The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Theological Tractates and The Consolation of Philosophy
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The Theological Tractates and The Consolation of Philosophy

Author: Boethius

Translator: Edward Kennard Rand
        H. F. Stewart

Release date: August 29, 2004 [eBook #13316]
                Most recently updated: December 18, 2020

Language: English, Latin

Credits: Produced by Ted Garvin, Robert Connal and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEOLOGICAL TRACTATES AND THE CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY ***




Produced by Ted Garvin, Robert Connal and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team.






BOETHIUS



THE THEOLOGICAL TRACTATES

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY H.F. STEWART, D.D.

FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

AND E.K. RAND, PH.D.

PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY



THE CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY

WITH THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF "I.T." (1609)

REVISED BY H.F. STEWART



1918



[Transcriber's Note: The paper edition of this book has Latin and English
pages facing each other. This version of the text uses alternating Latin
and English sections, with the English text slightly indented.]




CONTENTS

  NOTE ON THE TEXT

  INTRODUCTION

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  THE THEOLOGICAL TRACTATES

  THE CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY

  SYMMACHI VERSUS

  INDEX




NOTE ON THE TEXT

In preparing the text of the _Consolatio_ I have used the apparatus in
Peiper's edition (Teubner, 1871), since his reports, as I know in the case
of the Tegernseensis, are generally accurate and complete; I have depended
also on my own collations or excerpts from various of the important
manuscripts, nearly all of which I have at least examined, and I have also
followed, not always but usually, the opinions of Engelbrecht in his
admirable article, _Die Consolatio Philosophiae des Boethius_ in the
_Sitzungsberichte_ of the Vienna Academy, cxliv. (1902) 1-60. The
present text, then, has been constructed from only part of the material
with which an editor should reckon, though the reader may at least assume
that every reading in the text has, unless otherwise stated, the authority
of some manuscript of the ninth or tenth century; in certain orthographical
details, evidence from the text of the _Opuscula Sacra_ has been used
without special mention of this fact. We look to August Engelbrecht for the
first critical edition of the _Consolatio_ at, we hope, no distant
date.

The text of the _Opuscula Sacra_ is based on my own collations of all
the important manuscripts of these works. An edition with complete
_apparatus criticus_ will be ready before long for the Vienna
_Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum_. The history of the
text of the _Opuscula Sacra_, as I shall attempt to show elsewhere, is
intimately connected with that of the _Consolatio_.

E.K.R.




INTRODUCTION

Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, of the famous Praenestine family of the
Anicii, was born about 480 A.D. in Rome. His father was an ex-consul; he
himself was consul under Theodoric the Ostrogoth in 510, and his two sons,
children of a great grand-daughter of the renowned Q. Aurelius Symmachus,
were joint consuls in 522. His public career was splendid and honourable,
as befitted a man of his race, attainments, and character. But he fell
under the displeasure of Theodoric, and was charged with conspiring to
deliver Rome from his rule, and with corresponding treasonably to this end
with Justin, Emperor of the East. He was thrown into prison at Pavia, where
he wrote the _Consolation of Philosophy_, and he was brutally put to death
in 524. His brief and busy life was marked by great literary achievement.
His learning was vast, his industry untiring, his object unattainable--
nothing less than the transmission to his countrymen of all the works of
Plato and Aristotle, and the reconciliation of their apparently divergent
views. To form the idea was a silent judgment on the learning of his day;
to realize it was more than one man could accomplish; but Boethius
accomplished much. He translated the [Greek: Eisagogae] of Porphyry, and
the whole of Aristotle's _Organon_. He wrote a double commentary on the
[Greek: Eisagogae] and commentaries on the _Categories_ and the _De
Interpretatione_ of Aristotle, and on the _Topica_ of Cicero. He also
composed original treatises on the categorical and hypothetical syllogism,
on Division and on Topical Differences. He adapted the arithmetic of
Nicomachus, and his textbook on music, founded on various Greek
authorities, was in use at Oxford and Cambridge until modern times. His
five theological _Tractates_ are here, together with the _Consolation of
Philosophy_, to speak for themselves.

Boethius was the last of the Roman philosophers, and the first of the
scholastic theologians. The present volume serves to prove the truth of
both these assertions.

The _Consolation of Philosophy_ is indeed, as Gibbon called it, "a golden
volume, not unworthy of the leisure of Plato or of Tully." To belittle its
originality and sincerity, as is sometimes done, with a view to saving the
Christianity of the writer, is to misunderstand his mind and his method.
The _Consolatio_ is not, as has been maintained, a mere patchwork of
translations from Aristotle and the Neoplatonists. Rather it is the supreme
essay of one who throughout his life had found his highest solace in the
dry light of reason. His chief source of refreshment, in the dungeon to
which his beloved library had not accompanied him, was a memory well
stocked with the poetry and thought of former days. The development of the
argument is anything but Neoplatonic; it is all his own.

And if the _Consolation of Philosophy_ admits Boethius to the company of
Cicero or even of Plato, the theological _Tractates_ mark him as the
forerunner of St. Thomas. It was the habit of a former generation to regard
Boethius as an eclectic, the transmitter of a distorted Aristotelianism, a
pagan, or at best a luke-warm Christian, who at the end cast off the faith
which he had worn in times of peace, and wrapped himself in the philosophic
cloak which properly belonged to him. The authenticity of the _Tractates_
was freely denied. We know better now. The discovery by Alfred Holder, and
the illuminating discussion by Hermann Usener,[1] of a fragment of
Cassiodorus are sufficient confirmation of the manuscript tradition, apart
from the work of scholars who have sought to justify that tradition from
internal evidence. In that fragment Cassiodorus definitely ascribes to his
friend Boethius "a book on the Trinity, some dogmatic chapters, and a book
against Nestorius."[2] Boethius was without doubt a Christian, a Doctor and
perhaps a martyr. Nor is it necessary to think that, when in prison, he put
away his faith. If it is asked why the _Consolation of Philosophy_ contains
no conscious or direct reference to the doctrines which are traced in the
_Tractates_ with so sure a hand, and is, at most, not out of harmony with
Christianity, the answer is simple. In the _Consolation_ he is writing
philosophy; in the _Tractates_ he is writing theology. He observes what
Pascal calls the orders of things. Philosophy belongs to one order,
theology to another. They have different objects. The object of philosophy
is to understand and explain the nature of the world around us; the object
of theology is to understand and explain doctrines delivered by divine
revelation. The scholastics recognized the distinction,[3] and the
corresponding difference in the function of Faith and Reason. Their final
aim was to co-ordinate the two, but this was not possible before the
thirteenth century. Meanwhile Boethius helps to prepare the way. In the
_Consolation_ he gives Reason her range, and suffers her, unaided, to
vindicate the ways of Providence. In the _Tractates_ Reason is called in to
give to the claims of Faith the support which it does not really lack.[4]
Reason, however, has still a right to be heard. The distinction between
_fides_ and _ratio_ is proclaimed in the first two _Tractates_. In the
second especially it is drawn with a clearness worthy of St. Thomas
himself; and there is, of course, the implication that the higher authority
resides with _fides_. But the treatment is philosophical and extremely
bold. Boethius comes back to the question of the substantiality of the
divine Persons which he has discussed in Tr. I. from a fresh point of view.
Once more he decides that the Persons are predicated relatively; even
Trinity, he concludes, is not predicated substantially of deity. Does this
square with catholic doctrine? It is possible to hear a note of challenge
in his words to John the Deacon, _fidem si poterit rationemque coniunge_.
Philosophy states the problem in unequivocal terms. Theology is required to
say whether they commend themselves.

One object of the scholastics, anterior to the final co-ordination of the
two sciences, was to harmonize and codify all the answers to all the
questions that philosophy raises. The ambition of Boethius was not so
soaring, but it was sufficiently bold. He set out, first to translate, and
then to reconcile, Plato and Aristotle; to go behind all the other systems,
even the latest and the most in vogue, back to the two great masters, and
to show that they have the truth, and are in substantial accord. So St.
Thomas himself, if he cannot reconcile the teaching of Plato and Aristotle,
at least desires to correct the one by the other, to discover what truth is
common to both, and to show its correspondence with Christian doctrine. It
is reasonable to conjecture that Boethius, if he had lived, might have
attempted something of the kind. Were he alive to-day, he might feel more
in tune with the best of the pagans than with most contemporary philosophic
thought.

In yet one more respect Boethius belongs to the company of the schoolmen.
He not only put into circulation many precious philosophical notions,
served as channel through which various works of Aristotle passed into the
schools, and handed down to them a definite Aristotelian method for
approaching the problem of faith; he also supplied material for that
classification of the various sciences which is an essential accompaniment
of every philosophical movement, and of which the Middle Ages felt the
value.[5] The uniform distribution into natural sciences, mathematics and
theology which he recommends may be traced in the work of various teachers
up to the thirteenth century, when it is finally accepted and defended by
St. Thomas in his commentary on the _De Trinitate_.

A seventeenth-century translation of the _Consolatio Philosophiae_ is here
presented with such alterations as are demanded by a better text, and the
requirements of modern scholarship. There was, indeed, not much to do, for
the rendering is most exact. This in a translation of that date is not a
little remarkable. We look for fine English and poetry in an Elizabethan;
but we do not often get from him such loyalty to the original as is here
displayed.

Of the author "I.T." nothing is known. He may have been John Thorie, a
Fleming born in London in 1568, and a B.A. of Christ Church, 1586. Thorie
"was a person well skilled in certain tongues, and a noted poet of his
times" (Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ ed. Bliss, i. 624), but his known
translations are apparently all from the Spanish.[6]

Our translator dedicates his "Five books of Philosophical Comfort" to the
Dowager Countess of Dorset, widow of Thomas Sackville, who was part author
of _A Mirror for Magistrates_ and _Gorboduc_, and who, we learn from I.T.'s
preface, meditated a similar work. I.T. does not unduly flatter his
patroness, and he tells her plainly that she will not understand the
philosophy of the book, though the theological and practical parts may be
within her scope.

The _Opuscula Sacra_ have never before, to our knowledge, been translated.
In reading and rendering them we have been greatly helped by two mediaeval
commentaries: one by John the Scot (edited by E.K. Rand in Traube's
_Quellen und Untersuchungen_, vol. i. pt. 2, Munich, 1906); the other by
Gilbert de la Porrée (printed in Migne, _P.L._ lxiv.). We also desire to
record our indebtedness in many points of scholarship and philosophy to Mr.
E.J. Thomas of Emmanuel College.

Finally, thanks are due to Mr. Dolson for the suggestion in the footnote on
the preceding page, and also to Professor Lane Cooper of Cornell University
for many valuable corrections as this reprint was passing through the
Press.

H.F.S.
E.K.R.

_October, 1926._


[1] _Anecdoton Holderi_, Leipzig, 1877.

[2] _Scripsit librum de sancta trinitate et capita quaedam dogmatica et
librum contra Nestorium._ On the question of the genuineness of Tr. IV. _De
fide catholica_ see note _ad loc_.

[3] Cp. H. de Wulf, _Histoire de la Philosophie médiévale_ (Louvain and
Paris 1915), p. 332.

[4] See below, _De Trin_. vi. _ad fin_.

[5] Cp. L. Baur, _Gundissalinus: de divisione_, Münster, 1905.

[6] Mr. G. Bayley Dolson suggests with greater probability that I.T. was
John Thorpe (fl. 1570-1610), architect to Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset.
Cf. _American Journal of Philology_, vol. xlii. (1921), p. 266.




BIBLIOGRAPHY

_Editio Princeps_:

  Collected Works (except _De fide catholica_). Joh. et Greg. de
  Gregoriis. Venice, 1491-92.

  _De consolatione philosophiae_. Coburger. Nürnberg, 1473.

  _De fide catholica_. Ed. Ren. Vallinus. Leyden, 1656.

_Latest Critical Edition_:

  _De consolatione philosophiae_ and Theological Tractates. R.
  Peiper. Teubner, 1871.

_Translations_:

  _De consolatione philosophiae_.

  Alfred the Great. Ed. W.J. Sedgefield. Oxford, 1899 and 1900.

  Chaucer. Ed. W.W. Skeat in Chaucer's Complete Works. Vol. ii. Oxford,
  1894.

  H.R. James. _The Consolation of Philosophy of Boethius_. London,
  1897; reprinted 1906.

  Judicis de Mirandol. _La Consolation philosophique de Boëce_.
  Paris, 1861.

_Illustrative Works_:

  A. Engelbrecht. _Die Consolatio Phil. der B._ Sitzungsberichte der
  Kön. Akad. Vienna, 1902.

  Bardenhewer, _Patrologie_ (Boethius und Cassiodor, pp. 584 sqq.).
  Freiburg im Breslau, 1894.

  Hauréan. _Hist. de la philosophie scolastique._ Vol. i. Paris,
  1872.

  Hildebrand. _Boethius und seine Stellung zum Christentum._
  Regensburg, 1885.

  Hodgkin. _Italy and her Invaders._ Vols. iii. and iv. Oxford, 1885.

  Ch. Jourdain. (1) _De l'origine des traditions sur le christianisme de
  Boëce_; (2) _Des commentaires inédits sur La Consolation de la
  philosophie_. (Excursions historiques et philosophiques à travers le
  moyen àge.) Paris, 1888.

  Fritz Klingner. _De Boethii consolatione_, Philol. Unters. xxvii.
  Berlin, 1921.

  F.D. Maurice. _Moral and Metaphysical Philosophy._ Vol. i. London,
  1872.

  F. Nitzsch. _Das System des B._ Berlin, 1860.

  E.K. Rand. _Der dem B. zugeschriebene Traktat de Fide catholica_
  (Jahrbuch für kl. Phil. xxvi.). 1901.

  Semeria. _Il Cristianesimo di Sev. Boezio rivendicato_, Rome, 1900.

  M. Schanz. _Gesch. der röm. Litteratur._ Teil iv. Boethius. Berlin,
  1921.

  H.F. Stewart. _Boethius: an Essay._ Edinburgh, 1891.

  Usener. _Anecdoton Holderi._ Leipsic, 1877.




BOETHIUS


THE THEOLOGICAL TRACTATES
AND THE CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY








ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII
V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. PATRICII

INCIPIT LIBER QVOMODO
TRINITAS VNVS DEVS
AC NON TRES DII

AD Q. AVRELIVM MEMMIVM SYMMACHVM
V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. ATQVE PATRICIVM SOCERVM

Investigatam diutissime quaestionem, quantum nostrae mentis igniculum lux
diuina dignata est, formatam rationibus litterisque mandatam offerendam
uobis communicandamque curaui tam uestri cupidus iudicii quam nostri
studiosus inuenti. Qua in re quid mihi sit animi quotiens stilo cogitata
commendo, tum ex ipsa materiae difficultate tum ex eo quod raris id est
uobis tantum conloquor, intellegi potest. Neque enim famae iactatione et
inanibus uulgi clamoribus excitamur; sed si quis est fructus exterior, hic
non potest aliam nisi materiae similem sperare sententiam. Quocumque igitur
a uobis deieci oculos, partim ignaua segnities partim callidus liuor
occurrit, ut contumeliam uideatur diuinis tractatibus inrogare qui talibus
hominum monstris non agnoscenda haec potius quam proculcanda proiecerit.
Idcirco stilum breuitate contraho et ex intimis sumpta philosophiae
disciplinis nouorum uerborum significationibus uelo, ut haec mihi tantum
uobisque, si quando ad ea conuertitis oculos, conloquantur; ceteros uero
ita submouimus, ut qui capere intellectu nequiuerint ad ea etiam legenda
uideantur indigni. Sane[7] tantum a nobis quaeri oportet quantum humanae
rationis intuitus ad diuinitatis ualet celsa conscendere. Nam ceteris
quoque artibus idem quasi quidam finis est constitutus, quousque potest uia
rationis accedere. Neque enim medicina aegris semper affert salutem; sed
nulla erit culpa medentis, si nihil eorum quae fieri oportebat omiserit.
Idemque in ceteris. At quantum haec difficilior quaestio est, tam facilior
esse debet ad ueniam. Vobis tamen etiam illud inspiciendum est, an ex beati
Augustini scriptis semina rationum aliquos in nos uenientia fructus
extulerint. Ac de proposita quaestione hinc sumamus initium.


[7] sed ne _codices optimi_.








  THE TRINITY IS ONE GOD NOT THREE GODS

  A TREATISE BY ANICIUS MANLIUS SEVERINUS BOETHIUS MOST HONOURABLE, OF THE
  ILLUSTRIOUS ORDER OF EX-CONSULS, PATRICIAN

  TO HIS FATHER-IN-LAW, QUINTUS AURELIUS MEMMIUS SYMMACHUS
  MOST HONOURABLE, OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS ORDER OF EX-CONSULS, PATRICIAN

  I have long pondered this problem with such mind as I have and all the
  light that God has lent me. Now, having set it forth in logical order
  and cast it into literary form, I venture to submit it to your judgment,
  for which I care as much as for the results of my own research. You will
  readily understand what I feel whenever I try to write down what I think
  if you consider the difficulty of the topic and the fact that I discuss
  it only with the few--I may say with no one but yourself. It is indeed
  no desire for fame or empty popular applause that prompts my pen; if
  there be any external reward, we may not look for more warmth in the
  verdict than the subject itself arouses. For, apart from yourself,
  wherever I turn my eyes, they fall on either the apathy of the dullard
  or the jealousy of the shrewd, and a man who casts his thoughts before
  the common herd--I will not say to consider but to trample under foot,
  would seem to bring discredit on the study of divinity. So I purposely
  use brevity and wrap up the ideas I draw from the deep questionings of
  philosophy in new and unaccustomed words which speak only to you and to
  myself, that is, if you deign to look at them. The rest of the world I
  simply disregard: they cannot understand, and therefore do not deserve
  to read. We should not of course press our inquiry further than man's
  wit and reason are allowed to climb the height of heavenly knowledge.[8]
  In all the liberal arts we see the same limit set beyond which reason
  may not reach. Medicine, for instance, does not always bring health to
  the sick, though the doctor will not be to blame if he has left nothing
  undone which he ought to do. So with the other arts. In the present case
  the very difficulty of the quest claims a lenient judgment. You must
  however examine whether the seeds sown in my mind by St. Augustine's
  writings[9] have borne fruit. And now let us begin our inquiry.


  [8] Cf. the discussion of human _ratio_ and divine _intellegentia_ in
  _Cons. v._ pr. 4 and 5.

  [9] e.g. Aug. _De Trin._




I.

Christianae religionis reuerentiam plures usurpant, sed ea fides pollet
maxime ac solitarie quae cum propter uniuersalium praecepta regularum,
quibus eiusdem religionis intellegatur auctoritas, tum propterea, quod eius
cultus per omnes paene mundi terminos emanauit, catholica uel uniuersalis
uocatur. Cuius haec de trinitatis unitate sententia est: "Pater," inquiunt,
"deus filius deus spiritus sanctus deus." Igitur pater filius spiritus
sanctus unus non tres dii. Cuius coniunctionis ratio est indifferentia. Eos
enim differentia comitatur qui uel augent uel minuunt, ut Arriani qui
gradibus meritorum trinitatem uariantes distrahunt atque in pluralitatem
diducunt. Principium enim pluralitatis alteritas est; praeter alteritatem
enim nec pluralitas quid sit intellegi potest. Trium namque rerum uel
quotlibet tum genere tum specie tum numero diuersitas constat; quotiens
enim idem dicitur, totiens diuersum etiam praedicatur. Idem uero dicitur
tribus modis: aut genere ut idem homo quod equus, quia his idem genus ut
animal; uel specie ut idem Cato quod Cicero, quia eadem species ut homo;
uel numero ut Tullius et Cicero, quia unus est numero. Quare diuersum etiam
uel genere uel specie uel numero dicitur. Sed numero differentiam
accidentium uarietas facit. Nam tres homines neque genere neque specie sed
suis accidentibus distant; nam uel si animo cuncta ab his accidentia
separemus, tamen locus cunctis diuersus est quem unum fingere nullo modo
possumus; duo enim corpora unum locum non obtinebunt, qui est accidens.
Atque ideo sunt numero plures, quoniam accidentibus plures fiunt.




