and shall contain a statement
   of the reasons upon which they are based. They must be signed
   by all the Justices of the Court and countersigned by the
   Secretary. Once they have been published they cannot be
   altered on any account; but, at the request of any of the
   parties, the Tribunal may decide the interpretation which must
   be given to its judgment.

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   "Article XXV.
   The judgments of the Court shall be communicated to the five
   Governments of the Contracting Republics. The interested
   parties solemnly bind themselves to submit to said judgment;
   and they all agree to lend every moral support that may be
   necessary in order that they may be properly fulfilled, in
   this manner constituting a real and positive guarantee of
   respect for this Convention and for the Central American Court
   of Justice."

   "Article XXVII.
   The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare that for no
   motive nor in any case will they consider the present
   Convention as lapsed; and that, therefore, they will consider
   it as being always in force during the term of ten years
   counted from last ratification. In the event that the
   political entity of one or more of the Contracting Republics
   is changed or altered, the attributes of the Central American
   Court of Justice created by this Convention shall be suspended
   ipso facto; and a conference to adjust the constitution
   of said Court and the new order of things shall be forthwith
   convoked by the respective Governments; in case they do not
   unanimously agree the present Convention shall be considered
   as rescinded."

   "PROVISIONARY ARTICLE.
   As a recommendation of the five Delegations an Article is
   annexed which contains an amplification of the Central
   American Court of Justice, in order that the Legislatures that
   may deem it proper may see fit to include it upon ratifying
   this Convention."

   "ANNEXED ARTICLE.
   The Central American Court of Justice shall also have
   jurisdiction over the conflicts which may arise between the
   Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers, and when as a
   matter of fact the judicial decisions and congressional
   resolutions are not respected."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1908.
   Inauguration of the Central American Court of Justice.
   Gift of a building for its use by Mr. Carnegie.

   The Central American Court of Justice, contemplated in the
   treaty of 1907, quoted above, was formally instituted, at
   Cartago, Costa Rica, with appropriate ceremony, in the last
   week of May, 1908. The Honorable William I. Buchanan, in
   attendance as Commissioner from the United States, added
   interest to the occasion by announcing the proffer of a gift
   of $100,000 by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, for the erection of a
   building to be dedicated to the exclusive use of the Court.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   Financial undertakings in New York.
   Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

   In the summer of 1909 various financial undertakings by great
   banking houses in New York were announced, involving some
   handling of the debts of Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
   It was thought that these operations were in line with efforts
   of the State Department at Washington and the Bureau of
   American Republics to bring about the establishment of a chain
   of American banking houses in the Latin-American countries,
   for the advancement of American trade and the promotion of
   more intimate Pan-American relations.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   Nicaragua.
   Establishment of a colony of Sioux Indians from
   the United States.

   A dispatch to the Press from Boston, November 17, 1909, made
   the following statement:

   "To save the remnant of the Sioux tribe of Indians from
   extinction by consumption and other diseases, a colony of the
   Indians will be established in Nicaragua early in the new
   year. Chief Little Bison, a full-blooded Sioux, sailed from
   Boston on the steamship Esparta to-day for Nicaragua, where he
   will receive the deeds to 16,000 acres of land granted by the
   Nicaraguan government for the establishment of the colony. The
   project is supported financially by F. S. Dellenbaugh, head of
   the American Geographical Society, and several wealthy New
   York people. The emigration of the Indians is expected to
   begin in January."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   President Zelaya a menace to peace.
   His conduct trying the patience of the United States.

   In the early spring of 1909 the disturbing attitude and
   conduct of the Nicaraguan President, Zelaya, not only towards
   his near neighbors of Salvador and Honduras, but also in the
   relations of his Government with that of the United States,
   had caused the latter to enter again into consultation with
   the Mexican Government, as to joint action to preserve peace.

   For some years the United States had been trying to bring
   about the settlement of a claim against the Nicaraguan
   Government preferred by an American company. This Emery claim,
   as it was known, arose in connection with a concession granted
   in 1898 for cutting and exporting mahogany. The concession
   provided that any differences which should arise between the
   Government and the company should be arbitrated by a tribunal
   of three members, one to be selected by the Government, one by
   the company, and the third by these two arbitrators. In 1903
   an accusation of smuggling was brought against the company,
   and the questions raised were submitted to the stipulated
   tribunal. This decided that, inasmuch as the company had paid
   taxes to the Government three years in advance, amounting to
   $30,000, the concession could not be annulled, as President
   Zelaya wished to have done. Nevertheless Zelaya declared it
   annulled, and caused proceedings to be instituted for stopping
   the company’s exportations. This led the American Government
   to interpose. Under instructions from Washington, its Minister
   at Managua, Mr. Merry, addressed the following note to the
   Nicaraguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, December 15, 1906:

   "I have the honor to inform you that I have received
   instructions from my Government to make an urgent and firm
   request that your Excellency’s Government will settle the
   Emery company controversy by an international arbitration, and
   that until a decision has been given thereby, your
   Excellency’s Government will restore to the Emery company all
   its property, dismissing all legal prosecutions in the case,
   and permitting the company to resume its work under its
   concession, as if no controversy had arisen."

   This communication secured a promise of the desired
   international arbitration, and the stopping meantime of
   proceedings of interference with the company’s business. But
   when the protocol of arbitration was to be drawn the
   Nicaraguan Government refused to have any question of damages
   to the company included. On this contention the settlement was
   blocked for more than two years, and the patience of the
   Washington Government was about worn out. In just what
   wrappings of diplomatic language it made that fact apparent
   has not yet been disclosed to the public; but evidently the
   understanding of Señor Zelaya was duly penetrated.
{80}
   On the 26th of May last (1909) his representative at
   Washington signed a protocol which provided that the questions
   at issue between the Government of Nicaragua and the Emery
   Company should be submitted to arbitration, unless the parties
   could make their own settlement within four months.

   This, however, did not end troubles with Nicaragua,—or,
   rather, with its presidential dictator. Revolutionary attempts
   in the republic to unseat him gave rise to new offenses on his
   part against the United States, which President Taft, in his
   Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, recounted as follows:

   "Since the Washington conventions of 1907 were communicated to
   the government of the United States as a consulting and
   advising party, this government has been almost continuously
   called upon by one or another, and in turn by all of the five
   Central American republics, to exert itself for the
   maintenance of the conventions. Nearly every complaint has
   been against the Zelaya government of Nicaragua, which has
   kept Central America in constant tension or turmoil. The
   responses made to the representations of Central American
   republics, as due from the United States on account of its
   relation to the Washington conventions, have been at all times
   conservative and have avoided, so far as possible, any
   semblance of interference, although it is very apparent that
   the considerations of geographic proximity to the Canal Zone
   and of the very substantial American interests in Central
   America give to the United States a special position in the
   zone of these republics and the Caribbean Sea.

   "I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of this
   government to promote peace and welfare among these republics,
   efforts which are fully appreciated by the majority of them
   who are loyal to their true interests. It would be no less
   unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of unspeakable
   barbarities and oppression alleged to have been committed by
   the Zelaya government. Recently two Americans were put to
   death by order of President Zelaya himself. They were officers
   in the organized forces of a revolution which had continued
   many weeks and was in control of about half of the republic,
   and as such, according to the modern enlightened practice of
   civilized nations, they were entitled to be dealt with as
   prisoners of war.

   "At the date when this message is printed this government has
   terminated diplomatic relations with the Zelaya government,
   for reasons made public in a communication to the former
   Nicaraguan chargé d’affaires, and is intending to take such
   future steps as may be found most consistent with its dignity,
   its duty to American interests, and its moral obligations to
   Central America and to civilization. It may be necessary for
   me to bring this subject to the attention of the Congress in a
   special message."

   Some days previous to the date of the President’s Message, the
   Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, had addressed a letter of
   extreme severity to the Nicaraguan Chargé d’Affaires at
   Washington, Mr. Rodriguez, reviewing the conduct of the
   Nicaraguan Government, and saying: "In these circumstances the
   President no longer feels for the government of President
   Zelaya that respect and confidence which would make it
   appropriate hereafter to maintain with it regular diplomatic
   relations, implying the will and the ability to respect and
   assure what is due from one State to another." The conclusion
   of the letter was as follows: "To insure the future protection
   of legitimate American interests, in consideration of the
   interests of the majority of the Central American republics,
   and in the hope of making more effective the friendly offices
   exerted under the Washington conventions, the government of
   the United States reserves for further consideration at the
   proper time the question of stipulating also that the
   constitutional government of Nicaragua obligate itself by
   convention for the benefit of all the governments concerned as
   a guarantee for its future loyal support of the Washington
   conventions and their peaceful and progressive aims.

   "From the foregoing it will be apparent to you that your
   office of charge d’affaires is at an end. I have the honor to
   enclose your passports for use in case you desire to leave
   tins country. I would add at the same time that, although your
   diplomatic quality is terminated, I shall be happy to receive
   you as I shall be happy to receive the representative of the
   revolution, each as the unofficial channel of communication
   between the government of the United States and the de facto
   authorities to whom I look for the protection of American
   interests pending the establishment in Nicaragua of a
   government with which the United States can maintain
   diplomatic relations."

   President Zelaya at once protested against this arraignment,
   telegraphing to Secretary Knox that his sources of information
   had been prejudiced, and asking that the United States send a
   commission of investigation, proposing to resign if his
   administration was shown to be detrimental to Nicaragua.
   Receiving no reply, he resigned the presidency of Nicaragua on
   the 16th of December, announcing the fact by cable to
   President Taft in these words:

   "To avoid harm to my country, and desiring that it shall renew
   friendly relations with the United States, I have to-day sent
   my resignation to Congress. As my opponents consider my
   presence a disturbing factor, I propose to show my good faith
   by leaving Nicaragua. I stand ready to account for my acts."

   The vacant presidential office was filled by the Congress of
   Nicaragua, which elected Dr. Madriz, the choice having been
   dictated, it was believed, by Zelaya. The revolutionists with
   whom Zelaya had been contending since October, and who had, on
   their part, elected and proclaimed their leader, General Juan
   Estrada, Provisional President of Nicaragua, refused to
   recognize this Congressional election, and continued, against
   the government of Madriz, the revolt they had organized
   against Zelaya, determined to secure for Estrada the power to
   order a presidential election by the people.

   On Christmas Eve Zelaya left Nicaragua for Mexico, being
   conveyed by a Mexican gunboat from Corinto to Salina Cruz. A
   few weeks later he migrated to Europe and is understood to
   have taken up his residence in Belgium.

   The revolt led by General Estrada is still in progress at the
   time this writing goes into print (early in March, 1910), but
   the latest reports do not warrant expectations of its success.

   ----------CENTRAL AMERICA: End--------

{81}

CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

      See, (in this Volume) also,
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL BANK QUESTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

CENTRO CATOLICO.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

CHAFFEE, Major-General Adna R.:
   Military Governor of the Philippines.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

CHAFIN, Eugene W.:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Austen:
   Postmaster-General in the English Ministry.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Address at opening of Colonial Conference of 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   On a State-rights question in Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Declaration for Preferential Trade with the Colonies.
   His resignation from the Cabinet.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Visit to South Africa.
   Views on the Labor question.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

CHAMPLAIN TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION.

   See (in this Volume)
   NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

CHANG CHIH-TUNG:
   Measures as viceroy to check the use of opium.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHANTABUN:
   Restored to Siam.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1902.

CHANUTE, OCTAVE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

CHARITIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF; SOCIAL BETTERMENT; and
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

CHARLES I., King of Roumania.
   What he has done for his kingdom.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

CHARLES, Prince, of Denmark:
   Election to the Norwegian Throne.
   Assumes the name of Haakon VII.

      See (in this Volume)
      NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.
   The "South Carolina and Interstate and West Indian
   Exposition."

   Under this name, a very beautiful and successful exhibit of
   the progress of Southern industry and art, and of the
   possibilities of West Indian and Spanish-American trade, was
   opened at Charleston on the 1st of December, 1901. The site of
   the exposition was a tract of one hundred and sixty acres of
   ground, only two and a half miles from the business section of
   the city, embracing the famous old Lowndes estate, with its
   historic mansion, which the present owner permitted to be used
   as the Women’s Building of the occasion. Fine taste and a high
   public spirit entered into the making of this very interesting
   Fair.

CHARTREUX MONKS.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).

CHEMULPHO.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1896-1909.
   Institution and work of the Municipal Voters’ League.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CHICAGO.


CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.
   Institution of the first Juvenile Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.
   The burning of the Iroquois Theater.

   Chicago has now two of the most painful memories of fire that
   are in the past of any city. The second was added on the
   afternoon of December 30, 1903, when 588 people perished in
   the burning of the Iroquois Theater. The audience was made up
   principally of women and children, many of whom belonged to
   prominent families. The whole city was plunged in grief, and
   the whole world shared in the sorrow and manifested its
   sympathy. The theater was a new one, and was regarded as the
   best of any in the city in its method of construction. But
   inquiry soon proved that it was defective in its provisions
   for safety. Further examination, moreover, showed a similar
   condition in other places of assembly, with the result that
   all the theaters, with many churches and halls in Chicago,
   were closed by order of the mayor, pending their compliance
   with certain provisions of the law.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905.
   Strike of the Teamsters’ Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Struggle for a better charter.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1906.
   Packing-House Investigation.

      See (in this Volume)
      Public Health: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1907.
   National Conference on Trusts.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
   Population, and race mixture.

   The City Statistician of Chicago, in his manual for 1909,
   gives the number of the inhabitants of the city as 2,572,835,
   of whom 699,554 are Americans or persons whose parents are not
   foreign born. The Germans rank second, with a population of
   563,708; the Irish third, with a population of 240,560. Next
   come the Poles, with 173,409; the Swedes, with 143,307; the
   Russians, with 123,238; the Bohemians, with 116,549. Thirty
   other foreign countries given are all below the 100,000 mark.
   The Chinese population is given as 1,801, the Japanese as 257.
   The Albanians are the lowest, with a population of 39.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
   "The Chicago Plan."
   Systematizing the future development.

   "Early in 1906 the Merchants’ Club, comprising a group of the
   younger business and professional men of the city, arranged
   for the preparation of a complete project for the future
   development of Chicago. The next year the Merchants’ Club was
   merged with the Commercial Club under the name of the latter
   organization, and the city-planning work was continued under
   the auspices of that body." The resulting "Plan of Chicago"
   was reported in the course of the summer of 1909. "The report
   represents about thirty months’ work by men whose thoughts for
   years have dwelt upon the subject of city building and
   beautification. The work was in charge of Daniel H. Burnham,
   chief architect and director of works of the World’s Columbian
   Exposition of 1893, who gave his services to his city without
   compensation for the purpose of this report. Even so, the
   expense of preparing and publishing the report has
   approximated $75,000, all raised by voluntary subscriptions
   from the business men of Chicago."

      George C. Sikes,
      The New Chicago
      (The Outlook, August 28, 1909).

{82}

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909 (May).
   The Second National Peace Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. PAUL TRANSCONTINENTAL LINE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

CHI-KUAN-SHAN, Fort, Capture of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

   ----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Start--------

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   As Dependents:
   England: The Poor Law Children.

   The following is from a speech in Parliament June 17, 1909, by
   Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government Board, which
   administers the Poor Laws and the Public Health Laws:

   "In England and Wales there were 235,000 children supported by
   the rates either inside or outside Poor Law institutions, and
   of these 70,000 were in cottage homes, barrack schools,
   scattered homes, and similar institutions. The cost per child
   maintained in cottage homes varied from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d.
   per week, and in scattered homes from 8s. 6d. to 11s. 2d. At
   this moment the number of children in workhouse schools, which
   in 1870 was 29,000, was only from 500 to 600; 19,000 of the
   Poor Law children were being educated in elementary schools
   outside. … With regard to sick children he was delighted to
   hear the almost unanimous chorus of appeal that the Local
   Government Board should do a great deal by administration.
   They had, in fact, transferred 1,000 out of the 2,500 sick
   children from the London workhouses and infirmaries to an
   institution on the healthy and breezy downs of Surrey at
   Carshalton, where they could be better treated, and where they
   would recover much more quickly than in any of the workhouses
   and infirmaries in London. If he could find more buildings or
   institutions available he would transfer more children. He
   should not rest until all the sick children throughout the
   country were transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to
   institutions in the country where they would recover health
   more rapidly."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   United States: Proposed Federal Child Bureau.

   Transmitting to Congress, on the 5th of February, 1909, the
   proceedings of a conference held at Washington on the care of
   dependent children, President Roosevelt accompanied it with a
   message, in which he urged the establishment of a Bureau in
   one of the Departments of the Federal Government, to
   centralize attention to the subject; with the enactment of
   such legislation as will bring the laws and practices in
   regard to the care of dependent children in all Federal
   territory into harmony, and certain legislation in behalf of
   dependent children in the District of Columbia. The President
   maintained that such legislation is important not only for the
   welfare of the children immediately concerned, but "as setting
   an example of a high standard of child protection by the
   National Government to the several States of the Union, which
   should be able to look to the nation for leadership in such
   matters."

   Statistics showing the large number of dependent children in
   the country were presented by Mr. Roosevelt. "Each of these
   children, he said, represents either a potential addition to
   the productive capacity and the enlightened citizenship of the
   nation, or, if allowed to suffer from neglect, a potential
   addition to the destructive forces of the community. The ranks
   of criminals and other enemies of society are recruited in an
   altogether undue proportion from children bereft of their
   natural homes and left without sufficient care. The interests
   of the nation are involved in the welfare of this army of
   children no less than in our great material affairs."

   In urging a Children’s Bureau, one of whose duties will be to
   investigate and report upon all matters pertaining to the
   welfare of children and child life, the President pointed out
   that "the National Government is the only agency which can
   effectively conduct such general inquiries as are needed for
   the benefit of all our citizens."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   As Dependents and as Offenders:
   England: The Children Act of 1908.
   Infant Life Protection.
   Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
   Treatment of Youthful Criminals.
   No death-sentence for them.
   Special "Places of Detention."
   Juvenile Courts.

   An act entitled The Children Act, passed by the Parliament of
   the United Kingdom in December, 1908, and which came into
   effect April 1, 1909, has such importance that it has been
   described as "The Children’s Charter." According to its full
   title it is "An Act to consolidate and amend the Law relating
   to the Protection of Children and Young Persons, Reformatory
   and Industrial Schools and Juvenile Offenders, and otherwise
   to amend the Law with respect to Children and Young Persons."
   It gathers into one great enactment nearly everything in which
   the guardianship of Law can be specially extended to them,
   except the matters of education and child labor, which are
   subjects of distinct legislation. It repeals wholly twenty-one
   previous enactments and amends more or less seventeen more. It
   contains 134 sections and fills a so-called Parliamentary
   "White Book" of 93 pages.

   As used in the Act, the word "child" means a person under 14
   years; the expression "young person" means one above that age,
   but under sixteen.

   The Act is divided into six parts, which are concerned with
   the following main subjects:
   (1) Infant Life Protection.
   (2) The Prevention of Cruelty to Children and Young Persons.
   (3) Juvenile Smoking.
   (4) Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
   (5) Juvenile Offenders.
   (6) Miscellaneous and General.

   The provisions for "infant life protection" have to do mainly
   with the supervision of "baby-farming." Foster parents are
   forbidden to insure the life of a nurse-child and insurance
   companies are forbidden to accept any such insurance.

   Juvenile smoking is dealt with very drastically, the penalties
   for selling cigarettes or the material for making them to
   persons under sixteen years of age being sharp, and both
   policemen and park-keepers in uniform being empowered to take
   such materials from the persons of Juvenile smokers.

{83}

   The part of the Act which relates to reformatory and
   industrial schools enables the Courts to deal effectively with
   youthful offenders without subjecting them to the prison
   taint. Boys or girls between the ages of 12 and 16 who are
   convicted of offences punishable in the case of adults with
   penal servitude or imprisonment may be sent to a certified
   reformatory school. In certain defined cases, children may be
   taken from depraved or drunken parents and consigned to a
   certified industrial school. In these cases the child may be
   brought before the Court by any person in order that the
   provisions of the Act may be set in force. Parents who are
   unable to control their children may themselves take advantage
   of the Act, and in these cases the Court may place the
   children under the supervision of a probation officer instead
   of sending them to an industrial school. In all cases of
   children who are liable to be consigned to an industrial
   school, there is given to the Courts the alternative power of
   committing them to the care of relatives or other fit persons
   with or without the supervision of the probation officer.

   The most important part of the Act, perhaps, is that relating
   to juvenile offenders. It allows no young person under sixteen
   years of age to be sentenced to death. "Sentence of death,"
   says this Law, "shall not be pronounced on or recorded against
   a child or young person, but in lieu thereof the Court shall
   sentence the child or young person to be detained during his
   Majesty’s pleasure."

   In future, also, no child may be sentenced to imprisonment or
   penal servitude for any offence, or committed to prison in
   default of payment of a fine, damages, or costs. No young
   person may be sentenced to penal servitude for any offence,
   nor may he be sentenced to imprisonment or committed to prison
   in default of payment of a fine or costs, unless the Court
   certifies that he is of so unruly a character or so depraved
   that it is not desirable to send him to a "place of detention"
   provided under the Act. These provisions relating to the
   substitution of "detention" for imprisonment did not come into
   force until January 1, 1910.

   This part of the Act makes elaborate arrangements for the
   treatment of youthful criminals, both before and after trial.
   Special "places of detention" are to be opened in all petty
   sessional divisions. Here children will be placed on arrest
   (if for some special reason they cannot be released on a
   recognizance), or after being remanded or committed for trial.
   Here they may be kept in custody instead of being lodged in
   gaol if they are sentenced to terms of imprisonment of less
   than one month. Persons under 16 years of age must also be
   tried in special "juvenile Courts," unless they are charged
   jointly with adult offenders. A "juvenile Court" must sit
   "either in a different building or room from that in which the
   ordinary sittings of the Court are held, or on different days
   or at different times from those at which the ordinary
   sittings are held." Only the Court officials, those directly
   interested in the case, and the representatives of the Press
   may be admitted to these Courts, unless the special leave of
   the magistrate is obtained. Every effort is to be made, both
   before and after trial, to prevent the association of children
   with adult criminals. Finally, parents and guardians are to be
   required to attend the hearing of charges against their
   children or wards, and may be ordered to pay any fines,
   damages, or costs imposed.

   The miscellaneous provisions of the Act include a number of
   importance, to prevent the giving of intoxicating liquors to
   children, to exclude them from drinking places, to safeguard
   them at entertainments, and to make the Act applicable to
   Scotland and Ireland.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Offenders:
   Canadian provision for Separate Detention,
   Reformatory Imprisonment, etc.

   The Canadian Prisons and Reformatory Act of 1906 provides
   that—"Young persons apparently under the age of sixteen years
   who are,

   (a) arrested upon any warrant; or,
   (b) committed to custody at any stage of a preliminary inquiry
   into a charge for an indictable offence; or,
   (c) committed to custody at any stage of a trial, either for
   an indictable offence or for an offence punishable on summary
   conviction; or,
   (d) committed to custody after such trial, but before
   imprisonment under sentence;

   shall be kept in custody separate from older persons charged
   with criminal offences and separate from all persons
   undergoing sentences of imprisonment, and shall not be
   confined in the lock-ups or police stations with older persons
   charged with criminal offences or with ordinary criminals."

   Other sections of the Act confer discretionary authority on
   courts and magistrates to sentence convicted offenders whose
   age does not exceed sixteen years, and whose offence is
   punishable by imprisonment, to reformatory prisons, for not
   less than two nor more than five years; also, in certain
   cases, to commit such offenders to a certified industrial
   school, from which they may sometimes be permitted to be taken
   for apprenticeship to any respectable and trustworthy person.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   The George Junior Republic.

   Much attention has been turned from many directions, within
   the last few years, upon the reformatory experiment which
   bears the name of The George Junior Republic. From an ordinary
   undertaking to give a few summer weeks of country fresh air to
   a group of neglected, roughly-bred boys, out of the slums of
   the City of New York, it has grown into a unique institution,
   which remolds character and refashions life for hundreds of
   the young of both sexes, who had been given wrong startings in
   the world by the circumstances into which they were born. It
   has done this by the simple method of organizing them into a
   self-governing community,—a republic in which they are
   citizens, invested with all the responsibilities, duties, and
   cares that go with republican citizenship in its larger
   spheres. They make and administer its laws, conduct its public
   business and its politics, manage its institutions, generate
   and have experience of its public opinion. The moral and
   social influence of this training has now been proved by more
   than a decade of success.

   This remarkable organization was not framed up by its
   architect, Mr. William R. George, on the lines of a
   preconceived theory, but took its shape slowly from
   suggestions of experience as they came.
{84}
   He began in 1890 to take companies of boys of the hoodlum
   class from New York City to his place of summer residence, at
   Freeville, a few miles from Ithaca and not far from Auburn,
   New York. He found it hard to rule them, and no satisfactory
   corrections of wrong-doing and bad behavior could be devised.
   Physically they were bettered by their summer outings, but he
   could not see much gain in other ways. This continued for some
   seasons before his experiments with them began. The first to
   be applied was a rule that such articles of clothing and the
   like as had formerly been given to the boys must be paid for
   in work. At the outset they resented the idea; but before the
   summer was over they were all cheerfully at work, and the tone
   of the party was much improved. In the next year culprits, who
   robbed orchards and committed other misdemeanors, were
   arraigned before the whole community, for a hearing and a
   public verdict as to their guilt. Hard labor at stone-breaking
   and the building of a road now became the penalty for
   wrong-doing, and, presently, there was a boy constable to see
   that they did their work.

   So, step by step, from year to year, the fabric of
   self-government and self-supporting industry was constructed,
   until the Junior Republic emerged, with its President and
   other executive officers, its representative legislature, its
   courts, its police, its own monetary system and bank,—a
   political and industrial commonwealth of boys and girls (for
   both sexes have been included), taken out of a derelict class
   for treatment by this simple inoculation with social
   responsibilities. Writing of the George Junior Republic in
   1908, Dr. Lyman Abbott said:

   "It now has as a territory a hundred and fifty acres of land
   owned by the Board of Trustees, and the practical use of a
   hundred and fifty more belonging to Mr. George and some other
   friends of the Republic who have made their home here because
   such residence affords them an opportunity to give guidance
   and inspiration to the boys and girls. The citizens, i. e. the
   boys and girls in the Republic, number upwards of a hundred
   and fifty. They are in some cases signed over to the Republic
   by the parents, in other cases practically committed on
   suspended sentences by the courts. They are extraordinarily
   free within the territory, but are not free to leave it.
   Laundry, baking, carpentry, and printing are the principal
   trades indoors; road-making and land improvement the principal
   industries out-of-doors. There are two jails, one for the
   boys, one for the girls; a library, a school-house, a chapel,
   bank, and a well-organized banking and currency system. There
   is a court, and there is a judge, who is elected every year by
   the citizens. From this court an appeal lies in certain cases
   to a Supreme Court chosen by the boys from the Board of
   Trustees, but this court only passes on the regularity of the
   proceedings in the court below, that is, on what might be
   regarded as equivalent to constitutional and jurisdictional
   questions. There are a President, a Vice-President, a
   Secretary of State, and a Secretary of the Treasury, all of
   whom are elected annually; the three latter officers
   constituting the Police Commissioners, the Board of Health,
   and the President’s Cabinet. There are both a girl and a boy
   District Attorney, who are appointed by the President, and
   certain police officers and prison keepers. All citizens of
   the Republic, both boys and girls, over fourteen years of age,
   are voters; no one can remain a citizen after twenty-one. The
   legislature has been abolished by the citizens themselves, and
   all laws are made in town meeting, which is held once a month.
   …

   "The Republic has been in existence long enough to give the
   experiment a fair trial, and the results justify the
   expectations of its friends. In round numbers, about five
   hundred have gone out from the Republic into life, most of
   them taken from the class of boys and girls whose environment
   was fruitful of crime and whose tendency was toward a criminal
   career. Of these five hundred two or three are known to have
   returned to crime, and five or six have disappeared entirely.
   But of these eight or ten failures not one was in the Republic
   more than a few months—not long enough to get the benefit of
   the training. The other four hundred and ninety are known to
   be earning an honest livelihood by honorable labor; and of
   these four hundred and ninety, twenty have either graduated
   from college, are now in college, or are just preparing to
   enter college. At this writing two new Republics are about
   being organized, one in Georgia and one in California, and a
   movement is on foot for the organization of a National
   Association."

   Some months later than the above account of the Junior
   Republic there were reported to be kindred organizations
   modelled upon it in Connecticut and Maryland, with movements
   to the same end in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New
   Jersey, as well as in some countries abroad. Mr. Thomas M.
   Osborne, of Auburn, who has been from an early day the chief
   supporter of Mr. George in his work, said recently in a
   published letter:

   "I believe that the success of the Junior Republic idea, as we
   have worked it out during the last fourteen years, is no
   longer dependent upon Mr. George, its originator, or upon any
   one man. Its established principles will now live on into the
   far future, and work the sure righting of thousands of
   youngsters gone wrong in every section of the greater
   republic."

   But it may work much more than "the sure righting of thousands
   of youngsters gone wrong." It may, if its working widens and
   roots itself among the institutions of the future, as it seems
   likely to do, have a very potent and positive political
   influence in the world. If men and women representative of a
   class that is now troublesome to democracy, politically as
   well as otherwise, should by and by be brought in large
   numbers yearly from graduation in the Young Republic training
   schools of imitative citizenship, to be joined with their
   elders in larger spheres of more entire self-government, are
   they not likely to introduce a profounder change in the
   operation of republican institutions than can now be foreseen?

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Juvenile Courts.
   Their origin and development.

   A collection of reports on "Children’s Courts in the United
   States," prepared for the International Prison Commission and
   edited by Mr. Samuel J. Barrows, Commissioner for the United
   States, was published in 1904 as House Document No. 701 of the
   58th Congress, 2d Session. The following account of the origin
   of the now widely established Juvenile Courts of America and
   Europe, and of their development in the United States during
   the first four years of their existence, is derived from those
   reports.

{85}

   Commissioner Barrows opens his introduction to the collected
   reports with the following remarks:

   "If the question be asked, 'What is the most notable
   development in judicial principles and methods in the United
   States within the last five years?’ the answer may
   unhesitatingly be, ‘The introduction and establishment of
   juvenile courts.’ Never perhaps has any judicial reform made
   such rapid progress. Beginning in Chicago in 1899, this
   institution has sprung up in city after city and State after
   State until it is now established in eight States and eleven
   large cities. This progress has been made not merely by
   changes in procedure or legal technique, nor by the
   introduction of a new method; it is most of all by the
   introduction of a new spirit and a new aim. … It must not be
   supposed that the juvenile court is only a smaller court for
   smaller offenders or simply a court holding separate sessions
   for such offenders; it represents an altogether different
   principle. The juvenile court is a life-saving institute in
   society.

   "It is scarcely necessary to say that child-saving methods,
   institutions, and organizations have long flourished in the
   United States. The Northern States have regarded juvenile
   reformatories as a part of their correctional equipment, and
   the courts have served as vestibules for such institutions;
   but they have only been incidentally a part of the process. We
   have not before realized what the court might be and do before
   resorting to institutions. The children’s court still
   maintains relations with the reform school, but it represents
   in itself active and vital forces and invokes a whole range of
   influence and motives which are personal and formative. It
   appeals to the reform school not as the first, but only as the
   last resort. The juvenile court has discovered that the child
   is a child, and, as Judge Hurley says, ‘The child should be
   treated as a child. Instead of reformation, the thought and
   idea in the judge’s mind should always be formation. No child
   should be punished for the purpose of making an example of
   him.’ …

   "The methods of children’s courts, or juvenile courts, as they
   are termed in some States, differ in different places. In some
   States the judge is detailed from some other court; in some
   courts but one judge is assigned to this work. In New York
   several judges from the court of special sessions act
   successively in turn as judges of the children’s court. In
   Maryland and Indiana the judges of the children’s courts
   exercise this function only, and it is claimed that it is
   better than the method of rotation, since the judge who
   confines himself to juvenile court cases becomes a specialist
   in this work. In Colorado Judge Lindsey is not only judge of
   the juvenile court, but also of the county court. He finds
   advantage in the fact that in his first capacity he can
   protect the child, while as judge of the county court he can
   also sentence the guardian or parent who is responsible for
   the child’s delinquency.

   "An essential feature of every juvenile court is the probation
   system and probation officers. Their duty is to investigate
   the case before trial, and, if the child is placed on
   probation, to exercise watchcare over them until the period of
   probation is closed. It is in this way that the parental care
   of the State is exerted."

   The City of Chicago and the Legislature of Illinois have the
   honors of the origination of the Children’s Court as a
   distinct creation of law. The Visitation and Aid Society of
   Chicago had been laboring since 1891 to secure various
   measures of advanced legislation bearing on child-saving,
   without much success, until, as related in a report by Mr.
   Hurley, of that Society, the Bar Association of Chicago took
   the matter in hand, in 1899, and appointed a committee to
   press it. This committee drafted the first juvenile court law
   ever planned distinctly to that end and secured its enactment
   by the Legislature of the State. The law went into force on
   the 1st of July, 1899. The Court was soon opened, and Judge
   Tuthill, of the Circuit Court of Illinois, who presided in it
   from the first, has stated the principles of its constitution
   and action in these following words:

   "The basic principle of the law is this: That no child under
   16 years of age shall be considered or be treated as a
   criminal; that a child under that age shall not be arrested,
   indicted, convicted, imprisoned, or punished as a criminal. It
   of course recognizes the fact that such children may do acts
   which in an older person would be crimes and be properly
   punishable by the State therefor, but it provides that a child
   under the age mentioned shall not be branded in the opening
   years of its life with an indelible stain of criminality, or
   be brought, even temporarily, into the companionship of men
   and women whose lives are low, vicious, and criminal.

   "The law divides children into two classes, the ‘dependent’
   and the ‘delinquent.’ A dependent child, in the language of
   the law, is a child—‘who for any reason is destitute or
   homeless or abandoned, or has not proper parental care or
   guardianship, or who habitually begs or receives alms, or who
   is found living in any house of ill fame or with any vicious
   or disreputable person, or whose home, by reason of neglect,
   cruelty, or depravity on the part of the parents, guardian, or
   other person in whose care it may be, is an unfit place for
   such a child.’ A ‘delinquent child’ is defined to be—‘any
   child under the age of 16 who violates any law of this State
   or any city or village ordinance, or who is incorrigible, or
   who knowingly associates with thieves, vicious, or immoral
   persons, or who is growing up in idleness or crime, or who
   knowingly frequents a house of ill fame, or who knowingly
   patronizes any policy shop or place where any gaming device is
   or shall be operated.’

   "The law places its enforcement upon the judges of the circuit
   court, who are required to select one of their number to
   perform these duties as a part of the judicial work of such
   judge. … The circuit court is a court of original and
   unlimited jurisdiction, the highest in the State, and the duty
   of holding the juvenile court was placed in the circuit court
   (which for convenience is designated the ‘juvenile court’) as
   an indication by the legislature of the importance to the
   State of the work to be done.

   "The case of each child brought into court, whether dependent
   or delinquent, becomes of record, and every step taken in the
   case is shown upon the court record."

   Interest in the Illinois Law was awakened quickly in many
   parts of the country, and requests for copies of it, says Mr.
   Hurley in his historical sketch, "began to pour in from all
   directions. These requests were promptly answered and copies
   of the Juvenile Court Record, published by the Visitation and
   Aid Society, containing the necessary information, were sent
   to applicants.
{86}
   Agitation began in other States for a law similar to the one
   passed in Illinois, and those who helped to form the Illinois
   law were invited to visit other States to explain the measure
   and the method of administering the law in Cook County.

   "The Illinois law proved so satisfactory that many judges
   throughout the country, not wishing to await the action of a
   legislature, established branches in their several courts for
   children cases only, and in the treatment of the cases applied
   the probate and chancery powers of the court. This was the case
   especially in Denver, Colorado, where Judge Ben D. Lindsey had
   a complete and well-equipped juvenile court and probation
   system before the legislature took any action whatever. A like
   court was subsequently adopted in Indianapolis by George W.
   Stubbs. The two latter courts were carried on practically in
   the same way that they have been since laws were adopted by
   these States. In most of the States the probation officers are
   volunteers."

   Judge Lindsey, of Denver, has won celebrity among the
   presiding magistrates of the Juvenile Courts by the kindly
   shrewdness of the methods by which he has won the confidence,
   the admiration and devotion of the boys and girls of his city,
   within the classes with which he has to deal. The scene which
   his court-room presents on the appointed days when the
   delinquents on probation come in a body to report to him and
   to be talked to by him has been often described, and it seems
   to exemplify a kind of influence that would go farther than
   any other in resistance to the vitiating conditions which
   surround masses of the young in all cities. Judge Lindsey’s
   extended report of his work and experience in the Denver
   Juvenile Court, published in the collection referred to above,
   is a paper of remarkable interest.

   As stated already, the Juvenile Court is now an established
   institution in nearly every part of the United States, and in
   many countries abroad. It was established in Great Britain by
   the notable "Children Act" of 1908 (see above), and was
   instituted that year in several of the German cities. A Press
   despatch from Berlin, March 15, 1909, reported the opening of
   a congress in that city, under the auspices of the German
   Association for the Care of the Young, which aims at the
   extension of this important reform. "The labors of the
   society," says the despatch, "seem to have been stimulated by
   the passing of the English Children Act of 1908, a German
   translation of which has been distributed to members of the
   congress. The movement for the establishment of special Courts
   for juvenile offenders was taken up in Germany later than in
   some other countries, but has recently made rapid progress.
   The first children’s Courts were established on January 1,
   1908, at Cologne, Stuttgart, and Breslau, and there are now 26
   such Courts in Prussia. Official statistics, however, indicate
   that in recent years the total number of juvenile offenders in
   Germany has grown about three times as fast as the total
   number of offenders of all ages. During 1906, 55,211 persons
   under the age of 18 were sentenced, as compared with 51,232 in
   1905 and 49,993 in 1904."

   At the meeting of the International Prison Commission, at
   Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1907, it was significant of the deep
   interest which the children’s court has awakened in Europe
   that nineteen societies in France, including the Academy of
   Moral and Political Sciences, the General Society of Prisons,
   and the faculties of law of Paris, Lille, and Montpellier, and
   several of the most prominent tribunals in France, asked to
   have the whole subject of the organization of children’s
   courts elucidated and discussed. A similar interest was shown
   in Switzerland and Germany.

   In an extended letter to the London Times, published
   August 19, 1909, Miss Florence Davenport-Hill traced the
   origin of children’s courts to Massachusetts, and gave the
   following account of their introduction from that source of
   suggestion into Australia, and thence, to some extent, into
   Great Britain. Miss Davenport-Hill’s statements on the subject
   are, in part, as follows:

   "Although we hear little now from our earliest exemplar,
   Massachusetts—possibly because she has, I believe, cleared
   away the class to be dealt with—it is desirable to remember it
   was she who evolved the then new principle of absolute
   separation of child from adult, and devised its potent
   supporter, the probation system—a system affording watchful
   and kindly help to strong and maybe wilful weaklings. Thus did
   Massachusetts become a noble example, making the way plain for
   her successors. Mr. Joseph Sturge, attracted early in the
   eighties by reports of the ‘plan,’ visited Boston to
   investigate its methods. He describes in a pithy narrative
   subsequently published how his highest expectations were
   fulfilled; and it is interesting to learn from his pen that
   ‘the probation system by which juvenile offenders are saved
   from imprisonment has been so successful, economically and
   morally, that the city of Boston now employs a probation agent
   to deal with suitable adult cases in a corresponding manner.’

   "A copy of Mr. Sturge’s narrative reached, by good fortune,
   the Chief Justice of South Australia, then presiding at a
   Royal Commission of inquiry concerning adult and juvenile
   dependents on the State. He recognized, and in his forthcoming
   report expounded, the value of the Massachusetts plan in its
   application to children. The result was the creation by the
   South Australian Government of a department, entitled the
   State Children’s Council, consisting of 12 ladies and
   gentlemen nominated by the State as honorary members, to deal
   with erring and neglected children on the lines of that plan.
   …

   "Nineteen years ago the Children’s Court was opened in
   Adelaide, and in October, 1903, thanks, Sir, to your
   sympathetic courtesy, the reproduction in The Times of
   a letter describing it in the Melbourne Argus from Miss
   Alice Henry made known among us its scope, methods, and
   success. Gradually Benches of Magistrates in various parts of
   Great Britain and of Ireland who led the way tried the
   experiment, which was then discovered to be already existing
   among us here and there, and in a more or less developed form,
   as at Greenwich, Hull, &c."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Workers:
   Canada: Child Labor Legislation.

   "There is not in any province a comprehensive act dealing with
   the subject of child labor as a whole, and even in Ontario,
   which has its Factories Act, its Shops Act, its Mines Act, its
   Municipal Act, its Truancy Act—all bearing on the matter more
   or less directly—it is still possible for young children to be
   kept at work by their parents for mercilessly long hours under
   sweat-shop conditions.
{87}
   Prince Edward Island, Saskatchewan, and Alberta have neither
   Shops nor Factories Acts. Ontario, Nova Scotia, Manitoba, and
   British Columbia have both; Quebec and New Brunswick have
   Factories Acts, and six of the provinces have Mines Acts. The
   several Factories Acts resemble one another closely. In
   general, they prohibit the employment of girls under eighteen
   and boys under sixteen in factories where the work is
   dangerous or unhealthy; forbid the employment of children
   under fourteen in any manufacturing establishment (except
   canning factories) in three provinces; limit the hours of
   labor for women and children to ten hours a day and sixty
   hours a week; and specify the amount of overtime permissible
   for these classes of workers. The Shops Acts, upon the whole,
   allow greater latitude to the employers of children; thus the
   hours of labor are longer and the conditions often not less
   injurious than those in factories. Except in Ontario, no age
   limit is set under which a child may not begin work in a shop.
   Again by the Mines Acts of British Columbia, children of
   twelve may be employed above ground, and by those of
   Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia boys of twelve may work under
   ground. The enforcement of the laws restricting child labor
   has, from various causes, proved somewhat inadequate. For
   instance, Nova Scotia has had a Factories Act since 1901, but
   no inspector of factories till the present year; while
   Ontario, with a Truancy Act that, if enforced, would prevent
   many children from engaging in unsuitable labor, has vested
   the appointment of truancy officers in the municipalities, and
   these, in many instances, have neglected to make
   appointments."

      The Outlook,
      November 14, 1908.

   Recent changes in child labor laws in Canada are as follows:

   In Ontario the Factories Act limits the working time of boys
   under sixteen to ten hours, forbids the employment of children
   under twelve within doors, and restricts the privileges
   extended to canning factories. The Shops Act is amended by
   raising the age limit from ten to twelve years. Manitoba
   forbids the employment of minors as bartenders. Alberta has
   raised the age limit of children employed in mines from twelve
   to sixteen years. British Columbia prohibits the employment of
   boys under fourteen and girls under fifteen except in the
   canning of fish.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: England:
   The Employment of Children Act, 1903.

   An Act "to make Better Provision for Regulating the Employment
   of Children" became law in August, 1903. Most of the
   responsibility for a proper protective regulation of child
   labor was imposed by this enactment on the local authorities
   of the Kingdom. Among its provisions were the following:

   "1. Any local authority may make byelaws—
      (i) prescribing for all children, or for boys and girls
      separately, and with respect to all occupations or to any
      specified occupation,—
         (a) the age below which employment is illegal; and
         (b) the hours between which employment is illegal; and
         (c) the number of daily and weekly hours beyond
         which employment is illegal:
      (ii) prohibiting absolutely or permitting, subject to
      conditions, the employment of children in any specified
      occupation.

   "2. Any local authority may make byelaws with respect to
       street trading by persons under the age of sixteen. …

   "3.
      (1) A child shall not be employed between the hours of nine
      in the evening and six in the morning: Provided that any
      local authority may, by byelaw, vary these hours either
      generally or for any specified occupation.

      (2) A child under the age of eleven years shall not be
      employed in street trading.

      (3) No child who is employed half-time under the Factory
      and Workshop Act, 1901, shall be employed in any other
      occupation.

      (4) A child shall not be employed to lift, carry, or move
      anything so heavy as to be likely to cause injury to the
      child.