  I.

  There are many who claim as theirs the dignity of the Christian
  religion; but that form of faith is valid and only valid which, both on
  account of the universal character of the rules and doctrines affirming
  its authority, and because the worship in which they are expressed has
  spread throughout the world, is called catholic or universal. The belief
  of this religion concerning the Unity of the Trinity is as follows: the
  Father is God, the Son is God, the Holy Spirit is God. Therefore Father,
  Son, and Holy Spirit are one God, not three Gods. The principle of this
  union is absence of difference[10]: difference cannot be avoided by
  those who add to or take from the Unity, as for instance the Arians,
  who, by graduating the Trinity according to merit, break it up and
  convert it to Plurality. For the essence of plurality is otherness;
  apart from otherness plurality is unintelligible. In fact, the
  difference between three or more things lies in genus or species or
  number. Difference is the necessary correlative of sameness. Sameness is
  predicated in three ways: By genus; e.g. a man and a horse, because of
  their common genus, animal. By species; e.g. Cato and Cicero, because of
  their common species, man. By number; e.g. Tully and Cicero, because
  they are numerically one. Similarly difference is expressed by genus,
  species, and number. Now numerical difference is caused by variety of
  accidents; three men differ neither by genus nor species but by their
  accidents, for if we mentally remove from them all other accidents,[11]
  still each one occupies a different place which cannot possibly be
  regarded as the same for each, since two bodies cannot occupy the same
  place, and place is an accident. Wherefore it is because men are plural
  by their accidents that they are plural in number.


  [10] The terms _differentia, numerus, species,_ are used expertly, as
  would be expected of the author of the _In Isag. Porph. Commenta._ See
  S. Brandt's edition of that work (in the Vienna _Corpus_, 1906), s.v.
  _differentia,_ etc.

  [11] This method of mental abstraction is employed more elaborately in
  _Tr._ iii. (_vide infra_, p. 44) and in _Cons._ v. pr. 4, where the
  notion of divine foreknowledge is abstracted in imagination.




II.

Age igitur ingrediamur et unumquodque ut intellegi atque capi potest
dispiciamus; nam, sicut optime dictum uidetur, eruditi est hominis unum
quodque ut ipsum est ita de eo fidem capere temptare.

Nam cum tres sint speculatiuae partes, _naturalis_, in motu
inabstracta [Greek: anupexairetos] (considerat enim corporum formas cum
materia, quae a corporibus actu separari non possunt, quae corpora in motu
sunt ut cum terra deorsum ignis sursum fertur, habetque motum forma
materiae coniuncta), _mathematica_, sine motu inabstracta (haec enim
formas corporum speculatur sine materia ac per hoc sine motu, quae formae
cum in materia sint, ab his separari non possunt), _theologica_, sine
motu abstracta atque separabilis (nam dei substantia et materia et motu
caret), in naturalibus igitur rationabiliter, in mathematicis
disciplinaliter, in diuinis intellectualiter uersari oportebit neque diduci
ad imaginationes, sed potius ipsam inspicere formam quae uere forma neque
imago est et quae esse ipsum est et ex qua esse est. Omne namque esse ex
forma est. Statua enim non secundum aes quod est materia, sed secundum
formam qua in eo insignita est effigies animalis dicitur, ipsumque aes non
secundum terram quod est eius materia, sed dicitur secundum aeris figuram.
Terra quoque ipsa non secundum [Greek: apoion hulaen] dicitur, sed secundum
siccitatem grauitatemque quae sunt formae. Nihil igitur secundum materiam
esse dicitur sed secundum propriam formam. Sed diuina substantia sine
materia forma est atque ideo unum et est id quod est. Reliqua enim non sunt
id quod sunt. Vnum quodque enim habet esse suum ex his ex quibus est, id
est ex partibus suis, et est hoc atque hoc, id est partes suae coniunctae,
sed non hoc uel hoc singulariter, ut cum homo terrenus constet ex anima
corporeque, corpus et anima est, non uel corpus uel anima in partem; igitur
non est id quod est. Quod uero non est ex hoc atque hoc, sed tantum est
hoc, illud uere est id quod est; et est pulcherrimum fortissimumque quia
nullo nititur. Quocirca hoc uere unum in quo nullus numerus, nullum in eo
aliud praeterquam id quod est. Neque enim subiectum fieri potest; forma
enim est, formae uero subiectae esse non possunt. Nam quod ceterae formae
subiectae accidentibus sunt ut humanitas, non ita accidentia suscipit eo
quod ipsa est, sed eo quod materia ei subiecta est; dum enim materia
subiecta humanitati suscipit quodlibet accidens, ipsa hoc suscipere uidetur
humanitas. Forma uero quae est sine materia non poterit esse subiectum nec
uero inesse materiae, neque enim esset forma sed imago. Ex his enim formis
quae praeter materiam sunt, istae formae uenerunt quae sunt in materia et
corpus efficiunt. Nam ceteras quae in corporibus sunt abutimur formas
uocantes, dum imagines sint. Adsimulantur enim formis his quae non sunt in
materia constitutae. Nulla igitur in eo diuersitas, nulla ex diuersitate
pluralitas, nulla ex accidentibus multitudo atque idcirco nec numerus.




  II.

  We will now begin a careful consideration of each several point, as far
  as they can be grasped and understood; for it has been wisely said,[12]
  in my opinion, that it is a scholar's duty to formulate his belief about
  anything according to its real nature.

  Speculative Science may be divided into three kinds[13]: Physics,
  Mathematics, and Theology. Physics deals with motion and is not abstract
  or separable (i.e. [Greek: anupexairetos]); for it is concerned with the
  forms of bodies together with their constituent matter, which forms
  cannot be separated in reality from their bodies.[14] As the bodies are
  in motion--the earth, for instance, tending downwards, and fire tending
  upwards, form takes on the movement of the particular thing to which it
  is annexed.

  Mathematics does not deal with motion and is not abstract, for it
  investigates forms of bodies apart from matter, and therefore apart from
  movement, which forms, however, being connected with matter cannot be
  really separated from bodies.

  Theology does not deal with motion and is abstract and separable, for
  the Divine Substance is without either matter or motion. In Physics,
  then, we are bound to use scientific, in Mathematics, systematical, in
  Theology, intellectual concepts; and in Theology we will not let
  ourselves be diverted to play with imaginations, but will simply
  apprehend that Form which is pure form and no image, which is very Being
  and the source of Being. For everything owes its being to Form. Thus a
  statue is not a statue on account of the brass which is its matter, but
  on account of the form whereby the likeness of a living thing is
  impressed upon it: the brass itself is not brass because of the earth
  which is its matter, but because of its form. Likewise earth is not
  earth by reason of unqualified matter,[15] but by reason of dryness and
  weight, which are forms. So nothing is said to be because it has matter,
  but because it has a distinctive form. But the Divine Substance is Form
  without matter, and is therefore One, and is its own essence. But other
  things are not simply their own essences, for each thing has its being
  from the things of which it is composed, that is, from its parts. It is
  This _and_ That, i.e. it is the totality of its parts in
  conjunction; it is not This _or_ That taken apart. Earthly man, for
  instance, since he consists of soul and body, is soul _and_ body,
  not soul _or_ body, separately; therefore he is not his own
  essence. That on the other hand which does not consist of This and That,
  but is only This, is really its own essence, and is altogether beautiful
  and stable because it is not grounded in anything. Wherefore that is
  truly One in which is no number, in which nothing is present except its
  own essence. Nor can it become the substrate of anything, for it is pure
  Form, and pure Forms cannot be substrates.[16] For if humanity, like
  other forms, is a substrate for accidents, it does not receive accidents
  through the fact that it exists, but through the fact that matter is
  subjected to it. Humanity appears indeed to appropriate the accident
  which in reality belongs to the matter underlying the conception
  Humanity. But Form which is without matter cannot be a substrate, and
  cannot have its essence in matter, else it would not be form but a
  reflexion. For from those forms which are outside matter come the forms
  which are in matter and produce bodies. We misname the entities that
  reside in bodies when we call them forms; they are mere images; they
  only resemble those forms which are not incorporate in matter. In Him,
  then, is no difference, no plurality arising out of difference, no
  multiplicity arising out of accidents, and accordingly no number.


  [12] By Cicero (_Tusc_. v. 7. 19).

  [13] Cf. the similar division of philosophy in _Isag. Porph_. ed. Brandt,
  pp. 7 ff.

  [14] _Sb_. though they may be separated in thought.

  [15] [Greek: Apoios hulae] = [Greek: to amorphon, to aeides] of
  Aristotle. Cf. [Greek: oute gar hulae to eidos (hae men apoios, to de
  poiotaes tis) oute ex hulaes] (Alexander Aphrod. _De Anima_, 17. 17);
  [Greek: ei de touto, apoios de hae hulae, apoion an eiae soma] (id. _De
  anima libri mantissa_, 124. 7).

  [16] This is Realism. Cf. "Sed si rerum ueritatem atque integritatem
  perpendas, non est dubium quin uerae sint. Nam cum res omnes quae uerae
  sunt sine his quinque (i.e. genus species differentia propria
  accidentia) esse non possint, has ipsas quinque res uere intellectas
  esse non dubites." _Isag., Porph. ed, pr._ i. (M. _P.L._ lxiv. col. 19,
  Brandt, pp. 26 ff.). The two passages show that Boethius is definitely
  committed to the Realistic position, although in his _Comment. in
  Porphyr. a se translatum_ he holds the scales between Plato and
  Aristotle, "quorum diiudicare sententias aptum esse non duxi" (cp.
  Hauréau, _Hist. de la philosophie scolastique_, i. 120). As a fact in
  the _Comment. in Porph._ he merely postpones the question, which in the
  _De Trin._ he settles. Boethius was ridiculed in the Middle Ages for his
  caution.




III.

Deus uero a deo nullo differt, ne uel accidentibus uel substantialibus
differentiis in subiecto positis distent. Vbi uero nulla est differentia,
nulla est omnino pluralitas, quare nec numerus; igitur unitas tantum. Nam
quod tertio repetitur deus, cum pater ac filius et spiritus sanctus
nuncupatur, tres unitates non faciunt pluralitatem numeri in eo quod ipsae
sunt, si aduertamus ad res numerabiles ac non ad ipsum numerum. Illic enim
unitatum repetitio numerum facit. In eo autem numero qui in rebus
numerabilibus constat, repetitio unitatum atque pluralitas minime facit
numerabilium rerum numerosam diuersitatem. Numerus enim duplex est, unus
quidem quo numeramus, alter uero qui in rebus numerabilibus constat. Etenim
unum res est; unitas, quo unum dicimus. Duo rursus in rebus sunt ut homines
uel lapides; dualitas nihil, sed tantum dualitas qua duo homines uel duo
lapides fiunt. Et in ceteris eodem modo. Ergo in numero quo numeramus
repetitio unitatum facit pluralitatem; in rerum uero numero non facit
pluralitatem unitatum repetitio, uel si de eodem dicam "gladius unus mucro
unus ensis unus." Potest enim unus tot uocabulis gladius agnosci; haec enim
unitatum iteratio potius est non numeratio, uelut si ita dicamus "ensis
mucro gladius," repetitio quaedam est eiusdem non numeratio diuersorum,
uelut si dicam "sol sol sol," non tres soles effecerim, sed de uno totiens
praedicauerim.

Non igitur si de patre ac filio et spiritu sancto tertio praedicatur deus,
idcirco trina praedicatio numerum facit. Hoc enim illis ut dictum est
imminet qui inter eos distantiam faciunt meritorum. Catholicis uero nihil
in differentia constituentibus ipsamque formam ut est esse ponentibus neque
aliud esse quam est ipsum quod est opinantibus recte repetitio de eodem
quam enumeratio diuersi uidetur esse cum dicitur "deus pater deus filius
deus spiritus sanctus atque haec trinitas unus deus," uelut "ensis atque
mucro unus gladius," uelut "sol sol sol unus sol."

Sed hoc interim ad eam dictum sit significationem demonstrationemque qua
ostenditur non omnem unitatum repetitionem numerum pluralitatemque
perficere. Non uero ita dicitur "pater ac filius et spiritus sanctus" quasi
multiuocum quiddam; nam mucro et ensis et ipse est et idem, pater uero ac
filius et spiritus sanctus idem equidem est, non uero ipse. In qua re
paulisper considerandum est. Requirentibus enim: "Ipse est pater qui
filius?" "Minime," inquiunt. Rursus: "Idem alter qui alter?" Negatur. Non
est igitur inter eos in re omni indifferentia; quare subintrat numerus quem
ex subiectorum diuersitate confici superius explanatum est. De qua re
breuite*r considerabimus, si prius illud, quem ad modum de deo unum quodque
praedicatur, praemiserimus.




  III.

  Now God differs from God in no respect, for there cannot be divine
  essences distinguished either by accidents or by substantial differences
  belonging to a substrate. But where there is no difference, there is no
  sort of plurality and accordingly no number; here, therefore, is unity
  alone. For whereas we say God thrice when we name the Father, Son, and
  Holy Spirit, these three unities do not produce a plurality of number in
  their own essences, if we think of what we count instead of what we
  count with. For in the case of abstract number a repetition of single
  items does produce plurality; but in the case of concrete number the
  repetition and plural use of single items does not by any means produce
  numerical difference in the objects counted. There are as a fact two
  kinds of number. There is the number with which we count (abstract) and
  the number inherent in the things counted (concrete). "One" is a thing--
  the thing counted. Unity is that by which oneness is denoted. Again
  "two" belongs to the class of things as men or stones; but not so
  duality; duality is merely that whereby two men or two stones are
  denoted; and so on. Therefore a repetition of unities[17] produces
  plurality when it is a question of abstract, but not when it is a
  question of concrete things, as, for example, if I say of one and the
  same thing, "one sword, one brand, one blade."[18]  It is easy to see
  that each of these names denotes a sword; I am not numbering unities but
  simply repeating one thing, and in saying "sword, brand, blade," I
  reiterate the one thing and do not enumerate several different things
  any more than I produce three suns instead of merely mentioning one
  thing thrice when I say "Sun, Sun, Sun."

  So then if God be predicated thrice of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, the
  threefold predication does not result in plural number. The risk of
  that, as has been said, attends only on those who distinguish Them
  according to merit. But Catholic Christians, allowing no difference of
  merit in God, assuming Him to be Pure Form and believing Him to be
  nothing else than His own essence, rightly regard the statement "the
  Father is God, the Son is God, the Holy Spirit is God, and this Trinity
  is one God," not as an enumeration of different things but as a
  reiteration of one and the same thing, like the statement, "blade and
  brand are one sword" or "sun, sun, and sun are one sun."

  Let this be enough for the present to establish my meaning and to show
  that not every repetition of units produces number and plurality. Still
  in saying "Father, Son, and Holy Spirit," we are not using synonymous
  terms. "Brand and blade" are the same and identical, but "Father, Son,
  and Holy Spirit," though the same, are not identical. This point
  deserves a moment's consideration. When they ask "Is the Father the same
  as the Son?" Catholics answer "No." "Is the One the same as the Other?"
  The answer is in the negative. There is not, therefore, complete
  indifference between Them; and so number does come in--number which we
  explained was the result of diversity of substrates. We will briefly
  debate this point when we have done examining how particular predicates
  can be applied to God.


  [17] e.g. if I say "one, one, one," I enounce three unities.

  [18] The same words are used to illustrate the same matter in the
  _Comment. in Arist._ [Greek: peri hermaeneias], 2nd ed. (Meiser) 56. 12.




IV.

Decem omnino praedicamenta traduntur quae de rebus omnibus uniuersaliter
praedicantur, id est substantia, qualitas, quantitas, ad aliquid, ubi,
quando, habere, situm esse, facere, pati. Haec igitur talis sunt qualia
subiecta permiserint; nam pars eorum in reliquarum rerum praedicatione
substantia est, pa*rs in accidentium numero est. At haec cum quis i*n
diuinam uerterit praedicationem, cuncta mutantu*r quae praedicari possunt.
Ad aliquid uero omnino non potest praedicari, nam substantia in illo non
est uere substantia sed ultra substantiam; item qualitas et cetera quae
uenire queunt. Quorum ut amplior fiat intellectus exempla subdenda sunt.

Nam cum dicimus "deus," substantiam quidem significare uidemur, sed eam
quae sit ultra substantiam; cum uero "iustus," qualitatem quidem sed non
accidentem, sed eam quae sit substantia sed ultra substantiam. Neque enim
aliud est quod est, aliud est quod iustus est, sed idem est esse deo quod
iusto. Item cum dicitur "magnus uel maximus," quantitatem quidem
significare uidemur, sed eam quae sit ipsa substantia, talis qualem esse
diximus ultra substantiam; idem est enim esse deo quod magno. De forma enim
eius superius monstratum est quoniam is sit forma et unum uere nec ulla
pluralitas. Sed haec praedicamenta talia sunt, ut in quo sint ipsum esse
faciant quod dicitur, diuise quidem in ceteris, in deo uero coniuncte atque
copulate hoc modo: nam cum dicimus "substantia" (ut homo uel deus), ita
dicitur quasi illud de quo praedicatur ipsum sit substantia, ut substantia
homo uel deus. Sed distat, quoniam homo non integre ipsum homo est ac per
hoc nec substantia; quod enim est, aliis debet quae non sunt homo. Deus
uero hoc ipsum deus est; nihil enim aliud est nisi quod est, ac per hoc
ipsum deus est. Rursus "iustus," quod est qualitas, ita dicitur quasi ipse
hoc sit de quo praedicatur, id est si dicamus "homo iustus uel deus
iustus," ipsum hominem uel deum iustos esse proponimus; sed differt, quod
homo alter alter iustus, deus uero idem ipsum est quod est iustum. "Magnus"
etiam homo uel deus dicitur atque ita quasi ipse sit homo magnus uel deus
magnus; sed homo tantum magnus, deus uero ipsum magnus exsistit. Reliqua
uero neque de deo neque de ceteris praedicantur. Nam ubi uel de homine uel
de deo praedicari potest, de homine ut in foro, de deo ut ubique, sed ita
ut non quasi ipsa sit res id quod praedicatur de qua dicitur. Non enim ita
homo dicitur esse in foro quem ad modum esse albus uel longus nec quasi
circumfusus et determinatus proprietate aliqua qua designari secundum se
possit, sed tantum quo sit illud aliis informatum rebus per hanc
praedicationem ostenditur.

De deo uero non ita, nam quod ubique est ita dici uidetur non quod in omni
sit loco (omnino enim in loco esse non potest) sed quod omnis ei locus
adsit ad eum capiendum, cum ipse non suscipiatur in loco; atque ideo
nusquam in loco esse dicitur, quoniam ubique est sed non in loco. "Quando"
uero eodem praedicatur modo, ut de homine heri uenit, de deo semper est.
Hic quoque non quasi esse aliquid dicitur illud ipsum de quo hesternus
dicitur aduentus, sed quid ei secundum tempus accesserit praedicatur. Quod
uero de deo dicitur "semper est," unum quidem significat, quasi omni
praeterito fuerit, omni quoquo modo sit praesenti est, omni futuro erit.
Quod de caelo et de ceteris inmortalibus corporibus secundum philosophos
dici potest, at de deo non ita. Semper enim est, quoniam "semper"
praesentis est in eo temporis tantumque inter nostrarum rerum praesens,
quod est nunc, interest ac diuinarum, quod nostrum "nunc" quasi currens
tempus facit et sempiternitatem, diuinum uero "nunc" permanens neque mouens
sese atque consistens aeternitatem facit; cui nomini si adicias "semper,"
facies eius quod est nunc iugem indefessumque ac per hoc perpetuum cursum
quod est sempiternitas.

Rursus habere uel facere eodem modo; dicimus enim "uestitus currit" de
homine, de deo "cuncta possidens regit." Rursus de eo nihil quod est esse
de utrisque dictum est, sed haec omnis praedicatio exterioribus datur
omniaque haec quodam modo referuntur ad aliud. Cuius praedicationis
differentiam sic facilius internoscimus: qui homo est uel deus refertur ad
substantiam qua est aliquid, id est homo uel deus; qui iustus est refertur
ad qualitatem qua scilicet est aliquid, id est iustus, qui magnus ad
quantitatem qua est aliquid, id est magnus. Nam in ceteris praedicationibus
nihil tale est. Qui enim dicit esse aliquem in foro uel ubique, refert
quidem ad praedicamentum quod est ubi, sed non quo aliquid est uelut
iustitia iustus. Item cum dico "currit" uel "regit" uel "nunc est" uel
"semper est," refertur quidem uel ad facere uel ad tempus--si tamen interim
diuinum illud semper tempus dici potest--sed non quo aliquo aliquid est
uelut magnitudine magnum. Nam situm passionemque requiri in deo non
oportet, neque enim sunt.

Iamne patet quae sit differentia praedicationum? Quod aliae quidem quasi
rem monstrant aliae uero quasi circumstantias rei quodque illa quidem[19]
ita praedicantur, ut esse aliquid rem ostendant, illa uero ut non esse, sed
potius extrinsecus aliquid quodam modo affigant. Illa igitur, quae aliquid
esse designant, secundum rem praedicationes uocentur. Quae cum de rebus
subiectis dicuntur, uocantur accidentia secundum rem; cum uero de deo qui
subiectus non est, secundum substantiam rei praedicatio nuncupatur.


[19] quidem _vulg._; quae _codd. opt._




  IV.

  There are in all ten categories which can be universally predicated of
  things, namely, Substance, Quality, Quantity, Relation, Place, Time,
  Condition, Situation, Activity, Passivity. Their meaning is determined
  by the contingent subject; for some of them denote substance in making
  predication of other things, others belong to the class of accidents.
  But when these categories are applied to God they change their meaning
  entirely. Relation, for instance, cannot be predicated at all of God;
  for substance in Him is not really substantial but supersubstantial. So
  with quality and the other possible attributes, of which we must add
  examples for the sake of clearness.

  When we say God, we seem to denote a substance; but it is a substance
  that is supersubstantial. When we say of Him, "He is just," we mention a
  quality, not an accidental quality--rather a substantial and, in fact, a
  supersubstantial quality.[20] For God is not one thing because He is,
  and another thing because He is just; with Him to be just and to be God
  are one and the same. So when we say, "He is great or the greatest," we
  seem to predicate quantity, but it is a quantity similar to this
  substance which we have declared to be supersubstantial; for with Him to
  be great and to be God are all one. Again, concerning His Form, we have
  already shown that He is Form, and truly One without Plurality. The
  categories we have mentioned are such that they give to the thing to
  which they are applied the character which they express; in created
  things they express divided being, in God, conjoined and united being--
  in the following manner. When we name a substance, as man or God, it
  seems as though that of which the predication is made were substance
  itself, as man or God is substance. But there is a difference: since a
  man is not simply and entirely man, and in virtue of this he is not
  substance. For what man is he owes to other things which are not man.
  But God is simply and entirely God, for He is nothing else than what He
  is, and therefore is, through simple existence, God. Again we apply
  just, a quality, as though it were that of which it is predicated; that
  is, if we say "a just man or just God," we assert that man or God is
  just. But there is a difference, for man is one thing, and a just man is
  another thing. But God is justice itself. So a man or God is said to be
  great, and it would appear that man is substantially great or that God
  is substantially great. But man is merely great; God is greatness.

  The remaining categories are not predicable of God nor yet of created
  things.[21]  For place is predicated of man or of God--a man is in the
  market-place; God is everywhere--but in neither case is the predicate
  identical with the object of predication. To say "A man is in the
  market" is quite a different thing from saying "he is white or long,"
  or, so to speak, encompassed and determined by some property which
  enables him to be described in terms of his substance; this predicate of
  place simply declares how far his substance is given a particular
  setting amid other things.

  It is otherwise, of course, with God. "He is everywhere" does not mean
  that He is in every place, for He cannot be in any place at all--but
  that every place is present to Him for Him to occupy, although He
  Himself can be received by no place, and therefore He cannot anywhere be
  in a place, since He is everywhere but in no place. It is the same with
  the category of time, as, "A man came yesterday; God is ever." Here
  again the predicate of "coming yesterday" denotes not something
  substantial, but something happening in terms of time. But the
  expression "God is ever" denotes a single Present, summing up His
  continual presence in all the past, in all the present--however that
  term be used--and in all the future. Philosophers say that "ever" may be
  applied to the life of the heavens and other immortal bodies. But as
  applied to God it has a different meaning. He is ever, because "ever" is
  with Him a term of present time, and there is this great difference
  between "now," which is our present, and the divine present. Our present
  connotes changing time and sempiternity; God's present, abiding,
  unmoved, and immoveable, connotes eternity. Add _semper_ to
  _eternity_ and you get the constant, incessant and thereby
  perpetual course of our present time, that is to say, sempiternity.[22]

  It is just the same with the categories of condition and activity. For
  example, we say "A man runs, clothed," "God rules, possessing all
  things." Here again nothing substantial is asserted of either subject;
  in fact all the categories we have hitherto named arise from what lies
  outside substance, and all of them, so to speak, refer to something
  other than substance. The difference between the categories is easily
  seen by an example. Thus, the terms "man" and "God" refer to the
  substance in virtue of which the subject is--man or God. The term "just"
  refers to the quality in virtue of which the subject is something, viz.
  just; the term "great" to the quantity in virtue of which He is
  something, viz. great. No other category save substance, quality, and
  quantity refer to the substance of the subject. If I say of one "he is
  in the market" or "everywhere," I am applying the category of place,
  which is not a category of the substance, like "just" in virtue of
  justice. So if I say, "he runs, He rules, he is now, He is ever," I make
  reference to activity or time--if indeed God's "ever" can be described
  as time--but not to a category of substance, like "great" in virtue of
  greatness.

  Finally, we must not look for the categories of situation and passivity
  in God, for they simply are not to be found in Him.

  Have I now made clear the difference between the categories? Some denote
  the reality of a thing; others its accidental circumstances; the former
  declare that a thing is something; the latter say nothing about its
  being anything, but simply attach to it, so to speak, something
  external. Those categories which describe a thing in terms of its
  substance may be called substantial categories; when they apply to
  things as subjects they are called accidents. In reference to God, who
  is not a subject at all, it is only possible to employ the category of
  substance.


  [20] Gilbert de la Porrée in his commentary on the _De Trin._ makes
  Boethius's meaning clear. "Quod igitur in illo substantiam nominamus,
  non est subiectionis ratione quod dicitur, sed ultra omnem quae
  accidentibus est subiecta substantiam est essentia, absque omnibus quae
  possunt accidere solitaria omnino." (Migne, _P.L._ lxiv. 1283). Cf. Aug.
  _De Trin._ vii. 10.

  [21] i.e. according to their substance.

  [22] The doctrine is Augustine's, cf. _De Ciu. Dei_, xi. 6, xii. 16; but
  Boethius's use of _sempiternitas_, as well as his word-building, seem to
  be peculiar to himself. Claudianus Mamertus, speaking of applying the
  categories to God, uses _sempiternitas_ as Boethius uses _aeternitas_.
  Cf. _De Statu Animae_ i. 19. Apuleius seems to use both terms
  interchangeably, e.g. _Asclep._ 29-31. On Boethius's distinction between
  time and eternity see _Cons._ v. pr. 6, and Rand, _i er dem B. zugeschr.
  Trakt. de fide_, pp. 425 ff, and Brandt in _Theol. Littzg._, 1902, p.
  147.




V.

Age nunc de relatiuis speculemur pro quibus omne quod dictum est sumpsimus
ad disputationem; maxime enim haec non uidentur secundum se facere
praedicationem quae perspicue ex alieno aduentu constare perspiciuntur. Age
enim, quoniam dominus ac seruus relatiua sunt, uideamus utrumne ita sit ut
secundum se sit praedicatio an minime. Atqui si auferas seruum, abstuleris
et dominum; at non etiam si auferas albedinem, abstuleris quoque album, sed
interest, quod albedo accidit albo, qua sublata perit nimirum album. At in
domino, si seruum auferas, perit uocabulum quo dominus uocabatur; sed non
accidit seruus domino ut albedo albo, sed potestas quaedam qua seruus
coercetur. Quae quoniam sublato deperit seruo, constat non eam per se
domino accidere sed per seruorum quodam modo extrinsecus accessum.

Non igitur dici potest praedicationem relatiuam quidquam rei de qua dicitur
secundum se uel addere uel minuere uel mutare. Quae tota non in eo quod est
esse consistit, sed in eo quod est in comparatione aliquo modo se habere,
nec semper ad aliud sed aliquotiens ad idem. Age enim stet quisquam. Ei
igitur si accedam dexter, erit ille sinister ad me comparatus, non quod
ille ipse sinister sit, sed quod ego dexter accesserim. Rursus ego sinister
accedo, item ille fit dexter, non quod ita sit per se dexter uelut albus ac
longus, sed quod me accedente fit dexter atque id quod est a me et ex me
est minime uero ex sese.

Quare quae secundum rei alicuius in eo quod ipsa est proprietatem non
faciunt praedicationem, nihil alternare uel mutare queunt nullamque omnino
uariare essentiam. Quocirca si pater ac filius ad aliquid dicuntur nihilque
aliud ut dictum est differunt nisi sola relatione, relatio uero non
praedicatur ad id de quo praedicatur quasi ipsa sit et secundum rem de qua
dicitur, non faciet alteritatem rerum de qua dicitur, sed, si dici potest,
quo quidem modo id quod uix intellegi potuit interpretatum est, personarum.
Omnino enim magna regulae est ueritas in rebus incorporalibus distantias
effici differentiis non locis. Neque accessisse dici potest aliquid deo, ut
pater fieret; non enim coepit esse umquam pater eo quod substantialis
quidem ei est productio filii, relatiua uero praedicatio patris. Ac si
meminimus omnium in prioribus de deo sententiarum, ita cogitemus
processisse quidem ex deo patre filium deum et ex utrisque spiritum
sanctum; hos, quoniam incorporales sint, minime locis distare. Quoniam uero
pater deus et filius deus et spiritus sanctus deus, deus uero nullas habet
differentias quibus differat ab deo, a nullo eorum differt. Differentiae
uero ubi absunt, abest pluralitas; ubi abest pluralitas, adest unitas.
Nihil autem aliud gigni potuit ex deo nisi deus; et in rebus numerabilibus
repetitio unitatum non facit modis omnibus pluralitatem.  Trium igitur
idonee constituta est unitas.




  V.

  Let us now consider the category of relation, to which all the foregoing
  remarks have been preliminary; for qualities which obviously arise from
  the association of another term do not appear to predicate anything
  concerning the substance of a subject. For instance, master and
  slave[23] are relative terms; let us see whether either of them are
  predicates of substance. If you suppress the term slave,[24] you
  simultaneously suppress the term master. On the other hand, though you
  suppress the term whiteness, you do not suppress some white thing,[25]
  though, of course, if the particular whiteness inhere as an accident in
  the thing, the thing disappears as soon as you suppress the accidental
  quality whiteness. But in the case of master, if you suppress the term
  slave, the term master disappears. But slave is not an accidental
  quality of master, as whiteness is of a white thing; it denotes the
  power which the master has over the slave. Now since the power goes when
  the slave is removed, it is plain that power is no accident to the
  substance of master, but is an adventitious augmentation arising from
  the possession of slaves.

  It cannot therefore be affirmed that a category of relation increases,
  decreases, or alters in any way the substance of the thing to which it
  is applied. The category of relation, then, has nothing to do with the
  essence of the subject; it simply denotes a condition of relativity, and
  that not necessarily to something else, but sometimes to the subject
  itself. For suppose a man standing. If I go up to him on my right and
  stand beside him, he will be left, in relation to me, not because he is
  left in himself, but because I have come up to him on my right. Again,
  if I come up to him on my left, he becomes right in relation to me, not
  because he is right in himself, as he may be white or long, but because
  he is right in virtue of my approach. What he is depends entirely on me,
  and not in the least on the essence of his being.

  Accordingly those predicates which do not denote the essential nature of
  a thing cannot alter, change, or disturb its nature in any way.
  Wherefore if Father and Son are predicates of relation, and, as we have
  said, have no other difference but that of relation, and if relation is
  not asserted of its subject as though it were the subject itself and its
  substantial quality, it will effect no real difference in its subject,
  but, in a phrase which aims at interpreting what we can hardly
  understand, a difference of persons. For it is a canon of absolute truth
  that distinctions in incorporeal things are established by differences
  and not by spatial separation. It cannot be said that God became Father
  by the addition to His substance of some accident; for he never began to
  be Father, since the begetting of the Son belongs to His very substance;
  however, the predicate father, as such, is relative. And if we bear in
  mind all the propositions made concerning God in the previous
  discussion, we shall admit that God the Son proceeded from God the
  Father, and the Holy Ghost from both, and that They cannot possibly be
  spatially different, since They are incorporeal. But since the Father is
  God, the Son is God, and the Holy Spirit is God, and since there are in
  God no points of difference distinguishing Him from God, He differs from
  none of the Others. But where there are no differences there is no
  plurality; where is no plurality there is Unity. Again, nothing but God
  can be begotten of God, and lastly, in concrete enumerations the
  repetition of units does not produce plurality. Thus the Unity of the
  Three is suitably established.


  [23] _Dominus_ and _seruus_ are similarly used as illustration, _In
  Cat._ (Migne, _P.L._ lxiv. 217).

  [24] i.e. which is external to the master.

  [25] i.e. which is external to the whitened thing.




VI.

Sed quoniam nulla relatio ad se ipsum referri potest, idcirco quod ea
secundum se ipsum est praedicatio quae relatione caret, facta quidem est
trinitatis numerositas in eo quod est praedicatio relationis, seruata uero
unitas in eo quod est indifferentia uel substantiae uel operationis uel
omnino eius quae secundum se dicitur praedicationis. Ita igitur substantia
continet unitatem, relatio multiplicat trinitatem; atque ideo sola
singillatim proferuntur atque separatim quae relationis sunt. Nam idem
pater qui filius non est nec idem uterque qui spiritus sanctus. Idem tamen
deus est pater et filius et spiritus sanctus, idem iustus idem bonus idem
magnus idem omnia quae secundum se poterunt praedicari. Sane sciendum est
non semper talem esse relatiuam praedicationem, ut semper ad differens
praedicetur, ut est seruus ad dominum; differunt enim. Nam omne aequale
aequali aequale est et simile simili simile est et idem ei quod est idem
idem est; et similis est relatio in trinitate patris ad filium et utriusque
ad spiritum sanctum ut eius quod est idem ad id quod est idem. Quod si id
in cunctis aliis rebus non potest inueniri, facit hoc cognata caducis rebus
alteritas. Nos uero nulla imaginatione diduci sed simplici intellectu erigi
et ut quidque intellegi potest ita aggredi etiam intellectu oportet.

Sed de proposita quaestione satis dictum est. Nunc uestri normam iudicii
exspectat subtilitas quaestionis; quae utrum recte decursa sit an minime,
uestrae statuet pronuntiationis auctoritas. Quod si sententiae fidei
fundamentis sponte firmissimae opitulante gratia diuina idonea argumentorum
adiumenta praestitimus, illuc perfecti operis laetitia remeabit unde uenit
effectus. Quod si ultra se humanitas nequiuit ascendere, quantum
inbecillitas subtrahit uota supplebunt.




  VI.

  But since no relation can be affirmed of one subject alone, since a
  predication referring to one substance is a predication without
  relation, the manifoldness of the Trinity is secured through the
  category of relation, and the Unity is maintained through the fact that
  there is no difference of substance, or operation, or generally of any
  substantial predicate. So then, the category of substance preserves the
  Unity, that of relation brings about the Trinity. Hence only terms
  belonging to relation may be applied singly to Each. For the Father is
  not the same as the Son, nor is either of Them the same as the Holy
  Spirit. Yet Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are each the same God, the same
  in justice, in goodness, in greatness, and in everything that can be
  predicated of substance. One must not forget that predicates of
  relativity do not always involve relation to something other than the
  subject, as slave involves master, where the two terms are different.
  For equals are equal, like are like, identicals are identical, each with
  other, and the relation of Father to Son, and of both to Holy Spirit is
  a relation of identicals. A relation of this kind is not to be found in
  created things, but that is because of the difference which we know
  attaches to transient objects. We must not in speaking of God let
  imagination lead us astray; we must let the Faculty of pure Knowledge
  lift us up and teach us to know all things as far as they may be
  known.[26]

  I have now finished the investigation which I proposed. The exactness of
  my reasoning awaits the standard of your judgment; your authority will
  pronounce whether I have seen a straight path to the goal. If, God
  helping me, I have furnished some support in argument to an article
  which stands by itself on the firm foundation of Faith, I shall render
  joyous praise for the finished work to Him from whom the invitation
  comes. But if human nature has failed to reach beyond its limits,
  whatever is lost through my infirmity must be made good by my intention.


  [26] Cf. _Cons._ v. pr. 4 and 5, especially in pr. 5 the passage "quare
  in illius summae intellegentiae acumen si possumus erigamur."






ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII
V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. PATRICII

AD IOHANNEM DIACONVM

VTRVM PATER ET FILIVS ET SPIRITVS
SANCTVS DE DIVINITATE SVBSTANTIALITER
PRAEDICENTVR

Quaero an pater et filius ac spiritus sanctus de diuinitate substantialiter
praedicentur an alio quolibet modo; uiamque indaginis hinc arbitror esse
sumendam, unde rerum omnium manifestum constat exordium, id est ab ipsis
catholicae fidei fundamentis. Si igitur interrogem, an qui dicitur pater
substantia sit, respondetur esse substantia. Quod si quaeram, an filius
substantia sit, idem dicitur. Spiritum quoque sanctum substantiam esse nemo
dubitauerit. Sed cum rursus colligo patrem filium spiritum sanctum, non
plures sed una occurrit esse substantia. Vna igitur substantia trium nec
separari ullo modo aut disiungi potest nec uelut partibus in unum coniuncta
est, sed est una simpliciter. Quaecumque igitur de diuina substantia
praedicantur, ea tribus oportet esse communia; idque signi erit quae sint
quae de diuinitatis substantia praedicentur, quod quaecumque hoc modo
dicuntur, de singulis in unum collectis tribus singulariter praedicabuntur.
Hoc modo si dicimus: "Pater deus est, filius deus est, spiritus sanctus
deus est," pater filius ac spiritus sanctus unus deus. Si igitur eorum una
deitas una substantia est, licet dei nomen de diuinitate substantialiter
praedicari.