      (5) A child shall not be employed in any occupation likely
      to be injurious to his life, limb, health or education,
      regard being had to his physical condition. …

   "4.
      (1) A byelaw made under this Act shall not have any effect
      until confirmed by the Secretary of State, and shall not
      be so confirmed until at least thirty days after the local
      authority have published it in such manner as the
      Secretary of State may by general or special order direct. …

   "13. In this Act—The expression ‘child’ means a person under
   the age of fourteen years:

   "The expression ‘guardian,’ used in reference to a child,
   includes any person who is liable to maintain or has the
   actual custody of the child:

   "The expression ‘employ’ and ‘employment,’ used in reference
   to a child, include employment in any labour exercised by way
   of trade or for the purposes of gain, whether the gain be to
   the child or to any other person: …

   "The expression ‘street trading’ includes the hawking of
   newspapers, matches, flowers, and other articles, playing,
   singing, or performing for profit, shoe-blacking, and any
   other like occupation carried on in streets or public places."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Germany:
   Child Labor Legislation and its operation.

   The Reichstag, in 1903, passed a new law for the protection of
   children, concerning the operation of which a well known
   English student of social conditions in Germany wrote as
   follows in 1908:

   "Several significant facts may be noted in relation to the
   protection of childhood in Germany. The legal age of admission
   to full employment in factories and workshops is fourteen
   years, though on the production of efficiency certificates
   children may be employed for not more than six hours daily at
   the age of thirteen, yet of the 5,607,657 industrial workers
   subject to inspection in 1905 only 10,245, or under 0.2 per
   cent., were below fourteen years, and in some States there
   were none. To show the progress which has been made in this
   respect it may be stated that in 1875 10 per cent. (88,000 out
   of a total of 880,500) of the factory workers were between
   twelve and fourteen years of age. … At the same time there is
   reason to believe that a serious exhaustion of juvenile
   strength takes place in the unregulated home industries of
   Germany. Further, from the age of six the child of the people
   attends the primary school for seven or eight years, and in
   many cases he is required to attend a continuation school
   several years longer. In most of the large towns the scholar
   from first to last receives free systematic medical care at
   the hands of the school doctors. It begins with a thorough
   examination on admission, and the health record thus opened is
   continued throughout the whole period of school life, so that
   the child is under constant medical supervision until it
   reaches the working age. Many towns have gone further, and
   have established dental surgeries, and attached eye and ear
   specialists to the primary schools."

      W. H. Dawson,
      The Evolution of Modern Germany,
      page 327 (Unwin, London; Scribner’s, New York).

{88}

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: United States:
   Child Labor Laws of the several States in 1908,
   and as amended since.

   The requirements of an effective child labor law are set forth
   in Pamphlet No. 60 of the National Child Labor Committee as
   resting "primarily upon certain definite prohibitions, among
   which are the following:

   Labor is prohibited (1) for all children under the age of
   fourteen years;

   labor is prohibited (2) for all children under sixteen years
   of age who do not measure sixty inches and weigh eighty pounds;

   labor is prohibited (3) for all children under sixteen years
   of age who cannot read fluently and write legibly simple
   sentences in the English language;

   labor is prohibited (4) for all children under the age of
   sixteen years, between the hours of 7 p. m. and 7 a. m. or
   longer than eight hours in any twenty-four hours, or longer
   than forty-eight hours in any week;

   labor is prohibited (5) for all children under the age of
   sixteen years in occupations dangerous to life, limb, health
   or morals."

   Further prescriptions of the Committee relate to the
   regulations and agencies of authority requisite to an
   effective enforcement of the Law.

   In Bulletin Number 62 of the United States Bureau of Labor
   published in January, 1906, there is published a compilation
   of the laws relating to child labor in each State of the
   Union, as amended and in force at the close of the year 1905.
   An examination of them shows that the proposed standard had
   not then been measured up to in any State, or approached even
   nearly by more than a few. In not one had the law prescribed a
   test by weight or measure of the bodily development of a child
   that should mark Nature’s consent to his employment in any
   kind of work.

   Thirteen States, namely, California, Connecticut, Delaware,
   Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon,
   Pennsylvania, Tennessee, West Virginia, and Wisconsin,
   prohibited in general terms the employment of children under
   fourteen years in mechanical, manufacturing or mercantile
   establishments, or to that apparent effect. New York did the
   same, with the proviso that children over twelve might have
   employment during school vacation times. Rhode Island,
   likewise, excepted the vacation time for children under
   fourteen. The State of Washington allowed certain judges to
   make exemptions from a similar prohibition, for the needed
   support of helpless parents. Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire,
   North Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, and
   Wisconsin fixed the age under which no child may be employed
   in wage-earning labor at twelve. Louisiana appointed it at
   twelve for a boy and fourteen for a girl. Colorado placed it
   at twelve for labor in mines only. Florida raised it to
   fifteen, but only as prohibitory without consent of "those
   having legal control" of the child. Alabama and Nebraska had
   it lowered to ten years. South Carolina had kept it at ten
   until 1903, at eleven until 1904, and at twelve until May,
   1905. In the Massachusetts law no absolute prohibition of
   child labor within any age line appeared.

   Educational requirements, conditioning the employment of
   children, were in most of the State laws, as they stood at the
   end of 1905, and many of them satisfied the third rule
   propounded by the National Child Labor Committee, as given
   above.

   In the next three years after the Bureau of Labor’s
   compilation of child labor laws, great reforms in them were
   brought about, as shown by comparison with the "Handbook 1908"
   of "Child Labor Legislation" compiled by Josephine Goldmark
   for the National Consumers’ League, and published originally
   as a Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy of
   Political and Social Science, May, 1908. Some statements from
   this are given below:

   "The age below which child labor is prohibited varies from
   sixteen to ten years. The number of employments prohibited
   also varies greatly—from all employment during school hours to
   mine work only. … Eleven states prohibit work to the sixteenth
   birthday in either mines or specific occupations injurious to
   health, or both. These are, for mines, New York, Oklahoma,
   Pennsylvania (inside anthracite mines), Texas; for specific
   occupations, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin;
   for both, Illinois and Montana."

   The fifteen year age limit is prescribed in only one State,
   South Dakota, which forbids it in mines, factories, hotels,
   laundries, theatres, bowling alleys, elevators, messenger
   service, or places where liquors are sold.

   The age limit of fourteen years is prescribed differently in
   different States. With various qualifications, employment
   below that age in factories, stores, offices, laundries,
   hotels, theatres, bowling alleys, is prohibited in California,
   Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri,
   Nebraska, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

   In factories or stores it is forbidden in Connecticut,
   Massachusetts, North Dakota, Oregon, Rhode Island, and
   Washington.

   In factories it is not permitted in Arkansas, Colorado,
   Delaware, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, New Jersey,
   Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin.

   In messenger service it is made unlawful in California, Idaho,
   Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska,
   New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington,
   Wisconsin.

   Children under this age are excluded from mines in Arkansas,
   Colorado, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota,
   Missouri, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee,
   Utah, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming.

   In all the prohibitions above cited many and various
   exceptions are allowed in the laws of different States—as for
   school-vacation periods, for children of widows and disabled
   fathers, etc. In like manner, the following State laws which,
   on general principles, forbid all employment of children under
   fourteen years during school hours, provide for numerous and
   different exceptional circumstances: California, Colorado,
   Connecticut, District of Columbia, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky,
   Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New
   Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota,
   Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin.

{89}

   The thirteen year age limit is fixed only in North Carolina,
   which excepts apprentices.

   The twelve year limit is applied (with exceptions for the
   vacation months) to factories or stores in California, to most
   descriptions of regular employment in Maryland, and to
   factories in West Virginia. It is applied to factories, with
   varied exceptions, in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana,
   Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Dakota, South Carolina, and
   Texas. It applies to factories, quarries, railroads, and
   messenger service in Vermont, and to factories, stores, and
   mines in Virginia. To mines distinctly it applies in Alabama,
   Florida, Maryland (if the twelve-year child is not wholly
   illiterate), North Carolina, North Dakota (in school hours),
   Pennsylvania (in bituminous mines only), South Carolina,
   Virginia, West Virginia (vacation excepted).

   The ten year old limit for labor to be lawful was only in
   Georgia factories, with exceptions for the babes of widows and
   disabled fathers.

   As to hours of labor, "six states limit employment to 9 hours
   in one day and 54 in one week:—California, Delaware, Florida,
   Idaho, Missouri, and New York (applying to children under 16
   in stores and as messengers).

   "Twenty-four states restrict work to 10 hours in one day and
   either 55, 58 or 60 hours in one week.

   "Five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania
   and Tennessee allow more than 10 hours work in one day," in
   the hours per week they permit.

   "Those states which fail to restrict the hours of labor
   allowed in one week as well as in one day invite
   the possibility of seven days’ labor. In Washington, for
   example, women and girls may not only work ten hours at night,
   they may do this every night, including Sunday.

   "Work at night is effectively restricted to the 16th birthday
   in 18 states. Twelve states set an early closing hour for
   children under 16 years, New York fixing 5 p. m.; Michigan,
   Ohio, Oregon and Wisconsin 6 p. m., and Alabama, Idaho,
   Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri and New Jersey (in
   stores) fixing 7 p. m. Of these, the Ohio law is the most
   comprehensive, since it includes girls to the 18th birthday."

   "Children have no positive immunity from night work unless the
   hours are explicitly stated between which it is unlawful to
   employ them. … The District of Columbia, 4 territories and 20
   states fail to prohibit work at night after a definite closing
   hour. The sinister feature of this list is the presence of
   Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland,
   New Hampshire, Tennessee and West Virginia, all of them
   important manufacturing states having industries in which
   children are employed."

   Since the compilation of the above several states have made
   important changes in or additions to their child labor laws,
   as follows:

   In Kentucky the age limit is raised to 14 years during school
   terms, children between 14 and 16 not to be employed without
   certificate from school authorities. The hours of labor are
   limited to ten hours a day and sixty hours a week, and night
   work is prohibited for children under 16 years.

   In Louisiana a fourteen-year age limit is established, with a
   9 hour working day, and night work is prohibited for boys
   under 16 and girls under 18 years.

   Mississippi has established a twelve-year limit, applicants
   under sixteen being required to furnish a certificate of age
   and educational advantages, and one from county health officer
   showing physical condition. The time limit is ten hours daily,
   58 hours a week.

   "New Jersey enacted a compulsory education law, requiring
   school attendance of all children between the ages of seven
   and seventeen, except that children of fifteen who have
   completed the grammar grades and are regularly employed may be
   excused. This places the age limit for employment during the
   school period at fifteen years.

   "In New York a law was passed transferring the enforcement of
   the mercantile child labor law from local boards of health in
   cities of the first class to the State Labor Department, and
   providing for the creation of a bureau of mercantile
   inspection. This law became effective October 1st, 1908." It
   made important changes, affecting dangerous employments, which
   became effective October 1st, 1909.

   "In Ohio an important measure was passed limiting the hours
   for boys under sixteen and girls under eighteen to eight per
   day and forty-eight per week."

      National Child Labor Committee
      (General Secretary’s Annual Report).

   An act to regulate the employment of child labor in the
   District of Columbia was passed by Congress on May 28, 1908.
   This law prescribes an age limit of fourteen years, and
   prohibits employment during school hours. Exceptions may be
   made for children in the service of the Senate, or for those
   whose labor is necessary for the support of a disabled or
   widowed parent. Street trades are forbidden to boys under ten
   and girls under sixteen years of age. The time limit for
   children under sixteen is eight hours a day and forty-eight
   hours a week.

   The report of the National Child Labor Committee, for the year
   ending September 30, 1909, gives the following additional
   changes: In South Carolina a system of factory inspection was
   adopted. The hours of labor, however, were changed from 10 to
   11 hours a day. In Maine an educational test was adopted, and
   the hours reduced from 60 to 58 per week. Rhode Island reduced
   the hours for women and children from 60 to 56 per week.
   Pennsylvania enacted a law requiring adequate proof of age of
   children seeking employment, and requiring school certificate.

   Hours of labor have been reduced in the following States:
   Michigan to 54 hours a week for all women and for males under
   18; Kansas, Oklahoma, North Dakota to 8 hour day and 48 hour
   week; Delaware to 9 hour day and 54 hour week; Maine to 10
   hour day and 58 hour week for boys under 16, and girls under
   18; Rhode Island to 56 hour week for minors under 16 and all
   women.

   Night work has been prohibited in the following additional
   States: Delaware, Kansas, North Dakota, Michigan, Oklahoma,
   California.

   Compulsory education laws have been passed in Arkansas and
   Tennessee, and revised and improved in New Jersey, New York,
   and Missouri.

      See, also.
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

   ----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: End--------

{90}

CHILDREN, Public Playgrounds for.

      See (in this Volume)
      PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT.

CHILDS, RICHARD S.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

   ----------CHILE: Start--------

CHILE: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CHILE: A. D. 1902.
   Noble Peace Agreements between Chile and the Argentine
   Republic.
   Treaty for Arbitration of all Disputes.
   Limitation of Armaments.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1902.

CHILE: A. D. 1903.
   Sale of war vessels to Great Britain.

   Pursuant to her Convention with Argentina, for the reduction
   of armaments, Chile, in this year, sold two newly built war
   vessels to Great Britain.

CHILE: A. D. 1906.
   Installation of President Montt.
   His prospective difficulties.

   Don Pedro Montt, elected President of Chile in June, 1906,
   was installed in office on the 10th of September following—the
   anniversary of Chilean independence. United States Minister
   Hicks, reporting the ceremony to his Government, added the
   following remarks on the political situation:

   "The new President takes office while enjoying great personal
   popularity. He is the son of Don Manuel Montt, who was
   President of Chile from 1851 to 1862. His reputation is that
   of a calm, well-balanced man, of unimpeachable integrity,
   strong and self-reliant, but conciliatory and far-seeing. He
   begins his career with many difficulties on his hands. One
   question left over from the last administration—that of the
   rectorship of the university—is already causing considerable
   trouble. Under the law the President appoints the rector from
   three persons named by the doctors of the university itself.
   Señor Letelier has been so named, but as he is said to be a
   liberal and even a freethinker, the church party and the
   conservatives generally are fighting him. The new President
   selected a cabinet last week entirely different from the one
   now in office, but owing to the rectorship question and some
   other things it failed and a new one had to be appointed
   hurriedly.

   "Among other difficulties to be met by the new President is
   the opposition of the Senate. It is understood that there is a
   majority in that body against him, and it is liable to operate
   unfavorably to him. Still his friends have full confidence that
   he will succeed in quieting opposition and will retain the
   unlimited confidence of the people.

   "Under the Chilean constitution much of the power delegated to
   the President under the American Constitution is retained by
   Congress. That body really dictates to the President the
   appointment or removal of his cabinet and thus his functions
   are quite different from those of the President of the United
   States."

CHILE: A. D. 1906.
   Destructive earthquake.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1907.
   Diplomatic relations with Peru reestablished.

   Diplomatic relations with Peru were reestablished in 1907; but
   the old sore question between the two countries, concerning
   the interpretation of the peace treaty of Ancón (1884),
   relative to the provinces of Tacna and Arica, which Chile took
   from Peru in the preceding war, remains open.

      See (in Volume VI.)
      CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1909.
   Contract given for the Arica-La Paz Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

CHILE: A. D. 1909.
   Arbitration of the Alsop Claim of the United States.

   "Many years ago diplomatic intervention became necessary to
   the protection of the interests in the American claim of Alsop
   and Company against the government of Chili. The government of
   Chili had frequently admitted obligation in the case, and had
   promised this government to settle it. There had been two
   abortive attempts to do so through arbitral commissions, which
   failed through lack of jurisdiction. Now, happily, as the
   result of the recent diplomatic negotiations, the governments
   of the United States and Chili, actuated by the sincere desire
   to free from any strain those cordial and friendly relations
   upon which both set such store, have agreed by a protocol to
   submit the controversy to definitive settlement by his
   Britannic Majesty, Edward VII."

      Message to Congress of President Taft,
      December, 1909.

   The claim referred to is that of "the Alsop Company of New
   York and Connecticut which advanced large sums of money to the
   Bolivian government in exchange for the right to valuable
   guano deposits in that country and other concessions. The
   government contracted further to return a part of the loan
   from the receipts of customs at the port of Arica. Before her
   contract could be fulfilled Bolivia lost Arica and the
   adjoining districts to Chili in war. In 1885, following
   representations by the American State Department, Chili agreed
   to assume the obligations of Bolivia to the Alsop Company. She
   has never, however, made good her promise, and the matter has
   been the subject of diplomatic negotiations ever since. The
   claim now amounts to more than $1,500,000."

CHILE: A. D. 1909.
   Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Naval plans.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHILEAN.

   ----------CHILE: End--------

   ----------CHINA: Start--------

CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.
   Increase of Christian Mission Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1905.
   Sudden and rapid upspringing of newspapers.

   "Without giving actual statistics, it may be mentioned that
   Peking, which had no newspaper up to the time of the Boxer
   rising—except a short-lived weekly started by the Peking
   Reform Club and suppressed by the Empress Dowager—has now
   three daily newspapers and two fortnightly ones, some of these
   being partly illustrated. Tientsin has at least three dailies,
   one of these, the ‘Ta-kung Pao’ ('The Impartial’),
   having the very respectable circulation of twenty thousand.
   The official organ which calls itself the ‘Times’ (the
   ‘Shih Pao’), although not so widely circulated, is well
   written under European auspices and has considerable
   influence.
{91}
   In Shanghai there are now sixteen daily papers (price, eight
   to ten cash each), some of which have circulations of
   as much as ten thousand, and besides these there are many
   journals published there. Further south (at Foochow, Soochow,
   and Canton), there are in all some six or seven daily papers,
   and at Hong-Kong five, while Kiaochow has one, which is
   supported by the local German government. In addition to
   these, several papers are now published in the interior, but
   the majority, for various reasons, flourish in the treaty
   ports."

      A. R. Colquhoun
      The Chinese Press of To-day
      (North American Review, January, 1906).

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1906.
   Progressive tariff and internal taxation measures to check
   the consumption of opium.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Russian grip on Manchuria.
   Coercive negotiations with China.
   Protests from other Powers.
   The Manchurian Treaty of 1902 and its impotence.

   Early in December, 1901, the American Minister to China, Mr.
   Conger, reported to Secretary Hay, at Washington, an impending
   treaty which Russia seemed likely to force on the Chinese
   Government, which would practically secure to that aggressive
   Power, through a prolonged agreement of China with the
   Russo-Chinese Bank, exclusive railway and mining concessions
   in Manchuria, and which would protract the Russian evacuation
   of that country through three years. England and Japan were
   using all their influence at Peking to prevent the signing of
   the treaty, and Mr. Hay entered a vigorous protest on the part
   of the Government of the United States, "animated now, as
   heretofore, by the sincere desire to insure to the whole world
   full and fair intercourse with China on equal footing." The
   pressure from Russia on China was so potent, however, that Mr.
   Conger, on the 29th of January, 1902, reported to Mr. Hay that
   Prince Ch’ing, who acted with authority from his Government in
   the negotiation with Russia, had informed him "that the latter
   has done the best he could and has held out as long as
   possible, but that Russian possession of Manchuria has become
   intolerable, and that China must at once sign the convention
   or lose everything; that he has therefore agreed to sign the
   convention [modified in some particulars] and will also sign
   the separate agreement with the Russo-Chinese Bank, which
   practically gives exclusive privileges of industrial
   development in Manchuria." Nevertheless the consummation of
   the Russian project of coercive diplomacy was delayed until
   the 8th of April, and the terms of the treaty then signed were
   considerably moderated from the original design. Its
   provisions of interest to others than the contracting parties
   were as follows:

   "ARTICLE I.
   His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, desiring to give a
   fresh proof of his love of peace and his sentiments of
   friendship for His Majesty the Emperor of China,
   notwithstanding the fact that the first attacks upon the
   peaceable Russian population were made from various points of
   Manchuria, which is situated on the frontier, consents to the
   reestablishment of the authority of the Chinese Government in
   the aforesaid province, which remains an integral part of the
   Empire of China, and restores to the Chinese Government the
   right to exercise governmental and administrative powers there
   as before its occupation by the Russian troops.

   "ARTICLE II.
   In resuming possession of governmental and administrative
   powers in Manchuria, the Chinese Government confirms, as well
   in regard to the terms as to all the other articles, the
   engagement strictly to observe the stipulations of the
   contract concluded with the Russo-Chinese Bank on the 27th of
   August, 1896, and assumes, according to article 5 of said
   contract, the obligation to protect the railroad and its
   personnel by every means, and also pledges itself to guarantee
   the security in Manchuria, of all Russian subjects in general
   who reside there and the enterprises established by them. The
   Russian Government, in view of the assumption of this
   obligation by the Emperor of China, consents on its part, in
   case there shall be no agitations of any sort, and if the
   action of the other powers shall offer no obstacle thereto,
   gradually to withdraw all its troops from Manchuria so as
   (a) To withdraw, in the course of six months from the
   signing of the convention, the Russian troops from the
   southwest portion of the province of Moukden, as far as the
   Liao-he River, and again to place China in control of the
   railways;
   (b) To withdraw, in the course of the six months
   following, the Imperial Russian troops from the remaining
   portion of the province of Moukden and the province of Kirin;
   and
   (c) To withdraw, in the course of the six months following,
   the remainder of the Imperial Russian troops now in the
   province of Hei-lung Kiang.

   "ARTICLE. III.
   In view of the necessity of obviating in future a repetition
   of the disturbances of 1900, in which the Chinese troops
   quartered in the provinces adjacent to Russia took part, the
   Russian Government and the Chinese Government agree to order
   the Russian military authorities and the dzian-dziuns, to come
   to an understanding for the purpose of regulating the number
   and determining the places of cantonment of the Chinese troops
   in Manchuria until the Russian troops shall have been
   withdrawn therefrom. The Chinese Government further pledges
   itself not to organize any other troops above the number thus
   agreed upon by the Russian military authorities and the
   dzian-dziuns which shall be sufficient to exterminate the
   brigands and to pacify the country. After the complete
   evacuation of the country by the Russian troops, the Chinese
   Government shall have the right to make an examination of the
   number of troops in Manchuria which are subject to increase or
   diminution, giving timely notice of such examination to the
   Imperial Government, for the maintenance of troops in the
   aforesaid province in superfluous numbers would manifestly
   lead to the increase of the Russian military forces in the
   adjacent districts, and would thus occasion an increase of
   military expenses, to the great disadvantage of both
   countries. For police service and the maintenance of internal
   order in this region outside of the territory ceded to the
   Chinese Eastern Railway Company, there shall be formed, near
   the local dzian-dziun governors, a police force, both on foot
   and mounted, composed exclusively of subjects of the Emperor
   of China

   "ARTICLE IV.
   The Russian Government consents to restore to their owners the
   railway lines of Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting, which have
   been occupied and protected by the Russian troops since the
   end of the month of September, 1900. In consideration of this
   the Government of the Emperor of China pledges itself:

{92}

   "1. That in case it shall become necessary to insure the
   security of the aforesaid railway lines it will itself assume
   that obligation, and will not request any other power to
   undertake or participate in the defense, construction, or
   exploitation of these lines, and will not permit foreign
   powers to occupy the territory restored by Russia.

   "2. That the above-mentioned railway lines shall be completed
   and exploited on the precise bases of the agreement made
   between Russia and England April 16, 1899, and on those of the
   contract concluded September 28, 1898, with a private company,
   relative to a loan for the construction of the aforesaid
   lines, and, moreover, in observance of the obligations assumed
   by the company, especially: Not to take possession of the
   Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting line or to dispose of it in
   any manner whatever.

   "3. That if a continuation of the railway lines in the south
   of Manchuria, or the construction of branch lines connecting
   with them, and the construction of a bridge at Yin Kow or at
   the transfer of the terminus of the Shan-hai-kwan Railroad,
   which is situated there, shall hereafter be undertaken, it
   shall be done after a previous understanding between the
   Government of Russia and that of China."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
      of the United States, 1902, pages 271-281.

   During the next two years Russia was accused from all sides of
   infidelity to the engagements of this treaty, and her conduct,
   which seemed especially menacing to Japan, gave rise to the
   Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Edicts for educational reform.
   Modernizing examinations for literary and military degrees.
   Establishing universities, colleges, and schools.
   Sending students abroad.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1904.
   Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.
   Remonstrances of the Japanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
   Settlement of the indemnity to be paid to fourteen Powers on
   account of the Boxer Rising.
   Remission of part of it by the United States.

   In April, 1901, when the record of events connected with the
   Boxer rising against foreigners in China was closed in Volume
   VI. of this work, the Chinese government had promised
   satisfaction and indemnity to the fourteen Powers whose
   subjects had suffered from the barbarous attack and whose
   forces had overcome it, and the measure of indemnity to be
   paid was then being discussed. The discussion and the
   reckonings involved were prolonged till September. The final
   protocol was signed September 7, but it was not until the 30th
   of that month that the formulated claims of the Powers
   concerned were accepted by China, and the responsibility of
   payment assumed by an imperial decree. The total was
   450,000,000 taels, equivalent to $334,000,000, divided between
   Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great
   Britain, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain,
   Sweden, and the United States. The sum was not reckoned solely
   for the covering of losses and expenses, consequent on the
   Boxer outrages, but was intended to be, in some degree, a
   penalty imposed on the Chinese nation; and some of the
   claimant nations were said to be more exacting on this score
   than others were.

   The amount for which the United States stipulated was
   $24,440,000, and the American government received an indemnity
   bond for that sum. But when the expenses of the American
   relief expedition had been accurately ascertained, and all
   losses and destruction of property belonging to American
   claimants had been settled, it was found that they would be
   largely overpaid. It was possible, according to common
   practice in international dealings, to regard the excess as
   justly punitive; but a different view was dictated by the wish
   to show friendliness to China, and a return of the overpayment
   was proposed. Recommended by President Roosevelt, the
   necessary sanction was given by Congress, and on the 11th of
   July, 1908, the American Minister to China addressed the
   following communication to the Prince of Ch’ing, President of
   the Wai-Wu-Pu, or Board of Foreign Affairs, at Peking:

   "Your Highness:
   "It is with great satisfaction that I have the honor to inform
   your Highness, under direction of the Secretary of State of
   the United States, that a bill has passed the Congress of the
   United States authorizing the President to modify the
   indemnity bond given the United States by China under the
   provisions of Article VI. of the final protocol of September
   7, 1901, from twenty-four million, four hundred and forty
   thousand dollars ($24,440,000), United States gold currency,
   to thirteen million, six hundred and fifty-five thousand, four
   hundred and ninety-two dollars and twenty-nine cents
   ($13,655,492.29), with interest at four per cent (4%) per
   annum. Of this amount two million dollars ($2,000,000) are
   held pending the result of hearings on private claims
   presented to the Court of Claims of the United States within
   one year. Any balance remaining after such adjudication is
   also to be returned to the Chinese Government, in such manner
   as the Secretary of State shall decide.

   "The President is further authorized under the Bill to remit
   to China the remainder of the indemnity as an act of
   friendship, such payments and remissions to be made at such
   times and in such a manner as he may deem just.

   "I am also directed by the Secretary of State to request the
   Imperial Government kindly to favor him with its views as to
   the time and manner of the remissions.

   "Trusting that your Imperial Highness will favor me with an
   early reply to communicate to my Government, I avail myself of
   this occasion to renew to your Highness the assurance of my
   highest consideration
   —W. W. ROCKHILL."

   In his reply, after reciting the statements conveyed to him by
   Mr. Rockhill, the Prince wrote (as translated) the following:

   "On reading this despatch I was profoundly impressed with the
   justice and great friendliness of the American government, and
   wish to express our sincerest thanks.

   "Concerning the time and manner of the return of the amounts
   to be remitted to China, the Imperial Government has no wishes
   to express in the matter. It relies implicitly on the friendly
   intentions of the United States Government, and is convinced
   that it will adopt such measures as are best calculated to
   attain the end it has in view.

{93}

   "The Imperial Government, wishing to give expression to the
   high value it places on the friendship of the United States,
   finds in its present action a favorable opportunity for doing
   so. Mindful of the desire recently expressed by the President
   of the United States to promote the coming of Chinese students
   to the United States to take courses in the schools and higher
   educational institutions of the country, and convinced by the
   happy results of past experience of the great value to China
   of education in American schools, the Imperial Government has
   the honor to state that it is its intention to send henceforth
   yearly to the United States a considerable number of students
   there to receive their education. The Board of Foreign Affairs
   will confer with the American Minister in Peking concerning
   the elaboration of plans for the carrying out of the intention
   of the Imperial Government.
   "A necessary despatch.
      "SEAL OF THE WAI-WU-PU."

   Simultaneously with the note from Prince Ch’ing, the Wai-Wu-Pu
   as a body addressed the following to Mr. Rockhill:

   "To his Excellency W. W. Rockhill,
   American Minister, Peking:

   "Referring to the despatch just sent to your Excellency
   regarding sending students to America, it has now been
   determined that from the year when the return of the indemnity
   begins, one hundred students shall be sent to America every
   year for four years, so that four hundred students may be in
   America by the fourth year. From the fifth year and throughout
   the period of the indemnity payments a minimum of fifty
   students will be sent each year.

   "As the number of students will be very great, there will be
   difficulty in making suitable arrangements for them.
   Therefore, in the matter of choosing them, as well as in the
   matters of providing suitable homes for them in America and
   selecting the schools which they are to enter, we hope to have
   your advice and assistance. The details of our scheme will
   have to be elaborated later, but we take this occasion to
   state the general features of our plan, and ask you to inform
   the American Government of it. We sincerely hope that the
   American Government will render us assistance in the matter.

   "Wishing you all prosperity,
   (Signed)
      PRINCE OF CH’ING, YUAN-SHIH-K’AI,
      NA-TUNG    LIEN-FANG
         LIANG-TUN-YEN."

   The remittance of somewhat more than $10,000,000 of the
   indemnity did not involve a repayment of that sum of money to
   the Chinese government, for the reason that payments on the
   original indemnity bond were to be in annual instalments,
   running until 1940, certain revenues being pledged to secure
   them. The remittance is effected, accordingly, by a
   readjustment of those payments hereafter.

   Writing in The Outlook of this transaction, and of the
   impression it has made in China, Mr. George Marvin, who has
   been for some time in official connection with the Chinese
   Government, says:

   "In pledging itself to the American educational mission the
   Chinese Government has given the fullest evidence of its
   appreciation. According to estimates made in Peking last
   summer, it was calculated that by and after the fourth year of
   the proposed educational foundation the investment necessary
   to finance the Chinese students in America would amount to
   $500,000 annually, a sum nearly equivalent to the entire
   yearly revenue remitted. Already, and quite apart from the
   scheme proposed in the note of the Wai-Wu-Pu, there are
   maintained in the United States by Imperial and Provincial
   funds one hundred and fifty-five Chinese students, picked boys
   and young men, sons of officials and prominent and wealthy
   merchants, chosen often by competitive examinations. The
   students now to be sent annually by the Imperial Government
   will be still more carefully selected. These are the men
   destined for positions of responsibility and influence in that
   ‘Awakening China’ of which we hear so much."

      G. Marvin, in The Outlook, November 14, 1908.

   A Special Ambassador from China, bearing a letter of thanks
   from the Emperor, presented it to the President on the 2d of
   December, 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1902.
   Return to Peking of the Emperor, Empress-Dowager, and Court.
   Receptions to foreign representatives.
   Withdrawals of foreign troops.
   Recurrence of Boxer outbreaks.

   The Emperor, Empress Dowager, and their suite reentered Peking
   on the 7th of January, 1902. On the 22d the foreign
   representatives were admitted to audience with the Emperor; on
   the 28th the Emperor and Empress-Dowager, together, gave a
   reception to the diplomatic body, the Empress-Dowager being
   throned on a higher seat than the Emperor; on the 1st of
   February the Empress-Dowager entertained the ladies of the
   foreign legations at a banquet, where presents of jewelry were
   made to all the guests. Sorrow for the misdoings from which
   the foreigners in China had suffered was expressed on all
   these occasions, and there seemed to be an earnest desire to
   make amends for them.

   Foreign troops were withdrawn from Tien-tsin on the 15th of
   August, 1902, and the city delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.
   Many improvements in streets, bridges, and public grounds had
   been made by the provisional government which the Allies
   instituted in 1900. Shanghai was evacuated by the allied
   forces at the end of the year 1902.

   Some recurrence of Boxer movements and insurrections occurred
   in different parts of the Empire during 1902. Several
   missionaries and a number of native converts were murdered,
   chapels were burned, and other outrages committed; but in
   general there was a restoration of order in the country, and
   considerable building of railways and forwarding of other
   enterprises went on.

CHINA: A. D. 1902.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1902 (January).
   Agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1902 (February).
   Wei-hai-wei found to be strategically worthless by the
   British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

CHINA: A. D. 1902-1904.
   The British opening of Tibet by force.

      See TIBET: A. D. 1902.

{94}

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
   Treaty with the United States.
   Opening of two ports in Manchuria.
   Rights and privileges enlarged.

   "In the protocol of September 7, 1901,  China had agreed to
   extend the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers.

      See, (in this Volume)
      above, A. D. 1901-1908.

   When the negotiation of a new treaty was begun by
   Consul-General Goodnow at Shanghai, the United States demanded
   that at least two new ports in Manchuria be opened to foreign
   trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners declined to
   discuss this subject, on the alleged ground that they had no
   instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret
   opposition somewhere, and on May 7, 1903, Mr. Conger reported
   that it came from the Russian charge d'affaires. Later he
   secured a written acknowledgment from the Chinese government
   that such was the case. … Mr. Hay then appealed with the
   utmost directness to the Russian government. … On July 14 a
   definite answer was at length received from Russia, in which
   she declared that it had never entered into her views to
   oppose the opening of certain cities in Manchuria to foreign
   commerce, but that this declaration did not apply to Harbin,
   one of the cities selected by the United States, which was
   situated within the railway zone, and therefore was not under
   the complete jurisdiction of China. A copy of this note was
   shown to the Chinese government; which finally agreed to
   insert in the treaty on October 8 (the date on which Russia
   had agreed to completely withdraw from Manchuria) a provision
   for the opening of two ports. The United States agreed to this
   arrangement, and on October 8 the treaty was signed, and
   Mukden and Antung named as the open ports."

      John H. Latané,
      America as a World Power,
      chapter 6 (Harper & Bros., New York, 1907).

   The further scope of the treaty was announced by President
   Roosevelt in his Message to Congress, December 7, 1903, as
   follows: "It provides not only for the ordinary rights and
   privileges of diplomatic and consular officers, but also for
   an important extension of our commerce by increased facility
   of access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade by the
   removal of some of the obstacles which have embarrassed it in
   the past. The Chinese Government engages, on fair and
   equitable conditions, which will probably be accepted by the
   principal commercial nations, to abandon the levy of ‘liken’
   and other transit dues throughout the Empire, and to introduce
   other desirable administrative reforms. Larger facilities are
   to be given to our citizens who desire to carry on mining
   enterprises in China. We have secured for our missionaries a
   valuable privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and
   lease in perpetuity such property as their religious societies
   may need in all parts of the Empire."

CHINA: A. D. 1904.
   Railways and Chinese travel on them.
   Unused British Concessions.

   "It may not have passed out of the public mind that in
   February, 1899, Mr. Balfour came down to the House of Commons
   and paraded before it and the country the magnificent triumph
   England had won in China in respect of Railway Concessions.

      See, in Volume VI.,
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER.).

   They totalled up to 2,800 miles! The House cheered, the
   country indulged in a fit of self-complacency, and the critic
   who asked questions was an ignoramus or a nuisance. Well, five
   years have gone by, and not one mile of those railways is in
   existence except the Chinese Northern State Railway, which has
   passed out of our hands. Of the rest the two great trunk
   lines, one from Hankow to Canton, and the other in Yunnan,
   have been abandoned, while among those of shorter length the
   only one that still remains in active force is the subject of
   this paper. …

   "In more than one recently published consular dispatch
   attention has been drawn to the fact that the Chinese,
   backward or hesitating in the adoption of every other European
   or Western innovation, have shown no reluctance to avail
   themselves of improved means of locomotion. The Northern
   Railway is used by several million passengers every year; the
   sections already open of the German railway in Shantung and of
   the Belgian in Shansi can complain of no lack of traffic. The
   fears of an earlier period as to what the Chinese would do
   with regard to railways have been dissipated by experience."

      D. C. Boulger,
      The Shanghai-Nanking Railway
      (Contemporary Review, June, 1904).

CHINA: A. D. 1904.
   The Russo-Japanese War in Manchuria.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and after.

CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The Hankau Sze-chuen Railway Loan.
   The question of American participation.

   In 1904 the American Minister at Peking concluded an agreement
   with the Chinese Government to the effect that, when loans for
   the construction of a projected railway into the western
   province of Sze-chuen, from Hankau, should be negotiated,
   Americans should have an opportunity to subscribe to it.
   Nearly five years passed before arrangements for the loan were
   made, and then, in the spring of 1909, it was found that terms
   had been concluded with a group of British, German, and French
   bankers for the whole sum sought, of $27,500,000, while
   American capitalists had not been given the promised
   opportunity. On behalf of the latter the Government of the
   United States intervened, claiming fulfilment of the agreement
   of 1904. The matter was regarded as being both politically and
   financially important. "A precedent is what we want to
   establish," said Mr. Crane, the newly appointed Minister to
   China, in an interview on the subject at New York. "The task
   of this Government to maintain its position with the European
   Powers in the East will be less difficult. We are looking
   twenty years ahead." As the result of communications in July
   from Washington to Peking, in which President Taft took part
   personally, the loan arrangement was readjusted, and American
   capitalists became participant in it to the extent of
   one-fourth.

   According to a despatch from Peking, August 17, the matter was
   settled definitely that day, on the following terms: "The loan
   to be increased from $27,500,000 to $30,000,000, and of this
   latter amount American bankers to get one-quarter, the other
   three-quarters going to British, French, and German interests.
   Americans are to have equal opportunity with the other nations
   to supply material for both the Sze-chuen and the Canton lines
   and the branches; they will appoint subordinate engineers, and
   they will have also one-half of all future loans of the
   Sze-chuen Railroad and its branches with the corresponding
   advantages."

{95}

   Subsequently, however, some difficulty in the readjustment of
   business details in the matter arose, which delayed the final
   settlement. The motives of the American Government in claiming
   a participation in the enterprise were stated as follows by
   President Taft in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909:
   "By the treaty of 1903 China has undertaken the abolition of
   likin with a moderate and proportionate raising of the customs
   tariff along with currency reform. These reforms being of
   manifest advantage to foreign commerce as well as to the
   interests of China, this government is endeavoring to
   facilitate these measures with the needful acquiescence of the
   treaty Powers. When it appeared that Chinese likin revenues
   were to be hypothecated to foreign bankers in connection with
   a great railway project, it was obvious that the governments
   whose nationals held this loan would have a certain direct
   interest in the question of the carrying out by China of the
   reforms in question. Because this railroad loan represented a
   practical and real application of the open-door policy through
   coöperation with China by interested Powers, as well as
   because of its relations to the reforms referred to above, the
   Administration deemed American participation to be of great
   national interest. Happily, when it was as a matter of broad
   policy urgent that this opportunity should not be lost, the
   indispensable instrumentality presented itself when a group of
   American bankers, of international reputation and great
   resources, agreed at once to share in the loan upon precisely
   such terms as this government should approve. The chief of
   those terms was that American railway material should be upon
   an exact equality with that of the other nationals joining in
   the loan in the placing of orders for this whole railroad
   system. After months of negotiation the equal participation of
   Americans seems at last assured. It is gratifying that
   Americans will thus take their share in this extension of
   these great highways of trade, and to believe that such
   activities will give a real impetus to our commerce, and will
   prove a practical corollary to our historic policy in the Far
   East."

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (August).
   New agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (December).
   Treaty with Japan relative to Manchuria.

   By a treaty with Japan, concluded December, 1905, China
   consented to lease to Japan the Kwangtung peninsula, at the
   southern extremity of which are Port Arthur and Dalny,
   formerly held by Russia under lease from China, and concede to
   Japan the control of the railway on the peninsula northward as
   far as Changchin. China also conceded to Japan the right to
   build a railway from Antung on the Yalu River to Mukden, the
   ancient capital of Manchuria, provided, however, that at the
   end of a certain period the road may be purchased by China.
   More important is the fact that China agreed in the treaty to
   open to the world’s commerce and trade sixteen principal ports
   and cities in Manchuria, including Harbin, or Kharbin, the
   modern Russian capital of the province and its most important
   railway center.

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
   The stir of new ideas.
   Imperial Commission to study Representative
   Systems of Government.
   Signs of fruit from it.
   Reformative movements.
   The Constitutional Programme set forth in August, 1908.
   Nine years of approach to a Promised Constitution.

   A significant token of the dawning in China of a changed state
   of mind respecting the western world of Europe and America,
   and its very different development of scientific knowledge and
   of social institutions, was afforded in the fall of 1905, when
   an imperial commission, headed by Prince Tsai-Tse, was sent
   abroad to study representative systems of government. The
   Commission returned in the following July, and in August a
   committee of high dignitaries, with Prince Ch’ing for its
   chairman, was appointed to consider the report it had
   submitted on administrative reforms. The outcome, soon
   afterwards, was an imperial edict which recognized a "lack of
   confidence between the highest and the lowest, between the
   throne and ministers and the masses," and went so far as to
   say that "foreign countries become wealthy and powerful by
   granting a constitution to the masses and allowing suffrage to
   all." While intimating that China must look forward to a
   similar admission of the masses to some voice in the
   government, the edict set forth the prior need of many
   reforms, in the official system, in the laws, in education, in
   the finances, and in the army and police. To begin the
   undertaking of such reforms, Prince Tsai-Tse was put at the
   head of a committee for dealing with the official system, and
   before the year closed there were several changes of
   importance introduced, tending towards more simplicity of
   methods in public business and more centering of
   responsibilities. Examinations in Western subjects of
   knowledge began to replace the old conventional examinations
   in classic Chinese literature, as tests for admission and
   promotion in official service, and eagerness was shown in the
   opening of schools and colleges that approached the European
   and American type. Simultaneously with these stirrings of a
   new consciousness and purpose in China, a great moral reform
   was taken in hand. This was no less than an attempt to rescue
   the nation from its opium curse. Some account of the opium
   edict issued in September, 1906, will be found elsewhere.

      See, (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

   That these reformative steps were actually taken with a view
   to the ultimate granting of "a constitution to the masses and
   allowing suffrage to all" was proved in the summer of 1908,
   when a programme of gradual approach to constitutional
   government, by stages which extend through the next nine
   years, was promulgated at Peking on August 27th. According to
   Western ideas the document lacks definiteness, but it is not
   difficult to believe in the sincerity of its intent. There may
   be great wisdom of sincerity in the serial planning of
   successive measures that are to unfold and introduce a
   constitution at the end of nine years.

   The edict of August 27 was summarized and partially translated
   in a communication to the New York Tribune, as follows:

   "The preamble alone fills twenty large pages and is written in
   an incongruous mixture of Chinese Classical terms and new
   Japanese terminology invented to fit Western meanings. The
   efforts of the authors have been aimed at conveying to the
   Chinese mind an understanding of things hitherto beyond its
   comprehension. The explanations often convey nothing to the
   Western mind.

{96}

   "The subject is approached in an almost prayerful attitude.
   The fact that China obtains this constitution ‘by the imperial
   will’ is reiterated again and again. It is set forth that the
   imperial government, under the constitution, shall not be
   criticised, on the principle that the ‘sacred majesty of the
   sovereign may not be offended against,’ and that the leaders
   of the political parties are to be appointed by the throne.
   Full government under this constitution will become effective
   at the end of nine years. While the proposed system is called
   constitutional, it is far removed from Western constitutional
   government.

   "Broadly speaking, the document follows the constitution of
   Japan. Some of its most striking clauses follow:

   "‘We beg, as the condition of the country is perilous, and the
   hearts of the people are uneasy—trouble within and calamity
   from without, danger threatening, and no parliament at the
   side to investigate matters—that urgent measures may be taken
   to overcome half-heartedness and procrastination, that there
   may be peace above and completion below.

   "‘We have therefore laid down the general principles of the
   constitution and the programme for the work of getting
   everything in readiness in nine years. These may not be
   changed in the least particular.

   "‘There will be boundless daily improvement. May the "silken
   sounds" descend to inform the empire and fix the road for ten
   thousand years, comforting the hopes of the myriads who long
   for peace.’

   "Fourteen laws are then submitted, as follows:

   "1. The Ta Ch’ing Emperor will rule supreme over the Ta Ch’ing
   Empire for one thousand generations in succession, and be
   honored forever.

   "2. Majesty of the sovereign.

   "3. Right of promulgating laws.