Ita pater ueritas est, filius ueritas est, spiritus sanctus ueritas est;
pater filius et spiritus sanctus non tres ueritates sed una ueritas est. Si
igitur una in his substantia una est ueritas, necesse est ueritatem
substantialiter praedicari. De bonitate de incommutabilitate de iustitia de
omnipotentia ac de ceteris omnibus quae tam de singulis quam de omnibus
singulariter praedicamus manifestum est substantialiter dici. Vnde apparet
ea quae cum in singulis separatim dici conuenit nec tamen in omnibus dici
queunt, non substantialiter praedicari sed alio modo; qui uero iste sit,
posterius quaeram. Nam qui pater est, hoc uocabulum non transmittit ad
filium neque ad spiritum sanctum. Quo fit ut non sit substantiale nomen hoc
inditum; nam si substantiale esset, ut deus ut ueritas ut iustitia ut ipsa
quoque substantia, de ceteris diceretur.

Item filius solus hoc recipit nomen neque cum aliis iungit sicut in deo,
sicut in ueritate, sicut in ceteris quae superius dixi. Spiritus quoque non
est idem qui pater ac filius. Ex his igitur intellegimus patrem ac filium
ac spiritum sanctum non de ipsa diuinitate substantialiter dici sed alio
quodam modo; si enim substantialiter praedicaretur, et de singulis et de
omnibus singulariter diceretur. Haec uero ad aliquid dici manifestum est;
nam et pater alicuius pater est et filius alicuius filius est, spiritus
alicuius spiritus. Quo fit, ut ne trinitas quidem substantialiter de deo
praedicetur; non enim pater trinitas (qui enim pater est, filius ac
spiritus sanctus non est) nec trinitas filius nec trinitas spiritus sanctus
secundum eundem modum, sed trinitas quidem in personarum pluralitate
consistit, unitas uero in substantiae simplicitate.

Quod si personae diuisae sunt, substantia uero indiuisa sit, necesse est
quod uocabulum ex personis originem capit id ad substantiam non pertinere;
at trinitatem personarum diuersitas fecit, trinitas igitur non pertinet ad
substantiam. Quo fit ut neque pater neque filius neque spiritus sanctus
neque trinitas de deo substantialiter praedicetur, sed ut dictum est ad
aliquid. Deus uero ueritas iustitia bonitas omnipotentia substantia
inmutabilitas uirtus sapientia et quicquid huiusmodi excogitari potest
substantialiter de diuinitate dicuntur. Haec si se recte et ex fide habent,
ut me instruas peto; aut si aliqua re forte diuersus es, diligentius
intuere quae dicta sunt et fidem si poterit rationemque coniunge.






  ANICIUS MANLIUS SEVERINUS BOETHIUS

  MOST HONOURABLE, OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS ORDER OF EX-CONSULS, PATRICIAN

  TO JOHN THE DEACON

  WHETHER FATHER, SON, AND HOLY SPIRIT MAY BE SUBSTANTIALLY PREDICATED OF
  THE DIVINITY

  The question before us is whether Father, Son, and Holy Spirit may be
  predicated of the Divinity substantially or otherwise. And I think that
  the method of our inquiry must be borrowed from what is admittedly the
  surest source of all truth, namely, the fundamental doctrines of the
  catholic faith. If, then, I ask whether He who is called Father is a
  substance, the answer will be yes. If I ask whether the Son is a
  substance, the reply will be the same. So, too, no one will hesitate to
  affirm that the Holy Spirit is also a substance. But when, on the other
  hand, I take together all three, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, the
  result is not three substances but one substance. The one substance of
  the Three, then, cannot be separated or divided, nor is it made up of
  various parts, combined into one: it is simply one. Everything,
  therefore, that is affirmed of the divine substance must be common to
  the Three, and we can recognize what predicates may be affirmed of the
  substance of the godhead by this sign, that all those which are affirmed
  of it may also be affirmed severally of each of the Three combined into
  one. For instance if we say "the Father is God, the Son is God, and the
  Holy Spirit is God," then Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are one God. If
  then their one godhead is one substance, the name of God may with right
  be predicated substantially of the Divinity.

  Similarly the Father is truth, the Son is truth, and the Holy Spirit is
  truth; Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are not three truths, but one truth.
  If, then, they are one substance and one truth, truth must of necessity
  be a substantial predicate. So Goodness, Immutability, Justice,
  Omnipotence and all the other predicates which we apply to the Persons
  singly and collectively are plainly substantial predicates. Hence it
  appears that what may be predicated of each single One but not of all
  Three is not a substantial predicate, but of another kind--of what kind
  I will examine presently. For He who is Father does not transmit this
  name to the Son nor to the Holy Spirit. Hence it follows that this name
  is not attached to Him as something substantial; for if it were a
  substantial predicate, as God, truth, justice, or substance itself, it
  would be affirmed of the other Persons.

  Similarly the Son alone receives this name; nor does He associate it
  with the other Persons, as in the case of the titles God, truth, and the
  other predicates which I have already mentioned. The Spirit too is not
  the same as the Father and the Son. Hence we gather that Father, Son,
  and Holy Spirit are not predicated of the Divinity in a substantial
  manner, but otherwise.[27] For if each term were predicated
  substantially it would be affirmed of the three Persons both separately
  and collectively. It is evident that these terms are relative, for the
  Father is some one's Father, the Son is some one's Son, the Spirit is
  some one's Spirit. Hence not even Trinity may be substantially[28]
  predicated of God; for the Father is not Trinity--since He who is Father
  is not Son and Holy Spirit--nor yet, by parity of reasoning, is the Son
  Trinity nor the Holy Spirit Trinity, but the Trinity consists in
  diversity of Persons, the Unity in simplicity of substance.

  Now if the Persons are separate, while the Substance is undivided, it
  must needs be that that term which is derived from Persons does not
  belong to Substance. But the Trinity is effected by diversity of
  Persons, wherefore Trinity does not belong to Substance. Hence neither
  Father, nor Son, nor Holy Spirit, nor Trinity can be substantially
  predicated of God, but only relatively, as we have said. But God, Truth,
  Justice, Goodness, Omnipotence, Substance, Immutability, Virtue, Wisdom
  and all other conceivable predicates of the kind are applicable
  substantially to divinity.

  If I am right and speak in accordance with the Faith, I pray you confirm
  me. But if you are in any point of another opinion, examine carefully
  what I have said, and if possible, reconcile faith and reason.[29]


  [27] i.e. _personaliter_ (Ioh. Scottus _ad loc._).

  [28] i.e. _sed personaliter_ (Ioh. Scottus _ad loc._).

  [29] _Vide supra_, Introduction, p. xii.




ITEM EIVSDEM
AD EVNDEM

QVOMODO SVBSTANTIAE IN EO QVOD
SINT BONAE SINT CVM NON SINT
SVBSTANTIALIA BONA

Postulas, ut ex Hebdomadibus nostris eius quaestionis obscuritatem quae
continet modum quo substantiae in eo quod sint bonae sint, cum non sint
substantialia bona, digeram et paulo euidentius monstrem; idque eo dicis
esse faciendum, quod non sit omnibus notum iter huiusmodi scriptionum. Tuus
uero testis ipse sum quam haec uiuaciter fueris ante complexus. Hebdomadas
uero ego mihi ipse commentor potiusque ad memoriam meam speculata conseruo
quam cuiquam participo quorum lasciuia ac petulantia nihil a ioco risuque
patitur esse seiunctum.[30] Prohinc tu ne sis obscuritatibus breuitatis
aduersus, quae cum sint arcani fida custodia tum id habent commodi, quod
cum his solis qui digni sunt conloquuntur. Vt igitur in mathematica fieri
solet ceterisque etiam disciplinis, praeposui terminos regulasque quibus
cuncta quae sequuntur efficiam.

I. Communis animi conceptio est enuntiatio quam quisque probat auditam.
Harum duplex modus est. Nam una ita communis est, ut omnium sit hominum,
ueluti si hanc proponas: "Si duobus aequalibus aequalia auferas, quae
relinquantur aequalia esse," nullus id intellegens neget. Alia uero est
doctorum tantum, quae tamen ex talibus communis animi conceptionibus uenit,
ut est: "Quae incorporalia sunt, in loco non esse," et cetera; quae non
uulgus sed docti comprobant.

II. Diuersum est esse et id quod est; ipsum enim esse nondum est, at uero
quod est accepta essendi forma est atque consistit.

III. Quod est participare aliquo potest, sed ipsum esse nullo modo aliquo
participat. Fit enim participatio cum aliquid iam est; est autem aliquid,
cum esse susceperit.

IV. Id quod est habere aliquid praeterquam quod ipsum est potest; ipsum
uero esse nihil aliud praeter se habet admixtum.

V. Diuersum est tantum esse aliquid et esse aliquid in eo quod est; illic
enim accidens hic substantia significatur.

VI. Omne quod est[31] participat eo quod est esse ut sit; alio uero
participat ut aliquid sit. Ac per hoc id quod est participat eo quod est
esse ut sit; est uero ut participet alio quolibet.

VII. Omne simplex esse suum et id quod est unum habet.

VIII. Omni composito aliud est esse, aliud ipsum est.

IX. Omnis diuersitas discors, similitudo uero appetenda est; et quod
appetit aliud, tale ipsum esse naturaliter ostenditur quale est illud hoc
ipsum quod appetit.

Sufficiunt igitur quae praemisimus; a prudente uero rationis interprete
suis unumquodque aptabitur argumentis.

Quaestio uero huiusmodi est. Ea quae sunt bona sunt; tenet enim communis
sententia doctorum omne quod est ad bonum tendere, omne autem tendit ad
simile. Quae igitur ad bonum tendunt bona ipsa sunt. Sed quemadmodum bona
sint, inquirendum est, utrumne participatione an substantia? Si
participatione, per se ipsa nullo modo bona sunt; nam quod participatione
album est, per se in eo quod ipsum est album non est. Et de ceteris
qualitatibus eodem modo. Si igitur participatione sunt bona, ipsa per se
nullo modo bona sunt: non igitur ad bonum tendunt. Sed concessum est. Non
igitur participatione sunt bona sed substantia. Quorum uero substantia bona
est, id quod sunt bona sunt; id quod sunt autem habent ex eo quod est esse.
Esse igitur ipsorum bonum est; omnium igitur rerum ipsum esse bonum est.
Sed si esse bonum est, ea quae sunt in eo quod sunt bona sunt idemque illis
est esse quod boni esse; substantialia igitur bona sunt, quoniam non
participant bonitatem. Quod si ipsum esse in eis bonum est, non est dubium
quin substantialia cum sint bona, primo sint bono similia ac per hoc hoc
ipsum bonum erunt; nihil enim illi praeter se ipsum simile est. Ex quo fit
ut omnia quae sunt deus sint, quod dictu nefas est. Non sunt igitur
substantialia bona ac per hoc non in his est esse bonum; non sunt igitur in
eo quod sunt bona. Sed nec participant bonitatem; nullo enim modo ad bonum
tenderent. Nullo modo igitur sunt bona.

Huic quaestioni talis poterit adhiberi solutio. Multa sunt quae cum
separari actu non possunt, animo tamen et cogitatione separantur; ut cum
triangulum uel cetera a subiecta materia nullus actu separat, mente tamen
segregans ipsum triangulum proprietatemque eius praeter materiam
speculatur. Amoueamus igitur primi boni praesentiam paulisper ex animo,
quod esse quidem constat idque ex omnium doctorum indoctorumque sententia
barbararumque gentium religionibus cognosci potest. Hoc igitur paulisper
amoto ponamus omnia esse quae sunt bona atque ea consideremus quemadmodum
bona esse possent, si a primo bono minime defluxissent. Hinc intueor aliud
in eis esse quod bona sunt, aliud quod sunt. Ponatur enim una eademque
substantia bona esse alba, grauis, rotunda. Tunc aliud esset ipsa illa
substantia, aliud eius rotunditas, aliud color, aliud bonitas; nam si haec
singula idem essent quod ipsa substantia, idem esset grauitas quod color,
quod bonum et bonum quod grauitas--quod fieri natura non sinit. Aliud
igitur tunc in eis esset esse, aliud aliquid esse, ac tunc bona quidem
essent, esse tamen ipsum minime haberent bonum. Igitur si ullo modo essent,
non a bono ac bona essent ac non idem essent quod bona, sed eis aliud esset
esse aliud bonis esse. Quod si nihil omnino aliud essent nisi bona neque
grauia neque colorata neque spatii dimensione distenta nec ulla in eis
qualitas esset, nisi tantum bona essent, tunc non res sed rerum uideretur
esse principium nec potius uiderentur, sed uideretur; unum enim solumque
est huiusmodi, quod tantum bonum aliudque nihil sit. Quae quoniam non sunt
simplicia, nec esse omnino poterant, nisi ea id quod solum bonum est esse
uoluisset. Idcirco quoniam esse eorum a boni uoluntate defluxit, bona esse
dicuntur. Primum enim bonum, quoniam est, in eo quod est bonum est;
secundum uero bonum, quoniam ex eo fluxit cuius ipsum esse bonum est, ipsum
quoque bonum est. Sed ipsum esse omnium rerum ex eo fluxit quod est primum
bonum et quod bonum tale est ut recte dicatur in eo quod est esse bonum.
Ipsum igitur eorum esse bonum est; tunc enim in eo.

Qua in re soluta quaestio est. Idcirco enim licet in eo quod sint bona
sint, non sunt tamen similia primo bono, quoniam non quoquo modo sint res
ipsum esse earum bonum est, sed quoniam non potest esse ipsum esse rerum,
nisi a primo esse defluxerit, id est bono; idcirco ipsum esse bonum est nec
est simile ei a quo est. Illud enim quoquo modo sit bonum est in eo quod
est; non enim aliud est praeterquam bonum. Hoc autem nisi ab illo esset,
bonum fortasse esse posset, sed bonum in eo quod est esse non posset. Tunc
enim participaret forsitan bono; ipsum uero esse quod non haberent a bono,
bonum habere non possent. Igitur sublato ab his bono primo mente et
cogitatione, ista licet essent bona, tamen in eo quod essent bona esse non
possent, et quoniam actu non potuere exsistere, nisi illud ea quod uere
bonum est produxisset, idcirco et esse eorum bonum est et non est simile
substantiali bono id quod ab eo fluxit; et nisi ab eo fluxissent, licet
essent bona, tamen in eo quod sunt bona esse non possent, quoniam et
praeter bonum et non ex bono essent, cum illud ipsum bonum primum est et
ipsum esse sit et ipsum bonum et ipsum esse bonum. At non etiam alba in eo
quod sunt alba esse oportebit ea quae alba sunt, quoniam ex uoluntate dei
fluxerunt ut essent, alba minime. Aliud est enim esse, aliud albis esse;
hoc ideo, quoniam qui ea ut essent effecit bonus quidem est, minime uero
albus. Voluntatem igitur boni comitatum est ut essent bona in eo quod sunt;
uoluntatem uero non albi non est comitata talis eius quod est proprietas ut
esset album in eo quod est; neque enim ex albi uoluntate defluxerunt.
Itaque quia uoluit esse ea alba qui erat non albus, sunt alba tantum; quia
uero uoluit ea esse bona qui erat bonus, sunt bona in eo quod sunt.
Secundum hanc igitur rationem cuncta oportet esse iusta, quoniam ipse
iustus est qui ea esse uoluit? Ne hoc quidem. Nam bonum esse essentiam,
iustum uero esse actum respicit. Idem autem est in eo esse quod agere; idem
igitur bonum esse quod iustum. Nobis uero non est idem esse quod agere; non
enim simplices sumus. Non est igitur nobis idem bonis esse quod iustis, sed
idem nobis est esse omnibus in eo quod sumus. Bona igitur omnia sunt, non
etiam iusta. Amplius bonum quidem generale est, iustum uero speciale nec
species descendit in omnia. Idcirco alia quidem iusta alia aliud omnia
bona.


[30] seiunct. _Rand_; coniunct. _codd. opt._; disiunct. _vulg. Vallinus_.

[31] est _codd. inferiores; om. codd. opt._




  FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME

  HOW SUBSTANCES CAN BE GOOD IN VIRTUE OF THEIR EXISTENCE WITHOUT BEING
  ABSOLUTE GOODS

  You ask me to state and explain somewhat more clearly that obscure
  question in my _Hebdomads_[32] concerning the manner in which
  substances can be good in virtue of existence without being absolute
  goods.[33] You urge that this demonstration is necessary because the
  method of this kind of treatise is not clear to all. I can bear witness
  with what eagerness you have already attacked the subject. But I confess
  I like to expound my _Hebdomads_ to myself, and would rather bury
  my speculations in my own memory than share them with any of those pert
  and frivolous persons who will not tolerate an argument unless it is
  made amusing. Wherefore do not you take objection to the obscurity that
  waits on brevity; for obscurity is the sure treasure-house of secret
  doctrine and has the further advantage that it speaks a language
  understood only of those who deserve to understand. I have therefore
  followed the example of the mathematical[34] and cognate sciences and
  laid down bounds and rules according to which I shall develop all that
  follows.

  I. A common conception is a statement generally accepted as soon as it
  is made. Of these there are two kinds. One is universally intelligible;
  as, for instance, "if equals be taken from equals the remainders are
  equal." Nobody who grasps that proposition will deny it. The other kind
  is intelligible only to the learned, but it is derived from the same
  class of common conceptions; as "Incorporeals cannot occupy space," and
  the like. This is obvious to the learned but not to the common herd.

  II. Being and a concrete thing[35] are different. Simple Being awaits
  manifestation, but a thing is and exists[36] as soon as it has received
  the form which gives it Being.

  III. A concrete thing can participate in something else; but absolute
  Being can in no wise participate in anything. For participation is
  effected when a thing already is; but it is something after it has
  acquired Being.

  IV. That which exists can possess something besides itself. But absolute
  Being has no admixture of aught besides Itself.

  V. Merely to be something and to be something absolutely are different;
  the former implies accidents, the latter connotes a substance.

  VI. Everything that is participates in absolute Being[37] through the
  fact that it exists. In order to be something it participates in
  something else. Hence that which exists participates in absolute Being
  through the fact that it exists, but it exists in order to participate
  in something else.

  VII. Every simple thing possesses as a unity its absolute and its
  particular Being.

  VIII. In every composite thing absolute and individual Being are not one
  and the same.

  IX. Diversity repels; likeness attracts. That which seeks something
  outside itself is demonstrably of the same nature as that which it
  seeks.

  These preliminaries are enough then for our purpose. The intelligent
  interpreter of the discussion will supply the arguments appropriate to
  each point.