   "4. Convocation, suspension, extension and dissolution
   of parliament.

   "5. Appointment, payment, promotion, degradation of officials.

   "6. Command over army and navy.

   "7. Power to make war, peace, treaties; to receive and appoint
   ambassadors.

   "8. Martial law.

   "9. Rewards and pardons.

   "10. Right over judges and the administration of laws.

   "11. Injunction.

   " 12. Right of raising funds when parliament is not in session.

   "13. Right of fixing the expenses of the imperial household.

   "14. Respecting authority over the imperial clan.

   "‘We look to our Empress Dowager and Emperor and see that they
   take the measure of heaven and earth as their measure and the
   heart of the people as their heart. The officials and people
   within the wide seas are reverently grateful.

   "‘The people should earnestly fulfil all the duties without
   selfish reservations, which would hinder the public welfare,
   and without rash impatience, which would confuse the
   regulation; not looking on the matter as too easy, so that the
   deliberations become empty wrangling, not failing to
   understand the limitation of powers, so as to make laws which
   overstep authority.

   "‘The sovereign has absolute power, which he exercises in
   constitutional form.’

   "It is then set forth that on the dissolution of parliament
   the people shall be called on to elect a new parliament, and
   the document continues:

   "‘Mercy is from above; officials, below, may not arrogate it
   to themselves.

   "‘Officers and people who keep within the law will have
   freedom of speech, of the press and of assembly. They shall
   not be disturbed without cause in their possession of
   property, nor interfered with in their dwellings; and they
   have the obligation to pay taxes and render military service
   and the duty of obedience to the law of the land.

   "‘Members of parliament shall not speak disrespectfully of the
   court or slander others. Violation of this law will be
   punished.’

   "The nine year programme is as follows:

   "‘Thirty-fourth year of Kwang Hsu, or 1908—Local
   self-government; rules for reorganization of finance; fusion
   of the Manchu and Chinese military; revision of criminal code.

   "‘Thirty-fifth year, or 1909—Election of provincial
   assemblymen; election to constitutional commission; local
   self-government bureaus established; census; provincial
   budgets; determination of functions of Peking officials;
   issuing of school books.

   "‘Thirty-sixth year, or 1910—Provincial assemblies opened;
   local self-government established; census reports; tax rate
   fixed; organization of provincial officials; courts of law at
   provincial capitals and treaty ports; publishing criminal
   code; extension of schools; preparation for organization of
   sub-prefecture; department and district police.

   "‘Thirty-seventh year, or 1911—Local self-government
   continued; public account; imperial budget; rules on imperial
   taxation; rules governing appointments and salaries of civil
   officials; extension of schools; codes of municipal and
   commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure drawn up.

   "‘Thirty-eighth year, or 1912—Completion of general
   arrangement of urban self-government; census reports;
   publication of taxation laws of empire; perfection of
   arrangements for provincial and lesser courts; extension of
   schools.

   "‘Thirty-ninth year, or 1913—Police registration; imperial
   trial budget of variable expenses; Supreme Court; courts of
   law in prefectures, sub-prefectures, departments and
   districts; criminal code promulgated; urban self-government
   established; rules for rural self-government; rules for urban
   police.

   "‘Fortieth year, or 1914—Imperial trial budget of fixed
   expenses; publication of system of national accounts; rural
   self-government established; rules for lower courts.

   "‘Forty-first year, or 1915—Imperial household expenses fixed;
   organization of the Banners’ controller’s office; public
   accounting enforced; lower courts established; municipal and
   commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure rules
   established; police system complete.

   "‘Forty-second year, or 1910—Promulgation of full constitution
   and the laws of the imperial clan; parliamentary rules and
   rules for parliamentary elections; budget for consideration of
   parliament; reorganized official system; appointment of a
   premier.’

   "The document concludes with these words:

{97}

   "'In the forty-third year of Kwang Hsu, or 1917, China will
   be, by following this plan, a parliamentary country like Japan
   or Russia.'"

      China's Constitution
      (New York Tribune, October 19, 1908).

   Prince Ito, the veteran statesman of Japan, regards the
   constitutional experiment in China with more anxiety than
   hopefulness. Speaking on the subject in August, 1909, he
   expressed doubt of its success, and thought failure would
   imperil peace in the Far East. His reasoning in brief was
   this:

   "First—the enormous area of the Empire and the defective
   facilities for communication would greatly impede the
   assembling of a Parliament, especially in time of emergency.

   Secondly, the immovable character of Chinese conservatism
   forbade a change even of the system of taxation,
   notwithstanding the State’s urgent need of funds, and there
   was, therefore, still greater difficulty in effecting the
   radical alterations required by a constitutional system.

   Thirdly, the Chinese were untrained in local administration,
   the institution of which was an essential prelude to a
   national Assembly. He said he was astonished at the silence of
   Occidental publicists on this question so vital to the peace
   of the Orient."

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Chinese Exclusion Laws of the United States.
   Boycott of American goods in the Empire.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Disputes with Japan.
   The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway questions.
   Settlement of the latter by Japanese ultimatum.

   It could hardly have been possible for cordially friendly
   relations to be maintained between China and Japan, in the
   circumstances which transferred to the latter the extensive
   rights and privileges in Southern Manchuria, which Russia had
   acquired in that Chinese province by treaty and lease. By a
   protocol of December, 1905, after the closing of the
   Russo-Japanese War, there was an attempt, between Peking and
   Tokyo, to define the effects of the Treaty of Portsmouth,
   especially in the bearings of that article of the Treaty which
   ceded to Japan, "with the consent of the Government of China,
   the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the adjacent
   territories and territorial waters, as well as the rights,
   privileges and concessions connected with this lease or
   forming part thereof," and likewise, of "all the public works
   and property within the territory over which the above lease
   extends"; but misunderstandings and differences of opinion
   were sure to arise. Whether it has been more by the fault of
   Japan than of China that they arose and increased until, in
   the past year, they became a serious estrangement, is a
   question on which the judgment of foreign observers is
   conflicting. The veteran representative of the London Times at
   Peking, whose friendship for the Chinese is fast-fixed by long
   residence among them, lays the greater weight of
   responsibility on Japan, though he finds a lack of
   reasonableness on both sides. Japan, he says (writing July 19,
   1909), was welcomed in China with open arms after her
   victorious war. "No nation ever had a greater opportunity, and
   faulty must have been the policy which in so short a time has
   wrought so great a change. Japan is now regarded with a
   comprehensive distrust that is most disquieting.
   Not long ago more than 1,000 Japanese of different classes
   were employed in China, in schools and colleges, in the army
   and police, in law and prison reform, in agriculture and
   sericulture, in telephone and electric light companies, on
   railways, and in many other capacities. At present there are
   fewer than 400, 52 of whom are in Peking, and these numbers
   will be further reduced as existing contracts expire. Similar
   reductions are noted in the number of Chinese being educated
   in Japan. Three years ago there were more than 20,000; last
   year there were more than 10,000. The number now is 5,125, and
   only yesterday it was arranged that in the case of a body of
   300 Government students just returned to China, only 88 would
   be sent to take their places."

   "At present each country, through its Press, is protesting
   against the unreasonableness of the other. Contradictory
   statements on questions of fact are made on almost every point
   at issue."

   The main contention has related to the projected extension by
   China of a railway to Fa-ku-menn from the terminus of an
   existing line at Hsin-min-tun, west of Mukden. It was in the
   agreement of December, 1905, that no railways in competition
   with the South Manchurian line, which Japan took from Russia,
   should be built. The Japanese assert that they had in view
   this very Fa-ku-menn extension when that stipulation was
   inserted. The Chinese declare that the negotiation on their
   part had reference solely to the area east of the Liao River.
   Japan made two alternative proposals for the settlement of
   this question: "One that the Chinese should build a railway
   from Fa-ku-menn to the South Manchurian Railway instead of to
   Hsin-min-tun, or that the Japanese should build a railway from
   the South Manchurian line to Fa-ku-menn and thence to the
   North, in which case Japan would withdraw her objection to the
   Fa-ku-menn-Hsin-min-tun railway, provided that China undertook
   not to extend the line beyond Fa-ku-menn without a previous
   agreement with Japan." China is said to have declined
   discussion of these proposals, but offered arbitration of the
   whole matter. Japan objected to arbitration without previous
   discussion of her new proposals. And so the dispute seemed
   deadlocked.

   Another dispute turned on the interpretation of a clause in
   the Agreement of December, 1905, which reads: "China agrees
   that Japan has the right to improve the Antung-Mukden Railway
   so as to make it fit for the conveyance of commercial and
   industrial goods of all nations." Japan undertook, as a
   necessary "improvement" of the road, to reconstruct it, with a
   change of gauge to connect it with the standard gauge of the
   South Manchuria and Korean roads. China denied that the
   agreement gave a right to reconstruction. Several other
   questions arising between the two peoples have helped to raise
   hard feeling on both sides; but these have seemed to be at the
   front.

   At length on the 6th of August, 1909, Japan brought discussion
   of the Antung-Mukden Railway question to a summary ending, by
   a note to the Chinese Government which announced that "the
   Imperial Government is now compelled to take independent
   action, and to proceed to carry out the necessary work of
   reconstruction and improvement according to treaty rights."
{98}
   Before taking this decisive step, the Japanese Government is
   said to have consulted Great Britain and other powers, and to
   have had approval of her action from London, if not from
   elsewhere. China yielded to the ultimatum, and this leading
   cause of quarrel between the great nations of the East was
   removed on the 4th of September by the signing, at Mukden, of
   a memorandum of agreement, reported in substance as follows:

   China agrees, first, not to construct the
   Hsin-min-tum-Fa-ku-men Railroad without consulting Japan;
   second, that half the capital required to extend the Kirin
   Railroad shall be borrowed in Japan; third, that Japan will be
   permitted to extend the Yinkow and improve and modernize the
   Antung-Mukden Railroads, to which China was bitterly opposed;
   fourth, that Japan may work the mines in the Fushun and Yentai
   districts, and have joint exploitation of the mines reached by
   the Antung and Manchurian Railroad lines.

   In the Chientao boundary dispute Japan agrees to recognize
   China’s sovereignty, while China agrees to open four trade
   marts in the district.

   In a letter to a London journal, a few days before this
   settlement of the Antung-Mukden Railway question, Lord
   Stanhope said:

   "The Chinese have surely deeper reasons for opposing this
   scheme than the mere fact of reconstruction. They well realize
   that this railway, crossing narrow valleys, can have no
   commercial future, but is virtually a strategic railway to
   strengthen the Japanese grip on Manchuria."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.
   A Commission sent to America and Europe for the study of
   political and other institutions.

   The new spirit astir in China was manifested in the early
   months of 1906 by the sending of a large Commission of
   carefully chosen men to the United States and Europe, for
   observations that would be helpful toward reforms in their own
   country. It was headed by two High Commissioners of
   distinction, Tai Hung-chi and Tuan Fang, and they were
   attended by thirty-five scholars and functionaries of note.
   They received much attention during their stay of five weeks
   in the United States, and were placed by the Government under
   the special charge of Professor J. W. Jenks. Writing
   subsequently of their mission Professor Jenks said:

   "The purpose of the commission is, primarily, to make such a
   study of the political institutions of the various countries
   visited that they will be able, on their return, to offer
   valuable suggestions for the improvement of their own. There
   is even serious talk among the high officials in China of some
   form of a constitution. In consequence, the commissioners are
   as eager to learn regarding the working of some of our
   institutions as regarding their form of organization. Inasmuch
   as political reform necessarily involves social reform, even
   as a condition precedent, the commission is devoting special
   attention to the study of education, in universities and
   schools, and to methods of social amelioration, in prisons and
   asylums for the insane and the poor. They, however, are not
   neglecting the study of our large manufacturing plants, and
   have clearly in mind, also, the improvement of the industrial
   conditions of China. It is a matter of peculiar interest that
   the Empress-Dowager charged them to inquire especially into
   the education of girls in the United States, since she hoped,
   on their return, to be able to found a school for the
   education of the daughters of the princes."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.
   Sixty cities being opened to foreign settlement.

   A memorandum on the subject of the foreign settlements at the
   open ports of China, prepared by the Chinese Secretary of the
   American Legation at Peking, was transmitted to the State
   Department at Washington in December, 1906. It conveyed the
   following information:

   "In China proper and in Manchuria 46 cities and towns have
   been thrown open already to foreign residence and
   international trade. This does not include Dalny, in
   Manchuria, leased to Japan; Wei-hai-wei, in Shantung, leased
   to Great Britain; Kiaochow, in Shantung, leased to Germany;
   Kowloon, in Kuangtung, leased to Great Britain; nor
   Kuang-chou-wan, in Kuangtung, leased to France. Besides the
   above, there are 3 cities in Tibet thrown open to trade,
   making 49 ports in the Empire. In addition to these already
   declared open, there are 13 cities whose opening in the
   immediate future is arranged for, and 3 others whose opening
   depends upon the acceptance by other treaty powers of the
   provisions of Article VIII. of the last commercial treaty
   between China and Great Britain. No account is taken of the
   cities of Turkestan, Mongolia, and the Amur region, in which
   Russian subjects have for many years enjoyed privileges of
   trade and consular jurisdiction. It will be seen, therefore,
   that in the immediate future foreigners will enjoy the right
   of residence for purposes of trade at more than 60 cities of
   the Chinese Empire."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.
   Edict against the use of opium.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1906 (January).
   Chinese students in Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Flood and famine in the region traversed by the Grand Canal.

   One of the frequent destructive floods in China which produce
   famine befell the region that is traversed by the Grand Canal
   in the summer of 1906. Heavy rains covered its vast plains
   with lakes of water, which drowned out the crops throughout an
   area estimated at 40,000 square miles. From ten to fifteen
   millions of people were reduced to famine, and could only be
   kept alive until the harvests of another year by the
   generosity of the outside world. It was not vainly appealed
   to; but the suffering and death in the afflicted country were
   appallingly great.

CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Christian Missions.

      See (in this Volume)
      MISSIONS: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Restriction on Chinese immigration to Canada.
   Labor hostility.
   Riotous attacks.
   Lately modified regulations.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

CHINA: A. D. 1908.
   Expansion of the Postal Service.

   According to a report from Peking on the working of the
   Imperial Chinese Post Office in 1908, "the operations show an
   unprecedented expansion." The postal routes cover 88,000
   miles, of which 68,000 are courier lines. The number of post
   offices open in 1901 was 176. There were 2,803 open in 1907,
   and 3,493 in 1908. The number of postal articles handled in
   1901 was 10,000,000. The number was 168,000,000 in 1907, and
   252,000,000 in 1908. The number of parcels was 127,000,
   weighing 250 tons, in 1901; 1,920,000, weighing 5,509 tons, in
   1907; and 2,445,000, weighing 27,155 tons, in 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1908.
   Administration of the Department of Education.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

{99}

CHINA: A. D. 1908.
   Chinese students in the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (November).
   Death of the Emperor, Kuang-hsu,
   and of the Empress-Dowager, Tze-Hsi.
   Accession of the child-Emperor, Hsuan-Tung (Pu-Yi).

   The circumstances of the death, almost simultaneously, of the
   late Emperor, Kuang-hsu, and of the Dowager-Empress, Tze-Hsi,
   who had been the real ruler of the Empire, are involved in
   considerable obscurity. The Emperor is said to have died on
   the 14th of November, 1908, and the Empress on the following
   day. The announcement of their decease was preceded by the
   publication of two imperial edicts, one of which made Prince
   Chun, of the royal family, Regent of the Empire, while the
   other named Pu-Yi, the Prince’s son, three years old, as the
   heir presumptive to the throne. As communicated later to
   foreign governments, the Regent was given, by another imperial
   rescript, full power over the civil and military departments
   of government, and the entire appointment and dismissal of
   officials. The promised creation of a Parliament was
   anticipated in the prescription of his duties, among which
   were the following:

   "When a Parliament has been established the Prince Regent
   shall attend the same in place of the Emperor, but he need not
   attend the ordinary sessions. When the Constitutional
   Commission meets, the Prince Regent shall likewise represent
   the Emperor there.

   "The Prince Regent shall have full authority in negotiating
   treaties and in appointing representatives abroad.

   "The Prince Regent shall enter and leave his chair at the
   Ch’ien Ch’ing gate. The yamens, according to their duty, shall
   draw up and report on regulations modelled on the precedent
   established by Prince Jui-Chung regarding the equipage,
   escort, and general preparations for movements of the Prince
   Regent outside the palace.

   "Every year the Board of Finance shall transfer to the
   Department of the Imperial Household the sum of taels 150,000
   for disbursement. When the Emperor comes of age, his studies
   being completed, and his marriage takes place, the official
   body shall unite in asking him to assume personal direction of
   the government."

   On the 21st of November the members of the Diplomatic Corps at
   Peking were received in a body at the palace, to present the
   condolences of the Governments they represent on the deaths of
   the late Emperor and Empress. As reported to the Associated
   Press, there were present on the occasion "every official or
   member of the imperial family who recently has been reported
   ill, dead by his own hand or estranged from the government,
   and the desired impression of official stolidity at Pekin
   which, it was most evident, this occasion was intended to
   convey, was imparted successfully. This was the answer of the
   government to the rumors of suicides and deaths current in
   Pekin for the last week.

   "Prince Ching, for the first time since the passing away of
   their majesties, appeared officially as the head of the
   foreign board. The heads of the various governmental
   departments were present, with the members of the imperial
   clan, and, in addition, several thousand minor officials, all
   in white, had assembled at imperial command. At the conclusion
   of the functions, in honor of the dead, the diplomats paid
   homage to Prince Chun, the regent."

   On the 2d of December the strict mourning observed at Peking
   was suspended briefly, to permit the ceremonies attending the
   ascension of the dragon throne by the child-Emperor, Pu-Yi,
   who, as Emperor, took the name of Hsuan-Tung. The ceremonies,
   described to the Associated Press, lasted but half an hour.
   "The function began by the princes of the imperial family and
   the high officials of the empire kowtowing to the memorial
   tablets of their late majesties. After this they all kowtowed
   in turn to Pu-Yi: Pu-Yi then offered a sacrifice before the
   tablets of the Emperor and the Dowager Empress. After this he
   was relieved of his dress of mourning and clad with much care
   in a diminutive imperial garment, embroidered with the
   imperial dragon. His nurses performed this duty with great
   attention and care. Thus arrayed, the toddling Emperor
   ascended the throne amid a fanfare of drums, bells and
   firecrackers. He made his way alone and showed no need of the
   assistance which willing hands would have given him had his
   little feet faltered. From the throne Pu-Yi kowtowed to his
   stepmother, the Dowager Empress Yiahonala. He then received
   the kowtows, while still on the throne, of all the princes and
   officials present. This over, he descended from the throne and
   was again clad in his little dress of mourning.

   "The ceremony took place in the throne hall of the Forbidden
   City. The officials present were selected with great care and
   were the highest men in the empire. According to an old
   established custom, a number of humble coolies, men from the
   lowest walks of life, were brought into the sacred precincts
   of the Forbidden City to act as witnesses. The soldiery played
   but an inconspicuous part in the proceedings."

   Following the ceremony, an imperial edict proclaiming the
   ascension was issued. This edict grants amnesty for certain
   specified offences; rewards all the imperial princes,
   princesses, and dukes; promotes all officials by one degree
   and bestows honors on their parents; erases the demerits
   entered against minor officials; advances the degree of
   scholars; dismisses all pending petty criminal cases; excuses
   certain liabilities, and grants bounties to the soldiers in
   the service of the empire.

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (December).
   Decree reaffirming the Constitutional Programme of the late
   Empress Dowager.

   An imperial edict reaffirming the determination of the new
   government of China to carry out in its entirety the
   Constitutional programme laid down by the late Empress Dowager
   of China in August, 1908, was promulgated on the 4th of
   December. A literal translation was made public at Washington
   in January as follows:

   "On the first day of the 8th moon (August 27, 1908), the late
   Emperor reverently received the excellent decree of the late
   great Empress Dowager strictly ordering the officials and
   people of Peking and of the provinces to carry out completely
   by the ninth year all the preparatory work, so that at the
   appointed time the Constitution may be proclaimed. Also
   proclamations for the members of Parliament to assemble, and
   other decrees brightly manifested the sacred instructions, and
   all between the seas applauded.
{100}
   From ourselves down to the officials and people high and low
   all must sincerely obey the excellent decree previously
   issued. The eighth year of Hsuan T’ung [whose first year dates
   from January 22, 1909] is the limit of time. Let there be no
   ‘reabsorption of sweat’ in this matter. Our hope is that this
   will certainly be carried out. Let the officials of Peking and
   the provinces on no account look idly on, and procrastinate,
   delaying the opportune time. Let patriotism be shone forth.
   Exert yourselves that constitutional government may be
   established. And court and ‘wilds’ (people) may have peace;
   and so we may comfort the spirits of the late great Empress
   Dowager and the late Emperor in heaven, and make firm the
   foundations of countless years of peaceful government."

CHINA: A. D. 1909.
   Progress in the opium reform.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1909.
   Progress in technical education.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

CHINA: A. D. 1909.
   Existing treaties with United States and existing laws in the
   latter country relative to the admission of Chinamen.
   The question of their consistency with each other.
   Present status of the question.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: IN THE UNITED STATES.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (January).
   Abrupt dismissal of Viceroy Yuan Shih-kai from his offices.

   Much disturbance of feeling and apprehension of a troublesome
   reaction in Chinese policy was excited among the foreign
   representatives in China, on the 2d of January, 1909, by the
   sudden dismissal of the able and powerful Viceroy of Chi-li,
   Yuan Shih-kai, from all his offices. He had been looked upon
   as the great leader of progress in China,—the statesman to be
   counted on for the most and best influence in the government
   of the Empire for some years to come. He had the confidence of
   foreign powers, and was supposed to have acquired a sure
   footing in the councils at Peking. Latterly, however, it is
   said to have become known in Peking that "a powerful Manchu
   cabal was working for his downfall, led by Tieh-liang, the
   Minister of War, and supported by the aged doctrinaire and
   Chinese ex-Viceroy, Chang Chih-tung," and the stroke which
   overthrew him at the beginning of the new year was ascribed to
   that source. "The cabal has been successful," was the wired
   message of the Peking correspondent of the London Times
   to his paper; and he summarized the merits of the fallen
   statesman thus: "No man in China deserved better of his
   country. He has been in the forefront of progress, and is the
   best administrator China has produced in this generation. When
   Governor of Shantung in 1900 his action in resisting the Boxer
   insurrection and in safeguarding foreigners really saved the
   Empire from disruption. He created China’s modern army and was
   the leader of the modern educational movement in China, and
   his famous memorial of September 2, 1905, urging the summary
   abolition of the antiquated system of literary examination was
   epoch-making. Under his Viceroyalty the Metropolitan province
   became the most advanced in the Empire. With Tang Shao-yi he
   led the anti-opium movement. Since he entered the Ministry for
   Foreign Affairs China has attained a measure of respect among
   the Powers which was unknown before."

   Some weeks after the blow had fallen, and when the peculiarly
   Oriental manner of its infliction had been learned, a letter
   from Peking to the New York Evening Post told of it as
   follows:

   "At 11 a. m. on Saturday, January 2, the grand councillors
   were summoned by the regent. Prince Ching had evidently heard
   a whisper of what was to come, and he pleaded illness. The
   other grand councillors answered the summons promptly, but
   when Yuan reached the door of the council chamber he was told
   that he was not wanted. Three grand councillors therefore went
   in and found the regent awaiting them with the edict
   dismissing Yuan Shih-kai already drawn up. ‘I want no
   discussion. Sign this edict!’ said the regent. Chang Chih-tung
   turned to reply. The regent repeated his words impressively,
   and the edict was signed without further demur.

   "Within the next hour, while Yuan Shih-kai was hastily making
   plans for his personal safety, the news flew around Peking and
   the city throbbed with excitement. Every one but his immediate
   councillors was astounded at Prince Chun’s temerity. Never in
   the history of China had such a man as Yuan been thrown out of
   office at such short notice. To the Western mind, however,
   there was nothing very harsh in the edict; it said simply:

   "‘Yuan Shih-kai, a member of the Grand Council and president
   of the Waiwupu, formerly received repeated offices and
   advancement under the late Emperor. After our enthronement we
   gave him great honors, because we considered that his talent
   certainly was one that could be made use of, if he exerted
   himself in the public service. Unexpectedly Yuan Shih-kai has
   now contracted rheumatism in the foot, which makes it hard for
   him to walk and difficult for him to attend to the duties of
   his offices. Yuan Shih-kai, therefore, is ordered to vacate
   his posts and return to his native place to nurse his
   disorder. Thus is our great mercy to him manifested.’"

   Yuan Shih-kai left Peking in haste, evidently in fear of his
   life, and it was expected that his whole following of friends
   and supporters would be swept out of their offices and
   employments. But no such result followed, and credit began to
   be given to the assurances of the Imperial Government that the
   dismissal of Yuan meant no reversal of policy or reaction
   whatever. He was distrusted, it was intimated, because he had
   been disloyal to the late Emperor in 1898, when the latter
   attempted great reforms.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

   Yuan Shih-kai was then the chief agent and instrument of the
   Dowager-Empress in overcoming the well-meaning but weak
   sovereign and annulling his reformative work. Hence, it was
   claimed, the present Government’s distrust of him.

   The Ministers of Great Britain and the United States had
   ventured some questions as to the significance of the act, but
   their colleagues did not join them, and no further discussion
   of the matter diplomatically took place.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Meeting of the International Opium Commission at Shanghai.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (May).
   New Russo-Chinese Agreement concerning the
   Chinese Eastern Railway.
   Municipalities on the Line.
   The Kharbin question.

   The Chinese Eastern Railway, so named, is the line which
   Russia, by Convention with China in August, 1896, obtained
   permission to construct, from a point on her Trans-Siberian
   Railway, through Northern Manchuria, to Vladivostok.
{101}
   Under that agreement the Russian authorities claimed a right
   to institute certain organizations of municipal administration
   at Kharbin and other towns of rising importance on the line.
   This right was challenged in 1908 by the American Consul at
   Kharbin (sometimes written Harbin), Mr. Fisher, who refused to
   recognize some ordinances of the Russian administration, on
   the ground that he was accredited to China, only, and could
   know no other sovereignty in Manchuria than the Chinese. This
   led to a new Russo-Chinese Agreement, signed at Peking on the
   10th of May, 1909, distinctly authorizing the "organization of
   municipalities on the lands" of the Chinese Eastern Railway.
   The "sovereign rights of China" are "not to be prejudiced in
   any way," says the new Agreement; but "municipal bodies are to
   be established in the commercial centres of a certain
   importance situated on the lands of the railway. The
   inhabitants of these commercial centres, according to the
   importance of the localities and the number of the residents,
   shall elect delegates by vote, who shall choose an Executive
   Committee; or else the residents themselves shall take part in
   the business of the municipality and a representative shall be
   elected from amongst them who will take upon himself to carry
   out the resolutions decided upon by meeting of all the
   residents.

   "No difference shall be made on the lands of the railway
   between the Chinese population and that of other
   nationalities; all residents shall enjoy the same rights and
   be subject to the same obligations.

   "The right to vote shall belong to every member of the
   community who owns real estate of a fixed value or who pays a
   fixed annual rental and taxes."

   Reading no farther in the Agreement than this, imperial Russia
   and China would seem to have jointly planted a seed of
   democratic municipalities in Manchuria; but that impression is
   destroyed by qualifying provisions, such as this:

   "The President of the Chiao-She-Chu [a Mixed Russo-Chinese
   Court, formerly created] and the director of the railway,
   occupying a position superior to the Presidents of the
   assemblies of delegates and of committees, have a right of
   control and personal revision, which they may exercise
   whenever they think fit. … in the event of decisions by the
   assembly of delegates not being approved by the President of
   the Chiao-She-Chu or the director of the railway, these
   decisions shall be returned to the assembly for further
   consideration. If the original decision is adopted by a
   majority of three-quarters of the members present, it becomes
   binding."

   The effect of the whole agreement would undoubtedly be to give
   the Russian railway officials supreme authority in the
   so-called municipalities. Remonstrances against it by the
   Government of the United States have been supported by Great
   Britain, Germany, and Austria. The question remains open and
   troublesome. Dr. Morrison, of The Times, wrote of the
   situation in November as follows:

   "The situation in Manchuria is receiving close attention from
   the Legations because of the increasing difficulty of the
   problems created by Russian and Japanese claims to territorial
   and administrative jurisdiction in connexion with their
   respective railways, claims which conflict with China’s
   unimpaired sovereignty and with the treaty rights of other
   nations. A tentative proposal was recently submitted to the
   consideration of the Diplomatic Body, with the approval of the
   Wai-wu-pu and M. Korostovetz, to create an international
   settlement at Kharbin on a separate site adjoining the railway
   settlement. The proposal was unacceptable to the Powers
   interested because it implied a fundamental discrimination in
   favour of the railway company, leaving it to exercise, in an
   important trade centre, powers which are incompatible with
   treaties and which are not conferred by its charter. …

   "The Chinese Government entirely fails to avail itself of its
   opportunities at this juncture. The local authorities are
   unable, and the Peking Government is unwilling, to take any
   initiative. The Wai-wu-pu adheres to its policy of shifting
   opportunism, as shown by its proposal to the Russian Minister
   to cancel, in deference to the protests of the Powers, the
   agreement with regard to the Kharbin municipal regulations
   concluded on May 10, a proposal unaccompanied by any practical
   alternative whereby political requirements might be reconciled
   with the undeniable vested interests of the railway. In this
   connexion it is interesting to note that, whereas England,
   America, France, Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary refused
   an unqualified assent to the Kharbin agreement, yet no
   exception has been taken to the regulations of the Japanese
   railway settlements, although, without any reference to China,
   they confer the widest powers on the Japanese authorities,
   including the right of arbitrary taxation and forcible
   expulsion."

   The Russian side of the question was presented in a
   semi-official statement, made public in October, 1909, as
   follows:

   "The representatives of certain Powers which have trade
   interests in China have, both in Peking and St. Petersburg,
   expressed doubts as to the rights of authority exercised by
   the Kharbin municipality. These representatives have
   endeavoured, in notes presented to the Chinese and Russian
   Governments on the matter, and in verbal communications, to
   prove that certain paragraphs of the treaty which was signed
   at Peking on May 10, 1909, violated the extra-territorial
   rights granted to their nationals by treaty with China, and
   further that some of the measures taken by the Kharbin
   authorities were opposed to the regulations of the
   international concession which, in their opinion, has been
   recently established at Kharbin.

   "It is easy to demonstrate that such a point of view is based
   on a misunderstanding. Extra-territorial rights, so far as
   they are secured by treaty, comprise exclusively the right of
   every foreigner to be judged by his own Consul. They do not,
   however, in any way exempt him from the obligation to pay town
   and other taxes, or to submit to established regulations. The
   difference between the pure Chinese open ports where there are
   no foreign concessions and places which lie in the territorial
   zone of the Chinese Eastern Railway, and are open to foreign
   trade, consists solely in the fact that in the former the
   Chinese authorities have the power to make administration
   rules at their own discretion, while in places in the
   territorial zone of the Eastern Railway the Chinese Government
   has, by the concession agreement signed on August 28, 1896,
   and the convention of May 10, 1909, transferred the rights of
   administration to the Chinese Eastern Railway Company, as a
   private concession, so that the company acts as the agent of
   the Chinese Government in supervising the administration of
   Kharbin and other places.

{102}

   "Another misunderstanding has evidently given rise to the
   statement that Kharbin has recently been converted into an
   international concession. The contracting parties never had
   any such intentions. By reason of legal acts, as well as of
   traditions and conditions of a local character, under which
   Kharbin originated, it is clear that this is a special kind of
   concession, which is distinguished from other concessions by
   its exceptionally liberal and exceedingly hospitable
   regulations in regard to foreigners."

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Naval plans.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHINESE.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line of Railway.
   A purely Chinese undertaking.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Death of Chang Chih-Tung.

   Chang Chih-Tung, Grand Councillor of the Empire of China, died
   on the 4th of October, 1909, and Tai Hung-tze, President of
   the Board of Justice, was appointed his successor in office.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
   Election and opening of Provincial Assemblies.
   Beginnings of the institution of Constitutional and
   Representative Government.

   The following, from the Peking reports to The Times,
   London, narrates the actual beginning of the series of
   proceedings planned and promised for the gradual institution
   of representative constitutional government. The first is of
   the date of October 14, 1909:

   "To-day marks an era in the establishment of constitutional
   government in China. In obedience to the Imperial decrees of
   October 19, 1907, and of July 22, 1908, ordering the
   establishment, within one year of the latter date, in each of
   the 22 provinces of China proper and in Manchuria and the New
   Dominion of provincial deliberative assemblies, elections have
   been in progress for some time past, and the assemblies meet
   in accordance with the regulations for the first time to-day,
   the first day of the ninth moon. …

   "The elections have taken place according to the regulations,
   and halls have been erected for the assemblies to sit wherever
   a Viceroy or a Governor has his seat. The number of members
   varies from 140 in Chih-li, 114 in Che-kiang, to 30 each in
   Kirin, Lchlun-chiang, and Hsin-kiang. The incomplete returns
   which have been published show nearly 1,000 voters for each
   representative.

   "For weeks past reports have been coming in from provincial
   authorities asking for instructions and information concerning
   this new departure. An edict issued last night renews the
   Imperial admonitions to members of the assemblies as to their
   deliberations, and to Viceroys and Governors as to their
   supervision of the deliberations, and exhorts all to display a
   loyal patriotism so that the country may attain strength and
   prosperity. The event may be one of great historical
   importance."

   The next was sent from Peking on the 6th of the following
   November:

   "Already, in the opening debates of these Provincial
   Assemblies, one apprehends the coming chaos, one hears the
   first whispering of the approaching storm. Peking, panoplied
   in ignorance and petrified in medieval statecraft, trifles
   with Demos at its doors, evidently hoping that the Assemblies
   will consume their own smoke, and that the Mandarin may be
   preserved by the time-honoured device of holding the balance
   between contending classes. But the spirits which the
   Vermilion Pencil has called from the Celestial deep, though
   elected with all possible precautions of ‘silkcoated’
   franchise, and under the close direction of Viceroys and
   Governors, show signs of scant respect for the Central
   Government and of little sympathy for its difficulties.
   Already, within a fortnight of their birth, many of the
   Assemblies have passed resolutions denouncing several of the
   Government’s pet proposals—e. g., the opium monopoly, the
   stamp tax, and the foreign loan for the Hankau-Canton and
   Hankau-Szechuan Railways. In the case of the stamp tax, 15
   provinces have expressed the opinion, and have induced the
   local officials in many cases to endorse it, that the proposed
   levy is impracticable, so that, in the words of the native
   Press, 'its imposition is deferred and the Ministry of Finance
   is at its wits’ end.’ Concerning the vexed question of the
   railway loan, the Hupei Assembly is reported to have endorsed,
   without a dissentient, their chairman’s declaration that the
   Government’s scheme should be resisted ‘to the death.’

   "The spirit which animates these Assemblies is evidently very
   similar to that which speaks through the vernacular Press;
   iconoclastic, patriotic—in the sense that it denounces
   everything foreign—but lacking, so far, in intelligent
   leadership and constructive policy. Their attitude towards the
   Central Government is generally one of scarcely veiled
   contempt. I cannot illustrate better its general tendency than
   in the words of a native journalist who, in a recent criticism
   of the Grand Council, congratulated these rulers of China on
   their remarkable longevity, but observed that ‘there is little
   hope of longevity for an Empire that is governed by such
   incompetent survivals.’"

   A few weeks later, after the forty days’ session of the new
   Provincial Assemblies had ended, this writer had changed his
   view. Writing on the 22d of December, he said: "A study of the
   reports of the proceedings so far available of the first
   session of the Provincial Assemblies supports the contention
   that the Throne has been justified in granting the subjects of
   the Empire a limited right of speech through their chosen
   representatives. The programmes of debate have been strictly
   in accordance with the Imperial edict, and the proceedings
   have been marked with dignity and decorum. The net result
   justifies the declaration made by a high authority, who has
   been given special opportunity of forming a judgment, that the
   ‘members have fulfilled their appointed task of working in
   harmony with the executive authorities in the interests of
   their respective provinces.’"

CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Proposal of the United States for the neutralization of
   Manchurian Railways.
   Proposed Chinchow-Aigun Railway.

   Late in December, 1909, the United States Government submitted
   to that of China, and to the interested Powers, a proposition
   which contemplated the neutralization of the railways in
   Manchuria, now partly under Russian and partly under Japanese
   control, and which looked, also, to an international
   undertaking of the construction of a Chinchow-Aigun line, to
   tap the Russian Trans-Siberian road at Tsitshar.
{103}
   In a published statement subsequently, the American Secretary
   of State, Mr. Knox, explained that his Government, during the
   recent railway loan negotiations, had pointed out to the
   interested Powers that the greatest danger to the policy of
   the open door in China and the development of her foreign
   trade arose from disagreements among the great Western
   nations, and had expressed the opinion that nothing would
   afford so impressive an object-lesson to China and the world
   as the spectacle of the four great capitalist nations—Great
   Britain, Germany, France, and the United States—standing
   together for equality of commercial opportunity. The American
   Government believed that one of the most effective steps to
   this end in order to secure for China the enjoyment of all
   political rights in Manchuria and to promote the normal
   development of the Eastern provinces was to take the
   Manchurian railroads out of Eastern politics and to place them
   under an economic and impartial administration by vesting in
   China herself the ownership of the railways. Such a policy
   would require the cooperation, not only of China, but of
   Russia and Japan, both of whom it would enable to shift their
   onerous responsibilities in connexion with those railways on
   to the shoulders of the combined Powers, including themselves,
   and would effect a complete commercial neutralization of
   Manchuria.

   The proposal of a neutralization of the existing Manchurian
   railways was not received with favor in either Japan or
   Russia, and the other Powers concerned have manifested a
   disposition to defer to the view taken by those two
   Governments, which are most immediately touched by it. The
   position of the Japanese Government on the question was stated
   publicly in an address to the Diet on the 27th of January by
   Baron Komura, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who said:

   "The United States government recently proposed a plan
   regarding the neutralization of Manchurian railways. The
   Imperial government, in view of the important Japanese
   interests involved, and considering that the proposal came
   from a friendly Power with which the empire was on terms of
   close intimacy, submitted the question to the most careful
   examination. While determined to adhere scrupulously to the
   policy of the open door and equal opportunity, it should be
   recognized that the realization of the proposed plan would
   involve radical changes in the condition of affairs in
   Manchuria which were established by the treaties of Portsmouth
   and Peking. The change must be attended by serious
   consequences. In the region affected by the South Manchurian
   Railway numerous undertakings have been promoted in the belief
   that the railway would remain in our possession. As a
   consequence, the Imperial government, with regret, was obliged
   to announce its inability to consent to the proposal. I trust
   that the United States will appreciate our position and that
   the other Powers will equally recognize the justice of Japan’s
   attitude."

   The Russian Government is understood to have taken
   substantially the same ground, on the general question of a
   neutralization of Manchurian railways. There and elsewhere,
   however, there is said to be a readiness to consider the
   incidental proposition of an internationally financed
   Chinchow-Aigun road.

   ----------CHINA: End--------

CHINA EMERGENCY APPEAL COMMITTEE.

   See (in this Volume)
   EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

CHINCHOW-AIGUN RAILWAY, Proposed.

   See (in this Volume)
   CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

CHINESE HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS:
   Their dangerous character.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

CHINESE IMMIGRATION:
   The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

CH’ING, Prince of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

CHOATE, Joseph H.:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

CHRISTENSEN, Jens Christian.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and 1905-1909.

CHRISTIAN IX., King of Denmark:
   Death.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

CHUN, Prince:
   Regent of China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Act of Parliament authorizing change of the Formula of
   Subscription required from its ministers.

      See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

CHURCH, Roman Catholic.

      See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
      PAPACY.

CHURCH AND STATE:
   The French Separation Law and its execution.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906, 1906, and 1907;
      also, PAPACY.

CHURCH AND STATE:
   Russia: Emancipation of the Church urged by M. Witte.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).

CHURCH SCHOOL CONTROVERSIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, and 1906;
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   Under Secretary for the Colonies.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   President of the Board of Trade.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   To the British Suffragettes.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

CITIZENSHIP, American:
   Principles of Naturalization defined.
   The New Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      NATURALIZATION.

CITY GOVERNMENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

CITY PLANNING.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT;
      also, CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.

CIVIC FEDERATION, The National.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES;
      also, NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION.

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CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA: A. D. 1908.
   Introduction of Competitive Examinations and the Merit
   System of appointment and promotion.

   An "Act to Amend the Civil Service Act," which came into force
   September 1, 1908, divides the Civil Service of the Dominion
   into the Inside Service and the Outside Service, the former
   embracing "that part of the public service in or under the
   several departments of the Executive Government of Canada and
   in the offices of the Auditor General, the Clerk of the Privy
   Council, and the Governor-General’s Secretary, employed at the
   City of Ottawa, or at the Experimental Farm Station or the
   Dominion Astronomical Observatory near Ottawa." The employés
   of this Inside Service are required to be classified according
   to their salaries, in three divisions, and all appointments to
   positions in it are (except as otherwise provided in the Act)
   to "be by competitive examination, which shall be of such a
   nature as will determine the qualifications of candidates for
   the particular positions to which they are to be appointed,
   and shall be held by the Commission from time to time in
   accordance with the regulations made by it and approved by the
   Governor in Council."

   For the administration of the Act a Civil Service Commission
   is created, consisting of two members appointed by the
   Governor in Council, who are to have no other office or
   employment, and who may employ necessary assistance for the
   examinations they conduct. The following are provisions of the
   Act:

   "No person shall be admitted to such an examination unless he
   is a natural-born or naturalized British subject, and has been
   a resident of Canada for at least three years, and is, at the
   time of the examination, of the full age of eighteen years and
   not more than thirty-five years, and presents the required
   certificates as to health, character and habits.

   "Before holding any such examination the Commission shall
   require each head of a department to furnish it with the
   number of additional permanent officers or clerks likely to be
   required in his department within the next six months.

   "On this basis, and having regard also to the requirement of
   the several departments for temporary services, a computation
   shall be made by the Commission of the number of competitors
   to be selected at the next ensuing examination.

   "If there remain from a previous examination successful
   competitors who have not received appointments, their number
   shall be deducted in making the computation, and their names,
   in the order of merit, shall be placed at [the top of the
   list] to be prepared in accordance with section 17 of this
   Act.

   "Thereupon due notice of the examination shall be given by the
   Commission, stating the character and number of the positions
   to be competed for.

   "Immediately after the examination the Commission shall make
   out a list of the successful competitors thereat for each
   position, in the order of merit, up to the number computed in
   accordance with Section 15.

   "From the said list the Commission, on the application of the
   deputy head, with the approval of the head, of any department,
   shall supply the required clerks, whether for permanent or
   temporary duty. …

   "The selections shall be, so far as practicable, in the order
   of the names on the list, but the Commission may select any
   person who in his examination shows special qualifications for
   any particular subject. …

   "The cause of the rejection shall be reported by the deputy
   head to the Commission, who shall thereupon select another
   person to take the place of the one rejected, and decide
   whether the latter shall be struck off the list or allowed a
   trial in another department.

   "After a person so selected has served a probationary term of
   six months, [he shall be deemed] to be permanently accepted
   for the service. …

   "The head of the department, on the report in writing of the
   deputy head, may, at any time after two months from the date
   of assignment, and before the expiration of six months, reject
   any person assigned to his department. …

   "Promotion, other than from the third to the second division,
   shall be made for merit by the Governor in Council upon the
   recommendation of the head of the department, based on the
   report in writing of the deputy head and accompanied by a
   certificate of qualification by the Commission to be given
   with or without examination, as is determined by the
   regulations of the Commission.

   "Except as herein otherwise provided, vacancies in the first
   division shall be filled by promotions from the second
   division."

   Regulations prepared by the Civil Service Commission appointed
   under the Act require fees, ranging from $2 to $10 to be paid
   by the candidates for examination.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: United States: A. D. 1901-1909.
   Progress of reform under President Roosevelt.

   At the close of the administration of President Roosevelt, the
   journal published by the National Civil Service Reform League,
   entitled Good Government, bore the following testimony
   to the fidelity with which the principles of the reform had
   been upheld and promoted by the retiring executive:

   "One of the first acts of President Roosevelt was the
   reorganization of the civil service commission, which, under
   the administration of President McKinley, had become lax and
   ineffective. Since then the enforcement of the law and rules
   by the commission has been sincere, vigorous and impartial.
   Particularly strict has been the enforcement of the
   prohibition against political assessments. Twice in the midst
   of political campaigns has the President ordered the removal
   of prominent officials for levying assessments on their
   subordinates.