  Now the problem is this. Things which are, are good. For all the learned
  are agreed that every existing thing tends to good and everything tends
  to its like. Therefore things which tend to good are good. We must,
  however, inquire how they are good--by participation or by substance. If
  by participation, they are in no wise good in themselves; for a thing
  which is white by participation in whiteness is not white in itself by
  virtue of absolute Being. So with all other qualities. If then they are
  good by participation, they are not good in themselves; therefore they
  do not tend to good. But we have agreed that they do. Therefore they are
  good not by participation but by substance. But those things whose
  substance is good are substantially good. But they owe their actual
  Being to absolute Being. Their absolute Being therefore is good;
  therefore the absolute Being of all things is good. But if their Being
  is good, things which exist are good through the fact that they exist
  and their absolute Being is the same as that of the Good. Therefore they
  are substantial goods, since they do not merely participate in goodness.
  But if their absolute Being is good, there is no doubt but that, since
  they are substantial goods, they are like the First Good and therefore
  they will have to be that Good. For nothing is like It save Itself.
  Hence all things that are, are God--an impious assertion. Wherefore
  things are not substantial goods, and so the essence of the Good does
  not reside in them. Therefore they are not good through the fact that
  they exist. But neither do they receive good by participation, for they
  would in no wise tend to good. Therefore they are in no wise good.[38]

  This problem admits of the following solution.[39] There are many things
  which can be separated by a mental process, though they cannot be
  separated in fact. No one, for instance, can actually separate a
  triangle or other mathematical figure from the underlying matter; but
  mentally one can consider a triangle and its properties apart from
  matter. Let us, therefore, remove from our minds for a moment the
  presence of the Prime Good, whose Being is admitted by the universal
  consensus of learned and unlearned opinion and can be deduced from the
  religious beliefs of savage races. The Prime Good having been thus for a
  moment put aside, let us postulate as good all things that are, and let
  us consider how they could possibly be good if they did not derive from
  the Prime Good. This process leads me to perceive that their Goodness
  and their existence are two different things. For let me suppose that
  one and the same substance is good, white, heavy, and round. Then it
  must be admitted that its substance, roundness, colour, and goodness are
  all different things. For if each of these qualities were the same as
  its substance, weight would be the same thing as colour or goodness, and
  goodness would be the same as colour; which is contrary to nature. Their
  Being then in that case would be one thing, their quality another, and
  they would be good, but they would not have their absolute Being good.
  Therefore if they really existed at all, they would not be from good nor
  good, they would not be the same as good, but Being and Goodness would
  be for them two different things. But if they were nothing else but good
  substances, and were neither heavy, nor coloured, and possessed neither
  spatial dimension nor quality, beyond that of goodness, they (or rather
  it) would seem to be not things but the principle of things. For there
  is one thing alone that is by nature good to the exclusion of every
  other quality. But since they are not simple, they could not even exist
  at all unless that which is the one sole Good willed them to be. They
  are called good simply because their Being is derived from the Will of
  the Good. For the Prime Good is essentially good in virtue of Being; the
  secondary good is in its turn good because it derives from the good
  whose absolute Being is good. But the absolute Being of all things
  derives from the Prime Good which is such that of It Being and Goodness
  are rightly predicated as identical. Their absolute Being therefore is
  good; for thereby it resides in Him.

  Thereby the problem is solved. For though things be good through the
  fact that they exist, they are not like the Prime Good, for the simple
  reason that their absolute Being is not good under all circumstances,
  but that things can have no absolute Being unless it derive from the
  Prime Being, that is, the Prime Good; their substance, therefore, is
  good, and yet it is not like that from which it comes. For the Prime
  Good is good through the fact that it exists, irrespective of all
  conditions, for it is nothing else than good; but the second good if it
  derived from any other source might be good, but could not be good
  through the fact that it exists. For in that case it might possibly
  participate in good, but their substantial Being, not deriving from the
  Prime Good, could not have the element of good. Therefore when we have
  put out of mind the Prime Good, these things, though they might be good,
  would not be good through the fact that they exist, and since they could
  not actually exist unless the true good had produced them, therefore
  their Being is good, and yet that which springs from the substantial
  Good is not like its source which produces it. And unless they had
  derived from it, though they were good yet they could not be good
  through the fact that they exist because they were apart from good and
  not derived from good, since that very good is the Prime Good and is
  substantial Being and substantial Good and essential Goodness. But we
  need not say that white things are white through the fact that they
  exist; for they drew their existence from the will of God, but not their
  whiteness. For to be is one thing; to be white is another; and that
  because He who gave them Being is good, but not white. It is therefore
  in accordance with the will of the Good that they should be good through
  the fact that they exist; but it is not in accordance with the will of
  one who is not white that a thing have a certain property making it
  white in virtue of its Being; for it was not the will of One who is
  white that gave them Being. And so they are white simply because One who
  was not white willed them to be white; but they are good through the
  fact that they exist because One who was good willed them to be good.
  Ought, then, by parity of reason, all things to be just because He is
  just who willed them to be? That is not so either. For to be good
  involves Being, to be just involves an act. For Him being and action are
  identical; to be good and to be just are one and the same for Him. But
  being and action are not identical for us, for we are not simple. For
  us, then, goodness is not the same thing as justice, but we all have the
  same sort of Being in virtue of our existence. Therefore all things are
  good, but all things are not just. Finally, good is a general, but just
  is a species, and this species does not apply to all. Wherefore some
  things are just, others are something else, but all things are good.


  [32] Similarly Porphyry divided the works of Plotinus into six
  _Enneades_ or groups of nine.

  [33] Cf. discussion on the nature of good in _Cons._ iii. m. 10 and pr.
  11 (_infra_, pp. 274 ff.).

  [34] On this mathematical method of exposition cf. _Cons._ iii. pr. 10
  (_infra_, p. 270).

  [35] _Esse_ = Aristotle's [Greek: to ti esti]; _id quod est_ = [Greek:
  tode ti].

  [36] _Consistere_ = [Greek: hypostaenai].

  [37] _Id quod est esse_ = [Greek: to ti aen einai].

  [38] Cf. the similar _reductio ad absurdum_ in _Tr._ 5 (_infra_, p. 98)
  and in _Cons._ v. pr. 3 (_infra_, p. 374).

  [39] _Vide supra_, p. 6, n. _b_.




DE FIDE CATHOLICA

Christianam fidem noui ac ueteris testamenti pandit auctoritas; et quamuis
nomen ipsum Christi uetus intra semet continuerit instrumentum eumque
semper signauerit affuturum quem credimus per partum uirginis iam uenisse,
tamen in orbem terrarum ab ipsius nostri saluatoris mirabili manasse
probatur aduentu.

Haec autem religio nostra, quae uocatur christiana atque catholica, his
fundamentis principaliter nititur asserens: ex aeterno, id est ante mundi
constitutionem, ante omne uidelicet quod temporis potest retinere
uocabulum, diuinam patris et filii ac spiritus sancti exstitisse
substantiam, ita ut deum dicat patrem, deum filium, deum spiritum sanctum,
nec tamen tres deos sed unum: patrem itaque habere filium ex sua substantia
genitum et sibi nota ratione coaeternum, quem filium eatenus confitetur, ut
non sit idem qui pater est: neque patrem aliquando fuisse filium, ne rursus
in infinitum humanus animus diuinam progeniem cogitaret, neque filium in
eadem natura qua patri coaeternus est aliquando fieri patrem, ne rursus in
infinitum diuina progenies tenderetur: sanctum uero spiritum neque patrem
esse neque filium atque ideo in illa natura nec genitum nec generantem sed
a patre quoque procedentem uel filio; qui sit tamen processionis istius
modus ita non possumus euidenter dicere, quemadmodum generationem filii ex
paterna substantia non potest humanus animus aestimare. Haec autem ut
credantur uetus ac noua informat instructio. De qua uelut arce religionis
nostrae multi diuersa et humaniter atque ut ita dicam carnaliter sentientes
aduersa locuti sunt, ut Arrius qui licet deum dicat filium, minorem tamen
patre multipliciter et extra patris substantiam confitetur. Sabelliani
quoque non tres exsistentes personas sed unam ausi sunt affirmare, eundem
dicentes patrem esse qui filius est eundemque filium qui pater est atque
spiritum sanctum eundem esse qui pater et filius est; ac per hoc unam
dicunt esse personam sub uocabulorum diuersitate signatam.

Manichaei quoque qui duo principia sibi coaeterna et aduersa profitentur,
unigenitum dei esse non credunt. Indignum enim iudicant, si deus habere
filium uideatur, nihil aliud cogitantes nisi carnaliter, ut quia haec
generatio duorum corporum commixtione procedit, illic quoque indignum esse
intellectum huiusmodi applicare; quae res eos nec uetus facit recipere
testamentum neque in integro nouum. Nam sicut illud omnino error eorum non
recipit ita ex uirgine generationem filii non uult admittere, ne humano
corpore polluta uideatur dei fuisse natura. Sed de his hactenus; suo enim
loco ponentur sicut ordo necessarius postularit.

Ergo diuina ex aeterno natura et in aeternum sine aliqua mutabilitate
perdurans sibi tantum conscia uoluntate sponte mundum uoluit fabricare
eumque cum omnino non esset fecit ut esset, nec ex sua substantia protulit,
ne diuinus natura crederetur, neque aliunde molitus est, ne iam exstitisse
aliquid quod eius uoluntatem exsistentia propriae naturae iuuaret atque
esset quod neque ab ipso factum esset et tamen esset; sed uerbo produxit
caelos, terram creauit, ita ut caelesti habitatione dignas caelo naturas
efficeret ac terrae terrena componeret. De caelestibus autem naturis, quae
uniuersaliter uocatur angelica, quamuis illic distinctis ordinibus pulchra
sint omnia, pars tamen quaedam plus appetens quam ei natura atque ipsius
auctor naturae tribuerat de caelesti sede proiecta est; et quoniam
angelorum numerum, id est supernae illius ciuitatis cuius ciues angeli
sunt, imminutum noluit conditor permanere, formauit ex terra hominem atque
spiritu uitae animauit, ratione composuit, arbitrii libertate decorauit
eumque praefixa lege paradisi deliciis constituit, ut, si sine peccato
manere uellet, tam ipsum quam eius progeniem angelicis coetibus sociaret,
ut quia superior natura per superbiae malum ima petierat, inferior
substantia per humilitatis bonum ad superna conscenderet. Sed ille auctor
inuidiae non ferens hominem illuc ascendere ubi ipse non meruit permanere,
temptatione adhibita fecit etiam ipsum eiusque comparem, quam de eius
latere generandi causa formator produxerat, inoboedientiae suppliciis
subiacere, ei quoque diuinitatem affuturam promittens, quam sibi dum
arroganter usurpat elisus est. Haec autem reuelante deo Moysi famulo suo
comperta sunt, cui etiam humani generis conditionem atque originem uoluit
innotescere, sicut ab eo libri prolati testantur. Omnis enim diuina
auctoritas his modis constare uidetur, ut aut historialis modus sit, qui
nihil aliud nisi res gestas enuntiet, aut allegoricus, ut non illic possit
historiae ordo consistere, aut certe ex utrisque compositus, ut et secundum
historiam et secundum allegoriam manere uideatur. Haec autem pie
intelligentibus et ueraci corde tenentibus satis abundeque relucent. Sed ad
ordinem redeamus.

Primus itaque homo ante peccatum cum sua coniuge incola paradisi fuit. At
ubi aurem praebuit suasori et conditoris praeceptum neglexit attendere,
exul effectus, terram iussus excolere atque a paradisi sinu seclusus in
ignotis partibus sui generis posteritatem transposuit atque poenam quam
ipse primus homo praeuaricationis reus exceperat generando transmisit in
posteros. Hinc factum est ut et corporum atque animarum corruptio et mortis
proueniret interitus primusque mortem in Abel filio suo meruit experiri, ut
quanta esset poena quam ipse exceperit probaret in subole. Quod si ipse
primus moreretur, nesciret quodam modo ac, si dici fas est, nec sentiret
poenam suam, sed ideo expertus in altero est, ut quid sibi iure deberetur
contemptor agnosceret et dum poenam mortis sustinet, ipsa exspectatione
fortius torqueretur. Hoc autem praeuaricationis malum, quod in posteros
naturaliter primus homo transfuderat, quidam Pelagius non admittens proprii
nominis haeresim dedicauit, quam catholica fides a consortio sui mox
reppulisse probatur. Ab ipso itaque primo homine procedens humanum genus ac
multiplici numerositate succrescens erupit in lites, commouit bella,
occupauit terrenam miseriam quia[40] felicitatem paradisi in primo patre
perdiderat. Nec tamen ex his defuerunt quos sibi conditor gratiae
sequestraret eiusque placitis inseruirent; quos licet meritum naturae
damnaret, futuri tamen sacramenti et longe postmodum proferendi faciendo
participes perditam uoluit reparare naturam. Impletus est ergo mundus
humano genere atque ingressus est homo uias suas qui malitia propriae
contumaciae despexerat conditorem. Hinc uolens deus per iustum potius
hominem reparare genus humanum quam manere proteruum, poenalem multitudinem
effusa diluuii inundatione excepto Noe iusto homine cum suis liberis atque
his quae secum in arcam introduxerat interire permisit. Cur autem per arcae
lignum uoluerit iustos eripere, notum est diuinarum scripturarum mentibus
eruditis. Et quasi prima quaedam mundi aetas diluuio ultore transacta est.

Reparatur itaque humanum genus atque propriae naturae uitium, quod
praeuaricationis primus auctor infuderat, amplecti non destitit. Creuitque
contumacia quam dudum diluuii unda puniuerat et qui numerosam annorum
seriem permissus fuerat uiuere, in breuitate annorum humana aetas addicta
est. Maluitque deus non iam diluuio punire genus humanum, sed eodem
permanente eligere uiros per quorum seriem aliqua generatio commearet, ex
qua nobis filium proprium uestitum humano corpore mundi in fine concederet.
Quorum primus est Abraham, qui cum esset aetate confectus eiusque uxor
decrepita, in senectute sua repromissionis largitione habere filium
meruerunt. Hic uocatus est Isaac atque ipse genuit Iacob. Idem quoque
duodecim patriarchas non reputante deo in eorum numero quos more suo natura
produxerat. Hic ergo Iacob cum filiis ac domo sua transigendi causa
Aegyptum uoluit habitare atque illic per annorum seriem multitudo
concrescens coeperunt suspicioni esse[41] Aegyptiacis imperiis eosque
Pharao magna ponderum mole premi decreuerat et grauibus oneribus
affligebat. Tandem deus Aegyptii regis dominationem despiciens diuiso mari
rubro, quod numquam antea natura ulla cognouerat, suum transduxit exercitum
auctore Moyse et Aaron. Postea igitur pro eorum egressione altis Aegyptus
plagis uastata est, cum nollet dimittere populum. Transmisso itaque ut
dictum est mari rubro uenit per deserta eremi ad montem qui uocatur Sinai,
ibique uniuersorum conditor deus uolens sacramenti futuri gratia populos
erudire per Moysen data lege constituit, quemadmodum et sacrificiorum ritus
et populorum mores instruerentur. Et cum multis annis multas quoque gentes
per uiam debellassent, uenerunt tandem ad fluuium qui uocatur Iordanis duce
iam Iesu Naue filio atque ad eorum transitum quemadmodum aquae maris rubri
ita quoque Iordanis fluenta siccata sunt; peruentumque est ad eam ciuitatem
quae nunc Hierosolyma uocatur. Atque dum ibi dei populus moraretur, post
iudices et prophetas reges instituti leguntur, quorum post Saulem primatum
Dauid de tribu Iuda legitur adeptus fuisse. Descendit itaque ab eo per
singulas successiones regium stemma perductumque est usque ad Herodis
tempora, qui primus ex gentilibus memoratis populis legitur imperasse. Sub
quo exstitit beata uirgo Maria quae de Dauidica stirpe prouenerat, quae
humani generis genuit conditorem. Hoc autem ideo quia multis infectus
criminibus mundus iacebat in morte, electa est una gens in qua dei mandata
clarescerent, ibique missi prophetae sunt et alii sancti uiri per quorum
admonitionem ipse certe populus a tumore peruicaciae reuocaretur. Illi uero
eosdem occidentes in suae nequitiae peruersitate manere uoluerunt.

Atque iam in ultimis temporibus non prophetas neque alios sibi placitos sed
ipsum unigenitum suum deus per uirginem nasci constituit, ut humana salus
quae per primi hominis inoboedientiam deperierat per hominem deum rursus
repararetur et quia exstiterat mulier quae causam mortis prima uiro
suaserat, esset haec secunda mulier quae uitae causam humanis uisceribus
apportaret. Nec uile uideatur quod dei filius ex uirgine natus est, quoniam
praeter naturae modum conceptus et editus est. Virgo itaque de spiritu
sancto incarnatum dei filium concepit, uirgo peperit, post eius editionem
uirgo permansit; atque hominis factus est idemque dei filius, ita ut in eo
et diuinae naturae radiaret splendor et humanae fragilitatis appareret
assumptio. Sed huic tam sanae atque ueracissimae fidei exstiterant multi
qui diuersa garrirent et praeter alios Nestorius et Eutyches repertores
haereseos exstiterunt, quorum unus hominem solum, alter deum solum putauit
asserere nec humanum corpus quod Christus induerat de humanae substantiae
participatione uenisse. Sed haec hactenus.

Creuit itaque secundum carnem Christus, baptizatus est, ut qui baptizandi
formam erat ceteris tributurus, ipse primus quod docebat exciperet. Post
baptismum uero elegit duodecim discipulos, quorum unus traditor eius fuit.
Et quia sanam doctrinam Iudaeorum populus non ferebat, eum inlata manu
crucis supplicio peremerunt. Occiditur ergo Christus, iacet tribus diebus
ac noctibus in sepulcro, resurgit a mortuis, sicut ante constitutionem
mundi ipse cum patre decreuerat, ascendit in caelos ubi, in eo quod dei
filius est, numquam defuisse cognoscitur, ut assumptum hominem, quem
diabolus non permiserat ad superna conscendere, secum dei filius caelesti
habitationi sustolleret. Dat ergo formam discipulis suis baptizandi,
docendi salutaria, efficientiam quoque miraculorum atque in uniuersum
mundum ad uitam praecipit introire, ut praedicatio salutaris non iam in una
tantum gente sed orbi terrarum praedicaretur. Et quoniam humanum genus
naturae merito, quam ex primo praeuaricatore contraxerat, aeternae poenae
iaculis fuerat uulneratum nec salutis suae erat idoneum, quod eam in
parente perdiderat, medicinalia quaedam tribuit sacramenta, ut agnosceret
aliud sibi deberi per naturae meritum, aliud per gratiae donum, ut natura
nihil aliud nisi poenae summitteret, gratia uero, quae nullis meritis
attributa est, quia nec gratia diceretur si meritis tribueretur, totum quod
est salutis afferret.

Diffunditur ergo per mundum caelestis illa doctrina, adunantur populi,
instituuntur ecclesiae, fit unum corpus quod mundi latitudinem occuparet,
cuius caput Christus ascendit in caelos, ut necessario caput suum membra
sequerentur. Haec itaque doctrina et praesentem uitam bonis informat
operibus et post consummationem saeculi resurrectura corpora nostra praeter
corruptionem ad regna caelestia pollicetur, ita ut qui hic bene ipso
donante uixerit, esset in illa resurrectione beatissimus, qui uero male,
miser post munus resurrectionis adesset. Et hoc est principale religionis
nostrae, ut credat non solum animas non perire, sed ipsa quoque corpora,
quae mortis aduentus resoluerat, in statum pristinum futura de beatitudine
reparari. Haec ergo ecclesia catholica per orbem diffusa tribus modis
probatur exsistere: quidquid in ea tenetur, aut auctoritas est scripturarum
aut traditio uniuersalis aut certe propria et particularis instructio. Sed
auctoritate tota constringitur, uniuersali traditione maiorum nihilominus
tota, priuatis uero constitutionibus et propriis informationibus unaquaeque
uel pro locorum uarietate uel prout cuique bene uisum est subsistit et
regitur. Sola ergo nunc est fidelium exspectatio qua credimus affuturum
finem mundi, omnia corruptibilia transitura, resurrecturos homines ad
examen futuri iudicii, recepturos pro meritis singulos et in perpetuum
atque in aeternum debitis finibus permansuros; solumque est[42] praemium
beatitudinis contemplatio conditoris--tanta dumtaxat, quanta a creatura ad
creatorem fieri potest,--ut ex eis reparato angelico numero superna illa
ciuitas impleatur, ubi rex est uirginis filius eritque gaudium sempiternum,
delectatio, cibus, opus, laus perpetua creatoris.


[40] qui _uel_ quod _codd._

[41] suspiciones _uel_ suspicione _uel_ suspicio _uel_ subici _codd.
meliores._

[42] esse _codd_.




  ON THE CATHOLIC FAITH[43]

  The Christian Faith is proclaimed by the authority of the New Testament
  and of the Old; but although the Old scripture[44] contains within its
  pages the name of Christ and constantly gives token that He will come
  who we believe has already come by the birth of the Virgin, yet the
  diffusion of that faith throughout the world dates from the actual
  miraculous coming of our Saviour.

  Now this our religion which is called Christian and Catholic is founded
  chiefly on the following assertions. From all eternity, that is, before
  the world was established, and so before all that is meant by time
  began, there has existed one divine substance of Father, Son, and Holy
  Spirit in such wise that we confess the Father God, the Son God, and the
  Holy Spirit God, and yet not three Gods but one God. Thus the Father
  hath the Son, begotten of His substance and coeternal with Himself after
  a manner that He alone knoweth. Him we confess to be Son in the sense
  that He is not the same as the Father. Nor has the Father ever been Son,
  for the human mind must not imagine a divine lineage stretching back
  into infinity; nor can the Son, being of the same nature in virtue of
  which He is coeternal with the Father, ever become Father, for the
  divine lineage must not stretch forward into infinity. But the Holy
  Spirit is neither Father nor Son, and therefore, albeit of the same
  divine nature, neither begotten, nor begetting, but proceeding as well
  from the Father as the Son.[45] Yet what the manner of that Procession
  is we are no more able to state clearly than is the human mind able to
  understand the generation of the Son from the substance of the Father.
  But these articles are laid down for our belief by Old and New
  Testament. Concerning which fortress and citadel[46] of our religion
  many men have spoken otherwise and have even impugned it, being moved by
  human, nay rather by carnal feeling. Arius, for instance, who, while
  calling the Son God, declares Him to be vastly inferior to the Father
  and of another substance. The Sabellians also have dared to affirm that
  there are not three separate Persons but only One, saying that the
  Father is the same as the Son and the Son the same as the Father and the
  Holy Spirit the same as the Father and the Son; and so declaring that
  there is but one divine Person expressed by different names.

  The Manichaeans, too, who allow two coeternal and contrary principles,
  do not believe in the Only-begotten Son of God. For they consider it a
  thought unworthy of God that He should have a Son, since they entertain
  the very carnal reflection that inasmuch as[47] human generation arises
  from the mingling of two bodies, it is unworthy to hold a notion of this
  sort in respect of the divine nature; whereas such a view finds no
  sanction in the Old Testament and absolutely[48] none in the New. Yea,
  their error which refuses this notion also refuses the Virgin birth of
  the Son, because they would not have the God's nature defiled by the
  man's body. But enough of this for the present; the points will be
  presented in the proper place as the proper arrangement demands.

  The divine nature then, abiding from all eternity and unto all eternity
  without any change, by the exercise of a will known only to Himself,
  determined of Himself to form the world, and brought it into being when
  it was absolutely naught, nor did He produce it from His own substance,
  lest it should be thought divine by nature, nor did He form it after any
  model, lest it should be thought that anything had already come into
  being which helped His will by the existence of an independent nature,
  and that there should exist something that had not been made by Him and
  yet existed; but by His Word He brought forth the heavens, and created
  the earth[49] that so He might make natures worthy of a place in heaven,
  and also fit earthly things to earth. But although in heaven all things
  are beautiful and arranged in due order, yet one part of the heavenly
  creation which is universally termed angelic,[50] seeking more than
  nature and the Author of Nature had granted them, was cast forth from
  its heavenly habitation; and because the Creator did not wish the roll
  of the angels, that is of the heavenly city whose citizens the angels
  are, to be diminished, He formed man out of the earth and breathed into
  him the breath of life; He endowed him with reason, He adorned him with
  freedom of choice and established him in the joys of Paradise, making
  covenant aforehand that if he would remain without sin He would add him
  and his offspring to the angelic hosts; so that as the higher nature had
  fallen low through the curse of pride, the lower substance might ascend
  on high through the blessing of humility. But the father of envy, loath
  that man should climb to the place where he himself deserved not to
  remain, put temptation before him and the consort whom the Creator had
  brought forth out of his side for the continuance of the race, and laid
  them open to punishment for disobedience, promising man also the gift of
  Godhead, the arrogant attempt to seize which had caused his own fall.
  All this was revealed by God to His servant Moses, whom He vouchsafed to
  teach the creation and origin of man, as the books written by him
  declare. For the divine authority is always conveyed in one of the
  following ways--the historical, which simply announces facts; the
  allegorical, whence historical matter is excluded; or else the two
  combined, history and allegory conspiring to establish it. All this is
  abundantly evident to pious hearers and steadfast believers.

  But to return to the order of our discourse; the first man, before sin
  came, dwelt with his consort in the Garden. But when he hearkened to the
  voice of his wife and failed to keep the commandment of his Creator, he
  was banished, bidden to till the ground, and being shut out from the
  sheltering garden he carried abroad into unknown regions the children of
  his loins; by begetting whom he transmitted to those that came after,
  the punishment which he, the first man, had incurred by the sin of
  disobedience. Hence it came to pass that corruption both of body and
  soul ensued, and death; and this he was to taste first in his own son
  Abel, in order that he might learn through his child the greatness of
  the punishment that was laid upon him. For if he had died first he would
  in some sense not have known, and if one may so say not have felt, his
  punishment; but he tasted it in another in order that he might perceive
  the due reward of his contempt, and, doomed to death himself, might be
  the more sensibly touched by the apprehension of it. But this curse that
  came of transgression which the first man had by natural propagation
  transmitted to posterity, was denied by one Pelagius who so set up the
  heresy which goes by his name and which the Catholic faith, as is known,
  at once banished from its bosom. So the human race that sprang from the
  first man and mightily increased and multiplied, broke into strife,
  stirred up wars, and became the heir of earthly misery, because it had
  lost the joys of Paradise in its first parent. Yet were there not a few
  of mankind whom the Giver of Grace set apart for Himself and who were
  obedient to His will; and though by desert of nature they were
  condemned, yet God by making them partakers in the hidden mystery, long
  afterwards to be revealed, vouchsafed to recover fallen nature. So the
  earth was filled by the human race and man who by his own wanton
  wilfulness had despised his Creator began to walk in his own ways. Hence
  God willing rather to recover mankind through one just man than that it
  should remain for ever contumacious, suffered all the guilty multitude
  to perish by the wide waters of a flood, save only Noah, the just one,
  with his children and all that he had brought with him into the ark. The
  reason why He wished to save the just by an ark of wood is known to all
  hearts learned in the Holy Scriptures. Thus what we may call the first
  age of the world was ended by the avenging flood.

  Thus the human race was restored, and yet it hastened to make its own
  the vice of nature with which the first author of transgression had
  infected it. And the wickedness increased which had once been punished
  by the waters of the flood, and man who had been suffered to live for a
  long series of years was reduced to the brief span of ordinary human
  life. Yet would not God again visit the race by a flood, but rather,
  letting it continue, He chose from it men of whose line a generation
  should arise out of which He might in the last days grant us His own Son
  to come to us, clothed in human form. Of these men Abraham is the first,
  and although he was stricken in years and his wife past bearing, they
  had in their old age the reward of a son in fulfilment of promise
  unconditional. This son was named Isaac and he begat Jacob, who in his
  turn begat the twelve Patriarchs, God not reckoning in their number
  those whom nature in its ordinary course produced.[51] This Jacob, then,
  together with his sons and his household determined to dwell in Egypt
  for the purpose of trafficking; and the multitude of them increasing
  there in the course of many years began to be a cause of suspicion to
  the Egyptian rulers, and Pharaoh ordered them to be oppressed by
  exceeding heavy tasks[52] and afflicted them with grievous burdens. At
  length God, minded to set at naught the tyranny of the king of Egypt,
  divided the Red Sea--a marvel such as nature had never known before--and
  brought forth His host by the hands of Moses and Aaron. Thereafter on
  account of their departure Egypt was vexed with sore plagues, because
  they would not let the people go. So, after crossing the Red Sea, as I
  have told, they passed through the desert of the wilderness and came to
  the mount which is called Sinai, where God the Creator of all, wishing
  to prepare the nations for the knowledge of the sacrament to come, laid
  down by a law given through Moses how both the rites of sacrifices and
  the national customs should be ordered. And after fighting down many
  tribes in many years amidst their journeyings they came at last to the
  river called Jordan, with Joshua the son of Nun now as their captain,
  and, for their crossing, the streams of Jordan were dried up as the
  waters of the Red Sea had been; so they finished their course to that
  city which is now called Jerusalem. And while the people of God abode
  there we read that there were set up first judges and prophets and then
  kings, of whom we read that after Saul, David of the tribe of Judah
  ascended the throne. So from him the royal race descended from father to
  son and lasted till the days of Herod who, we read, was the first taken
  out of the peoples called Gentile to bear sway. In whose days rose up
  the blessed Virgin Mary, sprung from the stock of David, she who bore
  the Maker of the human race. But it was just because the whole world lay
  dead, stained with its many sins, that God chose out one race in which
  His commands might shine clear; sending it prophets and other holy men,
  to the end that by their warnings that people at least might be cured of
  their swollen pride. But they slew these holy men and chose rather to
  abide in their wanton wickedness.

  And now at the last days of time, in place of prophets and other men
  well-pleasing to Him, God willed that His only-begotten Son should be
  born of a Virgin that so the salvation of mankind which had been lost
  through the disobedience of the first man might be recovered by the God-
  man, and that inasmuch as it was a woman who had first persuaded man to
  that which wrought death there should be this second woman who should
  bring forth from a human womb Him who gives Life. Nor let it be deemed a
  thing unworthy that the Son of God was born of a Virgin, for it was out
  of the course of nature that He was conceived and brought to birth.
  Virgin then she conceived, by the Holy Spirit, the Son of God made
  flesh, Virgin she bore Him, Virgin she continued after His birth; and He
  became the Son of Man and likewise the Son of God that in Him the glory
  of the divine nature might shine forth and at the same time the human
  weakness be declared which He took upon Him. Yet against this article of
  Faith so wholesome and altogether true there rose up many who babbled
  other doctrine, and especially Nestorius and Eutyches, inventors of
  heresy, of whom the one thought fit to say that He was man alone, the
  other that He was God alone and that the human body put on by Christ had
  not come by participation in human substance. But enough on this point.

  So Christ grew after the flesh, and was baptized in order that He who
  was to give the form of baptism to others should first Himself receive
  what He taught. But after His baptism He chose twelve disciples, one of
  whom betrayed Him. And because the people of the Jews would not bear
  sound doctrine they laid hands upon Him and slew and crucified Him.
  Christ, then, was slain; He lay three days and three nights in the tomb;
  He rose again from the dead as He had predetermined with His Father
  before the foundation of the world; He ascended into heaven whence we
  know that He was never absent, because He is Son of God, in order that
  as Son of God He might raise together with Him to the heavenly
  habitation man whose flesh He had assumed, whom the devil had hindered
  from ascending to the places on high. Therefore He bestowed on His
  disciples the form of baptizing, the saving truth of the teaching, and
  the mighty power of miracles, and bade them go throughout the whole
  world to give it life, in order that the message of salvation might be
  preached no longer in one nation only but among all the dwellers upon
  earth. And because the human race was wounded by the weapon of eternal
  punishment by reason of the nature which they had inherited from the
  first transgressor and could not win a full meed of salvation because
  they had lost it in its first parent, God instituted certain health-
  giving sacraments to teach the difference between what grace bestowed
  and human nature deserved, nature simply subjecting to punishment, but
  grace, which is won by no merit, since it would not be grace if it were
  due to merit, conferring all that belongs to salvation.

  Therefore is that heavenly instruction spread throughout the world, the
  peoples are knit together, churches are founded, and, filling the broad
  earth, one body formed, whose head, even Christ, ascended into heaven in
  order that the members might of necessity follow where the Head was
  gone. Thus this teaching both inspires this present life unto good
  works, and promises that in the end of the age our bodies shall rise
  incorruptible to the kingdom of heaven, to the end that he who has lived
  well on earth by God's gift should be altogether blessed in that
  resurrection, but he who has lived amiss should, with the gift of
  resurrection, enter upon misery. And this is a firm principle of our
  religion, to believe not only that men's souls do not perish, but that
  their very bodies, which the coming of death had destroyed, recover
  their first state by the bliss that is to be. This Catholic church,
  then, spread throughout the world, is known by three particular marks:
  whatever is believed and taught in it has the authority of the
  Scriptures, or of universal tradition, or at least of its own and proper
  usage. And this authority is binding on the whole Church as is also the
  universal tradition of the Fathers, while each separate church exists
  and is governed by its private constitution and its proper rites
  according to difference of locality and the good judgment of each. All,
  therefore, that the faithful now expect is that the end of the world
  will come, that all corruptible things shall pass away, that men shall
  rise for future judgement, that each shall receive reward according to
  his deserts and abide in the lot assigned to him for ever and for aye;
  and the sole reward of bliss will be the contemplation of the Almighty,
  so far, that is, as the creature may look on the Creator, to the end
  that the number of the angels may be made up from these and the heavenly
  city filled where the Virgin's Son is King and where will be everlasting
  joy, delight, food, labour, and unending praise of the Creator.


  [43] The conclusions adverse to the genuineness of this tractate,
  reached in the dissertation _Der dem Boethius zugeschriebene Traktat de
  Fide Catholica (Jahrbücher für kl. Phil._ xxvi. (1901) Supplementband)
  by one of the editors, now seem to both unsound. The writer of that
  dissertation intends to return to the subject elsewhere. This fourth
  tractate, though lacking, in the best MSS., either an ascription to
  Boethius or a title, is firmly imbedded in two distinct recensions of
  Boethius's theological works. There is no reason to disturb it. Indeed
  the _capita dogmatica_ mentioned by Cassiodorus can hardly refer to any
  of the tractates except the fourth.

  [44] For _instrumentum_=Holy Scripture cf. Tertull. _Apol._ 18, 19,
  _adv. Hermog._ 19, etc.; for _instrumentum_=any historical writing cf.
  Tert. _De Spect._ 5.

  [45] Boethius is no heretic. By the sixth century _uel_ had lost its
  strong separative force. Cp. "Noe cum sua uel trium natorum coniugibus,"
  Greg. Tur. _H.F._ i. 20. Other examples in Bonnet, _La Latinité de Grég.
  de Tours_, p. 313, and in Brandt's edition of the _Isag._ Index, s.v.
  _uel_.

  [46] _Vide Cons._ i. pr. 3 (_infra_, p. 140), and cf. Dante, _De Mon._
  iii. 16, 117.

  [47] _Ut quia_. A very rare use. Cf. Baehrens, _Beiträge zur lat.
  Syntaxis_ (_Philologus_, Supplementband xii. 1912). It
  perhaps=Aristotle's [Greek: oion epei]. Cf. McKinlay, _Harvard Studies
  in Cl. Philol._ xviii. 153.

  [48] _In integro_=_prorsus_; cf. Brandt, _op. cit._ Index, s.v.
  _integer_.

  [49] The doctrine is orthodox, but note that Boethius does not say _ex
  nihilo creauit_. _Vide infra_, p. 366 ll. 24 ff.

  [50] _Vide infra, Cons._ iv. pr. 6, p. 342 l. 54.

  [51] e.g. Ishmael also [Greek: kata sarka gegennaetai] Gal. iv. 23.

  [52] Cf. "populus dei mirabiliter crescens ... quia ... erant
  suspecta... laboribus premebatur," Aug. _De Ciu. Dei_, 18. 7. For other
  coincidences see Rand, _op. cit._ pp. 423 ff.






ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII
V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. PATRICII

INCIPIT LIBER
CONTRA EVTYCHEN ET NESTORIVM

DOMINO SANCTO AC VENERABILI PATRI IOHANNI DIACONO
BOETHIVS FILIVS

Anxie te quidem diuque sustinui, ut de ea quae in conuentu mota est
quaestione loqueremur. Sed quoniam et tu quominus uenires occupatione
distractus es et ego in crastinum constitutis negotiis implicabor, mando
litteris quae coram loquenda seruaueram. Meministi enim, cum in concilio
legeretur epistola, recitatum Eutychianos ex duabus naturis Christum
consistere confiteri, in duabus negare: catholicos uero utrique dicto fidem
praebere, nam et ex duabus eum naturis consistere et in duabus apud uerae
fidei sectatores aequaliter credi. Cuius dicti nouitate percussus harum
coniunctionum quae ex duabus naturis uel in duabus consisterent
differentias inquirebam, multum scilicet referre ratus nec inerti
neglegentia praetereundum, quod episcopus scriptor epistolae tamquam ualde
necessarium praeterire noluisset. Hic omnes apertam esse differentiam nec
quicquam in eo esse caliginis inconditum confusumque strepere nec ullus in
tanto tumultu qui leuiter attingeret quaestionem, nedum qui expediret
inuentus est.

Adsederam ego ab eo quem maxime intueri cupiebam longius atque adeo, si
situm sedentium recorderis, auersus pluribusque oppositis, ne si aegerrime
quidem cuperem, uultum nutumque eius aspicere poteram ex quo mihi aliqua
eius darentur signa iudicii. Atqui ego quidem nihil ceteris amplius
afferebam, immo uero aliquid etiam minus. Nam de re proposita aeque nihil
ceteris sentiebam; minus uero quam ceteri ipse afferebam, falsae scilicet
scientiae praesumptionem. Tuli aegerrime, fateor, compressusque indoctorum
grege conticui metuens ne iure uiderer insanus, si sanus inter furiosos
haberi contenderem. Meditabar igitur dehinc omnes animo quaestiones nec
deglutiebam quod acceperam, sed frequentis consilii iteratione ruminabam.
Tandem igitur patuere pulsanti animo fores et ueritas inuenta quaerenti
omnes nebulas Eutychiani reclusit erroris. Vnde mihi maxime subiit
admirari, quaenam haec indoctorum hominum esset audacia qui inscientiae
uitium praesumptionis atque inpudentiae nube conentur obducere, cum non
modo saepe id quod proponatur ignorent, uerum in huiusmodi contentionibus
ne id quidem quod ipsi loquantur intellegant, quasi non deterior fiat
inscientiae causa, dum tegitur.

Sed ab illis ad te transeo, cui hoc quantulumcumque est examinandum prius
perpendendumque transmitto. Quod si recte se habere pronuntiaueris, peto ut
mei nominis hoc quoque inseras chartis; sin uero uel minuendum aliquid uel
addendum uel aliqua mutatione uariandum est, id quoque postulo remitti,
meis exemplaribus ita ut a te reuertitur transcribendum. Quae ubi ad calcem
ducta constiterint, tum demum eius cuius soleo iudicio censenda
transmittam. Sed quoniam semel res a conlocutione transfertur ad stilum,
prius extremi sibique contrarii Nestorii atque Eutychis summoueantur
errores; post uero adiuuante deo, Christianae medietatem fidei temperabo.
Quoniam uero in tota quaestione contrariarum sibimet [Greek: haireseon] de
personis dubitatur atque naturis, haec primitus definienda sunt et propriis
differentiis segreganda.