   "During his administration President Roosevelt has extended
   the scope of competition to many new and important offices.
   Notable among these extensions have been the restoration of
   the field service of the War Department (withdrawn by
   President McKinley) and the classification of the rural free
   delivery service (now numbering some 40,000), the forestry
   service, deputy collectors of internal revenue, deputy
   collectors of customs, deputy naval officers, and cashiers and
   finance clerks in post offices. Prevented by the civil service
   law from ‘classifying’ unskilled laborers, President
   Roosevelt, under general executive authority, has prescribed a
   system of examination for laborers in Washington and the
   principal cities. By executive order of June 27, 1906, he
   provided a system of examination and promotion for the
   consular service which has done away with the more flagrant
   evils of that service. His latest and most striking extension
   has been the classification of over 15,000 fourth-class
   postmasters, thereby taking them out of politics.

{105}

   "He has prohibited the participation of competitive officials
   in politics further than to vote as they please and to express
   privately their opinions, and has made this prohibition
   effective by incorporating it in the civil service rules, thus
   giving to the commission the power to investigate. He has by
   vetoing the Crumpacker census bill defeated the attempt by
   Congress to obtain as spoils some 4,000 clerkships for the
   next census.

   "This is a brief record of President Roosevelt’s service to
   civil service reform during his administration. In considering
   the criticisms of his course which have been made from time to
   time by the League and the press, this service should be kept
   in mind and carefully weighed. For instance, against this
   record of constant advancement, the suspension of the rules in
   individual cases—in all about 370—although in our opinion
   arbitrary and dangerous as precedents, are of comparatively
   minor importance. A few have been made for political reasons;
   the far greater number, however, were acts of charity or
   personal impulse, and President Roosevelt himself realized the
   danger in this practice and took steps to curtail it.

   "In passing on the justice of the other criticisms of
   President Roosevelt’s course regarding the civil service one
   should keep in mind the distinction which he has so sharply
   drawn between the classified and the unclassified service.
   This is clearly set forth in a reply to a letter from the
   civil service commission calling his attention to the omission
   from the postal regulations of President Cleveland’s
   ‘pernicious activity’ order, and quoting a passage from the
   11th report of the commission. President Roosevelt said:

   ‘I personally drew the paragraph which you quote. The
   paragraph was drawn with a view to making a sharp line between
   the activity allowed to public servants within the classified
   service and those without the classified service—the latter
   under our system are as a rule chosen largely with reference
   to political considerations, and as a rule are, and expect to
   be, changed with the change of parties. … It seemed to me at
   the time, and I still think, that the line thus drawn was wise
   and proper.’

   "In considering such appointments to positions in the
   unclassified service as that of James C. Clarkson as surveyor
   of the Port of New York for instance, a just analysis must
   take into account these frankly expressed views. President
   Roosevelt drew a line between the classified and unclassified
   service, and as to the latter recognized and availed himself
   to some extent of existing conditions. He believed that so
   long as positions remained in the unclassified service it was
   impractical to eliminate political considerations and that any
   attempt to do so led to hypocrisy. His remedy was to place the
   positions in the classified service, wherever practicable. And
   he has extended the line of the classified service higher than
   ever before. The League does not believe this theory is ideal,
   but in carrying it out the President has certainly not set the
   reform back. Criticism based only on the fact that one who has
   rendered great service to a cause has not accomplished all
   that its ardent supporters wish to accomplish can be properly
   set down as captious.

   "In performing its duty to the public, the League has at
   various times during his administration frankly criticised
   certain acts of President Roosevelt, which in its opinion were
   not in line with the best interests of the service. But this
   does not prevent us from recognizing that during his entire
   administration President Roosevelt has been loyal to the
   reform with which he has been so prominently identified. We do
   not believe that any act of his was intended to injure the
   reform. Wherever he has thought it practicable to extend the
   reform he has done so. A President less devoted to the reform
   would not have been criticised for what President Roosevelt
   has failed to do."

      Good Government,
      March, 1909.

   The following exhibit of the whole progress in civil service
   reform, from its beginning to the end of 1908, was made in the
   annual report of the Council of the National Civil Service
   Reform League, presented at the meeting of the League, on the
   17th of December in that year:

   "The whole United States civil service, in 1883, consisted of
   110,000 persons, and of these 14,000 were put under the civil
   service law. Now the federal civil service has grown to
   352,000 positions, and, including the last extension, those
   under the competitive system have increased from 14,000 to
   about 222,000. Not only in numbers but in proportion to the
   total has the competitive service increased from 12.7% in 1883
   to 63% now."

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Extension of classification to the Rural Free Delivery Service.
   Order concerning unclassified laborers.

   "During the year ended June 30 [1903], 25,566 persons were
   appointed through competitive examinations under the
   civil-service rules. This was 12,672 more than during the
   preceding year, and 40 per cent of those who passed the
   examinations. This abnormal growth was largely occasioned by
   the extension of classification to the rural free-delivery
   service and the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural
   carriers. A revision of the civil-service rules took effect on
   April 15 last, which has greatly improved their operation. …
   Executive orders of July 3, 1902; March 26, 1903, and July 8,
   1903, require that appointments of all unclassified laborers,
   both in the Departments at Washington and in the field
   service, shall be made with the assistance of the United
   States Civil Service Commission, under a system of
   registration to test the relative fitness of applicants for
   appointment or employment. This system is competitive, and is
   open to all citizens of the United States qualified in respect
   to age, physical ability, moral character, industry, and
   adaptability for manual labor: except that in case of veterans
   of the civil war the element of age is omitted. This system of
   appointment is distinct from the classified service and does
   not classify positions of mere laborer under the civil-service
   act and rules. Regulations in aid thereof have been put in
   operation in several of the Departments and are being
   gradually extended in other parts of the service. The results
   have been very satisfactory, as extravagance has been checked
   by decreasing the number of unnecessary positions and by
   increasing the efficiency of the employees remaining."

      President’s Message,
      December 7, 1903.

{106}

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906.
   Excellent legislation in Pennsylvania.

      See (in this Volume)
      PENNSYLVANIA.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906-1909.
   The Reform of the Consular Service.

   A great and greatly needed reformation of the consular service
   of the United States was begun in 1906, by the passage of an
   Act of Congress, approved April 5, which provided for the
   reorganization of the service, primarily by the classifying
   and grading of the consuls-general and the consuls, and the
   fixing of salaries in each class. Consuls-general were placed
   by the Act in seven classes, with salaries as follows:

   Class one, twelve thousand dollars.
   London, Paris.

   Class two, eight thousand dollars.
   Berlin, Habana, Hongkong, Hamburg, Rio de Janeiro, Shanghai.

   Class three, six thousand dollars.
   Calcutta, Cape Town, Constantinople, Mexico City,
   Montreal, Ottawa, Vienna, Yokohama.

   Class four, five thousand five hundred dollars.
   Antwerp, Barcelona, Brussels, Canton, Frankfort, Marseilles,
   Melbourne, Panama, Saint Petersburg, Seoul, Tientsin.

   Class five, four thousand five hundred dollars.
   Auckland, Beirut, Buenos Ayres, Callao, Chefoo, Coburg,
   Dresden, Guayaquil, Halifax, Hankau, Mukden, Munich,
   Niuchwang, Rome, Rotterdam, Saint Gall, Singapore.

   Class six, three thousand five hundred dollars.
   Adis Ababa, Bogota, Budapest, Guatemala, Lisbon, Monterey,
   San Salvador, Stockholm, Tangier.

   Class seven, three thousand dollars.
   Athens, Christiania, Copenhagen.

   Consuls were divided among nine classes, receiving salaries
   that range from $8000 in the first class and $6000 in the
   second, down to $2000 in the ninth. The first and second
   classes hold but one incumbent each, at Liverpool and
   Manchester, respectively. There are eight places in the third
   class, twelve in the fourth, and then the numbers mount
   rapidly, up to the sixty-nine included in the ninth class.

   All fees allowed to be collected for services rendered in
   connection with the duties of the consular office (which the
   President may prescribe) are directed by the Act to be
   accounted for thereafter and paid into the Treasury of the
   United States. All consular officers whose salaries exceed
   $1000 are forbidden to be interested in or to transact any
   business as a merchant, factor, broker, or other trader, or a
   clerk or other agent of one, or to practice as a lawyer for
   compensation, or to be interested in the fees or compensation
   of any lawyer. The whole service is placed under inspection by
   five inspectors, to be appointed from the members of the
   consular service; and each consular office must be inspected
   at least once in every two years.

   In June following this important enactment, the Secretary of
   State, Mr. Root, submitted to President Roosevelt the draft of
   a recommended executive order, which prescribed new rules to
   be followed in filling the consular offices, as classified by
   the recent Act. In doing so, the Secretary made this
   explanation: "The main features of the order were embodied in
   the early forms of the Consular Reorganization Bill passed at
   this session of Congress, but they were dropped out, largely
   for the reason that their enactment by Congress would appear
   to be an infringement upon the President’s constitutional
   power to appoint consuls. Your adoption of these rules by
   executive order will be free from that objection, and judging
   from the very positive commendation which many members of both
   Houses have expressed for the proposed change in the method of
   appointing consuls, I do not doubt that the new system will
   receive the hearty approval of the Senate and of Congress
   whenever occasion may arise for an expression upon the
   subject."

   The recommended order was approved and issued by the
   President. "Subject to the advice and consent of the Senate,"
   it declared in substance as follows:

   (1) Vacancies in the office of Consul-General and in the
   office of Consul above class 8 (salary, $2500) shall be filled
   by promotion from the lower grades of the service, based upon
   "ability and efficiency, as shown in the service";

   (2) vacancies in the office of Consul of these two remaining
   classes, 8 and 9, are to be filled

   (a) by promotion, "on the basis of ability and efficiency, as
   shown in the service," of consular clerks, vice-consuls, and
   consular agents, and

   (b) by new appointments from candidates who have passed an
   examination;

   (3) officials in the service of the Department of State, with
   salaries of $2000 or upward, shall be eligible for promotion,
   always on the basis of ability and efficiency, as shown in the
   service, to any grade of the consular service above the eighth
   class;

   (4) the board of examiners for admission to the service shall
   consist of the Secretary of State (or such other officer of
   the department as the President shall designate), the chief of
   the Consular Bureau, and the chief examiner of the Civil
   Service Commission (or such other officer, as this commission
   shall designate);

   (5) this board of examiners shall formulate the rules for
   examinations;

   (6) among the compulsory subjects shall be at least one modern
   language other than English, the natural industrial and
   commercial resources and commerce of the United States,
   political economy, and the elements of international,
   commercial, and maritime law;

   (7) 80 per cent. shall be necessary for eligibility;

   (8) candidates must be over twenty-one and under fifty years
   of age, citizens of the United States, and of good character
   and physique. They must also have been specially designated by
   the President for examination.

   Other significant provisions of the order are to the effect
   that no promotion shall be made except for efficiency and
   conduct, that "neither in the designation for examination or
   certification or appointment will the political affiliations
   of the candidate be considered"; and that "due regard should
   be had to the rule that, as between candidates of equal merit,
   appointments should be made so as to secure in the service
   proportional representation of all the States and
   Territories."

   The first examination of candidates for appointment under this
   order was held on the 14th and 15th of March, 1907, since
   which time no one has entered the consular service of the
   United States without satisfying that test.

   In June, 1908, Secretary Root announced the promotion or
   transfer of nearly sixty consular offices, setting in motion
   the desirable advancement of these officials from post to
   post, to make the best use of their proved capacity and
   acquired experience. About a year later, Mr. Root’s successor,
   Secretary Knox, made public the promotion of twenty-seven
   incumbents of consular office, and the appointment of
   twenty-three new recruits to the service from his eligible
   list. So the long striven-for reform of the American consular
   service may safely be said to have arrived.

{107}

   A bill introduced in the Senate, providing for a permanent
   consular service, based on competitive examinations, was
   decided by the Committee on Foreign Relations to be
   unconstitutional, for the reason that the Constitution itself
   confers the power of appointment of consular officers upon the
   President, and that Congress has no right to limit this power
   in any way. President Taft, by an executive order, has
   practically put the scope of the proposed bill into effect,
   thereby, in part, limiting the power conferred upon himself.
   This, in the opinion of the Senators, is all that can be done
   legally.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1908.
   Extension of the Merit System to nearly one-third of the
   Fourth Class Postmasters of the country.

   In the Annual Report of the Council of the National Civil
   Service Reform League, presented at the annual meeting of the
   League in December, 1908, it was said:

   "The great event of the year, which so aptly commemorates the
   25th anniversary of the passage of the Pendleton bill, is the
   extension of the competitive system to all fourth class
   postmasters in the part of the country north of the Ohio and
   east of the Mississippi, that is, in the New England States,
   New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
   Wisconsin, and Michigan. This is an extension covering more
   positions than suggested by the civil service commission. It
   is an extension large enough to be of present advantage, is
   made in the more thickly settled portions of the country,
   where it is easiest to carry it out, and yet it is not on so
   large a scale as to invite mistakes or perhaps partial
   failure. This extension covers about 15,000 positions. The
   order of President Cleveland of May 26, 1896, covered about
   31,000 places; and yet, from the point of political
   significance, this present extension is the most important, we
   believe, in the history of civil service reform since January
   16, 1883, and when its purpose is fully carried out it will
   include some 53,000 places."

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      Civil Service Reform: United States.

   The report then reviewed the efforts that had been in progress
   since 1889, with the support of Presidents Cleveland and
   Roosevelt, to bring about the inclusion of this class of
   postmasters, at the least, under the rule of appointment
   subject to competitive examination. President Roosevelt, in
   his annual Message of 1907, had said:

   "The fourth-class postmasters’ convention has passed a very
   strong resolution in favor of placing the fourth-class
   postmasters under the civil-service law. The Administration
   has already put into effect the policy of refusing to remove
   any fourth-class postmasters save for reasons connected with
   the good of the service; and it is endeavoring so far as
   possible to remove them from the domain of partisan politics.
   It would be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class
   postmasters in the classified service. It is possible that
   this might be done without Congressional action, but, as the
   matter is debatable, I earnestly recommend that the Congress
   enact a law providing that they be included under the
   civil-service law and put in the classified service."

   Congress refused the desired legislation. The law committee of
   the League was unanimous in the opinion that the President
   held authority already to make the change by Executive Order,
   and Mr. Roosevelt gave a hearing on the subject to Messrs.
   McIlhenny and Greene, of the National Civil Service
   Commission, and the Honorable Richard Henry Dana, Chairman of
   the Council of the League. Evidently he became persuaded that
   his authority was sufficient, and was prepared to act
   accordingly. About the middle of November, 1908, the National
   League of Postmasters of the United States, which had been
   organized in 1905, sent a Committee, with its President, Mr.
   A. K. Hoag, of Orchard Park, New York, to present to the
   authorities at Washington their claim to a footing of
   non-political appointment under civil service rules. By good
   fortune they met at Washington Mr. Dana and Mr. Goodrich, of
   the National C. S. R. League, who were visiting the Capital on
   the same errand, and the doubled appeal had quick success. In
   an interview with President Roosevelt, the Committee of the
   Postmasters’ League received assurances that he would issue an
   order on the subject, provided that the President-elect, Mr.
   Taft, would approve his taking that step. The Committee went
   at once to the Hot Springs in Virginia, where the
   President-elect was then sojourning, received his ready
   endorsement of the plan, and conveyed it to the President in
   power. A fortnight later, on the 1st day of December, the
   memorable order was proclaimed. On the 1st of the following
   February a plan of filling vacancies was put into effect.

   It was wise, no doubt, to apply the extension of the reform in
   post-office appointments to one large and important section of
   the country, and obtain a showing of practical results, before
   attempting to overturn the old system as a whole. That more
   will follow in due time is reasonably sure. Mr. Hoag, the
   President of the National League of Postmasters, in a private
   note, remarks:

   "It is already evident that the change is to redound to a
   better service. Scores of new buildings, new quarters and new
   equipments are being installed by the emancipated postmasters;
   which shows that postmasters of this class dare, for the first
   time, to invest their money in better equipment, feeling that
   they are likely to remain postmasters long enough to make the
   investment a paying one, now that their tenure of office does
   not depend upon their relations to a political faction or
   boss."

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1909.
   The Census Bill.
   Inveteracy of Spoils-seeking in Congress.
   Veto of the bill in its first form by the President.
   The Amended Bill which became law.

   The greatness of the advance of civil service reform in the
   United States, within the quarter century since its beginning,
   is one of the most hopefully inspiring facts in recent
   American history. But, by the side of it stands the warning
   and shaming fact, that it has been achieved, from first to
   last, by forces outside of Congress, and outside of all other
   legislative bodies which supposedly represent the political
   will of the people. Every measure of legislation that has
   promoted it has been wrung from unwilling majorities in those
   bodies,—yielded only when they feared to refuse. That
   Congress, in both Houses, would wreck with eagerness, to-day,
   if it dared, the bettered public service of the nation, to
   recover for its members and their party henchmen the old
   "spoils" of office and place, was shown unmistakably, within
   the last year of this record, by its action on the bill to
   provide for the taking of the Census of 1910.

{108}

   The President, and every responsible official connected with
   the Census Bureau, had borne testimony to the inefficiency and
   wasteful costliness of previous census-taking under the old
   system of appointment, and had besought Congress to provide in
   the bill for an effective test of qualification for the
   employment by competitive examination. Considerable majorities
   in both House and Senate turned an equally deaf ear to all
   considerations of public interest in the matter, and passed a
   bill which enabled Senators and Representatives to parcel out
   between themselves the large number of appointments to be
   made.

   President Roosevelt did not hesitate to veto the bill, and
   gave it a thorough dissection in the Message which explained
   his disapproval. In part, his comments on the Act offered to
   him were as follows:

   "Section 7 of the act provides in effect that appointments to
   the census shall be under the spoils system, for this is the
   real meaning of the provision that they shall be subject only
   to non-competitive examination. The proviso is added that they
   shall be selected without regard to political party
   affiliations. But there is only one way to guarantee that they
   shall be selected without regard to politics and on merit, and
   that is by choosing them after competitive examination from
   the lists of eligibles provided by the Civil Service
   Commission. The present Director of the Census in his last
   report states the exact fact about these non-competitive
   examinations when he says:

   ‘A non-competitive examination means that every one of the
   many thousands who will pass the examinations will have an
   equal right to appointment, and that personal and political
   pressure must in the end, as always before, become the
   determining factor with regard to the great body of these
   temporary employments. I cannot too earnestly urge that the
   Director of the Census be relieved from this unfortunate
   situation.’

   "To provide that the clerks and other employés shall be
   appointed after non-competitive examination, and yet to
   provide that they shall be selected without regard to
   political party affiliations, means merely that the
   appointments shall be treated as the perquisites of the
   politicians of both parties, instead of as the perquisites of
   the politicians of one party. I do not believe in the doctrine
   that to the victor belongs the spoils; but I think even less
   of the doctrine that the spoils shall be divided without a
   fight by the professional politicians on both sides; and this
   would be the result of permitting the bill in its present
   shape to become a law. Both of the last censuses, the eleventh
   and the twelfth, were taken under a provision of law excluding
   competition; that is, necessitating the appointments being
   made under the spoils system. Every man competent to speak
   with authority because of his knowledge of and familiarity
   with the work of those censuses has stated that the result was
   to produce extravagance and demoralization."

   The veto went to Congress on the 5th of February, 1909, one
   month before the expiration of President Roosevelt’s term of
   office. His successor-to-be was well known to be in sympathy
   with his views of the public service, and no attempt was made
   either to pass the bill over the veto, or to proffer its
   spoils-seeking provisions to the new occupant of the
   Presidency when he came in. Congress was compelled, in this
   case, as in many before, to surrender its cherished spoils of
   salaried public employment to civil service reform, simply
   because public interests and public sentiment are better
   represented, as a rule, in the White House than in the
   Capitol, which is not a pleasing fact.

   During the extra session that was called by President Taft, in
   March, an amended bill was passed which came near to
   satisfying the demands of reform. It kept a little opening for
   political favoritism, in a proviso, that the director of the
   Census may, "when the exigencies of the service require," make
   his selections from the list of eligibles, not by the
   candidates’ rating, but on the ground of "immediate
   availability" or previous experience in census work; but this
   was so small a loophole that the President’s signing of the
   bill was generally approved. "The act empowers the director of
   the census to appoint special agents to whom will be assigned
   principally the work of obtaining statistics from
   manufacturing establishments, mines and quarries. While no
   qualifying test is required by law for the appointment of
   these agents, Director Durand has nevertheless provided for
   their selection subject to a carefully worked out scheme of
   competitive examinations, to be conducted by the United
   States civil service commission. In rating the candidates the
   experience declaration and practical test are to be given
   equal credit. All candidates who receive a combined rating of
   70 will be placed on an eligible list, from which selection
   will be made as the needs of the service require. Eligibility,
   according to the instructions, ‘is not of itself a guarantee
   of appointment, but selection will be made solely with
   reference to equipment and availability for appointment.’"

      Good Government,
      October, 1909.

CIVIL VETO, in Papal Elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

CIVILISTAS, The.

      See (in this Volume).
      PERU.

CLANRICARDE ESTATE, Evicted tenants of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

CLARION FELLOWSHIP.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

CLARK, Edgar E.:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   In the Sarrien-Clemenceau Ministry, and as Prime Minister.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906, and after.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   Disclaims for France the desire to revenge the German
   conquest of Alsace.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   Triumph in the senatorial elections of 1909.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   His downfall from Premiership produced by an
   intemperate speech.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JULY).

CLERICAL PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

CLEVELAND, Grover:
   Trustee of stock controlling the
   Equitable Life Assurance Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

{109}

CLEVELAND, Ohio: A. D. 1901-1908.
   The Farm Colony Experiment.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

COAL, Wasteful mining and use of.

      See (in this Volume)
      Conservation of Natural Resources.

COAL AND COKE CARTELS.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

COAL COMBINATION, Alleged Anthracite:
   Proceedings of Government against it.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909,
      AND RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

COAL MINES EIGHT HOURS ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR: ENGLAND.

COAL MINING STRIKES.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION.

COBALT SILVER MINES.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.

COLLECTIVISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM.

COLLEGES.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION.

COLOGNE:
   Insurance against unemployment.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
   Castro, of Venezuela, and the Liberals (Yellows) of Colombia.
   How they helped one another.

   The following passages are from an article in the American
   Review of Reviews on "South American War Issues," by Edwin
   Emerson, Jr., who spent some time with the Colombian
   insurgents in 1902 and acquired a good knowledge of the
   troubled political conditions in that republic and its near
   neighbors. It adds something to what is told in Volume VI. of
   this work concerning the revolt started in 1899 by Rafael
   Uribe-Uribe, and about its relation to the beginnings of the
   career of Cipriano Castro, in Venezuela

      See, in Volume VI,
      COLOMBIA, and VENEZUELA).

   "At the time when Spain was losing Cuba, the last Congress of
   Colombia sat in Bogota. The Liberal party had but one
   spokesman in the Congress—to wit, Rafael Uribe-Uribe. The
   government majority championed the cause of Spain. Many of the
   more ardent Liberals were fighting in the field for ‘Cuba
   Libre.’ Uribe-Uribe was the only man in the Congress who spoke
   for America as against Spain. He was hissed down. Next, the
   Panama Canal question came up. The French concession was to be
   extended for ten years. Again Uribe-Uribe spoke for America as
   against France. The project was voted down. The Congress was
   dissolved. President San Clemente, on his own motion, extended
   the French concession. For this he is said to have received one
   million dollars, cash. Then the revolution broke out, and
   Uribe-Uribe took the field, in Santander, the richest
   coffee-growing state of Colombia. He fell upon the town of
   Cúcuta and took it, only to be driven out again after a
   disastrous rout at Palo Negro. To make things worse for the
   rebels, the Bishop of Santander ordered the excommunication of
   those who would not renounce liberalism or all connection with
   Liberals. It was a crushing blow, aimed at the wives and
   daughters of the fighting insurgents.

   "While affairs were thus disturbed in Santander, Cipriano
   Castro, a Venezuelan exile living in Cúcuta, profited by the
   occasion to lead a small band of Colombian Liberals into
   Venezuela. They dashed across the border by night, and fell
   into Castro’s native town, Capachio Viejo. Castro’s father and
   five brothers, with other townsfolk, joined his standard and
   helped him win his first battle over a small detachment of
   Venezuelan government troops. Now the number of his adherents
   grew, especially as he won battle after battle or bought over
   his rival leaders. After a crushing defeat at Valencia,
   President Andrade fled the country, and Castro entered Caracas
   in triumph. His early Colombian adherents got Venezuelan
   government jobs.

   "All went well for a while, especially after the prompt
   suppression of a counter-revolution, until Castro’s sympathies
   with the Colombian Liberals in the field began to tell on his
   foreign policy. Uribe-Uribe had been badly beaten in Colombia.
   He was made welcome by Castro in Venezuela, and was intrusted
   with the command of a division on the Colombian frontier. The
   command was recruited from Colombians across the border. At
   the same time, Castro arbitrarily stopped all navigation on
   the Zulia and Catacumbo rivers, running from Colombian
   Cordillera to the Lake of Maracaibo, in Venezuela. This was a
   death-blow to the coffee industry of the Colombian state of
   Santander, which has no other outlet to the sea. Cúcuta was
   ruined. A German house failed for half a million dollars, an
   American hacienda lost $200,000, and other foreign merchants
   suffered in proportion. All commerce in Cúcuta and Maracaibo
   coffee almost came to a standstill. Then it was that the
   government forces in Santander, to bring relief to the
   stricken district, tried to open the closed rivers by a sudden
   armed invasion into that region. For the sake of appearances,
   they were led by Ranjel Garbiras, a Venezuelan revolutionist.
   They made for the prosperous town of San Cristobal, but
   Uribe-Uribe had managed to gather his corps of insurgents, and
   beat off the attack in a three days’ battle. Some two thousand
   men fell on both sides. Uribe-Uribe promptly prepared a
   counter invasion. He was aided in this by Castro, who
   practically put all Venezuelan forces in the Cordillera at his
   disposal.

   "President Castro, who was furious at so overt an act of war
   on the part of his old enemies, the Colombian Clericals,
   furthermore sent another expedition across the Goajira desert
   to aid his Colombian insurgent friends in that peninsula to
   take the Colombian port of Rio Hacha. Venezuelan gunboats
   appeared before Rio Hacha to do their part in the capture.
   Unfortunately for the Liberal cause, the Venezuelan army in
   the Goajira was taken unawares while on the march, and was all
   but annihilated. The gunboats chose to retire without firing a
   shot. Castro never recovered from this reverse. The expenses
   of his various armed expeditions ate up all his ready
   finances. When he could no longer maintain Uribe-Uribe’s
   troops, Uribe cut loose and recrossed the border, to join
   forces with other insurgent leaders in the interior of
   Colombia. Uribe’s cousin proceeded to Panama, and the civil
   war there broke out with fresh vigor. By their recent
   brilliant stroke in the harbor of Panama, the Colombian
   Liberals have won the command of the sea on the Pacific side.
   To assist them in doing the same on the Atlantic side, Castro
   has now supplied them with a torpedo-boat and a small
   gunboat."

{110}

   These last mentioned successes of Uribe-Uribe had no permanent
   effectiveness, for his surrender, with 1300 men and 10 pieces
   of artillery, was announced presently as having occurred on
   the 25th of October, 1902. It seemed unfortunate that he did
   not succeed in overthrowing the Conservatives, or "Blues," who
   held the government, since most accounts of their rule
   represented it as hopelessly bad; but a change for the better
   came without revolution after no long time.

   The state of civil war was closed by a treaty of peace, signed
   on board the United States battleship Wisconsin, November 21.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903.
   Rejection of Treaty with the United States for the
   building of the Panama Canal.
   Revolt and independence of Panama.

      See (in this Volume )
      PANAMA CANAL.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903-1906.
   Feeling toward the United States.

   Of the feeling in Colombia toward the United States,
   consequent on what occurred in Panama, Mr. Barrett, American
   Minister at Bogota, reported in 1906 as follows:

   "The question is continually asked me: What is the attitude of
   the Colombian Government and people toward Americans and
   American interests on account of the Panama affair? Without
   entering upon any political discussion, I wish, in answering
   this pertinent inquiry, to take advantage of the opportunity
   to pay a just and frank tribute to Colombia. Speaking in the
   first place for myself as minister, I can truthfully say that,
   ever since my arrival here seven months ago, I have been
   treated with a generous kindness and sincere hospitality that
   have made a deep impression on me and increased my respect for
   Colombians in particular and Latin Americans in general. The
   United States minister has been extended invitations official
   and personal, and the United States legation in turn has been
   continually frequented by leading men of all parties, as if
   nothing had ever happened to mar the entente cordiale
   of the two countries.

   "In the granting of concessions and in the hearing of claims
   the Government has treated Americans with as much
   consideration as Europeans. During my stay here, and up to
   this writing, there has not been one complaint lodged by
   Americans in this legation of unkind treatment by Colombians
   due to any political anti-American feeling. In my own travels
   in various parts of the country, officials and peons alike
   have everywhere accorded me polite and even gracious
   attention. To let it be known that I was United States
   minister has always led to extra courtesies rather than to any
   lack of them.

   "I could not, however, have it understood abroad that there is
   not still strong feeling against the United States. It does
   exist, but the passing of years, and generous, fair treatment
   of Colombia and Colombians by the United States and its
   citizens, in international relations and friendly social and
   commercial intercourse, can effect its gradual disappearance.
   Such feeling does not take the attitude of personal enmity
   toward Americans. The Colombians, high and low, are too polite
   and sensible for that. It is a feeling in the minds and
   hearts, based on high political and patriotic grounds, which,
   however, with commendable philosophy, recognizes the
   inevitable and now turns to the future to bring blessings that
   will counterbalance the losses and sorrows of the past. The
   very courage and nobility of this attitude of Colombia is one
   of the chief reasons why I predict for her a magnificent
   future. Already this policy—if I may call it a policy—is
   bearing fruit in the development of a greater and more
   friendly and sympathetic interest throughout the United States
   in Colombia, which is destined to lead to a mutually favorable
   understanding and settlement of all differences in the near
   future."

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1904.
   Arbitration of boundary dispute with Equador.

   A treaty for the arbitration of boundary questions with
   Equador was concluded November 4, 1904 .

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905.
   Arbitration Treaties with Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU: A. D. 1905.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   A New Era, under President Reyes.

   "The New Era in Colombia" is the title of an article in the
   American Review of Reviews, May, 1906, by Francis P.
   Savinien, writing from the country in question.

   "By judicious, if not generous, action," says the writer,
   "President Rafael Reyes [who became President in the previous
   year] has succeeded in harmonizing nearly all elements of the
   population. His administration is neither Liberal nor
   Conservative. It is Nationalist. Placed in power by
   Conservatives and sustained by Liberals, his favors to the
   former preserve order in the center of the country, and his
   implicit trust in the latter insures peace on the frontiers.
   He has made General Uribe-Uribe minister to Chile, Argentina,
   and Brazil, and General Herrera commander along the Venezuelan
   border, thus bestowing the highest diplomatic and military
   honors on Liberals. From Conservatives he chose all his
   ministers (except Dr. Modesto Garees, of the Department of
   Public Works), the governor of the capital district, and other
   high officials for the center of government. His government is
   like that of Panama, the secession of which made a policy of
   reconciliation predominant in both countries. … The Colombian
   army has become a body of laborers. Troops are converted into
   sappers and employed in building or improving ways of
   communication. Idleness, as well as agitation, is beginning to
   receive general condemnation. It is true that there is little
   liberty. There is, however, less persecution than formerly.
   Journals are abject and individuals mute. There is no free
   speech or press. But there are few persons in prison or exile
   for political reasons. The policy of the government has become
   that of abstention rather than restraint."

   General Reyes had represented Colombia at the Pan-American
   Conference in the City of Mexico, in 1902, and had made a most
   favorable impression on the delegates from the United States.
   Referring to the occasion long afterwards, Mr. Sylvester
   Baxter said of him: "It is notable that in that Conference
   Colombia was represented by General Rafael Reyes, a high type
   of man—gentleman by birth and education, of scientific
   attainments, a natural leader, one of the strong characters of
   Spanish America; a man whose existence makes things seem
   hopeful when else they might look hopeless; a
   soldier-statesman in whom many see the potentialities of a
   second Diaz."

{111}

   A similar expression of admiration appears in an interesting
   special report, entitled "Colombia, a Land of Great
   Possibilities," made in June, 1906, by the Honorable John
   Barrett, then American Minister to Colombia, more recently the
   Director of the International Bureau of American Republics.
   "Great credit," wrote Mr. Barrett, "is due to General Rafael
   Reyes, President of this Republic, for his untiring efforts to
   restore the prosperity of his country to the position it
   occupied before the last civil war and the loss of Panama. If
   he succeeds, he will deserve a place in history like that of
   President Diaz in Mexico. He has so far effectually stopped
   revolutions, and, if his life and health are spared, Colombia
   would seem to be assured of peace at least during his
   administration."

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Troubles with Venezuela over the navigation of rivers flowing
   through both countries.

   The arbitrary action begun by the ill-tempered and arrogant
   Castro, of Venezuela, in 1902, when he stopped navigation on
   the rivers which flow from Colombia to Lake Maracaibo, in
   Venezuela, and thus open communication to the sea (see above),
   was continued or resumed in subsequent years, and was a
   distressing trouble to his Colombian neighbors.

   In July, 1905, the Colombian Government appealed to that of
   the United States for its good offices in maintaining the
   principle of free navigation on rivers that are common to
   neighboring countries. "From the time of the award which
   decided the boundary dispute between the two countries," said
   the Colombian Minister to the United States, in a
   communication to the American Secretary of State, "the policy
   of Venezuela in matters relating to the transit trade of
   Colombia and the navigation of the common rivers, has been
   marked by a conspicuous spirit of hostility. … Neither logical
   arguments nor historic precedents, such as those submitted by
   the Colombian chancellery to the Government of Venezuela for
   the recognition by the latter of the principle of free trade
   over the natural waterways placed by God at the disposal of
   all nations, have availed."

   The writer then reviewed at considerable length the arguments
   with which the Government of the United States had contended
   in the past with Spain and Great Britain for the free
   navigation of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence, and said
   in conclusion: "It would be desirable, and I would ask that it
   be done if this note were favorably received by the Government
   of the United States, that the American minister at Caracas be
   appropriately instructed in the sense of declaring on behalf
   of the commercial interests of the citizens of the United
   States his desire that the Government of Venezuela make the
   navigation of the Zulia and Orinoco rivers free, and urging,
   by persuasion, that the principle be solemnly consecrated in
   its public treaties. My Government will join in such an
   action, which comes within its traditional policy in the
   matter, and will interpose no obstacle or delay to the meeting
   of an international mixed commission for the framing of
   regulations concerning the use of the above-named rivers
   without detriment to the legitimate interests of the countries
   through which they flow."

   To this request the then Acting Secretary of State, Mr. Adee,
   made a favorable reply, August 5, saying:

   "The principle of the free navigation of rivers has been
   advocated by the United States and maintained in its relations
   with its neighbors for many years. This government is ready,
   therefore, to use its good offices in the sense requested, and
   Mr. Russell has been instructed upon arriving at his new post
   in Venezuela to take advantage of fitting occasion to express
   to the minister for foreign affairs the great satisfaction
   with which the United States would view the adoption and
   proclamation by Venezuela of the general principle of the free
   navigation of rivers and fluvial arteries of communication
   common to neighboring countries.

   "It is of course to be understood that in touching upon this
   matter this government does not seek to intervene or mediate
   in any way in the relations between Colombia and Venezuela,
   but is merely interested in the universal recognition of a
   policy beneficial to the commerce of the world."

   In the following December, the endeavor seemed promising; for
   the American Minister to Colombia was able to report the
   signing, at Bogota, of a protocol, preparatory to a new treaty
   of amity, commerce, and navigation, to be concluded at
   Caracas. Four months later, on the 27th of April, 1906,
   Minister Russell, at Caracas, announced the arrival there of
   the Colombian plenipotentiary, General Benjamin Herrera,
   appointed for the negotiation of the treaty agreed upon, but
   reported further that the Venezuelan Government had refused to
   receive him, demanding that somebody else be sent. No
   settlement of the matter could be obtained while Castro
   controlled Venezuela. Since his elimination it has been
   reported that President Gomez, his successor, has annulled his
   decrees of hostility to Colombian commerce.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Efficient but arbitrary Government produces discontent.
   Opposition to treaty with Panama and the United States.
   Vacation of President Reyes which ends in resignation.
   Revolt.
   Elections.

   While the Government organized under President Reyes was
   undoubtedly efficient and effective in restoring order and
   prosperity to the country, it was not satisfactory to the
   people; and perhaps it speaks well for them that they showed
   discontent. It was not a representative government, the
   existing Congress not being an elective body, but a
   provisional legislature made up by appointment. As admitted in
   the quotation above from a friendly Colombian writer, the
   citizens under it were tongue-tied subjects, having no free
   speech or Press. The political situation and the differing
   states of feeling produced by it were discussed in April,
   1909, by a special correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
   who wrote from Bogotá:

   "It seems to be confessed by the great majority of the people
   here that the country has not entered on that stage of
   political development in which the people can govern
   themselves by parliamentary methods. The history of their
   nearly one hundred years of independent national life has been
   that of almost continual civil strife, and of frequent civil
   wars, which have interrupted and almost destroyed all efforts
   at self-government; so that the present system of government
   by executive decrees, to be ratified by an appointed
   ‘Constitutional and Legislative Assembly,’ is about the only
   one that can preserve the peace and direct the country into
   the line of prosperity and progress.

{112}

   "Under this system of government the country has enjoyed
   almost perfect internal peace during the year. This is the
   political theory that is most widely accepted at the present
   time in Colombia. Of course, there are those who do not agree
   with this theory, which they consider as the natural action of
   men who are more anxious to preserve order than they are to
   establish truth and justice, and there are not lacking those
   who say that in the long run it will be found to be a foolish
   system.

   "It is pointed out that the idea that grievances can be done
   away with by forbidding men to complain, or that the
   criticisms can be met by excommunicating the critics, or that
   changes can be prevented by putting the troublers to silence,
   is contradicted by the experience of the rest of the world.
   The kind of effort that is being made in Colombia to prevent
   the liberty of the press, of public speech, and of personal
   opinion, is like the effort to prevent the escape of steam by
   the safety valve, and is very likely to result in an
   explosion."

   The state of public feeling in Colombia became further
   complicated, no doubt, when, early in January, 1909, a
   tripartite treaty was negotiated, with Panama and the United
   States, for the settlement of questions connected with the
   secession of Panama in 1903. Panama, in this treaty, agreed to
   pay Colombia the sum of $3,500,000, as her share of the
   Colombian public debt, receiving recognition of her
   independence in return. The treaty was submitted to the
   Colombian Congress by President Reyes on the 24th of February,
   with a special message of recommendation; but public feeling
   was said to be bitterly against it, for the reasons that no
   wrongfulness in the transaction was recognized and the
   indemnity was insufficient. Disturbances which broke out at
   Bogota and in the provinces about the middle of March were
   attributed mostly to this cause of discontent. For some reason
   of discouragement or disgust, the President was reported to
   have resigned his office on the 13th, but was persuaded to
   resume it next day.

   It was now decided to suspend consideration of the tripartite
   treaty, until it could be submitted to an elected National
   Congress, the election for which would be held on the 20th of
   the coming July. In June, a few weeks before the appointed
   election, President Reyes made a sudden departure for Europe.
   Rumors that he had gone because tired of political strife and
   would not return were contradicted by the Colombian Consul at
   New York, in a published note which said: "His departure, the
   causes of which are well known throughout Colombia, was due to
   the fact that after five years’ strenuous labor he desired a
   rest, and last March to the National Assembly expressed his
   desire to retire temporarily from the Presidency, but, owing
   to the opposition of public sentiment and the strong desire of
   the people to have him remain, he determined not to leave the
   Presidency until elections to the coming Congress had been
   made. To this Congress, about to be convened, and in which all
   parties are represented, President Reyes confides many of the
   cares of government, left by law under his jurisdiction until
   Congress should assemble, and withdraws, temporarily only,
   from the discharge of his Presidential duties, leaving in his
   stead General Jorge Holguin, his most intimate friend and
   former minister of war, who will continue to pursue in all
   matters the same policy as that adopted by his predecessor.
   General Reyes during his stay in Europe, whence he has gone,
   will perfect plans for developing railroad and other
   industries in Colombia. There is absolute peace and
   tranquillity in all parts of the country."

   But the "absolute peace and tranquillity" of the country was
   shaken in the first week of July by a revolutionary outbreak
   at Barranquilla, soon suppressed, and the resignation of
   President Reyes was received soon thereafter, from abroad. The
   election of his successor now devolved on the new National
   Congress, elected by the people on the 20th of July. It gave
   the office, for the remainder of the unfinished term (which
   expires August 7, 1910) to Señor Gonzales Valencia, who had
   been proclaimed by the Barranquilla revolutionists the month
   before, though he disavowed their movement.

COLONIAL CONFERENCES, British.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

COLONIAL DOMINION, The passing of the age of.

      See (in this Volume)
      WORLD MOVEMENTS.

COLONIZATION: The colonizable regions of Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

COLORADOS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY:
   Interchange of Professors with German and Scandinavian
   universities.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
   Head of French Ministry.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October;
      also 1903, and 1905-1906.

COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
   Vindication under scandalous charges.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (JUNE-JULY).

   --------COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL: Start------

COMBINATIONS: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Decision of the Federal High Court on the Anti-Trust Law.
   Prosecutions by the Government.

   "The first case brought under the Federal Anti-Trust Law ended
   in June last in a decision of the High Court to the effect
   that two important sections of the Act were ultra vires, as
   the Constitution only empowered the Commonwealth to regulate
   foreign and inter-State trade and gave it no authority to
   interfere with trade within a State. The Federal Government is
   now instituting proceedings against 27 firms which are alleged
   to belong to a coal combine trading with other countries and
   among the States of the Commonwealth. Each firm has been
   called upon to answer certain questions under the Act in
   question."

      Reuter Telegram,
      Melbourne, September 27, 1909.

{113}

COMBINATIONS: Canada: A. D. 1909.
   Merger of Dominion Iron, Steel, and Coal Companies.
   Cement Combination.

   The following is a Press despatch from Halifax, Nova Scotia,
   November 13, 1909:

   "The formation of the Canada Steel Corporation, the proposed
   $70,000,000 merger of the Dominion Iron and Steel Company and
   the Dominion Coal Company, was made possible by the agreement
   of James Ross of Montreal, president of the Dominion Coal
   Company, to transfer to a syndicate of Toronto capitalists a
   portion of his holdings of the coal company stock. Final
   arrangements regarding the stock transfer will be made here
   to-day. President Ross owns coal company stock of a par value
   of $5,000,000, and, although he does not dispose of all this,
   he is to transfer enough to give control of the coal company
   to the Toronto capitalists, who have already acquired a
   controlling interest in the steel company. The plants of the
   Dominion Iron and Steel Company and the Dominion Coal Company
   are in Cape Breton, where they give employment to thousands of
   men, and where they have caused little fishing villages to
   spring up into flourishing cities."

   Announcement of the completion of the merger was made in
   December.

COMBINATIONS: CANADA: A. D. 1910.
   Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

   A strongly constructed measure for controlling and regulating
   commercial and industrial combinations, to check restraints of
   trade and undue enhancement of prices, was brought into the
   Dominion House of Commons on the 18th of January, 1910, by the
   Minister of Labor, Mr. Mackenzie King, and its passage was
   said to be assured. Mr King’s explanation of the Bill, as
   summarized for the Associated Press, was as follows:

   "The Bill, Mr. King stated, was not designed to interfere with
   trade, but to protect the public from the operation of
   monopolies. The bill provides that if six or more persons show
   prima facie evidence to a superior court judge that a combine
   exists, which has unduly enhanced the price of a manufactured
   article, unduly limited the production of any commodity, or
   unduly restricted trade in any way, the judge shall order the
   minister of labor to have an investigation made. This shall be
   done by a board of three, one member to be appointed by those
   who complain, one by those complained against, and a chairman
   by the first two, and if they fail to select the judge who has
   heard the complaint shall act.

   "This board has the full powers of a court to compel the
   attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence. The
   board must report to the minister and he must give the report
   the fullest publicity.

   "Two remedies are provided where a combination is reported to
   exist. The government may withdraw the tariff protection from
   the articles produced by the combine and bring the
   manufacturers into competition with the world.

   "The other remedy is a provision that if the combine persists
   in its course after ten days there shall be a fine of $1,000 a
   day imposed until the abuse is remedied. There is also
   provision that when a patentee makes use of the protection of
   the patent act to restrict trade or unduly enhance prices his
   patent may be revoked.

   "The act provides for its expeditious and thorough
   enforcement, and all expenses of investigation are to be borne
   by the government.

   "Where question is raised as to the scope of the
   investigation, the board shall make it as thorough and
   complete as public interest requires. Boards are to conduct
   their investigations in public and the decision of two members
   shall be the decision of the board. Whenever the minister of
   labor believes that counsel should aid the investigation, the
   board may retain the services of a lawyer upon the consent of
   the minister of justice. Witnesses are to be allowed the same
   fees and traveling expenses allowed at the present in civil
   suits. With the consent of the minister of labor a board may
   employ experts to examine books and to report upon technical
   questions."

COMBINATIONS: GERMANY:
   Corporation Reform as the Germans have handled it.

   "Thirty years ago the German people went through corporation
   experiences much like our own. There, as here, the
   corporation, as originally designed, was a mere shell. There,
   as here, under the shelter of that shell, the property of the
   country was being transferred from the German people at large,
   even the little they had, to the few. There, thirty years ago,
   as here now, great corporate scandals were exposed. And there,
   as here, the human nature that is everywhere behind
   civilization eventually began to recoil. It began there before
   it began here, only because conditions reached a climax there
   earlier than here, and because we as a people were too
   prosperous and too busy to look even a little way beneath the
   surface of things.

   "But when the work of reform did come there, it was a genuine
   reform. It did not content itself with indiscriminate
   denunciation, or with mere lawsuits. Nor did it die out,
   leaving the door still open to every character of corporation
   the cunning of men might conceive. Before a corporation can be
   organized in that country, it must prove, as in a court
   proceeding, its rightful title to a corporate existence. In
   the same way it must establish the amount and the character of
   the capitalization it is allowed to put out. When property is
   turned in, its value must be judicially ascertained. Upon
   officers and directors is not conferred supreme power; in the
   German corporation the shareholders’ meeting is the
   counterpart of our New England town meetings—a genuine
   assembly intended to do something more than pass resolutions
   of approval. And every violation of trust, not merely to the
   public, but to the shareholder as well, is quickly punished
   with punishment that smarts. There is in the German
   corporation no room for one to do, with impunity, in his
   capacity as a corporation officer or promoter, what if done
   individually would land him in the penitentiary."

      Judge Peter S. Grosscup,
      The Corporation and the People
      (The Outlook, January 12, 1907).

COMBINATIONS: The Cartels.
   Industrial combinations, quite as effective as the Trusts of
   the United States, have been created in Germany on a wholly
   different plan. The constituent organizations in them, of
   capital and industry, are simply knitted or tied together by
   hard and fast agreements, instead of being fused into huge
   corporations, as the Trusts are. For the kind of covenant
   which unites them a military term has been borrowed, and they
   are called Cartels. The difference between the Cartel and
   the Trust is described by a Scottish writer, D. H. Macgregor,
   in his work on Industrial Combinations, as follows:

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   "The Cartel is an agreement for a time, the Trust is a
   permanent structure; the former is therefore a factor in
   industry full of speculative possibilities, both as regards
   its actual operation, and because the 'residual' competition
   of parties who break away at the end of the period is
   considerably to be feared. … The principle of the pure Cartel
   is compensatory action. It is an organization in which certain
   producers deal with themselves, and exist for that purpose in
   a double relation; they are producers of goods, and purchasers
   of their own produce. What they stand to lose in one aspect
   they stand to gain in the other. …

   "The operation is broadly as follows. The members of the
   Cartel, meeting as producers in general assembly, determine a
   price for their product which covers cost of production, being
   in fact practically a competitive price. This is the base or
   normal price (Richtpreis). Thus they assure themselves, in
   this capacity, of adequate remuneration. They then sell to the
   Syndicate, that is to themselves as members of the Syndicate,
   for what is called the ‘taking over’ or ‘accounting’ price
   (Verrechnungspreis) which is usually on the average higher
   than the base price, so that they have now created for
   themselves as producers a ‘Cartel advantage.’ The Syndicate
   then resells to the consumer, for a price which will be as
   high as it can get, but which varies with the competition to
   be met in different parts of the market; this price
   (Verkaufspreis) may not in some cases be so high as the
   taking-over price, or may not exceed it by more than the
   margin necessary to cover the Syndicate’s expenses of
   management. … It is the Syndicate which figures in the public
   eye; and while it itself offers no sign of monopoly profit it
   shelters the companies which gain by its handling of their
   goods. It conceals monopoly dividends."

      D. H. Macgregor,
      Industrial Combination
      (G. Bell & Sons, London, 1906).

COMBINATIONS: The Coal and Coke Cartels.
   Their influence.

   An elaborate history and description of the "Monopolistic
   Combinations in the German Coal Industry," by Francis Walker,
   was published for the American Economic Association in 1904.
   These are treated as representative, because, says Mr. Walker,
   "the most important and fundamental of all German castellated
   industries" are those in mining and metallurgy. He traces
   their development from a beginning in 1858, when an
   association of the mining interests of the mining district of
   Dormund was founded. In part, his conclusions as to the effect
   of the coal cartels are as follows:

   "The German coal cartels have not had an injurious influence,
   in general, on the production of coal. More particularly they
   cannot be accused, justly, of unduly limiting production among
   themselves. Nor have they attempted to accomplish the same end
   by crushing outside competition, by unfair methods. It would
   be preposterous to say that they have hindered technical
   progress. The cost of production, on the other hand, probably
   has been somewhat increased by the preservation of weak and
   costly mines through participation in the cartels. In regard
   to prices, the policy of the coal cartels, on the whole, has
   been moderate, taking circumstances into consideration, while
   the policy of the coke cartel may be fairly pronounced
   extortionate. The prices of coal have been more stable than
   they would have been under free competition; during the
   hausse they were not screwed up so high as they might
   easily have been, but, on the other hand, they have not
   declined so quickly with the baisse. The like may be said of
   the coke prices, but, at the same time, they were exorbitant
   considered from the point of view of costs and profits. … The
   déroute of the iron industry was not due to the coal or
   coke cartels in any important degree, i. e., even with low
   prices, disaster to the iron industry would have been
   inevitable. No other industry was affected so much as iron,
   and it is at least very questionable whether the cartels in
   general (excluding the coal cartels in particular) are to be
   blamed for the crisis. … That they are to be blamed for the
   ill-judged over-development of certain industries, which was
   apparently the real cause of the crisis, does not seem to be a
   just conclusion. On the other hand, the cartels may be
   accused, with more probability of truth, of retarding the
   convalescence of German industry by not reducing prices, and
   if this is true, the coal and coke cartels are specially to
   blame."

      F. Walker,
      Monopolistic Combinations in the German Coal Industry
      (American Economic Association), 1904.

COMBINATIONS: Growing magnitude of companies.
   Industrial concentration.

   "The tendency to industrial concentration is shown by the
   returns of public companies, which point to the growing
   domination of large undertakings. Of 4,749 registered public
   companies in 1895, 13.6 per cent. had a share capital not
   exceeding £5,000, but in 1906, of 5,000 such companies, only
   9.6 per cent. had a capital of that amount; the companies with
   a capital of from £5,000 to £12,500 decreased from 14.0 to
   10.4 per cent., and those with a capital of from £12,500 to
   £25,000 decreased from 16.9 to 14.2 per cent. On the other
   hand the companies with a capital of from £25,000 to £50,000
   increased from 20.7 to 21.3 percent.; those with a capital of
   from £50,000 to £250,000 increased from 28.5 to 35.0 per
   cent.; those with a capital of from £250,000 to £500,000
   increased from 3.4 to 5.4 per cent., and those with a capital
   exceeding £500,000 increased from 2.9 to 4.1 per cent. In 1896
   there were only two companies with a capital exceeding five
   millions; in 1906 there were nine such companies, and their
   combined capital was over seventy millions, having been more
   than doubled since 1896. In spite of this tendency towards the
   concentration of capital and the multiplication of large
   undertakings, however, Germany is still an interesting
   illustration of an industrial country which has not yet
   entirely gone over to the factory system of production. The
   handicrafts, the characteristic feature of which is the small,
   independent master-workman, surrounded by his handful of
   journeymen and apprentices, contend tenaciously, yet
   unfortunately with only partial success, against the on-coming
   tide of ‘great capitalism’ (private joint stock, and
   cooperative), and the house industries continue to afford
   employment to a multitude of workers of both sexes, estimated
   at half a million."

      William H. Dawson,
      The Evolution of Modern Germany,
      pages 59-60 (Unwin, London; Scribner's, New York, 1909).

{115}

   "Among the home interests of the country nothing loomed up so
   large last year [1904] as the subject of industrial
   combinations. The process of consolidating industries and
   banks into powerful organizations again made gigantic strides;
   and the public mind, dazed and disquieted, is wondering what
   will be its final outcome. All the largest steel manufacturers
   have united in an association that shall have complete control
   of the steel and iron products of the country; and it is
   already effecting agreements with manufacturers of other
   countries for parceling out the world’s markets. At the same
   time the Coal Syndicate was reorganized to include all the
   independent producers of the West; and in connection with it,
   a great shipping and selling company was formed for the
   purpose of controlling the retail trade and eliminating
   recalcitrant dealers. These steel and coal combinations are
   working in complete harmony, and no independent manufacturer
   can exist against their will.

   "In that great industrial region many large iron companies had
   come into possession of coal mines. In order to induce these
   to put their mines into the Syndicate, they were given the
   right to produce, over and above their allotments, all the
   coal that they might need for their own furnaces. A new
   impetus was thus given to the process of consolidation. Strong
   coal companies hastened to absorb iron establishments, in
   order to earn larger profits by consuming their own coal in
   indefinite quantities. Furthermore, as the allotments were
   fixed absolutely for a long period, the strongest companies
   proceeded to buy weaker, less economically worked collieries,
   in order to shut them down and produce their allotments
   elsewhere at lower cost. This movement assumed large
   proportions. Miners by the thousand had to betake themselves
   to other parts of the country, and entire communities were
   threatened with depopulation. Industrial towns held
   indignation meetings, to protest, and to demand the
   nationalization of the mines; and excited operatives are still
   holding conferences to discuss a general strike. The
   Government has sent a commission to inquire into the movement;
   and the Minister of Commerce has urged the coal magnates to
   proceed as mildly as possible.

   "This powerful concentric movement of industries has taken a
   strong hold upon the thoughts of people and Government alike.
   The public is deeply concerned at the growth of private
   monopolies, and many persons who had hitherto favored letting
   economic development take its own course now call for drastic
   measures of prevention and repression. Country squires of the
   most conservative type advocate the nationalization of all
   coal deposits; and it is already asserted that a majority of
   the Prussian Diet would vote for such a measure. This
   convergence of the views of extreme Conservatism and radical
   Socialism is certainly one of the oddest results of the
   movement under discussion,—and one of the most instructive.
   The natural trend of events is unquestionably in the direction
   of some form of socialism. The Social Democracy clearly
   perceives this, and so hails every industrial consolidation as
   but another milestone on the way to state collectivism."

      W. C. Dreher,
      Recent Events in Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1905).

COMBINATIONS: International:
   Of Transatlantic Shipping Companies.
   Agreements with the British Government.

   Announcement was made in October, 1902, of the incorporation
   on the 1st of that month, under a New Jersey charter, of the
   International Mercantile Marine Company, with a capital of
   $120,000,000, and an issue of 4½ per cent. bonds to the amount
   of $75,000,000. The combination included the American, the Red
   Star, the White, the Atlantic Transport, the Leyland and the
   Dominion lines. Both American and British capitalists were
   represented in the board of directors, the former in the
   majority. Several partners in the firm of J. Pierpont Morgan &
   Company were included, and Mr. Morgan was understood to be the
   architect of the combination; but he did not appear personally
   in its organization.

   The first step towards such a shipping combination had been
   taken sixteen years before, when the British Inman steamship
   line was taken over by the International Navigation Company,
   made up of Americans, at the head of whom was Mr. Clement A.
   Griscom, of Philadelphia. "The British Government promptly
   withdrew the liberal subsidy which it had been paying to the
   Inman liners; but Mr. Griscom and his comrades brought the
   New York and Paris beneath the Stars and
   Stripes, built the St. Louis and St. Paul, secured a
   subsidy from the United States and gave the first-class
   British lines a most formidable competitor. Indeed, commercial
   rivalry in high grade ships on the North Atlantic soon became
   too keen to permit of reasonable dividends and Mr. Griscom
   found British ship-owners in a responsive mood when he
   broached anew the great idea of an international combination.

   "This union was made all the easier by the fact that meanwhile
   another important British steamship concern, the Leyland line,
   had been acquired by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the spring of
   1901. This line, itself the fruit of several consolidations,
   controlled the largest British tonnage in the North Atlantic
   trade. It owned no fast mail ships, no greyhounds. But it did
   possess forty or fifty good, useful steamships of moderate
   speed, many of them of large tonnage, and fit for passengers
   as well as freight. The main Leyland service lay between
   Boston or New York on this side, and Liverpool or London on
   the other, and the business of the company had been so
   profitable for a long term of years that its shares were
   quoted at a handsome premium. Mr. Morgan paid a generous price
   for his maritime investment. It is said that he gave £14 10s.
   for each £10 share, or a bonus of 45 per cent. But amazement
   at Mr. Morgan’s ‘liberality’ ceased when the next stage in the
   great, far-sighted negotiation was unfolded.

   "This was the dramatic uniting of the Leyland line with the
   American and Red Star lines of the International Navigation
   Company, and the Atlantic Transport line, another British
   steam fleet owned by American capital. Later still it
   transpired that the famous White Star line of fast mail,
   passenger, and freight ships and the smaller but excellent
   Dominion line were embraced in the huge consolidation. The
   White Star was one of the two lines—the Cunard was the
   other—which performed the British mail service between
   Queenstown and New York. Its fleet included the great liners
   Oceanic and Celtic, the swift Teutonic
   and Majestic, and the favorite Britannic and
   Germanic which had held ocean records in their day,
   together with a considerable number of large and efficient
   freighters. The American purchase of the White Star line was
   long disputed, and when it was finally confirmed, something
   like consternation seized the British press and people, for
   the White Star fleet had been regarded as distinctively a
   British institution as the Bank of England. Its fast ships
   received not only the mail pay of the post-office, but the
   subventions of the Admiralty, and were enrolled on the
   ‘merchant cruiser’ list."

      Winthrop L. Marvin,
      The Great Ship "Combine"
      (American Review of Reviews, December, 1902).

{116}

   The anxieties with which the combination was regarded at first
   in Great Britain were allayed materially by Mr. G. Balfour,
   President of the Board of Trade, who made public, in a speech
   at Sheffield, the terms of an arrangement that had been made
   by the Government with the Cunard Company, on one hand, and
   the Combination on the other. The Cunard Company, he said,
   "pledged themselves to remain in every respect a British
   company, managed by British directors—the shares not to be
   transferred to any but British subjects. Their ships were to
   be officered by British officers. They also engaged to
   construct two vessels of twenty-four to twenty-five knots
   which, as well as the entire Cunard fleet, the Admiralty would
   have the right to charter or purchase at any time on terms
   fixed in the agreement. The money for the construction of the
   fast steamers would be advanced to the company at the rate of
   2¾ per cent. interest, while in lieu of the present Admiralty
   subvention—£28,000 a year for the contingent use of three
   ships—the company would receive £150,000 a year. With Mr.
   Pierpont Morgan, the head of the Shipping Combination, who had
   shown the utmost readiness to meet the wishes of His Majesty’s
   Government, it had been agreed that the British companies in
   the Combination should remain British, not merely in name but
   in reality. The majority of their directors were to be British
   subjects. All their ships now flying the British flag were to
   continue to fly it, and at least one-half of those hereafter
   to be built for the Combination would likewise fly British
   colours, be commanded by British officers, and manned in
   reasonable proportion by British sailors. On the other hand,
   the combined companies would continue to be treated, as
   heretofore, on a footing of equality with other British
   companies in respect of any services, whether postal, or
   military, or naval, which His Majesty’s Government might
   require from the British mercantile marine. It had been
   further stipulated that in the event of the Combination
   pursuing a policy hostile to our mercantile marine or to
   British trade, the King’s Government should have the right to
   terminate the agreement."

COMBINATIONS: United States: A. D. 1900.
   Definition of the term Industrial Combination formulated
   at the Census Bureau.
   Statistics as collected in 1900.

   "The officials of the Census Office, in order to prevent
   misconceptions and insure consistency in the plan and system
   of tabulation, formulated the following definition of the term
   ‘industrial combination’:

   "‘For the purpose of the Census, the rule has been adopted to
   consider no aggregation of mills an industrial combination,
   unless it consists of a number of formerly independent mills
   which have been brought together into one company under a
   charter obtained for that purpose. We therefore exclude from
   this category many large establishments comprising a number of
   mills, which have grown up, not by combination with other
   mills, but by the erection of new plants or the purchase of
   old ones.’ …

   "So far as can be ascertained from the data in the Census
   Office, the number of these industrial consolidations is 183.
   They control 2203 separate plants, scattered throughout the
   United States, 2029 being active and 174 idle during the
   census year. For 56 of the idle plants no returns could be
   obtained, making the total number of reporting plants 2147.
   The 183 combinations extend to almost all lines of industry,
   producing articles of luxury, materials essential to the
   upbuilding and growth of the country, and even the very
   necessities of life. Fully 50 per cent. of these combinations
   were chartered just prior to or during the census year; and it
   is noteworthy that the epidemic of industrial consolidation,
   as far as the so-called monopolies are concerned, has been
   practically confined to the past four years. It is evident,
   therefore, that the disease—if it be regarded as such—has
   spread very rapidly.

   "Naturally enough, iron and steel, with 69 combinations, heads
   the list. The number of reporting plants engaged in this
   industry is 469, and the capital invested, consisting of land,
   buildings, machinery, tools and implements, and cash and
   sundries, is valued at $348,000,000."

      W. R. Merriam,
      "Trusts" in the Light of Census Returns
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1903.
   The question of Federal Control and Regulation.
   Urgency of President Roosevelt for effective legislation.

   In his first Message to Congress, three months after his
   succession to the Presidency, President Roosevelt expressed
   his mind frankly and clearly on the then increasing demand in
   the country for more stringent measures of government, to
   control and regulate the exercise of the power which great
   aggregations of incorporated capital have created in recent
   times. In part, he then said:

   "The tremendous and highly complex industrial development
   which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter
   half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the
   beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems.
   The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding
   force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the
   accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial
   changes which have so enormously increased the productive
   power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of
   cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of
   the country, and the up building of the great industrial
   centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the
   aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large
   individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes.
   … The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of
   which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the
   rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the
   contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker,
   the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this
   country and at the present time. There have been abuses
   connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true
   that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be
   accumulated by the person specially benefited only on
   condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon
   others. …
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   The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems
   across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who
   have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great
   good to our people. Without them the material development of
   which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. …
   It cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with
   ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost
   inevitably endangers the interests of all. … Much of the
   legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly
   mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In
   accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or
   reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the
   evils which he has been nominally opposing.

   "All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real
   and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization
   because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and
   practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There is
   a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people
   that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of
   their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.
   This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor
   lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have
   placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for
   commercial supremacy. … It is based upon sincere conviction
   that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited,
   but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in
   my judgment this conviction is right. … The first essential in
   determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations
   is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the interests of the
   public, the Government should have the right to inspect and
   examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in
   interstate business. …

   "When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the
   eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the
   sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political
   conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the
   twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of
   course that the several States were the proper authorities to
   regulate so far as was then necessary, the comparatively
   insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the
   day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly
   different action is called for. I believe that a law can be
   framed which will enable the National Government to exercise
   control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the
   experience gained through the passage and administration of
   the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the
   Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass
   such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be
   submitted to confer the power."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      December 3, 1901.

   In the following summer, during a tour which he made through
   some of the New England States the President gave prominence
   to the same subject in his addresses, emphasizing the
   necessity of federal legislation to arm the General Government
   with more effective authority for regulating the action of
   corporations engaged in interstate trade. In speaking at
   Providence especially, his remarks caused a great stir of
   feeling in the country, and seem to have signalled the
   beginning of an open array of hostile corporate interests
   against him. On that occasion he spoke partly as follows:

   "Those great corporations containing some tendency to
   monopoly, which we have grown to speak of rather loosely as
   trusts, are the creatures of the State, and the State not only
   has the right to control them, but is in duty bound to control
   them wherever the need for such control is shown. There is
   clearly a need of supervision—need to exercise the power of
   regulation on the part of the representatives of the public,
   wherever, as in our own country at the present time, business
   corporations become so very strong, both for beneficent work
   and for work that is not always beneficent. It is idle to say
   that there is no need for such supervision. A sufficient
   warrant for it is to be found over and over again in any of the
   various evils resulting from the present system, or, rather,
   lack of system.

   "There is in our country a peculiar difficulty in the way of
   exercising such supervision and control because of the
   peculiar division of governmental power. When the industrial
   conditions were simple, very little control was needed, and no
   trouble was caused by the doubt as to where power was lodged
   under the constitution. Now the conditions are complicated,
   and we find it difficult to frame national legislation which
   shall be adequate, while as a matter of practical experience
   State action has proved entirely insufficient, and in all
   human probability cannot or will not be made sufficient, to
   meet the needs of the case. Some of our States have excellent
   laws—laws which it would be well indeed to have enacted by
   the national legislature. But the wide differences in these
   laws, even between adjacent States, and the uncertainty of the
   power of enforcement result practically in altogether
   insufficient control.

   "I believe that the nation must assume this power of control
   by legislation, and if it becomes evident that the
   constitution will not permit needed legislation, then by
   constitutional amendment. The immediate need of dealing with
   trusts is to place them under the real, not nominal, control
   of some sovereign to which, as its creature, the trusts shall
   owe allegiance, and in whose courts the sovereign’s orders may
   with certainty be enforced. That is not the case with the
   ordinary so-called 'trust’ to-day, for the trust is a large
   State corporation, generally doing business in other States
   also, and often with a tendency to monopoly. Such a trust is
   an artificial creature not wholly responsible to or
   controllable by any legislature, nor wholly subject to the
   jurisdiction of any one court. Some governmental sovereign
   must be given full power over these artificial and very
   powerful corporate beings. In my judgment this sovereign must
   be the national government. When it has been given full power,
   then this full power can be used to control any evil
   influence, exactly as the government is now using the power
   conferred upon it under the Sherman Anti-Trust law.

   "Even when the full power has been conferred it would be
   highly undesirable to attempt too much or to begin by
   stringent legislation. The mechanism of modern business is as
   delicate and complicated as it is vast, and nothing would be
   more productive of evil to all of us, and especially to those
   least well off in this world’s goods, than ignorant meddling
   with this mechanism, and, above all, if the meddling was done
   in a spirit of class or sectional rancor.
{118}
   It is desirable that this power should be possessed by the
   nation, but it is quite as desirable that the power should be
   exercised with moderation and self-restraint. The first
   exercise of that power should be the securing of publicity
   among all great corporations doing an interstate business. The
   publicity, though non-inquisitorial, should be real and
   thorough as to all important facts with which the public has
   concern. The full light of day is a great discourager of evil.
   Such publicity would by itself tend to cure the evils of which
   there is just complaint, and where the alleged evils are
   imaginary, it would tend to show that such is the case. When
   publicity is attained it would then be possible to see what
   further should be done in the way of regulation.

   "Above all, it behooves us to remember not only that we ought
   to try to do what we can, but that our success in doing it
   depends very much upon our neither attempting nor expecting
   the impossible. …

   "I see no promise of a complete solution for all the problems
   we group together when we speak of the trust question. But we
   can make a beginning in solving these problems, and a good
   beginning if only we approach the subject with a sufficiency
   of resolution, of honesty and of that hard common sense which
   is one of the most valuable, and, unfortunately, not one of
   the most common, assets in the equipment of any people. I
   think the national administration has shown its firm intention
   to enforce the laws as they now stand on the statute books
   without regard to persons, and I think that good has come from
   this enforcement. I think, furthermore, that additional
   legislation should be had, and can be had, which will enable
   us to accomplish much more than has been accomplished along
   these same lines."

      Theodore Roosevelt,
      Address at Providence, August 23, 1902
      (New York Tribune, August 24, 1902).

   In his next Message to Congress, President Roosevelt renewed
   his urgency for the needed legislation. "No more important
   subject can come before the Congress," he said, "than this of
   the regulation of interstate business. This country cannot
   afford to sit supine on the plea that under our peculiar
   system of government we are helpless in the presence of the
   new conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to cut out
   whatever of evil has arisen in connection with them. The power
   of the Congress to regulate interstate commerce is an absolute
   and unqualified grant, and without limitations other than
   those prescribed by the Constitution. The Congress has
   constitutional authority to make all laws necessary and proper
   for executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power
   has not been exhausted by any legislation now on the statute
   books."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      December 2, 1902.

   A year later, when the President addressed his Message to the
   next Congress, at the opening of its first session, he was
   able to say:

   "The country is especially to be congratulated on what has
   been accomplished in the direction of providing for the
   exercise of supervision over the great corporations and
   combinations of corporations engaged in interstate commerce.
   The Congress has created the Department of Commerce and Labor,
   including the Bureau of Corporations, with for the first time
   authority to secure proper publicity of such proceedings of
   these great corporations as the public has the right to know.
   It has provided for the expediting of suits for the
   enforcement of the Federal anti-trust law; and by another law
   it has secured equal treatment to all producers in the
   transportation of their goods, thus taking a long stride
   forward in making effective the work of the Interstate
   Commerce Commission."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      December 1, 1903.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1906.
   A summary of governmental action against corporate
   wrongdoers, by Elihu Root.
   Legislation.
   Litigation.
   Court decisions.

   "The act creating the bureau of corporations, the act
   expediting the trial of trust cases, the anti-rebate act, the
   act for the regulation of railroad rates, have made possible
   redress which was impossible before. Under the direction of
   two successive Attorney Generals of the first order of
   ability, sincerity and devotion, in hundreds of courts,
   incessant warfare has been waged and is being waged under the
   federal laws against corporate wrongdoers.

   "The Northern Securities Company, which sought to combine and
   prevent competition between two great continental railroads,
   has been forced to dissolve by the judgment of the Supreme
   Court of the United States. The methods of the Beef Trust in
   combining to suppress competition in the purchase of livestock
   and the sale of meat have been tried and condemned, and the
   trust has been placed under injunction to abandon these
   practices by judgment of the Supreme Court. The combination of
   paper manufacturers in the territory from Chicago to the Rocky
   Mountains has been dissolved by the judgment of the Supreme
   Court, and the combination has been abandoned, and the price
   of white paper in that territory has gone down 30 per cent.
   The Retail Grocers’ Association in this country has been
   dissolved by decree of the court. The elevator combination in
   the West has been dissolved in like manner. The salt
   combination west of the Rocky Mountains has been dissolved by
   decree of the court. The Wholesale Grocers’ Association in the
   South, the meat combination and the lumber combination in the
   West, the combination of railroads entering the city of St.
   Louis to suppress competition between the bridges and ferries
   reaching that city; the Drug Trust, which suppresses
   competition all over the country, are being vigorously pressed
   in suits brought by the federal government for their
   dissolution. The salt combination has been indicted and
   convicted and fined for failing to obey the judgment of
   dissolution. The Beef Trust has been indicted for failing to
   obey the injunction against them, and have been saved so far
   only by a decision that they had secured temporary immunity by
   giving evidence against themselves. One branch of the Tobacco
   Trust is facing an indictment of its corporations and their
   officers in the federal court in New York, and the other
   branches are undergoing investigation. The lumber combination
   in Oklahoma is under indictment. The Fertilizer Trust, a
   combination of thirty-one corporations and twenty-five
   individuals to support and fix prices, has been indicted, the
   indictments have been sustained by the courts, and the
   combination has been dissolved. The ice combination of the
   District of Columbia is facing criminal trial. Special counsel
   are investigating the coal combination, and special counsel
   are investigating the Standard Oil combination.

{119}

   "Three of the causes won in the Supreme Court of the United
   States have furnished decisions of the utmost importance. In
   the Tobacco Trust case of Hale agt. Henkel, the Supreme Court
   denied the claim of the trust corporations to be exempt under
   the Constitution from furnishing testimony against themselves
   by the production of their books and papers before a federal
   grand jury. Thus, the protection of secrecy for corporate
   wrongdoing is beaten down. In the Northern Securities case the
   Supreme Court held that a wrong accomplished by means of
   incorporating in accordance with the express provision of the
   New Jersey statute was just as much a violation of federal law
   as if there had been no incorporation. Thus, the state rights
   defence of protection from favoring state statutes is beaten
   down. In the Beef Trust case the Supreme Court held that,
   although the business of manufacture was carried on within the
   limits of a single state, yet the purchase of the raw material
   in different states and the sale of the finished product in
   different states brought the business within the interstate
   commerce clause of the Constitution and gave the federal
   government authority over it. Thus, the defence that the state
   alone can deal with manufacturing corporations, however
   widespread their business, is beaten down.

   "The obstacles to the enforcement of the federal anti-trust
   act thus removed are obstacles which stood in the way of all
   proceedings, and they had to be cleared away before any
   proceedings of the same character against the same classes of
   corporations could be successfully maintained. They have been
   removed, not by newspaper headlines and denunciation, but by
   skill, ability, and energy of the highest order.

   "After the Elkins anti-rebate law was passed by Congress in
   1903 it was supposed, and the Interstate Commerce Commission
   reported, that the railroads had substantially abandoned
   giving rebates. Their good resolutions do not seem, however,
   to have lasted. The struggle for business enabled the shippers
   soon to secure a renewal of rebates, or, by ingenious devices
   advantages equivalent to rebates. Thereupon the Department of
   Justice began active prosecutions for the enforcement of the
   law. Fifty-three indictments have been found against hundreds
   of defendants and covering many hundreds of transactions.
   There have been fourteen criminal convictions. Fourteen
   individuals have been fined, to the gross amount of $66,125.
   Nine corporations have been fined to the amount of $253,000.
   Thirty-five indictments are ready for trial in their regular
   order upon the court calendar. The original statute provided
   only for punishment by fine. Last winter it was amended by
   providing for punishment by imprisonment, and, if the lines
   imposed under the original law shall not prove to have stopped
   the practice, we shall see whether fear of the penitentiary
   under the amendment will not do so.

   "Under this statute also it was necessary to sweep away
   defences which stood as barriers to general prosecution, and
   in the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad case, decided
   by the Supreme Court February 19 of this year, and the
   Milwaukee Refrigerator Transit case, decided in the Seventh
   Circuit on May 31 of this year, the courts have held that the
   substance and not the form is to control in the application of
   the statute, and that, however the transaction may be
   disguised, an unlawful discrimination can be reached and
   punished. The way is therefore cleared for all other
   prosecutions.

   "The Railroad Rates act, which was the subject of such excited
   discussion during the last session of Congress, has already
   justified itself. Since the passage of the act, less than five
   months ago, there have been more voluntary reductions of rates
   by our railroads than during the entire nineteen years of the
   previous life of the Interstate Commerce Commission. On the
   single day of the 29th of August, 1906, two days before the
   act went into force, over five thousand notices of voluntary
   reduction of rates were filed with the Interstate Commerce
   Commission by the railroads of the United States."

      Elihu Root,
      Speech at Utica, November 1, 1906
      (New York Tribune, November 2, 1906).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1903-1906.
   The "Beef Trust" suits and investigations.
   The United States v. Swift & Co. et al.
   Commissioner Garfield’s investigation.
   Indictment of Armour & Co. and others.
   Immunity decision of Judge Humphrey.
   Fines for receiving rebates from railways.

   In the case known as that of the United States v. Swift &
   Company et al., the defendants were seven corporations, one
   copartnership, and twenty-three other persons (commonly styled
   "the Beef Trust"), charged with violations of the anti-trust
   law, by combination in restraint of the trade which they
   conducted, namely, the buying of live stock, slaughtering the
   same in different states and selling the meats thus produced.
   It was affirmed by the Government that they, together,
   controlled about sixty per cent. of the total Volume of that
   trade in the country, and that if the alleged combination
   among them did not exist they "would be and remain in
   competition with each other"; but that by such "unlawful
   combination and conspiracy" they were directing and requiring
   their agents
   (1) not to bid against one another in the live-stock markets
   of the different States;
   (2) to bid up prices for a few days so as to induce cattlemen
   to send their stock to the stock-yards;
   (3) to fix prices at which they would sell, and hence, when
   necessary, to restrict shipments of meat;
   (4) to establish a uniform rule of credit to dealers and to
   keep a blacklist;
   (5) to make uniform and improper charges for cartage; and
   (6) to obtain less than lawful rates from the railways to the
   exclusion of all competitors.

   The case, on motion for injunction, was tried first in the
   Circuit Court of the Northern District of Illinois, Judge
   Peter S. Grosscup. The Opinion of the Court, given April 18,
   1903, held that, under the definition of the term by the
   Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case
   (see, in this Volume, Railways: United States: A. D.
   1890-1902), "there can be no doubt that the agreement of the
   defendants to refrain from bidding against each other in the
   purchase of cattle is combination in restraint of trade: so
   also their agreement to bid up prices to stimulate shipments,
   intending to cease from bidding when the shipments have
   arrived.
{120}
   The same result," continued the judge, "follows when we turn
   to the combination of defendants to fix prices upon and
   restrict the quantities of meat shipped to their agents or
   their customers. Such agreements can be nothing less than
   restriction upon competition, and, therefore, combination in
   restraint of trade; and thus viewed, the petition, as an
   entirety, makes out a case under the Sherman Act. … The
   demurrer is overruled, and the motion for preliminary
   injunction granted."

   On appeal, the case went to the Supreme Court, where it was
   argued in January, 1905, and decided on the 30th of the same
   month. The Opinion of the Court, rendered by Justice Holmes,
   with no dissent, affirmed, but modified, the decree of
   injunction issued by Judge Grosscup; the aim of the
   modifications being to give more definiteness to the decree.
   "The defendants," said Justice Holmes, for example, "cannot be
   ordered to compete, but they properly can be forbidden to give
   directions or to make agreements not to compete. The
   injunction follows the charge. No objection was made on the
   ground that it is not confined to the places specified in the
   bill. It seems to us, however, that it ought to set forth more
   exactly the transactions in which such directions and
   agreements are forbidden. The trade in fresh meat referred to
   should be defined somewhat as it is in the bill, and the sales
   of stock should be confined to sales of stock at the
   stock-yards named, which stock is sent from other States to
   the stock-yards for sale or is bought at those yards for
   transport to another State."

      Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
      Volume 2, prepared and edited by James A. Finch,
      by direction of the Attorney-General
      (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

COMBINATIONS:
   Investigation by the Commissioner of Corporations.

   On the 7th of March, 1904, the House of Representatives
   adopted a resolution requesting the Secretary of Commerce and
   Labor to "investigate the causes of the low prices of beef
   cattle in the United States since July 1st, 1903, and the
   unusually large margins between the prices of beef cattle and
   the selling prices of fresh beef, and whether the said
   conditions have resulted in whole or in part from any
   contract, combination, in the form of trust or otherwise, or
   conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among the several States
   and Territories or with foreign countries; also, whether said
   prices have been controlled in whole or in part by any
   corporation, joint stock company, or corporate combination
   engaged in commerce among the several States or with foreign
   nations; and, if so, to investigate the organization,
   capitalization, profits, conduct and management of the
   business of such corporations, companies, and corporate
   combinations, and to make early report of his findings
   according to law."

   In compliance with this resolution, the Commissioner of
   Corporations, Mr. James R. Garfield, went to Chicago in April
   and began the requested investigation, which was prosecuted
   throughout most of the ensuing year. "The inquiries of the
   Bureau of Corporations were naturally concerned chiefly with
   the six great concerns which, by the injunction of 1902, were
   grouped together, and which were popularly considered as the
   Beef Trust. The ‘Big Six,’ in the approximate order of their
   magnitude as indicated by the number of animals slaughtered,
   are: Swift & Company, with seven large plants; Armour &
   Company, and the Armour Packing Company, which have the same
   stockholders, and which together operate five packing-houses;
   the National Packing Company, with eight comparatively large
   plants and two or three minor ones; Morris & Company,
   operating three plants; the Cudahy Packing Company, with three
   plants in the middle West and a minor one at Los Angeles; and
   the Schwarzschild & Sulzberger Company, operating three
   plants. Nearly all of the important packing-houses of these
   six companies are situated in the eight great live-stock
   markets,—Chicago, Kansas City, South Omaha, East St. Louis,
   South St. Joseph, Fort Worth, South St. Paul, and Sioux City."

   As for the National Packing Company, it grew, apparently, out
   of an abortive scheme for the consolidation of the other five
   concerns which was rumored in 1902. "Shortly prior to the
   formation of this company the Armour interests had acquired
   control of the G. H. Hammond Company and the Omaha Packing
   Company, the Swifts had secured the Anglo-American Provision
   Company and the Fowler Packing Association, and the Morris
   family had become dominant in the United Dressed Beef Company
   of New York. The National Packing Company, organized in 1903,
   took over the control of the various corporations thus
   previously acquired by the three packing interests named, and
   has since absorbed two or three other smaller concerns. The
   directorate of the National Company consists almost wholly of
   representatives of the Armour, Swift, and Morris companies.
   Aside from this community of interest, the bureau finds that
   there is no important inter-ownership of securities among the
   six leading packing companies."

   "The ‘Big Six’ are by no means the only slaughterers of cattle
   in the United States. They, with a few minor affiliated
   concerns, killed 5,521,697 cattle in 1903, while, from the
   best available data, the Bureau of Corporations computes the
   total slaughter of the country at about 12,500,000. But the
   proportion of 45 per cent. thus indicated by no means measures
   the full economic significance of the six great packers. Their
   importance lies in the fact that they are the only concerns
   which do an extensive business in shipping dressed beef. … The
   ‘Big-Six’ kill about 98 percent, of the cattle slaughtered at
   the eight leading Western markets above named."

      Edward Dana Durand,
      The Beef Industry and the Government Investigation
      (American Review of Reviews, April, 1905).

   Early in March, 1905, just before the adjournment of Congress,
   his report of it, in part, was transmitted by the President to
   Congress. The following summary of important facts set forth
   in the extended report was published in The Outlook of
   the following week:

   "The report as sent to Congress deals with the prices of
   cattle and dressed beef, the margins between such prices, and
   the organization, conduct, and profits of the corporations
   engaged in the beef-packing business. In some respects the
   conclusions presented are distinctly favorable to the packers;
   in others, quite as unfavorable. It appears that the profits
   of the six great companies whose operations were covered by
   the investigation were very much smaller during the years 1902
   and 1903 than the public had been led to suppose,—that, in
   fact, for a part of that period the business was conducted at
   an actual loss.
{121}
   The percentage of profit on the gross Volume of business
   during the years 1902-1904 was comparatively low. That realized
   by Swift & Company is placed at two per cent. This, however,
   we repeat, is the percentage on total sales, which is a very
   different thing from profit on the investment. It is a
   well-known fact that the actual capitalization of the packing
   companies is very much less than the annual Volume of
   business. From statements made by the six companies to the
   Bureau of Corporations it appears that their gross business is
   not less than $700,000,000 per year, while their nominal
   capitalization is only $88,000,000, exclusive of $5,000,000
   bonds of Swift & Company. On the other hand, it is practically
   impossible, as the report shows, to determine accurately just
   what proportion of the total investment represents plants and
   properties concerned with the beef industry exclusively.
   Still, it is obvious that Swift & Company’s net profit of two
   per cent. on their sales would amount to very much more than
   two per cent, on their investment. The report makes an
   approximate estimate of twelve per cent.

   "On one other count the report is favorable to the companies.
   It declares that they are apparently not overcapitalized. This
   conclusion, it is true, is robbed of some of its exculpatory
   force when the private-car system is taken into consideration.
   It is shown that the companies’ profits on refrigerator cars,
   derived from mileage paid by the railroads, has ranged from 14
   to 22 per cent. The report gives clear and definite
   information as to the trust’s field of operations. It shows
   that the six companies slaughtered in 1903 only about 45 per
   cent. of all the cattle killed in that year, but that these
   companies slaughter nearly 98 per cent. of all the cattle
   killed in the leading Western packing centers, and that they
   control a large percentage of the trade in beef in many large
   cities—75 per cent. in New York, 85 per cent. in Boston, 95
   per cent. in Providence, and in a number of other important
   cities from 50 to 90 per cent. In all these centers of
   population the consumer is now paying more for meats than ever
   before, while the cattle-grower on the Western plains is
   receiving less for his beeves. These two facts are doubtless
   capable of explanation, but the published results of the
   investigation ordered by Congress throw little light on the
   matter."

COMBINATIONS:
   Case of the United States v. Armour & Company et al.

   Soon after the publication of the report of the Bureau of
   Corporations a special Federal Grand Jury at Chicago began the
   investigation of charges brought by the Attorney-General of
   the United States against five of the corporations engaged in
   the meat-packing business and seventeen of their officials. An
   indictment was returned by the Grand Jury on the 1st of July,
   1905, charging, in a number of counts, persistent violation of
   the injunction laid on these corporations and their officials
   by Judge Grosscup with affirmation by the Supreme Court, and
   continued combination in restraint of trade,—by requiring
   their purchasing agents to refrain from bidding in good faith
   against one another; by agreements that fixed the prices of
   beef; by restricting sales to maintain prices, etc. On the
   trial of the indictment, which was begun on the 29th of
   January and concluded on the 21st of March, 1906, the
   defendants claimed immunity, under that clause of the Fifth
   Amendment to the Constitution of the United States which
   reads:

   "Nor shall any person be compelled in any criminal case to be
   a witness against himself."

   Their claim for immunity under this constitutional
   prescription was founded on the fact that "upon the lawful
   requirement of the Commissioner of Corporations" they "had
   furnished evidence, documentary and otherwise, of and
   concerning the matters charged in the indictment"; and that a
   section of the Act creating the Department of Commerce and
   Labor provides that persons testifying or producing evidence
   before the Commissioner shall be entitled to the immunities
   conferred by the Act in relation to testimony before the
   Interstate Commerce Commission of February 11, 1893. Judge
   Humphrey, of the United States District Court, before whom the
   case was tried, sustained the plea in his charge to the jury,
   so far as concerned the individual defendants, saying: "Under
   the law of this case, the immunity pleas filed by the
   defendants will be sustained as to the individual defendants,
   the natural persons, and denied as to the corporations, the
   artificial persons, and your verdict will be in favor of the
   defendants as to the individuals, and in favor of the
   Government as to the corporations."

COMBINATIONS:
   Fines for accepting rebates.

   The same Federal Grand Jury at Chicago which returned the
   indictments dealt within the case mentioned above brought
   another indictment against four men in the employ of one of
   the meat-packing companies, who were accused of unlawfully
   combining and agreeing to solicit rebates for their
   corporation from the Michigan Central, the Chicago, Rock
   Island and Pacific, the Grand Trunk Western, the Lehigh
   Valley, the Boston and Maine, and the Mobile and Ohio
   railroads. It was charged that the defendants conspired with
   one another in presenting to the railroad companies pretended
   claims for damages which were in fact claims for rebates. They
   were brought for trial before Judge Humphrey in September,
   1905, and pleaded guilty. The Judge then pronounced sentence
   on them as follows:

   "Punishment for this offense as fixed by Congress has a wide
   range, giving the Court unusual latitude, ranging from a
   nominal fine without imprisonment to a heavy fine and two
   years’ imprisonment, all in the discretion of the Court. I am
   disposed to consider this case with reasonable moderation. The
   sentence of the Court in the case of the defendant Weil will
   be a fine of $10,000 and costs, and commitment to the county
   jail until the fine is paid, and in the cases of Todd,
   Skipworth, and Cusey a fine of $5,000 and costs, with the same
   provision in regard to payment."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The Standard Oil Company.
   Federal Government investigation of its methods of business.
   Criminal prosecutions for violation of the law against
   rebates.
   The $29,000,000 fine and its annulment.
   Acquittal of the Company.