  A TREATISE AGAINST EUTYCHES AND NESTORIUS

  BY ANICIUS MANLIUS SEVERINUS BOETHIUS MOST HONOURABLE, OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS
  ORDER OF EX-CONSULS, PATRICIAN

  TO HIS SAINTLY MASTER AND REVEREND FATHER JOHN THE DEACON
  HIS SON BOETHIUS

  I have been long and anxiously waiting for you to discuss with me the
  problem which was raised at the meeting. But since your duties have
  prevented your coming and I shall be for some time involved in my
  business engagements, I am setting down in writing what I had been
  keeping to say by word of mouth.

  You no doubt remember how, when the letter[53] was read in the assembly,
  it was asserted that the Eutychians confess that Christ is formed from
  two natures but does not consist of them--whereas Catholics admit both
  propositions, for among followers of the true Faith He is equally
  believed to be of two natures and in two natures. Struck by the novelty
  of this assertion I began to inquire what difference there can be
  between unions formed from two natures and unions which consist in two
  natures, for the point which the bishop who wrote the letter refused to
  pass over because of its gravity, seemed to me of importance and not one
  to be idly and carelessly slurred over. On that occasion all loudly
  protested that the difference was evident, that there was no obscurity,
  confusion or perplexity, and in the general storm and tumult there was
  no one who really touched the edge of the problem, much less anyone who
  solved it.

  I was sitting a long way from the man whom I especially wished to
  watch,[54] and if you recall the arrangement of the seats, I was turned
  away from him, with so many between us, that however much I desired it I
  could not see his face and expression and glean therefrom any sign of
  his opinion. Personally, indeed, I had nothing more to contribute than
  the rest, in fact rather less than more. I, no more than the others, had
  any view about the question at issue, while my possible contribution was
  less by one thing, namely, the false assumption of a knowledge that I
  had not got. I was, I admit, much put out, and being overwhelmed by the
  mob of ignorant speakers, I held my peace, fearing lest I should be
  rightly set down as insane if I held out for being sane among those
  madmen.[55] So I continued to ponder all the questions in my mind, not
  swallowing what I had heard, but rather chewing the cud of constant
  meditation. At last the door opened to my insistent knocking, and the
  truth which I found cleared out of my way all the clouds of the
  Eutychian error. And with this discovery a great wonder came upon me at
  the vast temerity of unlearned men who use the cloak of impudent
  presumption to cover up the vice of ignorance, for not only do they
  often fail to grasp the point at issue, but in a debate of this kind
  they do not even understand their own statements, forgetting that the
  case of ignorance is all the worse if it is not honestly admitted.[56]

  I turn from them to you, and to you I submit this little essay for your
  first judgment and consideration. If you pronounce it to be sound I beg
  you to place it among the other writings of mine which you possess; but
  if there is anything to be struck out or added or changed in any way, I
  would ask you to let me have your suggestions, in order that I may enter
  them in my copies just as they leave your hands. When this revision has
  been duly accomplished, then I will send the work on to be judged by the
  man to whom I always submit everything.[57] But since the pen is now to
  take the place of the living voice, let me first clear away the extreme
  and self-contradictory errors of Nestorius and Eutyches; after that, by
  God's help, I will temperately set forth the middle way of the Christian
  Faith. But since in this whole question of self-contradictory heresies
  the matter of debate is Persons and Natures, these terms must first be
  defined and distinguished by their proper differences.


  [53] Evidently the letter addressed to Pope Symmachus by the Oriental
  bishops (_vide_ Mansi, _Concil_. viii. 221 ff.), in which they inquire
  concerning the safe middle way between the heresies of Eutyches and
  Nestorius. The date of the bishops' letter, and consequently, in all
  probability, of Boethius's tractate was 512.

  [54] Obviously his father-in-law Symmachus. _Vide_ p. 76, _eius cuius
  soleo iudiclo_, etc.

  [55] Cf. Hor. _Serm_. i. 3. 82; ii. 3. 40.

  [56] Cf. _infra, de Cons._ i. pr. 4 (p. 142) _oportet uulnus detegas.

  [57] _Vide supra_, p. 75, and _De Trin._ p. 3.




I.

Natura igitur aut de solis corporibus dici potest aut de solis substantiis,
id est corporeis atque incorporeis, aut de omnibus rebus quae quocumque
modo esse dicuntur. Cum igitur tribus modis natura dici possit, tribus
modis sine dubio definienda est. Nam si de omnibus rebus naturam dici
placet, talis definitio dabitur quae res omnes quae sunt possit includere.
Erit ergo huiusmodi: "natura est earum rerum quae, cum sint, quoquo modo
intellectu capi possunt." In hac igitur definitione et accidentia et
substantiae definiuntur; haec enim omnia intellectu capi possunt. Additum
uero est "quoquo modo," quoniam deus et materia integro perfectoque
intellectu intellegi non possunt, sed aliquo tamen modo ceterarum rerum
priuatione capiuntur. Idcirco uero adiunximus "quae cum sint," quoniam
etiam ipsum nihil significat aliquid sed non naturam. Neque enim quod sit
aliquid sed potius non esse significat; omnis uero natura est. Et si de
omnibus quidem rebus naturam dici placet, haec sit naturae definitio quam
superius proposuimus. Sin uero de solis substantiis natura dicitur, quoniam
substantiae omnes aut corporeae sunt aut incorporeae, dabimus definitionem
naturae substantias significanti huiusmodi: "natura est uel quod facere uel
quod pati possit." "Pati" quidem ac "facere," ut omnia corporea atque
corporeorum anima; haec enim in corpore et a corpore et facit et patitur.
"Facere" uero tantum ut deus ceteraque diuina. Habes igitur definitionem
eius quoque significationis naturae quae tantum substantiis applicatur. Qua
in re substantiae quoque est reddita definitio. Nam si nomen naturae
substantiam monstrat, cum naturam descripsimus substantiae quoque est
assignata descriptio. Quod si naturae nomen relictis incorporeis
substantiis ad corporales usque contrahitur, ut corporeae tantum
substantiae naturam habere uideantur, sicut Aristoteles ceterique et
eiusmodi et multimodae philosophiae sectatores putant, definiemus eam, ut
hi etiam qui naturam non nisi in corporibus esse posuerunt. Est autem eius
definitio hoc modo: "natura est motus principium per se non per accidens."
Quod "motus principium" dixi hoc est, quoniam corpus omne habet proprium
motum, ut ignis sursum, terra deorsum. Item quod "per se principium motus"
naturam esse proposui et non "per accidens," tale est, quoniam lectum
quoque ligneum deorsum ferri necesse est, sed non deorsum per accidens
fertur. Idcirco enim quia lignum est, quod est terra, pondere et grauitate
deducitur. Non enim quia lectus est, deorsum cadit, sed quia terra est, id
est quia terrae contigit, ut lectus esset; unde fit ut lignum naturaliter
esse dicamus, lectum uero artificialiter. Est etiam alia significatio
naturae per quam dicimus diuersam esse naturam auri atque argenti in hoc
proprietatem rerum monstrare cupientes, quae significatio naturae
definietur hoc modo: "natura est unam quamque rem informans specifica
differentia." Cum igitur tot modis uel dicatur uel definiatur natura, tam
catholici quam Nestorius secundum ultimam definitionem duas in Christo
naturas esse constituunt; neque enim easdem in deum atque hominem
differentias conuenire.




  I.

  Nature, then, may be affirmed either of bodies alone or of substances
  alone, that is, of corporeals or incorporeals, or of everything that is
  in any way capable of affirmation. Since, then, nature can be affirmed
  in three ways, it must obviously be defined in three ways. For if you
  choose to affirm nature of the totality of things, the definition will
  be of such a kind as to include all things that are. It will accordingly
  be something of this kind: "Nature belongs to those things which, since
  they exist, can in some measure be apprehended by the mind." This
  definition, then, includes both accidents and substances, for they all
  can be apprehended by the mind. But I add "in some measure" because God
  and matter cannot be apprehended by mind, be it never so whole and
  perfect, but still they are apprehended in a measure through the removal
  of accidents. The reason for adding the words, "since they exist," is
  that the mere word "nothing" denotes something, though it does not
  denote nature. For it denotes, indeed, not that anything is, but rather
  non-existence; but every nature exists. And if we choose to affirm
  "nature" of the totality of things, the definition will be as we have
  given it above.

  But if "nature" is affirmed of substances alone, we shall, since all
  substances are either corporeal or incorporeal, give to nature denoting
  substances a definition of the following kind: "Nature is either that
  which can act or that which can be acted upon." Now the power to act and
  to suffer belongs to all corporeals and the soul of corporeals; for it
  both acts in the body and suffers by the body. But only to act belongs
  to God and other divine substances.

  Here, then, you have a further definition of what nature is as applied
  to substances alone. This definition comprises also the definition of
  substance. For if the word nature signifies substance, when once we have
  defined nature we have also settled the definition of substance. But if
  we neglect incorporeal substances and confine the name nature to
  corporeal substances so that they alone appear to possess the nature of
  substance--which is the view of Aristotle and the adherents both of his
  and various other schools--we shall define nature as those do who have
  only allowed the word to be applied to bodies. Now, in accordance with
  this view, the definition is as follows: "Nature is the principle of
  movement properly inherent in and not accidentally attached to bodies."
  I say "principle of movement" because every body has its proper
  movement, fire moving upwards, the earth moving downwards. And what I
  mean by "movement properly inherent and not accidentally attached" is
  seen by the example of a wooden bed which is necessarily borne downward
  and is not carried downward by accident. For it is drawn downward by
  weight and heaviness because it is of wood, i.e. an earthly material.
  For it falls down not because it is a bed, but because it is earth, that
  is, because it is an accident of earth that it is a bed; hence we call
  it wood in virtue of its nature, but bed in virtue of the art that
  shaped it.

  Nature has, further, another meaning according to which we speak of the
  different nature of gold and silver, wishing thereby to point the
  special property of things; this meaning of nature will be defined as
  follows: "Nature is the specific difference that gives form to
  anything." Thus, although nature is described or defined in all these
  different ways, both Catholics and Nestorians firmly hold that there are
  in Christ two natures of the kind laid down in our last definition, for
  the same specific differences cannot apply to God and man.




II.

Sed de persona maxime dubitari potest, quaenam ei definitio possit aptari.
Si enim omnis habet natura personam, indissolubilis nodus est, quaenam
inter naturam personamque possit esse discretio; aut si non aequatur
persona naturae, sed infra terminum spatiumque naturae persona subsistit,
difficile dictu est ad quas usque naturas persona perueniat, id est quas
naturas conueniat habere personam, quas a personae uocabulo segregari. Nam
illud quidem manifestum est personae subiectam esse naturam nec praeter
naturam personam posse praedicari. Vestiganda sunt igitur haec
inquirentibus hoc modo.

Quoniam praeter naturam non potest esse persona quoniamque naturae aliae
sunt substantiae, aliae accidentes et uidemus personam in accidentibus non
posse constitui (quis enim dicat ullam albedinis uel nigredinis uel
magnitudinis esse personam?), relinquitur ergo ut personam in substantiis
dici conueniat. Sed substantiarum aliae sunt corporeae, aliae incorporeae.
Corporearum uero aliae sunt uiuentes, aliae minime; uiuentium aliae sunt
sensibiles, aliae minime; sensibilium aliae rationales, aliae inrationales.
Item incorporearum aliae sunt rationales, aliae minime, ut pecudum uitae;
rationalium uero alia est inmutabilis atque inpassibilis per naturam ut
deus, alia per creationem mutabilis atque passibilis, nisi inpassibilis
gratia substantiae ad inpassibilitatis firmitudinem permutetur ut angelorum
atque animae. Ex quibus omnibus neque in non uiuentibus corporibus personam
posse dici manifestum est (nullus enim lapidis ullam dicit esse personam),
neque rursus eorum uiuentium quae sensu carent (neque enim ulla persona est
arboris), nec uero eius quae intellectu ac ratione deseritur (nulla est
enim persona equi uel bouis ceterorumque animalium quae muta ac sine
ratione uitam solis sensibus degunt), at hominis dicimus esse personam,
dicimus dei, dicimus angeli. Rursus substantiarum aliae sunt uniuersales,
aliae particulares. Vniuersales sunt quae de singulis praedicantur ut homo,
animal, lapis, lignum ceteraque huiusmodi quae uel genera uel species sunt;
nam et homo de singulis hominibus et animal de singulis animalibus lapisque
ac lignum de singulis lapidibus ac lignis dicuntur. Particularia uero sunt
quae de aliis minime praedicantur ut Cicero, Plato, lapis hic unde haec
Achillis statua facta est, lignum hoc unde haec mensa composita est. Sed in
his omnibus nusquam in uniuersalibus persona dici potest, sed in
singularibus tantum atque in indiuiduis; animalis enim uel generalis
hominis nulla persona est, sed uel Ciceronis uel Platonis uel singulorum
indiuiduorum personae singulae nuncupantur.




  II.

  But the proper definition of Person is a matter of very great
  perplexity. For if every nature has person, the difference between
  nature and person is a hard knot to unravel; or if person is not taken
  as the equivalent of nature but is a term of less scope and range, it is
  difficult to say to what natures it may be extended, that is, to what
  natures the term person may be applied and what natures are dissociate
  from it. For one thing is clear, namely that nature is a substrate of
  Person, and that Person cannot be predicated apart from nature.

  We must, therefore, conduct our inquiry into these points as follows.

  Since Person cannot exist apart from a nature and since natures are
  either substances or accidents and we see that a person cannot come into
  being among accidents (for who can say there is any person of white or
  black or size?), it therefore remains that Person is properly applied to
  substances. But of substances, some are corporeal and others
  incorporeal. And of corporeals, some are living and others the reverse;
  of living substances, some are sensitive and others insensitive; of
  sensitive substances, some are rational and others irrational.[58]
  Similarly of incorporeal substances, some are rational, others the
  reverse (for instance the animating spirits of beasts); but of rational
  substances there is one which is immutable and impassible by nature,
  namely God, another which in virtue of its creation is mutable and
  passible except in that case where the Grace of the impassible substance
  has transformed it to the unshaken impassibility which belongs to angels
  and to the soul.

  Now from all the definitions we have given it is clear that Person
  cannot be affirmed of bodies which have no life (for no one ever said
  that a stone had a person), nor yet of living things which lack sense
  (for neither is there any person of a tree), nor finally of that which
  is bereft of mind and reason (for there is no person of a horse or ox or
  any other of the animals which dumb and unreasoning live a life of sense
  alone), but we say there is a person of a man, of God, of an angel.
  Again, some substances are universal, others are particular. Universal
  terms are those which are predicated of individuals, as man, animal,
  stone, stock and other things of this kind which are either genera or
  species; for the term man is applied to individual men just as animal is
  to individual animals, and stone and stock to individual stones and
  stocks. But particulars are terms which are never predicated of other
  things, as Cicero, Plato, this stone from which this statue of Achilles
  was hewn, this piece of wood out of which this table was made. But in
  all these things person cannot in any case be applied to universals, but
  only to particulars and individuals; for there is no person of a man if
  animal or general; only the single persons of Cicero, Plato, or other
  single individuals are termed persons.

  [58] For a similar example of the method of _diuisio_ cf. Cic. _De Off._
  ii. 3. 11. Cf. also _Isag. Porph. edit. prima_, i. 10 (ed. Brandt, p.
  29).




III.

Quocirca si persona in solis substantiis est atque in his rationabilibus
substantiaque omnis natura est nec in uniuersalibus sed in indiuiduis
constat, reperta personae est definitio: "naturae rationabilis indiuidua
substantia." Sed nos hac definitione eam quam Graeci [Greek: hupostasin]
dicunt terminauimus. Nomen enim personae uidetur aliunde traductum, ex his
scilicet personis quae in comoediis tragoediisque eos quorum interest
homines repraesentabant. Persona uero dicta est a personando circumflexa
paenultima. Quod si acuatur antepaenultima, apertissime a sono dicta
uidebitur; idcirco autem a sono, quia concauitate ipsa maior necesse est
uoluatur sonus. Graeci quoque has personas [Greek: prosopa] uocant ab eo
quod ponantur in facie atque ante oculos obtegant uultum: [Greek: para tou
pros tous opas tithesthai.] Sed quoniam personis inductis histriones
indiuiduos homines quorum intererat in tragoedia uel in comoedia ut dictum
est repraesentabant, id est Hecubam uel Medeam uel Simonem uel Chremetem,
idcirco ceteros quoque homines, quorum certa pro sui forma esset agnitio,
et Latini personam et Graeci [Greek: prosopa] nuncupauerunt. Longe uero
illi signatius naturae rationabilis indiuiduam subsistentiam [Greek:
hupostaseos] nomine uocauerunt, nos uero per inopiam significantium uocum
translaticiam retinuimus nuncupationem, eam quam illi [Greek: hupostasin]
dicunt personam uocantes; sed peritior Graecia sermonum [Greek: hupostasin]
uocat indiuiduam subsistentiam. Atque, uti Graeca utar oratione in rebus
quae a Graecis agitata Latina interpretatione translata sunt: [Greek: hai
ousiai en men tois katholou einai dunantai. en de tois atomois kai kata
meros monois huphistantai], id est: essentiae in uniuersalibus quidem esse
possunt, in solis uero indiuiduis et particularibus substant. Intellectus
enim uniuersalium rerum ex particularibus sumptus est. Quocirca cum ipsae
subsistentiae in uniuersalibus quidem sint, in particularibus uero capiant
substantiam, iure subsistentias particulariter substantes [Greek:
hupostaseis] appellauerunt. Neque enim pensius subtiliusque intuenti idem
uidebitur esse subsistentia quod substantia.

Nam quod Graeci [Greek: ousiosin] uel [Greek: ousiosthai] dicunt, id nos
subsistentiam uel subsistere appellamus; quod uero illi [Greek: hupostasin]
uel [Greek: huphistasthai], id nos substantiam uel substare interpretamur.
Subsistit enim quod ipsum accidentibus, ut possit esse, non indiget.
Substat autem id quod aliis accidentibus subiectum quoddam, ut esse
ualeant, subministrat; sub illis enim stat, dum subiectum est accidentibus.
Itaque genera uel species subsistunt tantum; neque enim accidentia
generibus speciebus*ue contingunt. Indiuidua uero non modo subsistunt uerum
etiam substant, nam neque ipsa indigent accidentibus ut sint; informata
enim sunt iam propriis et specificis differentiis et accidentibus ut esse
possint ministrant, dum sunt scilicet subiecta. Quocirca [Greek: einai]
atque [Greek: ousiosthai] esse atque subsistere, [Greek: huphistasthai]
uero substare intellegitur. Neque enim uerborum inops Graecia est, ut
Marcus Tullius alludit, sed essentiam, subsistentiam, substantiam, personam
totidem nominibus reddit, essentiam quidem [Greek: ousian], subsistentiam
uero [Greek: ousiosin], substantiam [Greek: hupostasin], personam [Greek:
prosopon] appellans. Ideo autem [Greek: hupostaseis] Graeci indiuiduas
substantias uocauerunt, quoniam ceteris subsunt et quibusdam quasi
accidentibus subpositae subiectaeque sunt; atque idcirco nos quoque eas
substantias nuncupamus quasi subpositas, quas illi[59] [Greek:
hupostaseis], cumque etiam [Greek: prosopa] nuncupent easdem substantias,
possumus nos quoque nuncupare personas. Idem est igitur [Greek: ousian]
esse quod essentiam, idem [Greek: ousiosin] quod subsistentiam, idem
[Greek: hupostasin] quod substantiam, idem [Greek: prosopon] quod personam.
Quare autem de inrationabilibus animalibus Graecus [Greek: hupostasin] non
dicat, sicut nos de eisdem nomen substantiae praedicamus, haec ratio est,
quoniam nomen hoc melioribus applicatum est, ut aliqua id quod est
excellentius, tametsi non descriptione naturae secundum id quod [Greek:
huphistasthai] atque substare est, at certe [Greek: hupostaseos] uel
substantiae uocabulis discerneretur.