   After a dozen years or more of slight oil production in
   Kansas, that state became quite suddenly, in 1904, one of the
   important sources of petroleum supply. The Standard Oil
   Company had taken care to be prepared for whatever development
   might occur, and had organized its operations in this western
   field under the name of the Prairie Oil and Gas Company, of
   Kansas.
{122}
   Its refineries were ready to furnish a market to the Kansas
   producers of crude oil, and they had no other. Independent
   enterprises in oil refining were made quite impossible, and
   the Prairie Oil and Gas Company was complete master of the
   situation. The Kansas oil producers were soon writhing under
   its dictation of prices and rules of dealing, as the
   Pennsylvanians had been years before, and the Kansas
   Legislature came promptly to their rescue. In the winter of
   1904-1905 it passed five vigorous acts; authorizing the
   establishment of a State oil refinery; making pipe lines
   common carriers within the State; placing them under the
   jurisdiction of the State board of railroad commissioners;
   fixing maximum rates for the transportation of oil by freight
   or pipe line; and, finally, prohibiting discrimination between
   localities in the sale of any commodities. Furthermore, the
   anti-trust laws of the State were brought into action against
   the Standard Oil Company and the railroads accused of giving
   it special rates and privileges.

   At the same time, the Kansas situation was brought to the
   attention of Congress and the Federal Executive. On motion of
   a Kansas representative, the lower House of Congress, in
   February, adopted a resolution calling on the President for an
   investigation of the methods of business pursued by the
   Standard Oil Company. The desired investigation was conducted
   in the following year by Commissioner Garfield, the head of
   the Bureau of Corporations, and his report was communicated to
   Congress on the 5th of May, 1906, with an accompanying special
   message, by the President. Nothing of the detail of facts in
   the report can be given here; but the conclusions drawn from
   them by the Commissioner were summed up by him, as follows:

   "Upon the request of its attorney, all the essential facts
   discovered by this Bureau were presented to the company at the
   close of the investigation, and an exhaustive statement
   relating thereto was made by its chief traffic officer. There
   was no denial of the facts found, but explanations of
   particular situations were offered, and it was urged that the
   facts did not show any violation by the Standard of the letter
   or spirit of the interstate-commerce law. A most careful
   review of the facts and the explanations leads to the
   following conclusions:

   "The Standard Oil Company has habitually received from the
   railroads, and is now receiving, secret rates and other unjust
   and illegal discriminations.

   "During 1904 the Standard saved about three-quarters of a
   million dollars through the secret rates discovered by the
   Bureau of Corporations, and of course there may be other
   secret rates which the Bureau has not discovered. This amount
   represents the difference between the open rates and the rates
   actually paid. Many of these discriminations were clearly in
   violation of the interstate-commerce law, and others, whether
   technically illegal or not, had the same effect upon
   competitors. On some State business secret rates were applied
   by means of rebates.

   "These discriminations have been so long continued, so secret,
   so ingeniously applied to new conditions of trade, and so
   large in amount as to make it certain that they were due to
   concerted action by the Standard and the railroads.

   "The Standard Oil Company is receiving unjust discriminations
   in open rates.

   "The published rates from the leading Standard shipping points
   are relatively much lower than rates from the shipping points
   of its competitors. The advantage to the Standard over its
   competitors from such open discriminations is enormous,
   probably as important as that obtained through the secret
   rates.

   "If an unfair discrimination be obtained by one shipper
   through a device which in itself is seemingly not prohibited
   by law, that fact shows that the law is defective and should
   be strengthened; it does not show that the discrimination is
   proper or just.

   "The following are a few of the most important discriminations
   and the methods by which they were obtained:

   "(1) For about ten years the New England territory has been in
   control of the Standard Oil Company by reason of the refusal
   of the New York, New Haven and Hartford road and of the Boston
   and Maine road, on all but a few divisions, to pro-rate—i. e.,
   to join in through rates—on oil shipped from west of the
   Hudson River, and by means of the adjustment of published
   rates. …

   "(2) The Standard Oil Company has been able to absolutely
   control for many years the sale of oil in the northeastern
   part of New York and in a portion of Vermont by means of
   secret rates from its refineries at Olean and Rochester. …

   "The saving to the Standard during 1904 by the secret rate
   from Olean to Rochester alone was $115,000. This and other
   less important rates from Olean were unknown to the
   independent refiners, and were not published on the ground
   that they were wholly State rates; yet in fact they were used
   for oil consigned to points beyond the State boundary of New
   York. Furthermore, all shipments from Olean on these secret
   rates were blind-billed—i. e., the rates were not shown
   on the waybills.

   "(3) The Standard Oil Company has maintained absolute control
   of almost the whole section of the country south of the Ohio
   River and east of the Mississippi by means of secret rates and
   open discriminations in rates from Whiting, Indiana. …

   "(4) The Standard Oil Company has for at least ten years
   shipped oil from Whiting to East St. Louis, Illinois, at a
   rate of 6 or 6¼ cents on three of the five railroads running
   between those places, while the only duly published rate on
   all roads has been 18 cents during all that period! This
   discrimination saved the Standard about $240,000 in 1904. …

   "Whiting is located in Indiana, about two miles from the
   Illinois line. East St. Louis is in Illinois, just across the
   river from St. Louis. The secret low rates were given by the
   Chicago, Burlington and Quincy, Chicago and Alton, and Chicago
   and Eastern Illinois railroads. They were not published, on
   the ground that they were State rates. …

   "(5) In the Kansas-Territory field there were some unfair open
   rates. …

   "(6) In California direct rebates, as well as discriminations
   by the use of secret rates, have been given on oil. …

   "(7) Open published rates from Whiting into a large part of
   the United States have given the Standard Oil Company an
   unfair advantage of from 1 to 20 cents per hundred pounds.

{123}

   "This discrimination seriously limits independent refiners in
   some markets, and shuts them out completely from other
   markets. It is accomplished by the use of commodity rates—that
   is, rates which apply only to petroleum and its products—and
   by refusal to pro-rate."

      Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
      Transportation of Petroleum,
      May 2, 1906, Letter of Submittal, pages xxi-xxv.
      (59th Congress, 1st Session House Document. number 812).

   Consequent on the information secured by this investigation,
   criminal proceedings against the Standard Oil Company in its
   various State organizations were instituted in 1906-1907. The
   number and character of the indictments found in these cases
   are set forth in tabular form, in an article on "The Oil Trust
   and the Government," by Francis Walker, published in the
   Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908. The following
   statement of them is summarized from that table:

   In the Northern District of Illinois, August 27, 1906, against
   the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, 1903 and 134 indictments on
   shipments over the Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting,
   Indiana, to East St. Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell,
   Illinois, to St. Louis, Missouri.

   In same District, same date, against same Company, 2124 and
   220 indictments on shipments over the Chicago, Burlington and
   Quincy Railway, from Whiting to East St. Louis and St. Louis.

   In same District, same date, against same Company, 1318 and
   597 indictments on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
   Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways, from
   Whiting to Evansville.

   In same District, same date, against same Company, 103
   indictments, on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
   Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways from
   Whiting, via Grand Junction, Tennessee, to various points in
   the South.

   In the Eastern Division of the Western District of Tennessee,
   October 16, 1906, against the Standard Oil Company of Indiana,
   1524 indictments, on shipments over the Illinois Central and
   Southern railways, from Evansville, via Grand Junction, to
   various points.

   In the Eastern District of Missouri, November 18, 1906,
   against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 76 indictments, on
   shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain and Southern
   Railway, to various points.

   In the Western District of Louisiana, January 28, 1907,
   against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 32 indictments, on
   shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain. and S. Railway,
   to various points.

   In the Western District of New York, August 10, 1907, against
   the Vacuum Oil Company, 23 indictments, on shipments from
   Olean to Vermont.

   In the Western District of New York, August 24, 1906, against
   the Standard Oil Company of New York, 23 and 123 indictments,
   on shipments from Olean to Vermont.

   In same District, August 9, 1907, against same Company, 188
   and 40 indictments, on shipments from Olean, New York, to
   Burlington, Vermont, over New York Central and Rutland and
   Vermont Central railways.

   In same District, same date, against the Vacuum Oil Company,
   188 and 40 indictments on shipments from Olean to Burlington
   and to Rutland and Burlington.

   In same District, September 6, 1907, against the Standard Oil
   Company of New York, 54 indictments, on shipments from Olean
   and Rochester to points in Vermont.

   The most notable of these criminal prosecutions has been the
   one described first in the list above. The opening chapter of
   its history is sketched as follows by Mr. Walker, in the
   article already referred to:

   "The only important case which, up to December, 1907, had come
   to trial, was the indictment against the Standard Oil Company
   of Indiana for accepting a secret rate on shipments over the
   Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting, Indiana, to East St.
   Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell, Illinois, to St. Louis,
   Missouri. The published rate on this traffic was eighteen
   cents per hundred pounds (as far as East St. Louis, a bridge
   toll of one and a half cents being added on shipments to St.
   Louis); while the rate paid by the Standard Oil Company of
   Indiana, during the period of about three years covered by the
   indictment and for many years before, was only six cents per
   hundred pounds. On this rate, the Standard had transported, as
   charged in the indictment, 1903 carloads of oil, each carload
   being made the subject of a distinct count and separate proof.
   The trial of this case began in Chicago, on March 4, 1907.

   "The defence not only exhausted every device of technical
   objection and obstruction but also attacked the
   constitutionality of the ‘Elkins’ law forbidding rate
   discrimination, alleging the right of the railroads and
   shippers to make private contract rates, an impudent assertion
   which the court justly characterized as an ‘abhorrent heresy.’
   The question of guilt in the matter of technical proof
   depended to a large extent on the requirements of the law that
   carriers must file rates, and the argument of the prosecution
   was that shippers must be charged with the knowledge as to
   whether such rates were lawfully filed or not. The defendant
   pretended ignorance of the fact that the six-cent rate had not
   been filed by the Alton and alleged that it was an
   unreasonable requirement to charge it with such knowledge. On
   this point the court said in rendering judgment:

   "‘The honest man who tenders a commodity for transportation by
   a railway company will not be fraudulently misled by that
   company into allowing it to haul his property for less than
   the law authorizes it to collect. For the carrier thus to
   deceive the shipper would be to deliberately incriminate
   itself, to its own pecuniary detriment, which it may safely be
   trusted not to do. The only man liable to get into trouble is
   he who, being in control of the routing of large Volumes of
   traffic, conceives a scheme for the evasion of the law, and
   connives with railway officials in its execution.’

   "The jury returned a verdict of guilty on 1462 counts, on
   April 14, 1907: a considerable number of counts, namely 441,
   were thrown out on technical grounds. In the matter of
   penalty, the Standard’s counsel argued
   (1) that there were only three offences shown, namely, one for
   each year in which the rate was in force;
   (2) that there were only 36 offences shown, namely, one for
   each monthly settlement of freight charges; and
   (3) that each train load constituted a separate offence. The
   court held, however, that the unlawful rate was made on a
   carload basis, and that each carload unlawfully transported
   constituted a distinct offence.
{124}
   In considering the amount of the fine to be levied, the court
   demanded information from the officials of the Standard Oil
   Company regarding the net earnings and dividends of the chief
   holding company of the trust—the Standard Oil Company of New
   Jersey. Their attendance and testimony were obtained only by
   writ of subpoena; and it was admitted that the net profits
   during the years 1903 to 1905 (when these rebates existed)
   amounted to $81,336,994, $61,570,110, and $57,459,356
   respectively.

   "In view of the fact that the counsel of the defendant openly
   maintained the right of the railways and shippers to make
   private contracts for rates, the court declared that it was
   ‘unable to indulge the presumption that in this case the
   defendant was convicted of its virgin offence.’ The defendant
   also claimed that, as there were no other shippers of oil over
   the Chicago and Alton Railway, no one was injured by the
   secret rate. On this matter the court said:

   "‘It is novel, indeed, for a convicted defendant to urge the
   complete triumph of a dishonest course as a reason why such a
   course should go unpunished.

   "‘Of course, there was no other shipper of oil, nor could
   there be, so long as, by secret arrangement, the property of
   the Standard Oil Company was hauled by railway common carriers
   for one-third of what anybody else would have to pay.’

   "Moved by these considerations, the court adjudged, on August
   3, 1907, that the defendant should pay the maximum penalty and
   fined the Standard Oil Company $20,000 for each offence, that
   is, for each of the 1462 counts in the indictment upon which
   conviction was obtained. The total fine, therefore, amounted
   to $29,240,000."

      Francis Walker,
      The Oil Trust and the Government
      (Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908).

   On a writ of error the case went now to the United States
   Circuit Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, where it was
   argued at the April session, 1908, and the opinion, by Judge
   Peter S. Grosscup, Circuit Judge, delivered on the 22d of the
   following July. In this opinion the District Court was held to
   have erred in deciding that each single carload of oil was to
   be dealt with as a separate offence, and that it reasoned
   erroneously in determining the fine imposed. On this latter
   point Judge Grosscup said:

   "Did the court, in the fine imposed, abuse its discretion? The
   defendant indicted, tried, and convicted, was the Standard Oil
   Company, a corporation in Indiana. The capital stock of this
   corporation is one million dollars. There is nothing in the
   record, in the way of evidence, either before conviction, or
   after conviction and before sentence, that shows that the
   assets of this corporation were in excess of one million
   dollars. There is nothing in the record, either before
   conviction, or after conviction and before sentence, that
   shows that the defendant, before the court, had ever before
   been guilty of an offence of this character. It may,
   therefore, be safely assumed, that but for the relation of the
   defendant before the court to another corporation, not before
   the court—a relation to be presently stated—the court would
   have measured out punishment on the basis of the facts just
   stated.

   "That under such circumstances the punishment would have been
   the maximum punishment, does not seem possible; for the
   maximum sentence, put into execution against the defendant
   before the court, would wipe out, many times, and for its
   first offence, all the property of the defendant. …

   "Briefly stated, the reason of the trial court for imposing
   this sentence was because, after conviction and before
   sentence, it was brought out, on an examination of some of the
   officers and stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
   Jersey, that the capital stock of the Standard Oil Company of
   Indiana, the defendants before the court, was principally
   owned by the New Jersey corporation, a corporation not before
   the court—the trial court adding (upon no evidence however to
   be found in the record, and upon no information specially
   referred to) that in concessions of the character for which
   the defendant before the court had been indicted, tried, and
   convicted, the New Jersey corporation was not a ‘virgin’
   offender.

   "Is a sentence such as this, based on reasoning such as that,
   sound? Passing over the fact that no word of evidence or other
   information supporting the trial court’s comment is to be
   found in the record, would the comment, if duly proven,
   justify a sentence such as this—one that otherwise would not
   have been imposed? Can a court, without abuse of judicial
   discretion, wipe out all the property of the defendant before
   the court, and all the assets to which its creditors look, in
   an effort to reach and punish a party that is not before the
   court—a party that has not been convicted, has not been tried,
   has not been indicted even? Can an American judge, without
   abuse of judicial discretion, condemn any one who has not had
   his day in court?

   " That, to our mind, is strange doctrine in Anglo-Saxon
   jurisprudence. …

   "The judgment of the District Court is reversed and the case
   remanded with instructions to grant a new trial, and proceed
   further in accordance with this opinion."

   The Government failed in attempts to secure a rehearing before
   the Appellate Court, as well as in an application for the
   reviewing of the case by the Supreme Court.

   On the new trial to which the case was remanded Judge Landis,
   whose judgment had been set aside, declined to sit, and Judge
   A. B. Anderson, of Indianapolis, was called to Chicago to
   occupy his bench. The trial was opened on the 23d of February,
   1909. On the 2d of March Judge Anderson sustained the motion
   of the defence that the government must proceed on the theory
   that there were thirty-six alleged offences—that is, that each
   settlement on which an alleged rebate was paid instead of each
   carload, constituted a separate offence. This made it
   impossible to claim a penalty beyond $720,000, being at the
   rate of $20,000 for each offence. But even that was put out of
   the question by the ultimate decision of the Judge, that the
   law, as laid down by the United States Court of Appeals,
   required him to direct the jury to find the Standard Oil
   Company not guilty on the charge of accepting rebates from the
   Chicago and Alton Railroad. This instruction he gave on the
   10th of March, thus bringing the case to an end.

{125}

   The outcome in this case was said to mean that all but two of
   the pending indictments against the Standard Oil Company of
   Indiana, as recapitulated above, are void and would be
   abandoned by the Government. The two cases not affected are
   cases involving the shipment of 1915 carloads of oil from
   Whiting, Indiana, to Evansville, Indiana, via Dolton Junction,
   over the Chicago and Eastern Illinois Railroad.

   On the 15th of March, five days after the acquittal of the
   Company in Illinois, a fine of $20,000 was imposed upon it by
   the United States District Court of the Western District of
   New York, on one of the indictments founded on shipments from
   Rochester and Olean to points in Vermont. Previously, the New
   York Central Railroad had paid a heavy fine for granting
   rebates on those shipments.

   Numerous State prosecutions, under State laws in Missouri,
   Texas, Minnesota, Ohio, and elsewhere, had been assailing the
   monopolistic corporation simultaneously with the proceedings
   of the General Government against it, and some of them with
   greater seriousness of effect than the Federal prosecutors had
   accomplished. The more important of these were in Texas,
   against the subsidiary Waters-Pierce Oil Company of Missouri,
   and in Missouri, against that Company in association with the
   Standard of Indiana, and with another of the same Trust
   family. The Texas suit, after making its slow way through the
   State courts and to the United States Supreme Court, came to
   its conclusion early in 1909, with the result of a fine of
   $1,623,500, and the exclusion of the Company from business in
   the State. The suit in Missouri, as decided at about the same
   time by the Supreme Court of the State, resulted in an order
   for the dissolution of the Waters-Pierce Company and for the
   perpetual exclusion of the other companies, chartered
   elsewhere, from operations within the State. The outcome of
   this vindication of the law of the State is understood to have
   been an arrangement under which the business of the
   Waters-Pierce Company is taken over by a new company, the
   stock of which is held by trustees approved by the Supreme
   Court of the State and acting as officers of the Court.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1905-1906.
   The Tobacco Trust Case of Hale v. Henkel.
   Denial by the Supreme Court of the claim of corporations
   to be exempt from the production of books and papers
   before a Grand Jury.

   A proceeding begun by the Government of the United States, in
   the spring of 1905, to ascertain the lawfulness or
   unlawfulness of the methods of business pursued by the
   so-called Tobacco Trust, was embarrassed by the refusal of a
   witness to give evidence for which he was summoned before the
   grand jury of the Circuit Court of the United States for the
   Southern District of New York. The case pending was between
   the United States and the American Tobacco Company and
   MacAndrews & Forbes Company. The witness, Hale, was secretary
   and treasurer of the MacAndrews & Forbes Company. He refused
   to answer any questions that were put to him concerning the
   business of that company, or to produce any of the books,
   accounts, contracts, correspondence, etc., that were demanded,
   being advised by counsel that he was under no legal obligation
   to do so, and that the evidence given or produced by him might
   tend to incriminate himself. He was held to be in contempt of
   Court and was committed to the custody of the United States
   Marshal. Being then, on a writ of habeas corpus,
   brought before another judge of the same Court, after a
   hearing, the writ was discharged and he was remanded to
   custody (June 18, 1905). An appeal to the Supreme Court
   followed, which was argued in the early days of January, 1906,
   and decided on the 12th of March following.

   The decision of the Court, rendered by Justice Brown, was on
   two issues which it found to be presented in the case: The
   first involving "the immunity of the witness from oral
   examination; the second the legality of his action in refusing
   to produce the documents called for by the subpœna duces
   tecum." The witness justified his refusal to answer questions,
   "1st upon the ground that there was no specific ‘charge’
   pending before the grand jury against any particular person;
   2d that the answers would tend to criminate him." On the first
   point the Court found it "entirely clear that under the
   practice in this country, at least, the examination of
   witnesses need not be preceded by a presentment or indictment
   formally drawn up, but that the grand jury may proceed, either
   upon their own knowledge or upon the examination of witnesses,
   to inquire for themselves whether a crime cognizable by the
   Court has been committed." As to the plea of an apprehended
   self-incrimination, the Court held that the witness was
   protected by the act which provides that no person shall be
   prosecuted on account of anything concerning which he may
   testify or produce evidence. But it was further insisted that
   while the immunity statute may protect individual witnesses it
   would not protect the corporation of which the appellant was
   the agent and representative. "This is true," says the Court,
   "but the answer is that it was not designed to do so. The
   right of a person under the Fifth Amendment to refuse to
   incriminate himself is purely a personal privilege of the
   witness. It was never intended to permit him to plead the fact
   that some third person might be incriminated by his testimony,
   even though he were the agent of such person."

   On the second issue in the case, the substance of the decision
   is in the following passages from it:

   "Having already held that, by reason of the immunity act of
   1903, the witness could not avail himself of the Fifth
   Amendment, it follows that he cannot set up that Amendment as
   against the production of the books and papers, since in
   respect to these he would also be protected by the immunity
   act. … We are of the opinion that there is a clear distinction
   in this particular between an individual and a corporation,
   and that the latter has no right to refuse to submit its books
   and papers for an examination at the suit of the State. … The
   individual may stand upon his constitutional rights as a
   citizen. He is entitled to carry on his private business in
   his own way. … Among his rights are a refusal to incriminate
   himself, and the immunity of himself and his property from
   arrest or seizure except under a warrant of the law. … Upon
   the other hand, the corporation is a creature of the State. It
   is presumed to be incorporated for the benefit of the public.
   … Its rights to act as a corporation are only preserved to it
   so long as it obeys the laws of its creation. There is a
   reserved right in the Legislature to investigate its contracts
   and to find out whether it has exceeded its powers. … The
   defense amounts to this: That an officer of a corporation,
   which is charged with a criminal violation of the statute, may
   plead the criminality of such corporation as a refusal to
   produce its books.
{126}
   To state this proposition is to answer it. While an individual
   may lawfully refuse to answer incriminating questions unless
   protected by an immunity statute, it does not follow that a
   corporation, vested with special privileges and franchises,
   may refuse to show its hand when charged with an abuse of such
   privileges."

   Taking note of the fact that the franchises of the corporation
   in this case were derived from one of the States, the Court
   proceeds to say:

   "Such franchises, so far as they involve questions of
   inter-State commerce, must also be exercised in subordination
   to the power of Congress to regulate such commerce, and in
   respect to this the General Government may also assert a
   sovereign authority to ascertain whether such franchises have
   been exercised in a lawful manner, with due regard to its own
   laws. … The powers of the General Government in this
   particular, in vindication of its own laws, are the same as if
   the corporation had been created by an act of Congress."

   Justices Harlan and McKenna dissented from some of the views
   set forth in the opinion of the majority, as declared by
   Justice Brown, but concurred in the final judgment, which
   affirmed the order of the Circuit Court, remanding the
   prisoner to the custody of the Marshal. Justice Brewer and the
   Chief Justice dissented from the conclusions relative to
   corporations, and from the judgment, holding that "the order
   of the Circuit Court should be reversed and the case remanded
   with instructions to discharge the petitioner, leaving the
   grand jury to initiate new proceedings not subject to the
   objections to this."

      Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
      prepared and edited by
      James A. Finch by direction of the Attorney-General,
      Volume 2, page 874
      (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1906-1910.
   The Standard Oil Company.
   Suit of the Government for its dissolution.
   Decree for its dissolution by the Circuit Court.
   Appeal to the Supreme Court.

   Entirely distinct from the criminal prosecutions of the
   Standard Oil Company by the United States Government, as
   reviewed above was a suit begun in November, 1906, in the
   United States Circuit Court for the Eastern Division of
   Missouri. The former actions were to penalize the Company for
   violations of the Elkins Act, by the procuring of railway
   rebates. The later suit was to dissolve the combination in
   restraint of trade which the Company was alleged to be, and
   therefore illegally existing, in the view of the Sherman
   Anti-Trust Law. The complaint was directed against the parent
   organization, known as the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey,
   with its various subsidiary corporations. It was also directed
   against seven individuals namely, John D. Rockefeller, William
   Rockefeller, Henry M. Flagler, Henry H. Rogers (now deceased),
   John D. Archbold, Oliver H. Payne, and Charles M. Pratt. The
   main company, its branches, and these individuals were charged
   in the complaint with having entered into an agreement,
   combination, and conspiracy to restrain trade and commerce
   among the several States, to monopolize the trade in
   petroleum, both in its purchase and its shipment and
   transportation by pipe-line, steamships and by rail, also in
   the manufacture and refining of petroleum.

   One of the evidences of its monopoly adduced by the Government
   was the enormity of its earnings which were summarized thus:
   The Standard Oil Trust and the Standard Oil Company, on an
   investment of $69,024,480, had earned up to the end of 1906,
   $838,783,783. Adding the estimated profits of 1907 and 1908,
   we have substantially, the brief states, a billion dollars
   earned by this company in twenty-seven years, with an original
   investment of about $69,000,000.

   The United States asked for a perpetual injunction, and for
   the dissolution of the Standard Oil combination. Hearings were
   held in New York, Washington, Chicago, Cleveland, and St.
   Louis, about four hundred witnesses being examined. It was not
   until the 5th of April, 1909, that the case reached the stage
   of argument, before Judges Walter H. Sanborn, Willis Van
   Devanter, William C. Hook and Elmer B. Adams, constituting the
   United States Circuit Court at St. Louis. The decision of the
   Court was announced on the 20th of the following November, the
   four judges concurring in the opinion, written by Judge
   Sanborn, which held the Standard Oil Company to be an illegal
   corporation and decreed its dissolution. The character of the
   decision appears from the syllabus of Judge Sanborn’s opinion,
   which reads:

   "Congress has power under the commercial clause of the
   Constitution to regulate and restrict the use in commerce
   among the several States, and with foreign nations, of
   contracts, of the method of holding title to property and of
   every other instrumentality employed in that commerce, so far
   as it may be necessary to do so, in order to prevent the
   restraint thereof denounced by the Anti-Trust Act of July 2,
   1890 (26 Stat. 29).

   "Test of the legality of a combination under this act is its
   necessary effect upon competition in commerce among the States
   or with foreign nations. If its necessary effect is only
   incidentally or indirectly to restrict the competition, while
   its chief result is to foster the trade and increase the
   business of those who make and operate it, it does not violate
   that law. But if its necessary effect is to stifle or directly
   and substantially to restrict free competition in commerce
   among the States, or with foreign nations, it is illegal
   within the meaning of that statute.

   "The power to restrict competition in commerce among the
   several States, or with foreign nations, vested in a person or
   an association of persons by a combination, is indicative of
   the character of the combination, because it is to the
   interest of the parties that such a power should be exercised,
   and the presumption is that it will be.

   "The combination in a single corporation or person, by an
   exchange of stock, of the power of many stockholders holding
   the same proportions, respectively, of the majority of the
   stock of each of the several corporations engaged in commerce
   in the same articles among the States, or with foreign
   nations, to restrict competition therein, renders the power
   thus vested in the former greater, more easily exercised, more
   durable, and more effective than that previously held by the
   stockholders, and it is illegal.

{127}

   "In 1899 the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
   Jersey owned a majority of the stock of nineteen other
   corporations in the same proportions that they owned the stock
   of the Standard Company, and those twenty corporations
   controlled by the owners of the majority of their stock or
   otherwise many other corporations. Each of these corporations
   was engaged in some part of the business of producing, buying,
   refining, transporting, and selling petroleum and its
   products, and they were conducting about 30 per cent. of the
   production of the crude oil and more than 75 per cent. of the
   business of the purchasing, refining, transporting, and
   selling petroleum and its products in this country. Many of
   them were engaged in commerce in these articles among the
   several States and with foreign nations, and were naturally
   competitive.

   "During the ten years prior to 1879 the seven individual
   defendants had acquired control of many corporations,
   partnerships, and refiners that had been competing in this
   business, had placed the majority of the stock of those
   corporations and the interests in property in business thus
   obtained in various trustees to be held and operated by them
   for the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company, one of the
   nineteen companies in which the individual defendants were
   principal stockholders, and had thereby suppressed competition
   among these corporations and partnerships.

   "In 1879, they and their associates caused all the trustees to
   convey their interests in the stock, property and business of
   these corporations to five trustees, to be held, operated and
   distributed by them for the stockholders of the Standard
   Company of Ohio. From 1879, until 1892, they prevented these
   corporations and others engaged in this business, of which
   they secured control, from competing in this commerce by
   causing the control of their operations and generally of a
   majority of their stocks, to be held in trust for the
   stockholders of the Standard Company of Ohio, and, from 1892,
   until 1899, they accomplished the same result by a similar
   stock-holding device, and by the joint equitable ownership of
   the majority of the stocks of the corporations."

   Appeal from the decree has been taken to the Supreme Court,
   where it was preceded by the appeal of the Tobacco Trust from
   a similar decree, involving substantially the same questions,
   according to what seems to be the general view of the Bar. On
   the 17th of January, 1910, the Supreme Court of the United
   States granted the motion of the Government for the
   advancement on the docket of the Standard Oil case, and set
   the hearing for March 14.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
   The chief existing combinations.
   Their operation through stock ownership.

   "Passing the matter of railroad combinations, as to which it
   may be said that through stock ownership the control of all
   American lines is now concentrated in seven groups of parent
   properties, we are chiefly concerned with the practical use
   that has been made of the new corporate power by the largest
   and strongest of our manufacturing and industrial enterprises.

   "The United States Steel Corporation, organized under the laws
   of New Jersey, with a capital stock of $1,100,000,000 owns a
   majority of the stock of eleven subsidiary companies, and
   controls industries scattered over the entire country under
   different styles and corporate names. This corporation owns or
   manages 213 manufacturing and transportation plants and
   forty-one mines located in eighteen different States; it has
   more than 1,000 miles of railroad tracks to ore, coke and
   manufacturing properties, and a lake fleet of 112 vessels.
   This stock ownership gives it control of hundreds of millions
   of capital that is not represented by its own billion dollars
   of stock.

   "The Amalgamated Copper Company, incorporated in New Jersey,
   has no asset whatever except the stocks of other corporations.
   It owns all the stock of four operating companies and a
   controlling interest in seven others, and has taken them over
   by an issue of $155,000,000 of its own stock.

   "The American Smelting and Refining Company, organized under
   the laws of New Jersey, controls the business of thirteen
   corporations, in which it either owns the entire stock or a
   majority interest. Associated with it are the American Linseed
   Company, the National Lead Company and the United Lead
   Company, and they together control twenty-eight concerns and
   ninety-three affiliated corporations.

   "The Standard Oil Company, incorporated in New Jersey, with a
   capital stock of $110,000,000, controls, directs and manages
   more than seventy corporations through its possession of a
   majority of their stock. Some of these companies own stock in
   still other corporations, and all together the combine
   operates more than 400 separate and distinct properties, thus
   monopolizing 90 per cent, of the export oil trade and 84 per
   cent. of the domestic trade. The market value of its
   capitalization is about $650,000,000, and all this vast
   property was brought together under one head without the
   payment of a single dollar of cash, the whole consolidation
   being effected through the issue of stock in the holding
   company in payment of stock in the companies that are held.

   "The United Gas Improvement Company, incorporated in
   Pennsylvania, own stock in thirty corporations doing the
   character of business for which it was organized, and in
   addition to this is interested in numerous street railway
   properties, including the New York City surface railways. With
   it is allied the Public Service Corporation of New Jersey and
   the Rhode Island Securities Company, which last named owns all
   the stock of the Rhode Island Company, which again has leased
   for 999 years several of the most important railroad companies
   doing business in that State. The power of this corporation,
   through this system of stock ownership, is scarcely
   calculable, and the value of properties controlled would equal
   hundreds of millions, although its own capital stock is but
   $36,000,000.

   "The American Tobacco Company, organized under the laws of New
   Jersey, with a capital stock of $40,000,000, practically
   controls the whole market through its ownership of the stock
   of innumerable other corporations.

   "The International Harvester Company, incorporated in New
   Jersey, with a capital stock of $120,000,000, while probably
   not a holding company, maintains most, if not all, the
   corporations which it has bought out, and they are operated as
   if they were distinct and competing concerns.

   "The American Sugar Refining Company, incorporated in New
   Jersey, with a common stock of $40,000,000, controls
   fifty-three other corporations.

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   "The American Telegraph and Telephone Company, incorporated in
   New York, with a capital stock of $250,000,000 controls,
   through stock ownership, thirty-five subsidiary corporations.

   "The Western Union Telegraph Company owns stock in twenty-four
   other corporations; the Distillers’ Security Company owns 90
   per cent. of the stocks of the Distilling Company of America,
   and has acquired ninety-three plants, representing 60 per
   cent. of the industry; the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company
   owns the stock of twelve elevated and street railway
   companies; the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company owns the stock
   of seven others; the Metropolitan Securities Company of New
   York owns the stock of many traction companies, and the
   controlling interest in others; the Inter-State Railways of
   New Jersey own all the stock of the United Power and
   Transportation Company, which latter company controls the
   capital and franchises of about forty other projected
   companies in New Jersey and Pennsylvania; while the
   International Mercantile Marine Company of New Jersey owns a
   majority of the shares of many of the most important steamship
   companies whose vessels cross the Atlantic Ocean.

   "These are but a few instances of the promotion of
   combinations through stock ownership."

      Wade H. Ellis,
      Attorney-General of Ohio,
      Paper read at National Conference on Trusts and
      Combinations, Chicago, October 22, 1907.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
   National Conference on the Trust Question, invited
   by the National Civic Federation.

   A remarkably representative and impressive assembly at
   Chicago, of delegates from all parts of the country, and
   voicing all interests, was brought about by the invitation of
   the National Civic Federation, in October, 1907, for a
   thorough discussion of the questions which troubled the
   country and confused its attitude toward Trusts and
   Combinations, as subjects of regulation by law. There had been
   a similar conference at Chicago in 1899, at the call of the
   Civic Federation of that city; but no common ground of
   agreement could then be found. The subject, as was afterwards
   said, "was too new, too vaguely understood for men to be of
   one mind in regard to it." But eight years later, in 1907, "it
   appeared to the leaders of the National Civic Federation not
   improbable that a new conference might lead to some definite
   pronouncement of opinion. … Leaders of opinion in all walks of
   life gave the project their hearty endorsement. … The matter
   was taken up with great interest by the Governors of the
   several States and by the presidents of commercial bodies, who
   named delegates in response to the invitation of the National
   Civic Federation. A significant evidence of this greater
   interest is found in the larger number of delegations
   appointed in 1907 than in 1899. The records show the
   following:

   Delegations.             1899. 1907.

   Appointed by Governors    33    39

   Appointed by national
   and State organizations   22    33

   Appointed by
   labor organizations        7    14

   Appointed by local
   commercial bodies         33    58

   Total                     95   144

   "Furthermore, the attendance of 492 delegates in 1907 might be
   contrasted with that of 238 delegates at the earlier
   conference.

   "The conference of 1907, though larger in numbers, was much
   more of a unit in sentiment. It developed at an early stage of
   the discussion that there was no important element
   antagonizing the trust and combination as such. There were few
   speakers who failed to dwell upon the advantages which had
   accrued to the nation from some combinations, and from the
   spirit of association which, after all, cannot be separated
   from them. On the other hand, there was no lack of emphasis in
   dwelling upon the evils which had been disclosed among trusts
   and combinations.

   "The resolutions of the conference, adopted by a unanimous
   vote, reveal these tendencies. They are a call for further
   examination and more light, but a call for such examination
   along certain pretty well-defined lines. They should receive
   the attention of Congress as an expression of the popular will
   on this pressing question."

   The Conference held nine sessions, extending over four days,
   focusing the thought of the best minds of the country, and the
   counsels of the largest practical experience, on all points in
   the many-sided problem before it. On all that appear most
   important among those points it came to a full and clear
   agreement in its conclusions, as embodied in the following
   resolutions, which were adopted by unanimous vote, a committee
   being appointed to present them to Congress and to the
   President:

   "After twenty years of Federal legislation as interpreted by
   the courts, directed against the evils of trusts and
   combinations, and against railroad rebates, beginning with the
   interstate commerce act of 1887 and the anti-trust act of
   1890, a general and just conviction exists that the experience
   gained in enforcing these federal acts and others succeeding
   them demonstrates the necessity of legislation which shall
   render more secure the benefits already gained and better meet
   the changed conditions which have arisen during a long period
   of active progress, both in the enforcement of statute law and
   in the removal of grave abuses in the management of railroads
   and corporations. These changes now demanded are:

   "First—Immediate legislation is required, following the
   recommendation of President Roosevelt and the Interstate
   Commerce Commission, permitting agreements between railroad
   corporations on reasonable freight and passenger rates,
   subject in all respects to the approval, supervision, and
   action of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

   "Second—The enforcement of the Sherman act and the proceedings
   under it during the administrations of Presidents Harrison,
   Cleveland, McKinley, and Roosevelt have accomplished great
   national results in awakening the moral sense of the American
   people and in asserting the supremacy and majesty of the law,
   thus effectually refuting the impression that great wealth and
   large corporations were too powerful for the impartial
   execution of law. This great advance has rendered more secure
   all property rights, resting, as they must, under a popular
   government, on universal respect for and obedience to law. But
   now that this work is accomplished, it has revealed the
   necessity for legislation which shall maintain all that the
   Sherman act was intended to secure and safeguard interests it
   was never expected to affect.

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   "As the next step in executing the determination of the
   American people to secure in all industrial and commercial
   relations justice and equality of opportunity for all, with
   full sympathy and loyal support for every effort to enforce
   the laws in the past, we urge upon Congress without delay to
   pass legislation providing for a non-partisan commission, in
   which the interests of capital, of labor, and of the general
   public shall be represented. This commission, like a similar
   commission, which proved most successful in Germany in 1870,
   shall consider the entire subject of business and industrial
   combinations and report such proposals, as to the formation,
   capitalization, management and regulation of corporations (so
   far as the same may be subject to federal jurisdiction) as
   shall preserve individual initiative competition, and the free
   exercise of a free contract in all business and industrial
   relations. Any proposed legislation should also include
   modification of the prohibition now existing upon combinations
   on the following subjects:

   "1. National and local organizations of labor and their trade
   agreements with employers relating to wages, hours of labor,
   and conditions of employment.

   "2. Associations made up of farmers, intended to secure a
   stable and equitable market for the products of the soil free
   from fluctuations due to speculation.

   "3. Business and industrial agreements of combinations whose
   objects are in the public interest as distinguished from
   objects determined to be contrary to the public interest.

   "4. Such commission should make a thorough inquiry into the
   advisability of inaugurating a system of federal license or
   incorporation as a condition for the entrance of certain
   classes of corporations upon interstate commerce and also into
   the relation to the public interest of the purchase by one
   corporation of the franchises or corporate stock of another.

   "On no one of these subjects must what has been gained be
   sacrificed until something better appears for enactment. On
   each, this conference recognizes differences between good men.
   On all, it asks a national non-partisan commission to be
   appointed next winter to consider the question and report at
   the second session of the approaching Congress for such action
   as the national legislature, in the light of this full
   investigation, may enact.

   "Third—The examination, inspection and supervision of great
   producing and manufacturing corporations, already begun by the
   Department of Commerce and Labor and accepted by these
   corporations, should be enlarged by legislation requiring,
   through the appropriate bureaus of the Department of Commerce
   and Labor, complete publicity in the capitalization, accounts,
   operations, transportation charges paid, and selling prices of
   all such producing and manufacturing corporations whose
   operations are large enough to have a monopolistic influence.
   This should be determined and decided by some rule and
   classification to be devised by the commission already
   proposed.

   "Fourth—The conflicts between State and Federal authorities
   raised in many States over railroad rates being now under
   adjudication and under way to a final and ultimate decision by
   the Federal Supreme Court, this conference deems the
   expression of an opinion on these issues unfitting, and
   confidently leaves this great issue to a tribunal which for
   118 years has successfully preserved the balance between an
   indissoluble union and indestructible State, defining the
   supreme and national powers of the one and protecting the
   sovereign and individual powers of the other."

      Proceedings of the National Conference
      on Trusts and Combinations,
      Chicago, October 22-25, 1907
      (New York: National Civic Federation, 1908).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Thievery of the Sugar Trust.

   In the fall of 1907 disclosures were made to the Government
   which led to an investigation of the methods whereby imports
   of raw sugar for the American Sugar Refining Company, known
   commonly as the Sugar Trust, were weighed for the payment of
   Customs duties, at the Company’s docks in Williamsburgh and
   Jersey City. The result of the investigation was to prove that
   this enormously wealthy corporation, not satisfied with
   extortions of profit from the public by its monopoly of the
   vast sugar trade of the country, had stooped to practices of
   systematic theft from the Government, by devices that would
   almost shame the professional players of a thimble rigging
   game. Several ingenious inventions of trickery with the
   weighing scales had been employed at the sugar docks prior to
   1904, but the crowning one appears to have been brought to use
   in that year. "This," said the New York Evening Post of
   April 29, 1909, in a full rehearsal of the story of the Sugar
   Trust larcenies, "consisted of a thin steel corset spring,
   which was inserted through a hole drilled in the uprights or
   stanchions supporting the scales. If inserted at a time when
   there was a load on the platform, its pressure against the
   walking beam of the scale resulted in creating a false
   balance, and in making the load appear considerably lighter
   than it really was. This little device proved to be so
   satisfactory for the purposes for which it was designed that
   it was fitted to all the seventeen government scales at the
   Havemeyer & Elder refinery. Holes were drilled in the
   stanchions of each of the scales—hence the ‘case of the
   seventeen holes’ to which Mr. Stimson called attention. So
   successful was the operation of this mechanism that it was
   used constantly down to the very day, November 20, 1907, when
   a United States Treasury agent found it in use.

   "The method of use was simple. The scales were placed with the
   stanchions in a dark corner, next to the wall, and close
   beside this stanchion sat the company’s checker, whose
   ostensible duty it was to record in a little book the weight
   of each load as it was read off to him by the government
   weigher standing at the other end of the scale. The checker’s
   really important duty seems to have been, however, to
   manipulate the steel spring through the hole in the stanchion,
   so that on each truck load, the company which employed him was
   saved the payment of duty on some fourteen pounds of sugar.

   "Evidence was adduced at the subsequent trial to show that the
   company considered this special service on the part of its
   checkers worthy of additional compensation. For although there
   were seventeen scales, all of which could be used for this
   purpose, practically all the weighing was done on six, and the
   six reliable checkers who, year in and year out, operated the
   little steel springs, all received extra pay in their weekly
   pay envelopes for this service."

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   Consequent on the discovery of these facts, "several
   indictments were found against the Sugar Trust’s employees,
   and with that discovery as a basis the government began to
   work up its case. … When the government came to work up its
   case and to fix approximately the amount out of which it had
   been defrauded, it was found possible to present a piece of
   evidence which so thoroughly clinched the case that defence,
   when it came to be made, was so weak as to be negligible. This
   evidence consisted of a tabulation comparing the weights of
   sugar on which duty was paid and the weights for which the
   company paid the planters between the time the first cargo of
   sugar of December, 1901, arrived at the refinery and the
   discovery of the fraud in November, 1907.

   "It took a score or more of accountants working steadily for
   six months to complete the tabulation, but when it was
   finished the astonishing corroborative story it told made it
   well worth all the time and trouble expended. Never was there
   a better example of the deadly parallel. For every entry the
   weights on which duties were levied was set alongside of the
   weights for which the company paid the planters."

   The first result of the proceedings of the Government against
   the thievish Trust was a pecuniary settlement with it,
   concerning which the following official statement was given
   out at Washington, by Attorney-General Wickersham, on the 29th
   of April, 1909:

   "The Attorney-General, with the concurrence of the Secretary
   of the Treasury, has just approved a settlement between the
   American Sugar Refining Company and the United States
   Government of all the claims which the latter has against it
   arising out of the fraudulent weighing on the docks of its
   refineries at Brooklyn and Jersey City. In making this
   settlement the sugar company pays in full the recent judgment
   for the penalty in the amount of $134,411.03, which was
   awarded against it by the jury in the case tried in the
   federal court last March, with interest, and agrees to take no
   appeal from the judgment.

   "In addition to this, it pays into the United States treasury
   $2,000,000 more, representing the duties which have been
   unpaid during the last twelve years, owing to the fraudulent
   practices, $1,239,088.97 of this amount has already been paid
   in under protest to Collector Loeb on his reliquidation, as a
   result of the trial above mentioned, of the duties upon the
   cargoes entered at the Havemeyer & Elder refineries between
   the years 1901 and 1907, when the frauds were discovered.

   "The sugar company abandons its protests on these payments and
   gives up its right to appeal from Mr. Loeb’s reliquidation and
   in addition to this pays into the United States treasury the
   above judgment and over $760,000 more to cover the duties
   unpaid at the Havemeyer & Elder docks prior to 1901 and at the
   Jersey City refinery between 1896 and 1906.

   "This settlement with the sugar company in nowise affects the
   criminal prosecution of the individuals who are responsible
   for the perpetration of these frauds, and such prosecutions
   will be pressed to a finish by the government."

   [Soon after this settlement with the Government by the Sugar
   Trust for shortage in payment of duties, the firm of Arbuckle
   Brothers made a similar settlement, paying $695,573.19.]

   A few days after the above announcement of a pecuniary
   settlement with the American Sugar Refining Company, the Grand
   Jury of the Circuit Court in the New York District presented
   indictments against Oliver Spitzer, who was superintendent on
   the company’s docks, Thomas Kehoe, Eugene M. Voelker, Edward
   A. Boyle, J. R. Coyle, J. M. Halligan, Jr., and Patrick J.
   Hennessy.

   In November, further indictments were found against these
   employees of the company, and James F. Bendernagel, general
   superintendent of the Williamsburgh refinery for many years
   past, was arrested on an indictment found by the same grand
   jury. The trial of the accused, in the United States District
   Court, was opened on the 30th of November.

   On the 17th of January, 1910, Charles R. Heike, secretary and
   treasurer of the American Sugar Refining Company, was
   arraigned before Judge Hough in the criminal branch of the
   United States Circuit Court, charged with making false entries
   and conspiring to defraud the government.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Suit of the Government against the Tobacco Trust.
   Decree of Circuit Court restraining the combined
   companies from interstate and foreign trade.

   On the 10th of July, 1907, the Government began suit at New
   York against the so-called Tobacco Trust. The defendants in
   the case included 65 corporations and 27 individuals, the
   principals, however, being six companies, namely, the American
   Tobacco Company, the British-American Tobacco Company, the
   Imperial Tobacco Company, the American Snuff Company, the
   American Cigar Company, and the United American Cigarette
   Company. Of these the parent organization, dominating all the
   others, is the American Tobacco Company, which began the
   finally gigantic combination in a small way in 1890. The
   object sought in the Government’s suit was an injunction to
   restrain the combination as such from engaging in interstate
   and foreign trade, or for the appointment of receivers to take
   the management of the business concerned.

   The case was argued before the Second Circuit Court of the
   United States in May, 1908, and the decision of the Court was
   announced on the 7th of November following, Judges Lacombe,
   Noyes, and Coxe agreeing and Judge Ward dissenting. The Court
   found that an injunction should issue against some, but not
   all, of the principal defendants, to prevent the continuance
   of their violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It acquitted
   the Trust, however, of the charge of dishonest and oppressive
   practices, and it denied the application for receiverships.
   The final decree of the Court was filed on the 15th of
   December, 1908.

   Appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States were taken,
   both by the Government and by the defendants, and the case was
   pending in that Court at the close of the year 1909. Mean time
   the decree has been in suspense.

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COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Suit to dissolve the alleged Anthracite Coal Combination.

   The following statements were made in an Associated Press
   despatch from Philadelphia, March 8, 1909:

   "Testimony of the Government in its suit against the
   anthracite coal-carrying railroads and several coal companies,
   to dissolve a so-called Trust agreement, alleged to be
   existing among them, has been filed in the Circuit Court of
   the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

   "Suit was begun here on June 12, 1907, and in the course of
   three months all the defendants made answer, denying the
   allegations of the Government. Subsequently, the court
   appointed an examiner to take testimony, and a great part of
   last year was taken up in hearing witnesses, sessions being
   held mainly in Philadelphia and New York.

   "The Government closed its case in New York several weeks ago,
   having taken more than its allotted time, and the next move
   will be for the Government to file a motion apportioning a
   certain amount of time for the defendant companies to present
   their witnesses for examination. Much of the testimony thus
   far has been documentary, and it is believed this will be the
   case with the defendants. After all the testimony is filed
   with the court for review, arguments will be had on the case.

   "It is impossible at this time to indicate when the case will
   be ended, but it seems probable that a year or more will have
   elapsed before it is legally decided whether a hard coal
   monopoly, as alleged, exists in Pennsylvania."

      See, also, proceedings under the "Commodities Clause" of
      the Hepburn Act, and decision of United States Supreme
      Court, in this Volume, under RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D.
      1906-1909.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908.
   Declarations in Party Platforms on Trusts.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Amending the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
   Action of the National Civic Federation.

   The resolutions adopted at the great National Conference of
   1907 on the Trust Question, as recited above, were duly
   presented to Congress at its next session, and to the
   President, with results which were stated at the annual
   meeting of the National Civic Federation in December, 1908, by
   its President, the Honorable Seth Low, as follows:

   "When these resolutions were presented to the two Houses, the
   Conference Committee was asked to submit a definite Bill in
   legislative form to carry out its proposals. The Conference
   itself had given no such authority to any Committee; but, in
   view of the situation as it had developed, the Executive
   Committee of the Federation took the matter up. The result of
   its action was the preparation of a Bill, which was submitted
   in due time to Congress, and which became the subject of
   numerous hearings before the Judiciary Committees both of the
   House and of the Senate, but especially of the House. The Bill
   of last spring was based upon the belief that at that time,
   and before the approaching Presidential election, it would be
   impossible to change the substantive law as embodied in the
   Sherman Anti-Trust Act. This being taken for granted, it
   became impossible to do more than propose a method by which,
   without changing the law, certain restraints of trade, if not
   disapproved in advance by some government authority, might be
   assured freedom from prosecution. The hearings before the
   Congressional Committees made it evident that no relief from
   the embarrassments caused by the Sherman Anti-Trust Law can be
   looked for along this line of procedure. Perhaps it ought also
   to be said that none ought to be looked for, because the
   situation really calls for a change in the substantive
   provisions of the law. Let no one imagine, however, that it is
   an easy thing to say what such changes in the law ought to be.
   Your Committee last spring began its work in the hope that it
   would be able to submit a law which would command very large
   support, not only from employers but also from organized
   labor. After working upon the subject for many weeks, the Bill
   which it actually presented commanded no large measure of
   support from either. The mercantile classes favor amendments
   to the law which, instead of forbidding all restraints of
   trade, will forbid only unreasonable restraints of trade; and
   which will provide amnesty for the past,
   (1) on the theoretical ground that what has been done has
   often been done without any realization that it was contrary
   to the law; and
   (2) on the practical ground that to attempt to rip up what has
   already been done will destroy the industry of the country. The
   representatives of organized labor, on the other hand, ask to
   be omitted altogether from the provisions of the Sherman Act.
   It is evident to your Committee that the changes desired by
   the mercantile classes are going to meet with very serious
   objection, unless they are combined with some positive
   legislation which will provide some effective method of
   assuring to the country, in the future, the power to protect
   itself in advance from new combinations in the industrial
   sphere, such as have been made in the past, and which
   originally created the sentiment which placed the Sherman
   Anti-Trust Law upon the statute books.

   "In other words, precisely as a city may desire to limit the
   height of buildings, for the future, without taking down those
   that are already erected, so many persons believe that the
   right to make commercial combinations, in the future, should
   be under some sort of governmental control, even though those
   already formed be left unmolested; and such persons, also,
   believe that there is the same inherent right in the body
   politic to do the one as the other. On the other hand, the
   demand of organized labor to be exempted altogether from the
   operations of this Act has been objected to in the past, and
   is likely to be objected to in the future, as class
   legislation of a kind that has no place on American soil,
   because organized labor is believed to be capable of
   exercising restraint of trade no less than commercial
   corporations.

   "These being the terms of the problem, it is apparent, on the
   face of things, that the effort to amend the Sherman
   Anti-Trust Law in any effective way is beset by difficulties
   at every turn. … The whole subject is made infinitely
   difficult by the Constitutional limitations upon the power of
   Congress, which have led the United States Supreme Court to
   decide, in effect, that Congress can regulate inter-State
   commerce, but cannot regulate the corporation that does it;
   because the corporation that does inter-State commerce is a
   creature of the State and not of the United States. The
   separate States, on the other hand, can regulate the
   corporations that do inter State commerce, because they create
   them; but the States cannot regulate the inter-state commerce
   that is done, because under the United States Constitution,
   inter-State commerce is under National control. It cannot be
   too clearly apprehended that the effect of this situation is,
   that neither sovereignty—neither the National sovereignty nor
   the State sovereignty—can regulate both the agent that does
   inter-State commerce and the inter-State commerce that is
   done."

{132}

   In the National Civic Federation Review of March, 1909,
   it was announced that "the Executive Council of the National
   Civic Federation has appointed a committee to draft proposed
   amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust act. By request of the
   lawyers upon the committee Seth Low will serve as chairman.
   The other members are Frederick P. Fish, of Boston; Frederick
   N. Judson, of St. Louis; Reuben D. Silliman, of New York, and
   Henry W. Taft, of New York.

   "No attempt will be made to submit anything to the present
   session of Congress. It is proposed to draft a tentative bill
   as soon as a careful study of the problems will permit. This
   will then be submitted for examination and suggestion to
   various representative bodies in all parts of the country, and
   with the aid of the comments thus received the final draft of
   the bill to be submitted will be prepared."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
   Tobacco Combination, or so-called Trust.

   Parts of an elaborate report on the organization of the
   Tobacco Combination were published in February, 1909, by the
   Commissioner of Corporations, Herbert Knox Smith. It showed
   the combination to be composed of "the American Tobacco
   Company and its three great subsidiary combinations, the
   American Snuff Company, the American Cigar Company, and the
   British-American Company, besides eighty two other subsidiary
   concerns doing business in the United States, Porto Rico, and
   Cuba. The combination represents a total net capitalization of
   over $316,000,000. A very small group of ten stockholders
   controls 60 per cent. of the outstanding voting stock of the
   American Tobacco Company, through which company the entire
   combination is controlled."

   A list of the subsidiary companies controlled, "including over
   twenty hitherto secretly controlled, so-called ‘bogus
   independent concerns,'" is given in the report. It is shown
   also that the combination is practically the only important
   exporter of tobacco manufactures from this country. In 1891
   the combination controlled 89 per cent. of the business of
   cigarette manufactures, and this proportion practically is
   maintained. In cigars its output increased from 4 per cent. of
   the business in 1897 to 14.7 per cent, in 1906; while in
   manufactured tobacco (chewing, smoking, fine-cut, and snuff)
   "the combination’s output increased from 7 per cent. of the
   total in 1891 to 77 per cent. in 1906. Finally, in 1906, the
   combination controlled of these separate products,
   respectively, plug, 82 per cent.; smoking, 71 per cent.;
   fine-cut, 81 per cent., and snuff, 96 per cent." In the year
   1906 the combination used in the manufacture of its various
   products nearly 300,000,000 pounds of leaf tobacco. The report
   adds:

   "An idea of the absorption of competing plants and of the
   changes through combination within the last decade may be had
   from the fact that in 1897 the combination had ten plants,
   each producing over 50,000 pounds of manufactured tobacco or
   snuff per year, while there were 243 independent plants of the
   same class. In 1906, on the other hand, the combination had 45
   plants of this class, and independent manufacturers 140.
   Especially conspicuous has been the absorption of the large
   plants. In 1897 the combination had eight plants, each
   producing over 1,000,000 pounds of these products per year,
   while its competitors had forty-six such plants. In 1906 the
   combination had thirty-four plants of this size, and
   independent concerns only seventeen."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Merger of Telephone and Telegraph Corporations.

   Announcement of one of the most important financial mergers of
   recent years was made November 16, 1909, when the American
   Telephone and Telegraph Company disclosed its acquirement of
   control of the Western Union Telegraph Company. "The American
   Telephone and Telegraph Company has obtained the control of a
   substantial minority interest in the shares of the Western
   Union Telegraph Company," was the wording of the official
   statement, but it became known that sufficient voting rights
   of other stock had been obtained to give the telephone
   interests control of the telegraph company.

   According to a statement issued on May 1, 1909, the total
   capital and outstanding interest-bearing obligations of the
   American Telephone and Telegraph Company and allied systems
   was $592,475,400. This amount included capital stock
   aggregating $361,636,800, subdivided as follows: American
   Telephone and Telegraph Company, $208,393,500; associated
   operating companies in the United States and Canada, about
   thirty-five in number, $142,674,400; associated holding and
   manufacturing companies, $10,668,900. "The Western Union has a
   capitalization of $125,000,000 in stock and $40,000,000 in
   bonds.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Threatened combination to control the Water Power of the
   country.

   Speaking at the National Irrigation Congress, convened at
   Spokane, Washington, in August, 1909, the National Forester,
   Gifford Pinchot, declared that, notwithstanding the
   contradictions issued by the parties in interest, a gigantic
   combination was forming to seize the sources of the country’s
   water power, and be in a position later to dominate all
   industry.

   "There could be no better illustration," he said, "of the
   eager, rapid, unwearied absorption by capital of the rights
   which belong to all the people than the Water Power Trust, not
   yet formed, but in rapid progress of formation. This statement
   is true, but not unchallenged. We are met at every turn by the
   indignant denial of the water power interests. They tell us
   that there is no community of interest among them, and yet
   they appear year after year at these Congresses by their paid
   attorneys, asking for your influence to help them remove the
   few remaining obstacles to their perpetual and complete
   absorption of the remaining water powers. They tell us it has
   no significance that the General Electric interests are
   acquiring great groups of water powers in various parts of the
   United States, and dominating the power market in the region
   of each group. And whoever dominates power, dominates all
   industry. … The time for us to agitate this question is now,
   before the separate circles of centralized control spread into
   the uniform, unbroken, nation-wide covering of a single
   gigantic Trust. There will be little chance for mere agitation
   after that. No man at all familiar with the situation can
   doubt that the time for effective protest is very short."

{133}

   The same warning has been given by others who are in a
   position to speak with knowledge, and heed has been given to
   them by the Government. The annual report of the Secretary of
   the Interior, the Honorable Richard A. Ballinger, made public
   November 28, 1909, contained the following important
   announcement: "In anticipation of new legislation by Congress
   to prevent the acquisition of power sites on the public domain
   by private persons or corporations with the view of
   monopolizing or adversely controlling them against the public
   interest, there have been temporarily withdrawn from all forms
   of entry approximately 603,355 acres, covering all locations
   known to possess power possibilities on unappropriated lands
   outside of national forests. Without such withdrawals these
   sites would be enterable under existing laws, and their
   patenting would leave the general government powerless to
   impose any limitations as to their use.

   "If the Federal government desires to exercise control or
   supervision over water-power development on the public domain,
   it can only do so by limitations imposed upon the disposal of
   power and reservoir sites upon the public lands, the waters of
   the streams being subject to State jurisdiction in their
   appropriation and beneficial use. I would, therefore, advise
   that the Congress be asked to enact a measure that will
   authorize the classification of all lands capable of being
   used for water-power development, and to direct their
   disposal, through this department. …

   "Unreasonable or narrow restrictions beyond the necessity of
   public protection against monopoly, or extortion in charges,
   will, of course, defeat development and serve no useful
   purpose. The statute should, therefore, while giving full
   protection against the abuses of the privileges extended, so
   far as consistent, encourage investment in these projects; and
   it must always be borne in mind that excessive charges for the
   franchise will fall upon the consumer. Legislation of this
   character proceeds upon the theory that Congress can impose
   such contractual terms and conditions as it sees fit in the
   sale or use permitted of government lands so long as such
   limitations do not conflict with the powers properly exercised
   by the State wherein they may be situated."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   The Sugar Trust settles a conspiracy charge.

   While the American Sugar Refining Company, in the spring of
   1909, was being forced to make good to the Government its long
   cheating of the Custom House, it was being compelled, at the
   same time, to indemnify a competitor in business, whom it had
   ruined by means which the Sherman Anti-Trust Law forbade. Its
   victim was the Pennsylvania Sugar Refining Company, whose
   refinery had been established by Mr. Adolph Segal, of
   Philadelphia, in 1903. Segal became financially embarrassed,
   and was lured into taking a loan of $1,250,000, from a person
   who acted secretly in the transaction for the American Sugar
   Refining Company. The loan was made on terms which gave the
   lender control of a majority of the stock of the Pennsylvania
   Sugar Refining Company, and Mr. Segal found, when too late,
   that the real lender was the Sugar Trust. It used its power to
   shutdown the plant, which was said to be the most perfect of
   its kind, and the Pennsylvania Company was wrecked. It brought
   a suit for damages to the amount of $30,000,000, inflicted
   upon it in contravention of the Anti-Trust Law. Before the
   trial ended, the defendants found so much reason to fear its
   outcome that negotiations were opened which resulted (June 8,
   1909) in a settlement of the claim outside of court. The
   settlement was said to involve a cash payment by the American
   Company to the Pennsylvania Company of $750,000, the
   cancellation of the $1,250,000 loan made by the trust to
   Adolph Segal, of Philadelphia, and the return of the
   securities given by Segal as collateral for the loan.

   Subsequently the Government procured indictments of certain of
   the officials of the American Sugar Refining Company for their
   participation in the conspiracy; but the prosecution was
   blocked in October by a decision from Judge Holt, of the
   United States Circuit Court, that the acts charged were
   outlawed by the statute of limitations. Later, in November, it
   was reported that the Government was preparing an appeal to
   the Supreme Court.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Dissolution of a Paper-making Combination.

   By a decree of the United States Circuit Court, Judge Hough,
   at New York, in May, 1909, the Fiber and Manila Association, a
   combination of 25 paper manufacturers, located in many parts
   of the country, East and West, was adjudged to be an illegal
   combination in restraint of trade, and perpetually enjoined
   from further operations in such combination. The members were
   enjoined further from fixing prices or the qualities that
   shall be manufactured or to maintain any pool or fund made up
   of contributions from its members. Counsel for the Association
   announced that no appeal would be made.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Chartering of the United Dry Goods Companies.

   "Details of the greatest dry goods combination ever attempted
   in this country were available to-day for the first time since
   the United Dry Goods Companies took out a Delaware charter
   last Friday [April 21, 1909], The concern will control many of
   the largest dry goods stores in this city and at important
   commercial centres of the South and West, acting first as a
   holding company and later possibly as an operating concern,
   with headquarters here. John Claflin will be the head of the
   combination. The present managers of the various absorbed
   stores will be continued. J. P. Morgan & Co. are financing the
   deal, and public announcement will be made immediately.

   "The United Dry Goods Companies will have a capital of
   $51,000,000. Of this only $20,000,000 will be immediately
   issued in the form of $10,000,000 7 per cent. cumulative
   preferred stock and $10,000,000 common stock. The preferred
   stock has preference as to both assets and dividends. The new
   combination will purchase $8,650,000 of the outstanding
   $17,250,000 capital stock of the Associated Merchants’
   Company. …

   "John Claflin said this afternoon that the new company would
   not buy any mills, as it was not the purpose of the
   combination to control the sources of production. All the
   stores—there are more than forty, which the United Companies
   and its allies will own in whole or in part—will be free to
   purchase from whatever interests they wish, without being
   restricted to any one market or to the product of any special
   mills. The general business will be directed from the city,
   but resident directors at different centres will have full
   charge of the detail work."

      New York Evening Post,
      May, 25-26, 1909.

{134}

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   The illegality of a Trust invalidates a debt to it.

   In a suit brought by the Continental Wall Paper Company to
   recover a debt, payment of which was resisted on the ground
   that the Company was an illegal combination in restraint of
   trade, the Supreme Court of the United States, on the 1st of
   February, 1909, affirmed a judgment of the Circuit Court of
   Appeals which had dismissed the suit. The case was so decided
   by a bare majority of one. The opinion of the majority,
   delivered by Justice Harlan, held that a judgment in favor of
   the Company would give effect to agreements constituting the
   illegal combination. "Upon the whole case," said Justice
   Harlan, "and without further citation of authority, we adjudge
   upon the admitted facts that the combination represented by
   the plaintiff in this case was illegal under the anti-trust
   act of 1890; is to be taken as one intended, and which would
   have the effect, directly to restrain and monopolize trade
   among the several states and with foreign states; and that the
   plaintiff cannot have a judgment for the amount of the account
   sued on because such a judgment would, in effect, be in aid of
   the execution of agreements constituting that illegal
   combination. We consequently hold that the circuit court of
   appeals properly sustained the third defense in the case and
   rightly dismissed the suit."

   In the dissenting opinion by Justice Holmes and others it was
   set forth that "whenever a party knows that he is buying from
   an illegal trust, and still more when he buys at a price that
   he thinks unreasonable, but is compelled to pay in order to
   get the goods he needs, he knows that he is doing an act in
   furtherance of the unlawful purpose of the trust, which always
   is to get the most it can for its wares. But that knowledge
   makes no difference, because the policy of not furthering the
   purposes of the trust is less important than the policy of
   preventing people from getting other people’s property for
   nothing when they purport to be buying it."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Morgan & Co. Banking Combination.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
   Special Message of President Taft
   on Legislation touching "Trusts."

   An important special Message, recommendatory of legislation on
   the two subjects of interstate commerce and the combinations
   called "Trusts," was addressed to Congress by President Taft
   on the 7th of January, 1910. It had been expected that the
   Executive would advise amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust
   Law, so-called, but he did not. On the contrary he favored the
   policy of leaving that law untouched, on the ground that its
   defects have been cured already to a great extent by judicial
   decisions, and that it is safer and better for the business
   interests of the country to trust the law to the gradual
   molding which the courts are giving it, than to undertake
   amendments which would start anew series of judicial
   interpretations. But the President’s conclusions on this point
   were supplemented by the advocacy of an enactment to provide
   for the federal chartering of corporations engaged in
   interstate commerce, as a means of substituting continuous
   regulation of such organizations for the spasmodic and
   disturbing investigations which the Government is now
   compelled frequently to institute.

   In part, the President’s discussion of these questions is as
   follows:—

   "The statute has been on the statute book now for two decades,
   and the Supreme Court in more than a dozen opinions has
   construed it in application to various phases of business
   combinations and in reference to various subjects-matter. It
   has applied it to the union under one control of two competing
   interstate railroads, to joint traffic arrangements between
   several interstate railroads, to private manufacturers engaged
   in a plain attempt to control prices and suppress competition
   in a part of the country, including a dozen States, and to
   many other combinations affecting interstate trade. The value
   of a statute which is rendered more and more certain in its
   meaning by a series of decisions of the Supreme Court
   furnishes a strong reason for leaving the act as it is, to
   accomplish its useful purpose, even though if it were being
   newly enacted useful suggestions as to change of phrase might
   be made.

   "It is the duty and the purpose of the Executive to direct an
   investigation by the Department of Justice, through the grand
   jury or otherwise, into the history, organization, and
   purposes of all the industrial companies with respect to which
   there is any reasonable ground for suspicion that they have
   been organized for a purpose, and are conducting business on a
   plan which is in violation of the Anti-Trust law. The work is
   a heavy one, but is not beyond the power of the Department of
   Justice, if sufficient funds are furnished, to carry on the
   investigations and to pay the counsel engaged in the work. But
   such an investigation and possible prosecution of corporations
   whose prosperity or destruction affects the comfort not only
   of stockholders, but of millions of wage-earners, employees,
   and associated tradesmen, must necessarily tend to disturb the
   confidence of the business community, to dry up the now
   flowing sources of capital from its places of hoarding, and
   produce a halt in our present prosperity that will cause
   suffering and strained circumstances among the innocent many
   for the faults of the guilty few. The question which I wish in
   this message to bring clearly to the consideration and
   discussion of Congress is whether in order to avoid such a
   possible business danger something cannot be done by which
   these business combinations may be offered a means, without
   great financial disturbance, of changing the character,
   organization, and extent of their business into one within the
   lines of the law under Federal control and supervision,
   securing compliance with the anti-trust statute.

   "Generally, in the industrial combinations called ‘Trusts,’
   the principal business is the sale of goods in many States and
   in foreign markets; in other words, the interstate and foreign
   business far exceeds the business done in any one State. This
   fact will justify the Federal government in granting a Federal
   charter to such a combination to make and sell in interstate
   and foreign commerce the products of useful manufacture under
   such limitations as will secure a compliance with the
   Anti-Trust law. It is possible so to frame a statute that
   while it offers protection to a Federal company against
   harmful, vexatious, and unnecessary invasion by the States, it
   shall subject it to reasonable taxation and control by the
   States, with respect to its purely local business.

{135}

   "Many people conducting great businesses have cherished a hope
   and a belief that in some way or other a line may be drawn
   between ‘good Trusts’ and ‘bad Trusts,’ and that it is
   possible, by amendment to the Anti-Trust law, to make a
   distinction under which good combinations may be permitted to
   organize, suppress competition, control prices, and do it all
   legally, if only they do not abuse the power by taking too
   great profit out of the business. … Now, the public, and
   especially the business public, ought to rid themselves of the
   idea that such a distinction is practicable or can be
   introduced into the statute. Certainly under the present
   Anti-Trust law no such distinction exists. It has been
   proposed, however, that the word ‘reasonable’ should be made a
   part of the statute, and then that it should be left to the
   court to say what is a reasonable restraint of trade, what is
   a reasonable suppression of competition, what is a reasonable
   monopoly. I venture to think that this is to put into the
   hands of the court a power impossible to exercise on any
   consistent principle which will insure the uniformity of
   decision essential to just judgment. It is to thrust upon the
   courts a burden that they have no precedents to enable them to
   carry, and to give them a power approaching the arbitrary, the
   abuse of which might involve our whole judicial system in
   disaster.

   "In considering violations of the Anti-Trust law, we ought, of
   course, not to forget that that law makes unlawful, methods of
   carrying on business which before its passage were regarded as
   evidence of business sagacity and success, and that they were
   denounced in this act, not because of their intrinsic
   immorality, but because of the dangerous results toward which
   they tended, the concentration of industrial power in the
   hands of the few, leading to oppression and injustice. In
   dealing, therefore, with many of the men who have used the
   methods condemned by the statute for the purpose of
   maintaining a profitable business, we may well facilitate a
   change by them in the method of doing business. …

   "To the suggestion that this proposal of Federal incorporation
   for industrial combinations is intended to furnish them a
   refuge in which to continue industrial abuses under Federal
   protection, it should be said that the measure contemplated
   does not repeal the Sherman Anti-Trust law, and is not to be
   framed so as to permit the doing of the wrongs which it is the
   purpose of that law to prevent, but only to foster a
   continuance and advance of the highest industrial efficiency
   without permitting industrial abuses. …

   "A Federal compulsory license law, urged as a substitute for a
   Federal incorporation law, is unnecessary except to reach that
   kind of corporation which, by virtue of the considerations
   already advanced, will take advantage voluntarily of an
   incorporation law, while the other State corporations doing an
   interstate business do not need the supervision or the
   regulation of a Federal license and would only be
   unnecessarily burdened thereby.

   "The attorney-general, at my suggestion, has drafted a Federal
   incorporation bill embodying the views I have attempted to set
   forth, and it will be at the disposition of the appropriate
   committees of Congress."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
   Renewed investigation of the Beef Trust.

   A renewed investigation of the business methods of the great
   meat-packing concerns at Chicago, by the grand jury of the
   United States District Court, Judge K. M. Landis, was begun on
   the 24th of January, 1910. It is understood to have special
   reference to the causes of the rising prices of meats. The
   firms against which the Government is thus preparing to
   proceed are: Swift & Co., Armour & Co., and Morris & Co., who,
   it is alleged, control the National Packing Company, for their
   common benefit.

   ----------COMBINATIONS: End--------

COMMERCE AND LABOR, The United States Department of.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

COMMERCIAL UNIVERSITIES, in Germany:
   Their recent rise.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

"COMMISSION PLAN," of City Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

COMMODITIES CLAUSE, of the Hepburn Act:
   Supreme Court decision on.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

COMMUNAL SYSTEM, Russian:
   Its modification.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 AND 1909 (APRIL).

CONCENTRATION CAMPS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

CONCILIATION BOARDS, Canadian.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CONCILIATION COMMITTEE, of National Civic Federation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

CONCORDAT OF 1802, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

CONFÉDÉRATION GÉNÉRALE DU TRAVAIL.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

CONFERENCE OF STATE GOVERNORS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

CONFERENCES FOR EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH, Annual.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

CONGER, Edwin H.: U. S. Minister to China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

CONGESTED ESTATES.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

{136}

   ----------CONGO STATE: Start--------

CONGO STATE:
   How the natives have been enslaved and oppressed.
   The "Domaine Privé."

   "The Berlin Conference laid it down that no import dues should
   be established in the mouth of the Congo for twenty years. But
   in 1890 King Leopold, alleging the heavy expenses to which he
   had been put by the campaign against the Arabs in the Upper
   Congo, applied for permission to levy import duties. It was
   the first disillusionment; and the British Chambers of
   Commerce began to wonder whether their opposition to the
   Anglo-Portuguese Convention had not been mistaken. The King’s
   request was granted (the Powers merely reserving to themselves
   the right to revert to the original arrangement in fifteen
   years), but not without the bitter opposition of the Dutch,
   who had very important commercial interests in the Congo,
   backed by the British Chambers of Commerce and all the traders
   in the Congo, irrespective of nationality. A representative
   gathering was held in London on November 4th, 1900, presided
   over by Sir Albert Rollit, to protest against the imposition
   of import duties and to denounce the hypocrisy which
   attributed to philanthropic motives the desire on the part of
   the Congo State so to impose upon them. …

   "They were able to show that … King Leopold, notwithstanding
   his formal assurances to the commercial world that the Congo
   State would never directly or indirectly itself trade within
   its dominions, was buying, or rather stealing, ivory from the
   natives in the Upper Congo and retaining the proceeds of the
   sale on the European market. They proved that, profiting by
   the silence of the Berlin Treaty on the subject of export
   duties, the Congo State had already imposed taxes amounting to
   17½ per cent. on ivory, 13 per cent, on rubber and 5 per cent.
   on palm kernels, palm-oil and ground-nuts, the total taxation
   amounting to no less than 33 per cent. of the value of the
   whole of the trade. Finally they had no difficulty in
   demonstrating that, with all his professed wish to stamp out
   the slave-raiding carried on by the half-caste Arabs in the
   Upper Congo, His Majesty was himself tacitly encouraging the
   slave trade by receiving tribute from conquered Chiefs in the
   shape of slaves, who were promptly enrolled as soldiers in the
   State army. …

   "Five months after the termination of the Berlin Conference
   King Leopold issued a decree (July, 1885) whereby the State
   asserted rights of proprietorship over all vacant lands
   throughout the Congo territory. It was intended that the term
   vacant lands should apply in the broadest sense to lands not
   actually occupied by the natives at the time the decree
   was issued. By successive decrees, promulgated in 1886, 1887
   and 1888, the King reduced the rights of the natives in their
   land to the narrowest limits, with the result that the whole
   of the odd 1,000,000 square miles assigned to the Congo State,
   except such infinitesimal proportions thereof as were covered
   by native villages or native farms, became ‘terres
   domaniales.' On October 17th, 1889, the King also issued a
   decree ordering merchants to limit their commercial operations
   in rubber to bartering with the natives. This decree was
   interesting merely as a forewarning of what came later,
   because at that time the rubber trade was very small. In July,
   1890, the same year as the Brussels Conference, the Congo
   State went a step further. A decree issued in that month
   confirmed all that was advanced in November of the same year
   by the speakers at the London Conference held to protest
   against the imposition of import duties by the State. By its
   terms King Leopold asserted that the State was entitled to
   trade on its own account in ivory—the first open violation of
   his pledges. Moreover the decree imposed sundry extra taxes
   upon all ivory bought by merchants from the natives, which,
   since the State had become itself a trading concern,
   constituted an equally direct violation of the Berlin Act, by
   establishing differential treatment in matters of trade. Such
   were the plans King Leopold made, preparatory to obtaining
   from the Powers the power to impose import duties. Everything
   was ready for the great coup, which should also
   inaugurate the Fifth Stage of His Majesty’s African policy.

   "The Brussels Conference met. The Powers with inconceivable
   fatuity allowed themselves to be completely hoodwinked, and
   within a year the greatest injury perpetrated upon the
   unfortunate natives of Africa since the Portuguese in the XVth
   century conceived the idea of expatriating them for labour
   purposes had been committed, and committed too by a Monarch
   who had not ceased for fifteen years to pose as their
   self-appointed regenerator. On September 21st, 1891, King
   Leopold drafted, in secret, a decree which he caused to be
   forwarded to the Commissioners of the State in the
   Uban-ghi-Welle and Aruwimi-Welle districts, and to the Chiefs
   of the military expeditions operating in the Upper Ubanghi
   district. This decree never having been published in the
   official Bulletin of the State, its exact terms can only be a
   matter of conjecture, but we know that it instructed the
   officials to whom it was addressed ‘to take urgent and
   necessary measures to preserve the fruits of the domain to the
   State, especially ivory and rubber.’ By ‘fruits of the domain’
   King Leopold meant the products of the soil throughout the
   ‘vacant lands’ which he had attributed to himself, as already
   explained, by the decree of 1885. The King’s instructions were
   immediately followed, and three circulars, dated respectively
   Bangala, 15th December, 1891, Basankusu, 8th May, 1892, and
   Yokoma, 14th February, 1892, were issued by the officials in
   question. Circular Number 1 forbade the natives to hunt
   elephants unless they brought the tusks to the State’s
   officers. Circular Number 2 forbade the natives to collect
   rubber unless they brought it to the State’s officers.
   Circular Number 3 forbade the natives to collect either ivory
   or rubber unless they brought the articles to the State’s
   officers, and added that ‘merchants purchasing such articles
   from the natives, whose right to collect them the State only
   recognised provided that they were brought to it, would be
   looked upon as receivers of stolen goods and denounced to the
   judicial authorities.’ Thus did the Sovereign of the Congo
   State avail himself of the additional prestige conferred upon
   him by the Brussels Conference. …

{137}

   "In theory, then, the decrees of September, 1891, and October,
   1892, made of the native throughout the Domaine Privé a
   serf. In theory a serf he remained, for a little while. But as
   the grip of Africa’s regenerator tightened upon the Domaine
   Privé, as the drilled and officered cannibal army, armed
   with repeating rifles, gradually grew and grew until it was
   larger than the native forces kept up by any of the great
   Powers of Europe on African soil, as the radius of the rubber
   taxes was extended, as portions of the country began to be
   farmed out to so-called 'Companies' whose agents were also
   officials of the King, the native of the Domaine Privé
   became a serf not in theory only but in fact, ground down,
   exploited, forced to collect rubber at the bayonet’s point,
   compelled to pay onerous tribute to men whose salaries depend
   upon the produce returns from their respective stations—the
   punishment for disobedience, slothfulness or inability to
   comply with demands ever growing in extortion, being anything
   from mutilation to death, accompanied by the destruction of
   villages and crops."

      E. D. Morel,
      The Belgian Curse in Africa
      (Contemporary Review, March, 1902).

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
   The alleged oppressiveness, barbarity, and rapacity of its
   administration under King Leopold.
   Observations of Lord Cromer on the Nile border.
   Reports of a British Consular Officer, and of King Leopold’s
   Belgian Commission.
   Action of the British Government.

   Serious accusations of oppression and barbarity in the
   exploiting of the natural wealth of the so-called Independent
   Congo State, under the administration of its royal proprietor,
   King Leopold, of Belgium, were beginning to be made a dozen
   years ago, as will be seen by reference to the subject in
   Volume VI. of this work. The King and the companies which
   operated in the region under his grants were reputed to be
   taking enormous profits from it. Of one of those
   concessionaire companies, sometimes referred to as the A. B.
   I. R. Co. and sometimes as "the Abir," it was stated in 1901
   that its £40,000 of shares could have been sold for
   £2,160,000, and that half of its profits went to Leopold. But,
   as was said later by a member of the British Parliament, who
   wrote on the subject in one of the reviews, "meanwhile Europe
   was becoming aware of the price that was being paid in Africa
   for these profits in Belgium. Travellers, missionaries of
   various nationalities, administrators in the neighbouring
   territories belonging to England and France, sent home graphic
   reports of the cruel oppression that was being practised on
   the helpless population. In England especially, through the
   efforts of Sir Charles Dilke, of Mr. Fox-Bourne, the secretary
   of the Aborigines Protection Society, of Mr. E. D. Morel and
   of other disinterested men, public opinion was informed of the
   truth. In May, 1903, a resolution, which I had the honor of
   moving in the House of Commons, calling upon the Government to
   take action with a view to the abatement of the evils
   prevalent in the Congo Free State, was accepted by Mr. Balfour
   and unanimously passed. A diplomatic correspondence ensued
   between the two governments. The British Consul in the Lower
   Congo, Mr. Roger Casement, was sent on a tour of inquiry into
   the interior, and his lengthy and detailed report fully
   confirmed—in some respect extending—the indictment that had
   been drawn. A Congo Reform Association was founded, and
   immediately secured influential support. … At last King
   Leopold, pressed by the despatches of the British Government
   and bowing to the storm of public opinion, yielded so far as
   to authorise further inquiry into the charges that had been
   made. The investigation by an International Commission, which
   had been proposed, he rejected. He nominated three
   Commissioners of his selection, one a legal officer in the
   service of the Belgian Government, one a judge in the service
   of the Congo State, and the third a Swiss jurist of repute. In
   October, 1904, the Commission reached the Congo. It stayed for
   five months and made an extended journey into the interior.
   After an unexplained delay of eight months its report was
   published on the 6th of November of this year [1905]. …

   "Had the report embodied an acquittal of the Congo State it
   would not, under the circumstances, have been surprising. The
   Commissioners, however, have to a great degree risen superior
   to their natural prepossessions. … It is most regrettable …
   that they present no minutes of the evidence taken before
   them—a circumstance which deprives the report of actuality
   and force, and prevents outside observers from drawing their
   own conclusions from the facts which had been ascertained. But
   the inquiry was painstaking. The case was fairly tried. The
   judgment is an honest judgment.

   "Being honest, it is necessarily a condemnation. The Belgian
   defenders of the Congo Government, who were led by a
   conception of patriotic duty as profoundly false as that of
   the anti-Dreyfusards in France to deny everything and to meet
   the critics merely with unceasing torrents of abuse, now have
   their answer. A tribunal, not of our choosing, selected by the
   defendant in their cause, has shown that those who denounced
   Congo misrule were in the right, that the atrocities were not
   imaginary, that a cruel oppression of the natives has been
   proceeding unchecked for years."

      Herbert Samuel,
      The Congo State
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1905).

   Before this report appeared many witnesses had testified for
   and against the impeached Government and its commercial
   monopoly of the Congo State. Atrocities of slaughter,
   mutilation and flogging, committed by the soldiery, the
   sentries and other extortioners of a labor tax from the
   helpless natives, were asserted and denied. It is best,
   perhaps, to drop these blackest counts from the Congo
   indictment, because of the controversy over them; and enough
   remains in the Report of the King’s own Commission of Inquiry,
   and in general conditions which are flagrantly in evidence, to
   convict King Leopold and his agents of soulless rapacity, in
   their treatment of the vast African country that was entrusted
   to him by the Conference of Powers assembled at Berlin in
   1884-1885.

   There is great weight of meaning, for example, in a few words
   that were written, in January, 1903, by Lord Cromer, while
   returning from a long trip up the Nile, in which his steamer
   passed along about eighty miles of Congolese shore. Before
   reaching that border of Leopold’s domain he had traversed 1100
   miles of the country lately wrested by the British from
   dervishes and slave dealers, where, he remarks, "it might well
   have been expected that much time would be required to inspire
   confidence in the intentions of the new Government." But,
   "except in the uninhabitable ‘Sudd’ region," he wrote,
   "numerous villages are dotted along the banks of the river.
{138}
   The people, far from flying at the approach of white men, as
   was formerly the case, run along the banks, making signs for
   the steamer to stop. It is clear that the Baris, Shilluks, and
   Dinkas place the utmost trust and confidence in the British
   officers with whom they are brought in contact. …

   "The contrast when once Congolese territory is entered is
   remarkable. From the frontier to Gondokoro is about 80 miles.
   The proper left, or western, bank of the river is Belgian. The
   opposite bank is either under the Soudanese or the Uganda
   Government. There are numerous islands, and as all these are
   under British rule—for the thalweg which, under Treaty, is the
   Belgian frontier, skirts the western bank of the river—I
   cannot say that I had an opportunity of seeing a full 80 miles
   of Belgian territory. At the same time, I saw a good deal, and
   I noticed that, whereas there were numerous villages and huts
   on the eastern bank and on the islands, on the Belgian side
   not a sign of a village existed. Indeed, I do not think that
   any one of our party saw a single human being in Belgian
   territory, except the Belgian officers and men and the wives
   and children of the latter. Moreover not a single native was
   to be seen either at Kiro or Lado. I asked the Swedish officer
   at Kiro whether he saw much of the natives. He replied in the
   negative, adding that the nearest Bari village was situated at
   some distance in the interior. The Italian officer at Lado, in
   reply to the same question, stated that the nearest native
   village was seven hours distant. The reason of all this is
   obvious enough. The Belgians are disliked. The people fly from
   them, and it is no wonder they should do so, for I am informed
   that the soldiers are allowed full liberty to plunder, and
   that payments are rarely made for supplies. The British
   officers wander, practically alone, over most parts of the
   country, either on tours of inspection or on shooting
   expeditions. I understand that no Belgian officer can move
   outside the settlements without a strong guard."

   This is in line with some parts of the experience of Mr.
   Casement, the British Consular Officer referred to in the
   article quoted above, who travelled for about ten weeks on the
   Upper Congo in 1903, and whose report of what he saw includes
   such accounts as the following, of conditions around Lake
   Matumba:

   "Each village I visited around the lake, save that of Q. and
   one other, had been abandoned by its inhabitants. To some of
   these villages the people have only just returned; to others
   they are only now returning, In one I found the bare and burnt
   poles of what had been dwellings left standing, and at another
   —that of R—the people had fled at the approach of my steamer,
   and despite the loud cries of my native guides on board,
   nothing could induce them to return, and it was impossible to
   hold any intercourse with them. At the three succeeding
   villages I visited beyond R., in traversing the lake towards
   the south, the inhabitants all fled at the approach of the
   steamer, and it was only when they found whose the vessel was
   that they could be induced to return."

   An incident related by Mr. Casement is this:

   "Steaming up a small tributary of the Lulongo, I arrived,
   unpreceded by any rumour of my coming, at the village of A. In
   an open shed I found two sentries of the La Lulanga Company
   guarding fifteen native women, five of whom had infants at the
   breast, and three of whom were about to become mothers. The
   chief of these sentries, a man called S—who was bearing a
   double-barrelled shot-gun, for which he had a belt of
   cartridges—at once volunteered an explanation of the reason
   for these women’s detention. Four of them, he said, were
   hostages who were being held to insure the peaceful settlement
   of a dispute between two neighbouring towns, which had already
   cost the life of a man. … The remaining eleven women, whom he
   indicated, he said he had caught and was detaining as
   prisoners to compel their husbands to bring in the right
   amount of india-rubber required of them on next market day.
   When I asked if it was a woman’s work to collect india-rubber,
   he said, ‘No; that, of course, it was man’s work.’ ‘Then why
   do you catch the women and not the men?’ I asked. ‘Don’t you
   see,’ was the answer, ‘if I caught and kept the men, who would
   work the rubber? But if I catch their wives, the husbands are
   anxious to have them home again, and so the rubber is brought
   in quickly and quite up to the mark.’ When I asked what would
   become of these women if their husbands failed to bring in the
   right quantity of rubber on the next market day, he said at
   once that then they would be kept there until their husbands
   had redeemed them."

      Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
      Number 1 (1904), Cd. 1933.

   But the facts which condemn the Congo administration most
   conclusively are found in the report of the Commission of
   Inquiry appointed by King Leopold himself,—especially in what
   it represents of the heartless oppression of the labor tax, or
   labor imposed on the natives, in their compulsory carrying of
   goods or collection of rubber, food and wood, for the State
   and for the companies that operate under the King’s grants. As
   to the labor tax exacted in food, for example, the Commission
   expresses itself as follows:

   "The decree fixes at forty hours per month the work which each
   native owes to the State. This time, considered as a maximum,
   is certainly not excessive, especially if one takes account of
   the fact that the work ought to be remunerated; but as in the
   immense majority of cases … it is not precisely the work which
   is demanded of the native, but rather a quantity of products
   equivalent to forty hours of work, the criterion of time
   disappears in reality and is replaced by an equivalent
   established by the Commissioner of the district after diverse
   methods. …

   "Chikwangue (kwanga)is nothing but manioc bread. … The
   preparation of this food requires many operations: the
   clearing of the forest, the planting of manioc, the digging up
   of the root and its transformation into chikwangue,
   which comprises the operations of separating the fibers and
   stripping the bark, pulverizing, washing, making it into
   bundles, and cooking it. All these operations, except clearing
   the land, fall to the women. The chikwangues so
   prepared are carried by the natives to the neighboring post
   and served for the food supply of the personnel of the
   State—soldiers and laborers. … As the chikwangue keeps
   only a few days, the native, even by redoubling his activity,
   cannot succeed in freeing himself from his obligations for any
   length of time.
{139}
   The requirement, even if it does not take all his time,
   oppresses him continually by the weight of its recurrent
   demands, which deprive the tax of its true character and
   transform it into an incessant corvée. … Doubtless the
   adage, ‘time is money,’ cannot be applied to the natives of the
   Congo; it is none the less inadmissible that a taxpayer should
   be obliged to travel over ninety-three miles to carry to the
   place of collection a tax which represents about the value of
   twenty-nine cents. …

   "Natives inhabiting the environs of Lulonga were forced to
   journey in canoes to Nouvelle-Anvers, which represents a
   distance of forty to fifty miles, every two weeks, to carry
   their fish; and taxpayers have been seen to submit to
   imprisonment for delays which were perhaps not chargeable to
   them, if we take into account the considerable distances to be
   covered periodically to satisfy the requirements of the tax."

   As applied to the collection of rubber, the so-called labor
   tax was found by the commission to consume so much of the time
   of the natives subjected to it that it practically made slaves
   of them, and nothing less.

   When the abused native is pretendedly paid for his labor or
   its product, it is by some trifle in metal or flimsy woven
   stuff, which costs the State and its tributary companies next
   to nothing and is next to worthless to the recipient.

   And not only does the State exercise over the unfortunate
   subjects that were delivered to it an authority of Government
   which appears to be little else than a power of extortion, but
   it has taken all their lands from them, substantially, and
   left them next to nothing on which to perform any labor for
   themselves. It has decreed to itself the ownership of all land
   not included in the native villages or not under cultivation.
   Concerning which decree the Commission remarks:

   "As the greater part of the land in the Congo has never been
   under cultivation, this interpretation gives to the State a
   proprietary right, absolute and exclusive, to almost all the
   land, and as a consequence it can grant to itself all the
   product of the soil and prosecute as robbers those who gather
   the smallest fruit and as accomplices those who buy the same.
   … It thus happens sometimes that not only have the natives
   been prohibited from moving their villages, but they have been
   refused permission to go, even for a time, to a neighboring
   village without a special permit."

   In the summer of 1903 the British Government was moved to
   address a formal communication to all the Powers which had
   been parties to the Act of the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885,
   whereby the Congo State was created and entrusted to King
   Leopold, asking them to consider whether the system of
   government and of trade monopoly established in that State was
   in conformity with the provisions of the Act. The British
   Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, in his despatch (August 8,
   1903), rehearsed at length the charges that were brought
   against the Congo administration, concerning its extortion of
   labor from the natives by a method "but little different from
   that formerly employed to obtain slaves," saying: "His
   Majesty’s Government do not know precisely to what extent
   these accusations may be true; but they have been so
   repeatedly made, and have received such wide credence, that it
   is no longer possible to ignore them, and the question has now
   arisen, whether the Congo State can be considered to have
   fulfilled the special pledges, given under the Berlin Act, to
   watch over the preservation of the native tribes, and to care
   for their moral and material advancement."

   At the same time, the dispatch called the attention of the
   Powers to the question of rights of trade in the Congo,
   saying: "Article I of the Berlin Act provides that the trade
   of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom in the basin of
   the Congo; and Article V provides that no Power which
   exercises sovereign rights in the basin shall be allowed to
   grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters of
   trade. In the opinion of His Majesty’s Government, the system
   of trade now existing in the Independent State of the Congo is
   not in harmony with these provisions. … In these
   circumstances, His Majesty’s Government consider that the time
   has come when the Powers parties to the Berlin Act should
   consider whether the system of trade now prevailing in the
   Independent State is in harmony with the provisions of the
   Act; and, in particular, whether the system of making grants
   of vast areas of territory is permissible under the Act if the
   effect of such grants is in practice to create a monopoly of
   trade."

      Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
      Number 14 (1903), Cd. 1809.

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1904.
   Feeling in Belgium concerning the charges of oppression and
   inhumanity to the natives.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Reform Decrees and their small effect.
   Continued reports of rapacious exploitation.
   Concession secured by American capitalists.
   Annexation of the State by Belgium.
   Recognition of the annexation withheld by
   Great Britain and the United States.

   Apparently the endeavor of the British Government to set in
   motion some action of the Powers which had been parties to the
   creation of the Congo State, for the purpose of ascertaining
   whether the provisions of the Berlin Act were being complied
   with in the administration of that great trust, had no
   practical result. During the next two years the Congo
   Government was persistent in denying and attempting to refute
   some parts of the reports sent home by British consular
   officers in the Congo; but after the publication of the report
   of its own investigating Commission, in 1905, there seems to
   have been more reticence observed. In June, 1906, a series of
   new decrees, supposed to embody the recommendations of the
   Reforms Commission, was sanctioned by the King. But the
   Consuls who reported to London from the Congo country do not
   seem to have found the wretched natives much relieved by these
   decrees. Vice-Consul Armstrong, writing from Boma December,
   1907, after a prolonged journey through rubber-collecting
   regions, declared his conviction that "the people worked from
   twenty to twenty-five days a month" to satisfy their labor
   tax. He added:

   "The improvement that has been made by the application of the
   Reform Decrees of June 1906 is solely in the withdrawal of
   armed sentries, a reform which the serious decimation of the
   population by the sentries demanded. … I saw nothing which led
   me to view the occupation of this country in the light of an
   Administration.
{140}
   The undertakings of the Government are solely commercial, with
   a sufficient administrative power to insure the safety of its
   personnel and the success of its enterprise. … The
   following is an estimate of the profits of the State on their
   rubber tax. I take the village of N’gongo as being a large
   one, and one of the few villages that supply the amount
   actually assessed:—

Amount assessed yearly. 1,440 kilograms of rubber.
                                               £    s.  d.
1,440 kilograms of rubber at 10 fr.           576   0   0
Amount paid to natives at 50 c. per kilogram   28  16   0

   "I calculate the rubber at 10 fr. per kilogram, the value
   placed upon it by the State in the Commercial Report issued
   this year. The market value in Antwerp is from 12 fr. to 13
   fr. per kilogram. From this amount of 576£. must be deducted
   the cost of transport, which cannot be more than 2 fr. per
   kilogram rendered at Antwerp, so that the net profits derived
   from this one village would be a little more than 456£. per
   annum. One hundred and twenty natives, together with their
   wives and children, which would bring the population of the
   town to about 400 souls, share this amount of 28£ 16s., and as
   this is paid in cloth at 7½d. per yard and salt at 1s. 7½d.
   per kilogram, it is evident that they cannot receive very much
   each, and that they complain of their remuneration."

   These were not the only official witnesses now testifying to
   the barbarities of commercial exploitation that were
   perpetrated in the Congo country under pretences of
   administering the Government of a State. Reports to the same
   effect were coming to the Government of the United States from
   its Consuls in the Congo. Consul-General C. R. Slocum wrote on
   the 1st of December, 1906, to the Department of State at
   Washington:

   "I have the honour to report that I find the Congo Free State,
   under the present regime, to be nothing but a vast commercial
   enterprise for the exploitation of the products of the
   country, particularly that of ivory and rubber. Admitted by
   Belgian officials and other foreigners here, the State, as I
   find it, is not open to trade in the intended sense of article
   5 of the Berlin Act under which the State was formed."

   A year later, the succeeding Consul-General of the United
   States in the Congo State, Mr. James A. Smith, made a similar
   report:

   "In excluding the native," he wrote, "from any proprietary
   right in the only commodities he possessed which would serve
   as a trade medium—that is, the products of the soil—and in
   claiming for itself and granting to a few concessionary
   companies in which it holds an interest exclusive ownership of
   these products, the Administration, in its commercial
   capacity, has effectively shut the door to free trade and
   created a vast monopoly in all articles the freedom of buying
   and selling which alone could form a proper basis for
   legitimate trade transactions between the native and
   independent purchasers. Competition, by which alone can a
   healthy condition of trade be maintained, has been entirely
   eliminated. The Government is but one tremendous commercial
   organization; its administrative machinery is worked to bar
   out all outside trade and to absolutely control for its own
   benefit and the concessionary companies the natural resources
   of the country."

   In the same report Mr. Smith gave details of an experiment he
   had made, in conjunction with the chef de secteur at
   Yambata, to test the truth of the assertions made by the
   natives as to the length of time necessary to gather the
   rubber which they are compelled to furnish. The place for the
   experiment was selected by the chef de secteur, and he
   chose the five natives who were employed in the experiment,
   and who were promised rewards as an incentive to do their
   best. The men worked for four hours, and although Mr. Smith
   vouches for the fact that they did not lose a minute, they
   only succeeded in gathering 650 grammes. From this, as Mr.
   Smith argues, the amount of time they would have to spend in
   collecting the rubber tax works out at 93 hours a month, or,
   counting eight hours a day, at 140 days a year. This did not
   include the time spent in travelling to and from the
   rubber-bearing districts.

   Before this time, American interest in the Congo State had
   become more than humanitarian, and more than a commercial
   interest in the general opportunities of trade; for heavy
   American capitalists had secured concessions from King Leopold
   in a large territory for the development of railways, rubber
   production and mines. The fact was announced in the fall of
   1906, and the names of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Thomas F.
   Ryan, Harry Payne Whitney, Edward B. Aldrich and the Messrs.
   Guggenheim were mentioned as prominent in the group to which
   the grant was made.

   Under the Convention of 1890 between King Leopold and the
   Congo State, as one party, and the Kingdom of Belgium as the
   other, it became the right of the latter, on the expiration of
   ten years, in 1900, to annex the Congo State to itself.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1900.

   The right was not then exercised; but the question of taking
   over the sovereignty of that great African domain came under
   warm discussion in Belgium before many years, and, finally, in
   1908, it reached the point of a keen negotiation of terms with
   the King, attended by lively conflicts in the Belgian
   Chambers. While the question was thus pending in Belgium, the
   British Government took occasion to express its views to the
   Belgian Government, as to the obligations which such an
   annexation would involve. This was done on the 27th of March,
   1908, in a despatch from the Foreign Minister, Sir Edward
   Grey, communicating an extended "Memorandum respecting
   Taxation and Currency in the Congo Free State." The language
   of the despatch, in part, was as follows:

   "His Majesty’s Government fully recognize that the choice of
   the means by which the administration of the Congo may be
   brought into line by the Berlin Act rests exclusively with
   Belgium. Nevertheless, while disclaiming all idea of
   interference, His Majesty’s Government feel that in fairness
   they should leave the Belgian Government in no doubt that in
   their opinion the existing administration of the Congo State
   has not fulfilled the objects for which the State was
   originally recognized, or the conditions of Treaties, and that
   changes are therefore required, which should effect the
   following objects:
   1. Relief of the natives from excessive taxation.
   2. The grant to the natives of sufficient land to ensure their
   ability to obtain not only the food they require, but also
   sufficient produce of the soil to enable them to buy and sell
   as in other European Colonies.
   3. The possibility for traders whatever their nationality may
   be to acquire plots of land of reasonable dimensions in any
   part of the Congo for the erection of factories so as to
   enable them to establish direct trade relations with the
   natives. …

{141}

   "Taking the three points enumerated above in order, it appears
   to His Majesty’s Government that—

   "1. As regards the question of taxation in labour, the abuses
   to which the system has given rise have only been rendered
   possible by the absence of a proper standard of value. They
   believe, therefore, that the only sure and efficacious means
   of precluding the existence of such abuses in the future is
   the introduction of currency throughout the State at the
   earliest possible date. Both the Reports of the Commission of
   Inquiry and the experience of His Majesty’s Consular officers
   agree in the conclusion that the native has learnt the use of
   money, and that currency would be welcomed by all classes,
   native and European alike.

   "2. The natives in the concessionary areas should not be
   compelled, by either direct or indirect means, to render their
   labour to the Companies without remuneration. The introduction
   of currency should contribute greatly to the protection of the
   native against the illicit and excessive exactions on the part
   of private individuals. Such protection, however, cannot be
   adequately secured unless the latter be compelled to pay the
   native in specie at a fair rate to be fixed by law.

   "3. They would urge that a large increase should be made in
   the land allotted to the natives."

   The exceptional failure of the Congo State, among African
   colonies, to introduce the use of currency in transactions
   with the natives, and the connection of this failure with the
   state of things existing there, is discussed at length in the
   Memorandum, with a practical summing up in these sentences:

   "The Secretaries-General said the native in the Congo had no
   specie. True, but why has he no specie? Because, as already
   explained, during the twenty-three years that the Congo State
   has been in existence no serious attempt, in spite of all
   assertions to the contrary, has ever been made by the State to
   introduce currency on a sufficiently large scale. In every
   other European Colony in Africa has the native come to learn
   the practical value of a medium of exchange. What are the
   reasons that the Congo State should stand in an exceptional
   position in this respect? They are unfortunately obvious
   enough. The truth is that it is precisely owing to the absence
   of a proper standard of value that the Congo Government and
   the Concessionary Companies have been able to abuse the system
   of taxation in labour, and realize enormous profits out of the
   incessant labour wrung from the population in the guise of
   taxation."

   This communication from Great Britain to the Belgian
   Government was followed soon (in April) by memoranda from the
   Government of the United States, setting forth the hopes and
   expectations of administrative reform with which it
   contemplated the proposed annexation of the Congo State.

   A few months later the treaty of annexation was agreed upon,
   and the annexation consummated by an Act of the Belgian
   Parliament, promulgated on the 20th of October, 1908. To an
   announcement of the fact by the Belgian Minister at
   Washington, Secretary Root replied at considerable length, in
   a communication which bears the date of June 11, 1909: "The
   Government of the United States," said the Secretary, "has
   observed with much interest the progress of the negotiations
   looking to such a transfer, in the expectation that under the
   control of Belgium the condition of the natives might be
   beneficially improved and the engagements of the treaties to
   which the United States is a party, as well as the high aims
   set forth in the American memoranda of April 7 and 16, 1908,
   and declared in the Belgium replies thereto, might be fully
   realized.

   "The United States would also be gratified by the assurance
   that the Belgian Government will consider itself specifically
   bound to discharge the obligations assumed by the Independent
   State of the Congo in the Brussels Convention of July 2, 1890,
   an assurance which the expressions already made by the
   Government of Belgium in regard to its own course as a party
   to that convention leave no doubt is in entire accordance with
   the sentiments of that Government. Among the particular
   clauses of the Brussels Convention which seem to the United
   States to be specially relevant to existing conditions in the
   Congo region are the clauses of Article II., which include
   among the objects of the convention:

   "‘To diminish intestine wars between tribes by means of
   arbitration; to initiate them in agricultural labour and in
   the industrial arts so as to increase their welfare; to raise
   them to civilization and bring about the extinction of
   barbarous customs. …

   "‘To give aid and protection to commercial enterprises; to
   watch over their legality by especially controlling contracts
   for service with natives; and to prepare the way for the
   foundation of permanent centres of cultivation and of
   commercial settlements.’

   "The United States has been forced to the conclusion that in
   several respects the system inaugurated by the Independent
   State of the Congo has, in its practical operation, worked out
   results inconsistent with these conventional obligations and
   calling for very substantial and even radical changes in order
   to attain conformity therewith." Moreover, it renders nugatory
   the provisions of the successive declarations and conventions,
   cited by the Secretary, which have given such rights in the
   Congo State to citizens of the United States and others as
   must be maintained.

   "It should always be remembered," wrote Mr. Root, "that the
   basis of the sovereignty of the Independent State of the Congo
   over all its territory was in the treaties made by the native
   Sovereigns who ceded the territory for the use and benefit of
   free States established and being established there under the
   care and supervision of the International Association, so that
   the very nature of the title forbids the destruction of the
   tribal rights upon which it rests without securing to the
   natives an enjoyment of their land which shall be a full and
   adequate equivalent for the tribal rights destroyed."

   Referring to a statement made in the Belgian reply given to
   his memorandum of April 16, which he quotes as in these
   words:—

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   "When it annexes the possessions of the Independent State
   Belgium will inherit its obligations as well as its rights; it
   will be able to fulfil all the engagements made with the
   United States by the declarations of April 22, 1884"—Mr. Root
   closes his letter with these remarks:

   "It would be gratifying to the United States to know that the
   last clause of the statement just quoted is not intended to
   confine the rights of the United States in the Independent
   State to the declarations of the Commercial Association which
   preceded the creation of the Congo State as a sovereign power,
   but includes the conventional rights conferred upon the United
   States by the treaty concluded with the Independent State
   immediately after its recognition.

   "In the absence of a fuller understanding on all these points,
   I confine myself for the present to acknowledging your note of
   November 4 last and taking note of the announcement therein
   made."

   Thus no recognition was given to the Belgian annexation.
   Recognition was held in abeyance, awaiting further information
   and evidence of reform in the administration of the Congo
   State. And this is the attitude assumed by the British
   Government, which waited long and with growing impatience for
   assurances from Belgium, with proceedings that would give sign
   of making them good. On the 24th of February, 1909, the
   subject came up in Parliament, with assertions that
   "oppression of the natives was still going on just as before
   the annexation," and that "Great Britain had waited for months
   while the cruelties against which she had protested still
   continued." In the debate, Sir Charles Dilke referred to the
   harmony of action in the matter by the United States and Great
   Britain, and expressed his conviction that "the cooperation of
   two such powerful Governments in the cause of humanity would
   be irresistible." Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the Ministry,
   said:

   "I am glad that in the course of the debate it has been
   emphasized that this attitude is not ours alone, but that the
   United States has spoken with equal emphasis and taken up the
   same position. I am sorry that no other Power has taken up the
   same position so strongly; but as there is only one Power
   which has declared itself so definitely on the question as
   ourselves, I should like to say that I am glad it is the
   United States."

   Alluding to a remark made by one of the speakers in the
   debate, that the Government might have prevented the
   annexation of the State by Belgium, Sir Edward said:

   "I do not think we should have prevented the annexation, but
   in any case I should not have tried to prevent the annexation.
   And for this reason among others—that if Belgium was not going
   to take the Congo State in hand and put it right, who was? I
   have never been able to answer that question. Certainly not
   ourselves, because we have always denied the intention of
   assuming any responsibility over an enormous tract of land
   where we have sufficient responsibility already."

   The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech by saying:

   "If Belgium makes the administration of the Congo humane and
   brings it into accord, in practice and spirit, with the
   administration which exists in our own and neighbouring
   African colonies, no country will more cordially welcome that
   state of things than this or more warmly congratulate Belgium.
   But we cannot commit ourselves to countersign, so to say, by
   recognition a second time, the system of administration which
   has existed under the old regime."

   Again, in May, the question came up in Parliament, with
   impatient criticism of the Government for not taking
   peremptory measures to compel a reformation of Belgian rule in
   the Congo State, one speaker suggesting a "peaceful blockade"
   of the mouth of the Congo. Sir Edward Grey replied:

   "If this question were rashly managed it might make a European
   question compared to which those which we have had to deal
   with in the last few months might be child’s play. Take, for
   instance, the question of peaceful blockade. It is no good
   talking of peaceful blockade. Blockade is blockade. It is the
   use of force. If you are to have blockade you must be prepared
   to go to war, and a blockade of the mouth of the Congo means
   blockading a river which is not the property of the Congo or
   Belgian Government. They have one bank of the river. It is a
   river which by international treaty must be opened to
   navigation, and if you are to blockade to any effect you must
   be prepared to stop every ship going in or out of the Congo,
   whether under the French, Belgian, German, or whatever flag it
   is. Surely if you are going to pledge yourself to take steps
   of that kind, and to accept the responsibility for them, it is
   not too much to say that you must be prepared to raise a
   European question which would be of the gravest kind. I do not
   say there are not circumstances which might justify a question
   of that kind, but do not let the House think that by smooth
   words, such as by applying the adjective ‘peaceful’ to
   blockade, you are going to minimize what will be the ultimate
   consequences of the step you are taking."

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Programme of reforms promised by the Belgian Government.

   The programme of long promised reforms to be instituted by the
   Belgian Government in its administration of the now annexed
   Congo State was announced in the Belgian Chamber on the 28th
   of October, 1909, by the Minister for the Colonies, M. Renkin.
   "He repeated his solemn assurance that the charges of cruelty
   or oppression made against the Belgian Colonial Administration
   were false. He had questioned missionaries, officials, chiefs,
   and other natives during his visit, and heard nothing to
   justify the accusation. Individual breaches of the law might
   possibly have occurred, but every abuse brought to the notice
   of the authorities was immediately made the object of inquiry.

   "It was useless, he said, to refer to the past; the situation
   had been radically altered by the annexation. As regards the
   land system, the assignment of vacant lands to the State was
   juridically unassailable, but they must also have regard to
   the development of the natives. The natives would therefore be
   granted the right to take the produce of the soil in the
   Domain. This would be accomplished in three stages. On July 1,
   1910, the Lower Congo, Stanley Pool, Ubangi, Bangala, Kwango,
   Kasai, Katanga, the southern portion of the Eastern Province,
   Aruwimi, and the banks of the river as far as Stanleyville
   would be opened to freedom of trade. On July 1, 1911, the
   Domain of the Crown, and on July 1, 1912, the Welle district
   would also be thrown open. Furthermore, the Government would
   levy taxes in money, and the system of the provisioning of the
   agents would be abolished."

{143}

   M. Renkin said furthermore that in regard to the territories
   held by concessionnaires in the Congo the Government
   would make an investigation with a view to ascertaining
   whether it would not be advisable to make fresh arrangements
   in agreement with the persons interested.

   Writing from Brussels a mouth later, an English correspondent
   represents the Belgian Reformers, who had most bitterly
   denounced the atrocities of the Leopold regime in the Congo
   State, as believing that M. Renkin's scheme is on the whole a
   reasonable and satisfactory scheme, and above all a practical
   scheme, that the Belgian Government are sincerely determined
   to carry it through, and that, even if there were any
   sufficient reason for doubting their sincerity, the Belgian
   nation is in earnest and has the means of enforcing the
   execution of the reforms by the exercise of the Parliamentary
   control with which it is now for the first time invested over
   the affairs of the Congo as a consequence of annexation.

   On the other hand, English opinion, which had been roused to
   much heat on the Congo question, is far from satisfied with
   the Belgian proposals, and criticises them with a sharpness
   which the Belgians resent.

   ----------CONGO STATE: End--------

   ----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Start--------


CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Australia:
   Undertakings of Irrigation and Forestry.

   During a brief visit to the United States in 1902, Sir Edmund
   Barton, then Premier of the Commonwealth of Australia,
   contributed to The Independent an article on "Australia
   and her Problems," in which he wrote:

   "Another great problem with which we are struggling is that of
   irrigation, and a joint irrigation scheme is afoot for using
   the waters of the Murray, our greatest river, to fertilize
   lands in New South Wales and Victoria. The Murray forms the
   boundary of those two States and afterward flows through South
   Australia. It is to the interest of New South Wales and
   Victoria to use the waters of the Murray for irrigation
   purposes, and it is to the interest of South Australia to use
   the Murray for navigation. We hope to harmonize those
   interests and are working to that end.

   "Just before I left Australia I attended a conference, held on
   the border, between representatives of the various States as a
   result of which each has appointed a hydraulic engineer to a
   joint commission on irrigation. These will make an
   investigation and report their opinion in regard to the best
   practicable system for conserving, storing and distributing
   the Murray’s waters without interfering with its navigation.
   We have good reason to believe that by means of a system of
   locks and weirs it is quite possible to irrigate a very large
   extent of dry country by means of the Murray without injuring
   its navigability. Later we will take up the problem of using
   the waters of the Darling in a similar way. It is a very long
   river, which during the rainy season sends an immense Volume
   of water into the Murray.

   "Another of our problems is in regard to forestry. We have
   planted some trees but not nearly enough of them, and cannot
   yet tell anything about results. Along with this tree
   planting, also, denudation of our timber has been going on,
   for Australian hard woods, being impervious to water, are now
   used all over the world for street paving purposes. Great harm
   has been done, and the waste is still going on, for our
   national Government cannot interfere in the matter, and the
   land owners are in many instances reckless. The remedy must
   come from the common sense of the people."

   Since the above was written, progress has been made in
   carrying out the projects of irrigation, as was stated in a
   speech by Lord Northcote after his return to England, in the
   autumn of 1909, from five years of service as Governor-General
   of Australia. "Both in New South Wales and Victoria," he said,
   "very large irrigation works are in progress, and will be
   completed in a very short time, adding enormously to the
   acreage of land fit for cultivation."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Canada:
   The Dominion Forest Reserves Act.
   Irrigation in the Northwest.

   A Dominion Act of 1906, thus short-titled, provides as
   follows:

   "All Dominion lands within the respective boundaries of the
   reserves mentioned in the schedule to this Act are hereby
   withdrawn from sale, settlement and occupancy under the
   provisions of the Dominion Lands Act, or of any other Act, or
   of any regulations made under the said Act or any such Act,
   with respect to mines or mining or timber or timber licenses
   or leases or any other matter whatsoever; and after the
   passing of this Act no Dominion lands within the boundaries of
   the said reserves shall be sold, leased or otherwise disposed
   of, or be located or settled upon, and no person shall use or
   occupy any part of such lands, except under the provisions of
   this Act or of regulations made thereunder."

   The schedule referred to lists 21 Forest Reserves in British
   Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. They are placed
   under the management of the Superintendent of Forestry, for
   the maintenance and protection of the growing timber, the
   animals and birds in them, the fish in their waters and their
   water supply, the Governor in Council to make the needed
   regulations.

   In a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute at London,
   England, in January, 1910, Mr. C. W. Peterson, Manager of the
   Canadian Pacific Irrigation Colonization Company, gave the
   following account of what is being done in the Arid Belt, so
   called, near Calgary, in the Canadian Northwest:

   "The irrigated land in Alberta and Saskatchewan nearly
   equalled half of the total irrigated area of the United
   States. In the year 1894 the Dominion Government withdrew from
   sale and homestead entry a tract of land containing some
   millions of acres located east of the city of Calgary, along
   the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The object of
   that reservation was to provide for the construction,
   ultimately, of an irrigation scheme to cover the fertile Bow
   River Valley. The Canadian Pacific Railway Company undertook
   to construct the gigantic irrigation system in question, and
   selected as part of its land grant a block comprising three
   million acres of the best agricultural lands. It had now been
   opened for colonization, and this project—the greatest of the
   kind on the American continent—was being pushed to its
   completion. The tract had an average width of forty miles from
   north to south, and extended eastwards from Calgary 150 miles."

{144}

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Egypt: A. D. 1909.
   Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

   An important addition to the irrigation works in Egypt,
   supplementing the great dam at Assouan and the Assiout
   barrage, was completed in February, 1909, when the Esneh
   barrage was formally opened, on the 9th of that month. Esneh
   is a town of some 25,000 inhabitants, situated in Upper Egypt,
   on the west bank of the Nile, and the work now completed will,
   even in the lowest of floods, ensure a plentiful supply of
   water to a great tract of land in the Nile valley from Esneh
   northwards. In deciding to undertake the construction of this
   latest barrage, at a point about 100 miles north of the
   Assouan reservoir, the Government were influenced by the great
   success of the Assiout barrage, but that work differs from the
   new barrage in being designed as a low-water summer regulator,
   whereas the function of the Esneh barrage is to hold up the
   water in low floods.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Germany:
   The work begun a century ago, and its result.

   "Germany, a century ago, faced just such a situation as now
   confronts us [the United States]. Then there began the work
   which we must now undertake. New forests were planted,
   wherever the land was unsuitable for other purposes. This
   planting was done year after year, so that each year a new
   tract would come to maturity. Forest wardens watched for
   fires, and laws forbade careless hunters setting fires in the
   woods. Timbermen were forced to gather and burn what twigs
   from the slashings could not be used in the still or burned
   for charcoal, and broad lanes were left through the forests as
   stops for fires. In this way there arose those magnificent
   German forests which now return the empire an average net
   annual profit of two dollars and a half for each acre, on land
   which is otherwise unusable; and, besides, give their services
   free for the storage of water and for the retention of the
   soil.

   "In our own land something of this sort has already been done.
   New York has nearly two million acres of land in forest
   reserves which are being carefully tended. Pennsylvania has
   half as much. Minnesota is already securing considerable
   profit from the management of its white pine reserves and is
   seeding down large areas; and the other lake states are also
   moving, but all this is being done slowly, and lacks much of
   the energy and cooperation which should accompany it."

      J. L. Mathews,
      The Conservation of our National Resources
      (Atlantic Monthly, May, 1908).

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Great Britain:
   Outline of undertakings by the Government in 1909.
   Development and Road Improvement Act.

   In his Budget speech to the House of Commons April 29, 1909,
   the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, gave
   a broad indication of undertakings contemplated by the
   Government, in forestry work (afforestation, or
   reafforestation) and on other lines directed toward a more
   effective preservation and development of the natural
   resources of the country. In the afforestation of the waste
   lands of the country, he said, "We are far behind every other
   civilized country in the world. I have figures which are very
   interesting on this point. In Germany, for instance, out of a
   total area of 133 million acres, 34 millions, or nearly 26 per
   cent., are wooded; in France, out of 130 million acres, 17 per
   cent.; even in a small and densely-populated country such as
   Belgium, 1,260,000 acres are wooded, or 17 per cent. In the
   United Kingdom, on the other hand, out of 77 million acres,
   only 3 millions, or 4 per cent., are under wood. Sir Herbert
   Maxwell, who has made a study of this question for a good many
   years, and whose moderation of statement is beyond challenge,
   estimates that, in 1906, ‘eight millions were paid annually in
   salaries for the administration, formation, and preservation
   of German forests, representing the maintenance of about
   200,000 families, or about 1,000,000 souls; and that in
   working up the raw material yielded by the forests wages were
   earned annually to the amount of 30 millions sterling,
   maintaining about 600,000 families, or 3,000,000 souls.’ The
   Committee will there perceive what an important element this
   is in the labour and employment of a country. Any one who will
   take the trouble to search out the census returns will find
   that the number of people directly employed in forest work in
   this country is only 16,000. And yet the soil and the climate
   of this country are just as well adapted for the growth of
   marketable trees as that of the States of Germany. Recently we
   have been favoured with a striking report of a Royal
   Commission, very ably presided over by my honourable friend
   the member for Cardiff. A perusal of the names attached to
   that report will secure for it respectful and favourable
   consideration. It outlines a very comprehensive and
   far-reaching scheme for planting the wastes of this country.
   The systematic operation which the Commission recommend is a
   gigantic one, and, before the Government can commit themselves
   to it in all its details, it will require very careful
   consideration by a body of experts skilled in forestry. I am
   informed by men whom I have consulted, and whose opinion on
   this subject I highly value, that there is a good deal of
   preliminary work which ought to be undertaken in this country
   before the Government could safely begin planting on the large
   scale indicated in that report. … I am also told that we
   cannot command the services in this country of a sufficient
   number of skilled foresters to direct planting. …

   "I doubt whether there is a great industrial country in the
   world which spends less money directly on work connected with
   the development of its resources than we do. Take the case of
   agriculture alone. Examine the Budgets of foreign countries—I
   have done it with great advantage in other directions—examine
   them from this particular point of view, and honourable
   members, I think, will be rather ashamed at the contrast
   between the wise and lavish generosity of countries much
   poorer than ours and the short-sighted and niggardly parsimony
   with which we dole out small sums of money for the
   encouragement of agriculture in our country. …

   "I will tell the House what we propose. There is a certain
   amount of money, not very much, spent in this country in a
   spasmodic kind of way on what I will call the work of national
   development—in light railways, in harbours, in indirect but
   very meagre assistance to agriculture.
{145}
   I propose to gather all these grants together into one grant
   that I propose to call a development grant, and this year to
   add a sum of £200,000 to that grant for these purposes. … The
   grant will be utilized in the promotion of schemes which have
   for their purpose the development of the resources of the
   country, and will include such objects as the institution of
   schools of forestry, the purchase and preparation of land for
   afforestation, the setting up of a number of experimental
   forests on a large scale, expenditure upon scientific research
   in the interests of agriculture, experimental farms, the
   improvement of stock—in respect of which I have had a good
   many representations from the agricultural community—the
   equipment of agencies for disseminating agricultural
   instruction, the encouragement and promotion of co-operation,
   the improvement of rural transport so as to make markets more
   accessible, the facilitation of all well-considered schemes
   and measures for attracting labour back to the land by small
   holdings or reclamation of wastes."

   In realization of this programme an important "Development and
   Road Improvement Funds Act" was introduced by Mr. Lloyd-George
   in August, and passed, after considerable amendment of its
   administrative details in Committee of the Commons and in the
   House of Lords. It is divided into two parts, the first
   dealing with development, or the aiding and encouraging of
   agriculture and other rural industries, inclusive of forestry,
   reclamation and drainage of land, improvement of rural
   transport, construction and improvement of inland navigation
   and harbors, and the development and improvement of fisheries.
   The Act enables the Treasury to make free grants and loans,
   from a Development Fund fed by an annual Parliamentary vote
   and by a charge on the Consolidated Fund. An independent
   Development Commission is to be appointed by the Treasury,
   consisting of five members appointed for ten years, whose
   recommendation for the rejection of applications shall be
   final, though not that for their acceptance. The second part
   of the Act sets up a Road Board to carry out schemes of road
   improvement, either under its own direct control or through
   the existing highway authorities.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: North America:
   International Conference of Delegates from Canada, Mexico,
   and the United States.

   The movement instituted in the United States for a better
   conservation of the natural resources of the country was
   broadened, early in 1909, into a continental and international
   movement, by an invitation from President Roosevelt to the
   Governments of Canada and Mexico to send delegates to a
   general conference on the subject at Washington, for the
   purpose of arranging some cooperative and harmonious plans of
   action in the three countries. The invitation was cordially
   accepted in both of the neighboring countries, and the
   delegates sent were met, on the 18th of February, by many of
   the leaders of the conservation movement in the United States,
   including the National Conservation Commission. After being
   received and addressed by the President at the White House, a
   two days session of the Conference was held in the diplomatic
   room of the State Department, with good results.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Turkey: A. D. 1909.
   Reclamation projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: United States:
   The Great Movement for an Arresting of Waste.
   An organized National care-taking of Forests, Waters, Lands,
   and Minerals.
   Forest Service, Irrigation, Development of Waterways.

   It is more than possible that the administration of Government
   in the United States under President Roosevelt will be
   distinguished, in the judgment of coming generations, most
   highly by the impulse and the organization it gave to measures
   for conserving the natural resources of the country, in woods,
   water sources, mineral deposits and fertile or fertilizable
   soils,—rescuing them from a hitherto unrestrained recklessness
   of waste. The key-note of a new determination in governmental
   policy, pointed to this end, was sounded by the President in
   his first Message to Congress, on the 3d of December, 1901,
   when he opened the subject largely and earnestly, saying,
   among other things, this:

   "The preservation of our forests is an imperative business
   necessity. We have come to see clearly that whatever destroys
   the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our
   well-being. At present the protection of the forest reserves
   rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and
   description of their timber with the United States Geological
   Survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative
   use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with
   the general advancement of practical forestry in the United
   States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau
   of Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present
   diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It
   prevents that effective cooperation between the Government and
   the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without
   which the interests of both must suffer. The scientific
   bureaus generally should be put under the Department of
   Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of
   transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the
   Department of Agriculture. He already has such power in the
   case of lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. …

   "The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not
   less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to
   those which depend on wood and grass. The water supply itself
   depends upon the forest. In the arid region it is water, not
   land, which measures production. The western half of the
   United States would sustain a population greater than that of
   our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste
   were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water
   problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the
   United States. …

   "The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and
   conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works
   are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the
   flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown
   to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it
   be best accomplished by the individual States acting alone.
   Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the
   resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is
   properly a national function. at least in some of its
   features. …

{146}

   "The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a
   different problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow
   of streams. The object of the Government is to dispose of the
   land to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish
   this object water must be brought within their reach. …
   Whatever the Nation does for the extension of irrigation
   should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of
   those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the
   starting-point of this development. Over two hundred millions
   of private capital have already been expended in the
   construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of
   arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability
   has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said
   in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and
   value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of
   titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the
   uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary
   suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid
   States have failed to provide for the certain and just
   division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain
   laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in
   excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have
   already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent
   to ownership."

      President's Message to Congress,
      December 3, 1901.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   The Nationalizing of Irrigation Works.

   The highest quality of statesmanship is represented by such
   recommendations as these. So far as concerned the proposed
   nationalization of irrigation works, to reclaim the arid lands
   of the West, they bore fruit within a year, in the passage by
   Congress of the Reclamation Act of June 17, 1902. It devoted
   most of the proceeds of the sale of public lauds, in Arizona,
   California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nevada, New
   Mexico, North and South Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah, Washington,
   and Wyoming, to a special Reclamation Fund in the Treasury,
   for the creation and maintenance of irrigation works. This was
   a measure for which the late Major John W. Powell, Director of
   the United States Geological Survey, had labored incessantly
   for many years. In his book on "The Lands of the Arid Regions"
   he was the first to show the possibility of redemption for
   most of the wide spaces of land then supposed to be hopeless
   desert, and he pleaded with Congress, session after session,
   for some national undertaking to store and distribute the
   waters from the mountains that would give life to their soil.
   In 1888 he succeeded so far as to win authority and means for
   investigating the water supply for the region, and from that
   time he had kept an efficient small corps of engineers at work
   in the survey and measurement of streams, accumulating
   information that was ready for immediate use when actual
   constructive work was taken in hand. At once, on the passage
   of the Reclamation Act, the Director of the Geological Survey,
   acting under the Secretary of the Interior, began the
   execution of plans already well matured, for irrigation in
   Arizona and Nevada; and was able three years later to report
   similar undertakings in progress within three of the ten
   Territories and thirteen States.

   In May, 1908, the following statement of the reclamation work
   then in progress appeared in The Outlook: "The work as
   a whole rivals the Panama Canal in the labor and expense
   involved. The employment of 16,000 men and the expenditure of
   $1,250,000 every month are but incidents in the service.
   Already the canals completed reach a total of 1,815 miles—as
   far as from New York to Denver. Homes have been made for ten
   thousand families where before was desert. In the past five
   years $33,000,000 has been spent, and the enterprises already
   planned will add more than a hundred millions to this sum. Nor
   is this money spent in one locality. In New Mexico one of the
   largest dams in the world is being constructed. In California
   and Nevada great reservoirs and irrigation plants are being
   built. In western Kansas the beet-sugar raisers are to have a
   $250,000 plant for pumping the ‘underflow,’ or the sheet water
   found a few feet beneath the top-soil, of the Arkansas River
   Valley to the surface, that ditches may be filled and crops
   made certain. On seven great projects, involving the
   expenditure of $51,000,000 and the reclamation of over a
   million acres, the benefit is directly to the Northwest. These
   projects lie in North and South Dakota, Montana, and
   Washington. In these States lands that have been considered as
   worthless except for the coarsest kind of grazing are being
   transformed into productive farms. In South Dakota the largest
   earth dam in the world is being constructed, that ninety
   thousand acres of land may be made fertile; while just east of
   the Yellowstone Park is being built a solid wall of masonry
   310 feet high to hold back the waters of the Shoshone River
   until a reservoir of ten square miles, capable of irrigating a
   hundred thousand acres, is formed. The production of these
   irrigated lands is marvelous."

   The latest official statistics that are available represent
   the total of acres irrigated at the end of the year 1907 as
   being 11,000,000, in 167,200 farms, at an average cost (of
   constructive work) of $13.46 per acre.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   A National Forest Policy.

   Less promptitude of action followed the President's urging of
   measures for forest preservation, and his warnings to Congress
   and the country, against the consequences of this inaction,
   were repeated from year to year. His Message of December,
   1904, carried a specially urgent plea for legislation to unify
   the national forest work.

   "I have repeatedly," he said, "called attention to the
   confusion which exists in Government forest matters because
   the work is scattered among three independent organizations.
   The United States is the only one of the great nations in
   which the forest work of the Government is not concentrated
   under one department, in consonance with the plainest dictates
   of good administration and common sense. The present
   arrangement is bad from every point of view. Merely to mention
   it is to prove that it should be terminated at once. As I have
   repeatedly recommended, all the forest work of the Government
   should be concentrated in the Department of Agriculture, where
   the larger part of that work is already done, where
   practically all of the trained foresters of the Government are
   employed, where chiefly in Washington there is comprehensive
   first-hand knowledge of the problems of the reserves acquired
   on the ground, where all problems relating to growth from the
   soil are already gathered, and where all the sciences
   auxiliary to forestry are at hand for prompt and effective
   coöperation."

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   During its following session Congress took the desired action,
   and the whole forest service was transferred to the Department
   of Agriculture in February, 1905.

   Early in June of that year the efforts of the President to
   waken attention to the seriousness of the forest destruction
   in the country were greatly helped by a notable convention at
   Washington of about twelve hundred men, having both interest
   and knowledge in the matter, who came together to discuss the
   problems involved. They were mostly practical foresters,
   intelligent lumbermen, railway men, ranch-owners, engineers
   and miners, and their urgency of a systematic conservative
   treatment of the surviving forest wealth of the country
   carried great weight. The convention was under the direction
   of the Secretary of Agriculture, and was addressed by the
   President.

   During a journey through parts of the Southern States, in
   October, 1905, the President took occasion, in some of his
   speeches, to urge that a large part, at least, of the rapidly
   disappearing forests on the Atlantic side of the country
   should be nationalized, for preservation in the manner of the
   forest reserves of the Far West. In his Message of 1906 he
   submitted this to Congress, as a specific recommendation,
   saying that the forests of the White Mountains and the
   Southern Appalachian regions need to be preserved, and "cannot
   be unless the people of the States in which they lie, through
   their representatives in the Congress, secure vigorous action
   by the National Government." This proposal encountered strong
   opposition from selfish interests, and Congress was prevailed
   upon with difficulty to authorize a survey of the forests of
   the White Mountains and the Southern Appalachians, which
   resulted in a recommendation by the Secretary of Agriculture
   that 600,000 acres in the former region and 5,000,000 in the
   latter be purchased for a National Reserve. A bill responsive
   to this recommendation was passed by the Senate, but rejected
   by the House, which appointed a commission, instead, to make
   further investigations in the matter. Meantime, in the White
   Mountains alone, busy slaughterers of the forests were said to
   be stripping three hundred acres per day.

   On the eve of the adjournment of Congress in March, 1907, the
   President issued a proclamation adding some seventeen millions
   of acres of forest lands to the National Forest Reserves
   already established. This was just before he signed an Act of
   Congress which abridged his authority to create reserves in
   Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington. It
   was a characteristic proceeding, for which the President had
   ample power under a statute of 1891, and it simply held the
   forests designated in safety from destruction until the
   question of their treatment was more carefully considered. The
   next Congress, or the next President, could give them up to
   private ownership, in whole or in part, if the one or the
   other found reason for doing so. Meantime they were sheltered
   from the axeman, while undergoing study. As a matter of fact,
   Mr. Roosevelt’s successor, President Taft, did conclude that
   some of the lands reserved should be released for sale, and so
   ordered soon after he entered the executive office.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   The Inland Waterways Commission.

   In his annual Message of December, 1907, the President
   enlarged the range of considerations that connect themselves
   with the question of economic forestry, by directing attention
   to the importance of the waterways of the country and their
   claim to a more systematic development. "For the last few
   years," he said, "through several agencies, the Government has
   been endeavoring to get our people to look ahead, and to
   substitute a planned and orderly development of our resources
   in place of a haphazard striving for immediate profit. Our
   great river systems should be developed as National water
   highways; the Mississippi, with its tributaries, standing
   first in importance, and the Columbia second, although there
   are many others of importance on the Pacific, the Atlantic and
   the Gulf slopes. The National Government should undertake this
   work, and I hope a beginning will be made in the present
   Congress; and the greatest of all our rivers, the Mississippi,
   should receive especial attention. From the Great Lakes to the
   mouth of the Mississippi there should be a deep waterway, with
   deep waterways leading from it to the East and the West. Such
   a waterway would practically mean the extension of our coast
   line into the very heart of our country. It