Est igitur et hominis quidem essentia, id est [Greek: ousia], et
subsistentia, id est [Greek: ousiosis], et [Greek: hupostasis], id est
substantia, et [Greek: prosopon], id est persona; [Greek: ousia], quidem
atque essentia quoniam est, [Greek: ousiosis] uero atque subsistentia
quoniam in nullo subiecto est, [Greek: hupostasis] uero atque substantia,
quoniam subest ceteris quae subsistentiae non sunt, id est [Greek:
ousioseis]; est [Greek: prosopon] atque persona, quoniam est rationabile
indiuiduum. Deus quoque et [Greek: ousia] est et essentia, est enim et
maxime ipse est a quo omnium esse proficiscitur. Est [Greek: ousiosis], id
est subsistentia (subsistit enim nullo indigens), et [Greek:
huphistasthai]; substat enim. Vnde etiam dicimus unam esse [Greek: ousian]
uel [Greek: ousiosin], id est essentiam uel subsistentiam deitatis, sed
tres [Greek: hupostaseis], id est tres substantias. Et quidem secundum hunc
modum dixere unam trinitatis essentiam, tres substantias tresque personas.
Nisi enim tres in deo substantias ecclesiasticus loquendi usus excluderet,
uideretur idcirco de deo dici substantia, non quod ipse ceteris rebus quasi
subiectum supponeretur, sed quod idem omnibus uti praeesset ita etiam quasi
principium subesset rebus, dum eis omnibus [Greek: ousiosthai] uel
subsistere subministrat.


[59] quas illi _Vallinus_; quasi _uel_ quas _codd. meliores_.




  III.

  Wherefore if Person belongs to substances alone, and these rational, and
  if every nature is a substance, existing not in universals but in
  individuals, we have found the definition of Person, viz.: "The
  individual substance of a rational nature."[60] Now by this definition
  we Latins have described what the Greeks call [Greek: hupostasis]. For
  the word person seems to be borrowed from a different source, namely
  from the masks which in comedies and tragedies used to signify the
  different subjects of representation. Now _persona_ "mask" is
  derived from _personare_, with a circumflex on the penultimate. But
  if the accent is put on the antepenultimate[61] the word will clearly be
  seen to come from _sonus_ "sound," and for this reason, that the
  hollow mask necessarily produces a larger sound. The Greeks, too, call
  these masks [Greek: prosopa] from the fact that they are placed over the
  face and conceal the countenance from the spectator: [Greek: para tou
  pros tous opas tithesthai]. But since, as we have said, it was by the
  masks they put on that actors played the different characters
  represented in a tragedy or comedy--Hecuba or Medea or Simon or
  Chremes,--so also all other men who could be recognized by their several
  characteristics were designated by the Latins with the term
  _persona_ and by the Greeks with [Greek: prosopa]. But the Greeks
  far more clearly gave to the individual subsistence of a rational nature
  the name [Greek: hupostasis] while we through want of appropriate words
  have kept a borrowed term, calling that _persona_ which they call
  [Greek: hupostasis]; but Greece with its richer vocabulary gives the
  name [Greek: hupostasis] to the individual subsistence. And, if I may
  use Greek in dealing with matters which were first mooted by Greeks
  before they came to be interpreted in Latin: [Greek: hai ousiai en men
  tois katholou einai dunantai. en de tois atomois kai kata meros monois
  huphistantai], that is: essences indeed can have potential existence in
  universals, but they have particular substantial existence in
  particulars alone. For it is from particulars that all our comprehension
  of universals is taken. Wherefore since subsistences are present in
  universals but acquire substance in particulars they rightly gave the
  name [Greek: hupostasis] to subsistences which acquired substance
  through the medium of particulars. For to no one using his eyes with any
  care or penetration will subsistence and substance appear identical.

  For our equivalents of the Greek terms [Greek: ousiosis ousiosthai] are
  respectively _subsistentia_ and _subsistere_, while their
  [Greek: hupostasis huphistasthai] are represented by our
  _substantia_ and _substare_. For a thing has subsistence when
  it does not require accidents in order to be, but that thing has
  substance which supplies to other things, accidents to wit, a substrate
  enabling them to be; for it "substands" those things so long as it is
  subjected to accidents. Thus genera and species have only subsistence,
  for accidents do not attach to genera and species. But particulars have
  not only subsistence but substance, for they, no more than generals,
  depend on accidents for their Being; for they are already provided with
  their proper and specific differences and they enable accidents to be by
  supplying them with a substrate. Wherefore _esse_ and
  _subsistere_ represent [Greek: einai] and [Greek: ousiosthai],
  while _substare_ represents [Greek: huphistasthai]. For Greece is
  not, as Marcus Tullius[62] playfully says, short of words, but provides
  exact equivalents for _essentia, subsistentia, substantia_ and
  _persona_--[Greek: ousia] for _essentia_, [Greek: ousiosis]
  for _subsistentia_, [Greek: hupostasis] for _substantia_,
  [Greek: prosopon] for _persona_. But the Greeks called individual
  substances [Greek: hupostaseis] because they underlie the rest and offer
  support and substrate to what are called accidents; and we in our term
  call them substances as being substrate--[Greek: hupostaseis], and since
  they also term the same substances [Greek: prosopa], we too may call
  them persons. So [Greek: ousia] is identical with essence, [Greek:
  ousiosis] with subsistence, [Greek: hupostasis] with substance, [Greek:
  prosopon] with person. But the reason why the Greek does not use [Greek:
  hupostasis] of irrational animals while we apply the term substance to
  them is this: This term was applied to things of higher value, in order
  that what is more excellent might be distinguished, if not by a
  definition of nature answering to the literal meaning of [Greek:
  huphistasthai]=_substare_, at any rate by the words [Greek:
  hupostasis]=_substantia_.

  To begin with, then, man is essence, i.e. [Greek: ousia], subsistence,
  i.e. [Greek: ousiosis, hupostasis], i.e. substance, [Greek: prosopon],
  i.e. person: [Greek: ousia] or _essentia_ because he is, [Greek:
  ousiosis], or subsistence because he is not accidental to any subject,
  [Greek: hupostusis] or substance because he is subject to all the things
  which are not subsistences or [Greek: ousioseis], while he is [Greek:
  prosopon] or person because he is a rational individual. Next, God is
  [Greek: ousia], or essence, for He is and is especially that from which
  proceeds the Being of all things. To Him belong [Greek: ousiosis], i.e.
  subsistence, for He subsists in absolute independence, and [Greek:
  huphistasthai], for He is substantial Being. Whence we go on to say that
  there is one [Greek: ousia] or [Greek: ousiosis], i.e. one essence or
  subsistence of the Godhead, but three [Greek: hupostaseis] or
  substances. And indeed, following this use, men have spoken of One
  essence, three substances and three persons of the Godhead. For did not
  the language of the Church forbid us to say three substances in speaking
  of God,[63] substance might seem a right term to apply to Him, not
  because He underlies all other things like a substrate, but because,
  just as He excels above all things, so He is the foundation and support
  of things, supplying them all with [Greek: ousiosthai] or subsistence.


  [60] Boethius's definition of _persona_ was adopted by St. Thomas (S. i.
  29. 1), was regarded as classical by the Schoolmen, and has the approval
  of modern theologians. Cf. Dorner, _Doctrine of Christ_, iii. p. 311.

  [61] Implying a short penultimate.

  [62] _Tusc._ ii. 15. 35.

  [63] For a similar submission of his own opinion to the usage of the
  Church cf. the end of _Tr._ i. and of _Tr._ ii.




IV.

Sed haec omnia idcirco sint dicta, ut differentiam naturae atque personae
id est [Greek: ousias] atque [Greek: hupostaseos] monstraremus. Quo uero
nomine unumquodque oporteat appellari, ecclesiasticae sit locutionis
arbitrium. Hoc interim constet quod inter naturam personamque differre
praediximus, quoniam natura est cuiuslibet substantiae specificata
proprietas, persona uero rationabilis naturae indiuidua substantia. Hanc in
Christo Nestorius duplicem esse constituit eo scilicet traductus errore,
quod putauerit in omnibus naturis dici posse personam. Hoc enim praesumpto,
quoniam in Christo duplicem naturam esse censebat, duplicem quoque personam
esse confessus est. Qua in re eum falsum esse cum definitio superius dicta
conuincat, tum haec argumentatio euidenter eius declarabit errorem. Si enim
non est Christi una persona duasque naturas esse manifestum est, hominis
scilicet atque dei (nec tam erit insipiens quisquam, utqui utramque earum a
ratione seiungat), sequitur ut duae uideantur esse personae; est enim
persona ut dictum est naturae rationabilis indiuidua substantia.

Quae est igitur facta hominis deique coniunctio? Num ita quasi cum duo
corpora sibimet apponuntur, ut tantum locis iuncta sint et nihil in alterum
ex alterius qualitate perueniat? Quem coniunctionis Graeci modum [Greek:
kata parathesin] uocant. Sed si ita humanitas diuinitati coniuncta est,
nihil horum ex utrisque confectum est ac per hoc nihil est Christus. Nomen
quippe ipsum unum quiddam significat singularitate uocabuli. At si duabus
personis manentibus ea coniunctio qualem superius diximus facta est
naturarum, unum ex duobus effici nihil potuit; omnino enim ex duabus
personis nihil umquam fieri potest. Nihil igitur unum secundum Nestorium
Christus est ac per hoc omnino nihil. Quod enim non est unum, nec esse
omnino potest; esse enim atque unum conuertitur et quodcumque unum est est.
Etiam ea quae ex pluribus coniunguntur ut aceruus, chorus, unum tamen sunt.
Sed esse Christum manifeste ac ueraciter confitemur; unum igitur esse
dicimus Christum. Quod si ita est, unam quoque Christi sine dubitatione
personam esse necesse est. Nam si duae personae essent, unus esse non
posset; duos uero esse dicere Christos nihil est aliud nisi praecipitatae
mentis insania. Cur enim omnino duos audeat Christos uocare, unum hominem
alium deum? Vel cur eum qui deus est Christum uocat, si eum quoque qui homo
est Christum est appellaturus, cum nihil simile, nihil habeant ex
copulatione coniunctum? Cur simili nomine diuersissimis abutatur naturis,
cum, si Christum definire cogitur, utrisque ut ipse dicit Christis non
possit unam definitionis adhibere substantiam? Si enim dei atque hominis
diuersa substantia est unumque in utrisque Christi nomen nec diuersarum
coniunctio substantiarum unam creditur fecisse personam, aequiuocum nomen
est Christi et nulla potest definitione concludi. Quibus autem umquam
scripturis nomen Christi geminatur? Quid uero noui per aduentum saluatoris
effectum est? Nam catholicis et fidei ueritas et raritas miraculi constat.
Quam enim magnum est quamque nouum, quam quod semel nec ullo alio saeculo
possit euenire, ut eius qui solus est deus natura cum humana quae ab eo
erat diuersissima conueniret atque ita ex distantibus naturis una fieret
copulatione persona! Secundum Nestorii uero sententiam quid contingit noui?
"Seruant," inquit, "proprias humanitas diuinitasque personas." Quando enim
non fuit diuinitatis propria humanitatisque persona? Quando uero non erit?
Vel quid amplius in Iesu generatione contingit quam in cuiuslibet alterius,
si discretis utrisque personis discretae etiam fuere naturae? Ita enim
personis manentibus illic nulla naturarum potuit esse coniunctio, ut in
quolibet homine, cuius cum propria persona subsistat, nulla est ei
excellentissimae substantiae coniuncta diuinitas. Sed fortasse Iesum, id
est personam hominis, idcirco Christum uocet, quoniam per eam mira quaedam
sit operata diuinitas. Esto. Deum uero ipsum Christi appellatione cur
uocet? Cur uero non elementa quoque ipsa simili audeat appellare uocabulo
per quae deus mira quaedam cotidianis motibus operatur? An quia
inrationabiles substantiae non possunt habere personam qua[64] Christi
uocabulum excipere possint[65]? Nonne in sanctis hominibus ac pietate
conspicuis apertus diuinitatis actus agnoscitur? Nihil enim intererit, cur
non sanctos quoque uiros eadem appellatione dignetur, si in adsumptione
humanitatis non est una ex coniunctione persona. Sed dicat forsitan, "Illos
quoque Christos uocari fateor, sed ad imaginem ueri Christi." Quod si nulla
ex homine atque deo una persona coniuncta est, omnes ita ueros Christos
arbitrabimur ut hunc qui ex uirgine genitus creditur. Nulla quippe in hoc
adunata persona est ex dei atque hominis copulatione sicut nec in eis, qui
dei spiritu de uenturo Christo praedicebant, propter quod etiam ipsi quoque
appellati sunt Christi. Iam uero sequitur, ut personis manentibus nullo
modo a diuinitate humanitas credatur adsumpta. Omnino enim disiuncta sunt
quae aeque personis naturisque separantur, prorsus inquam disiuncta sunt
nec magis inter se homines bouesque disiuncti quam diuinitas in Christo
humanitasque discreta est, si mansere personae. Homines quippe ac boues una
animalis communitate iunguntur; est enim illis secundum genus communis
substantia eademque in uniuersalitatis collectione natura. Deo uero atque
homini quid non erit diuersa ratione disiunctum, si sub diuersitate naturae
personarum quoque credatur mansisse discretio? Non est igitur saluatum
genus humanum, nulla in nos salus Christi generatione processit, tot
prophetarum scripturae populum inlusere credentem, omnis ueteris testamenti
spernatur auctoritas per quam salus mundo Christi generatione promittitur.
Non autem prouenisse manifestum est, si eadem in persona est quae in natura
diuersitas. Eundem quippe saluum fecit quem creditur adsumpsisse; nulla
uero intellegi adsumptio potest, si manet aeque naturae personaeque
discretio. Igitur qui adsumi manente persona non potuit, iure non uidebitur
per Christi generationem potuisse saluari. Non est igitur per generationem
Christi hominum saluata natura,--quod credi nefas est.

Sed quamquam permulta sint quae hunc sensum inpugnare ualeant atque
perfringere, de argumentorum copia tamen haec interim libasse sufficiat.


[64] quae _codd._

[65] possit _Vallinus_.




  IV.

  You must consider that all I have said so far has been for the purpose
  of marking the difference between Nature and Person, that is, [Greek:
  ousia] and [Greek: hupostasis]. The exact terms which should be applied
  in each case must be left to the decision of ecclesiastical usage. For
  the time being let that distinction between Nature and Person hold which
  I have affirmed, viz. that Nature is the specific property of any
  substance, and Person the individual substance of a rational nature.
  Nestorius affirmed that in Christ Person was twofold, being led astray
  by the false notion that Person may be applied to every nature. For on
  this assumption, understanding that there were in Christ two natures, he
  declared that there were likewise two persons. And although the
  definition which we have already given is enough to prove Nestorius
  wrong, his error shall be further declared by the following argument. If
  the Person of Christ is not single, and if it is clear that there are in
  Him two natures, to wit, divine and human (and no one will be so foolish
  as to fail to include either in the definition), it follows that there
  must apparently be two persons; for Person, as has been said, is the
  individual substance of a rational nature.

  What kind of union, then, between God and man has been effected? Is it
  as when two bodies are laid the one against the other, so that they are
  only joined locally, and no touch of the quality of the one reaches the
  other--the kind of union which the Greeks term [Greek: kata parathesin]
  "by juxtaposition"? But if humanity has been united to divinity in this
  way no one thing has been formed out of the two, and hence Christ is
  nothing. The very name of Christ, indeed, denotes by its singular number
  a unity. But if the two persons continued and such a union of natures as
  we have above described took place, there could be no unity formed from
  two things, for nothing could ever possibly be formed out of two
  persons. Therefore Christ is, according to Nestorius, in no respect one,
  and therefore He is absolutely nothing. For what is not one cannot exist
  either; because Being and unity are convertible terms, and whatever is
  one is. Even things which are made up of many items, such as a heap or
  chorus, are nevertheless a unity. Now we openly and honestly confess
  that Christ is; therefore we say that Christ is a Unity. And if this is
  so, then without controversy the Person of Christ is one also. For if
  the Persons were two He could not be one; but to say that there are two
  Christs is nothing else than the madness of a distraught brain. Could
  Nestorius, I ask, dare to call the one man and the one God in Christ two
  Christs? Or why does he call Him Christ who is God, if he is also going
  to call Him Christ who is man, when his combination gives the two no
  common factor, no coherence? Why does he wrongly use the same name for
  two utterly different natures, when, if he is compelled to define
  Christ, he cannot, as he himself admits, apply the substance of one
  definition to both his Christs? For if the substance of God is different
  from that of man, and the one name of Christ applies to both, and the
  combination of different substances is not believed to have formed one
  Person, the name of Christ is equivocal[66] and cannot be comprised in
  one definition. But in what Scriptures is the name of Christ ever made
  double? Or what new thing has been wrought by the coming of the Saviour?
  For the truth of the faith and the unwontedness of the miracle alike
  remain, for Catholics, unshaken. For how great and unprecedented a thing
  it is--unique and incapable of repetition in any other age--that the
  nature of Him who is God alone should come together with human nature
  which was entirely different from God to form from different natures by
  conjunction a single Person! But now, if we follow Nestorius, what
  happens that is new? "Humanity and divinity," quoth he, "keep their
  proper Persons." Well, when had not divinity and humanity each its
  proper Person? And when, we answer, will this not be so? Or wherein is
  the birth of Jesus more significant than that of any other child, if,
  the two Persons remaining distinct, the natures also were distinct? For
  while the Persons remained so there could no more be a union of natures
  in Christ than there could be in any other man with whose substance, be
  it never so perfect, no divinity was ever united because of the
  subsistence of his proper person. But for the sake of argument let him
  call Jesus, i.e. the human person, Christ, because through that person
  God wrought certain wonders. Agreed. But why should he call God Himself
  by the name of Christ? Why should he not go on to call the very elements
  by that name? For through them in their daily movements God works
  certain wonders. Is it because irrational substances cannot possess a
  Person enabling them to receive the name of Christ? Is not the operation
  of God seen plainly in men of holy life and notable piety? There will
  surely be no reason not to call the saints also by that name, if Christ
  taking humanity on Him is not one Person through conjunction. But
  perhaps he will say, "I allow that such men are called Christs, but it
  is because they are in the image of the true Christ." But if no one
  Person has been formed of the union of God and man, we shall consider
  all of them just as true Christs as Him who, we believe, was born of a
  Virgin. For no Person has been made one by the union of God and man
  either in Him or in them who by the Spirit of God foretold the coming
  Christ, for which cause they too were called Christs. So now it follows
  that so long as the Persons remain, we cannot in any wise believe that
  humanity has been assumed by divinity. For things which differ alike in
  persons and natures are certainly separate, nay absolutely separate; man
  and oxen are not further separate than are divinity and humanity in
  Christ, if the Persons have remained. Men indeed and oxen are united in
  one animal nature, for by genus they have a common substance and the
  same nature in the collection which forms the universal.[67] But God and
  man will be at all points fundamentally different if we are to believe
  that distinction of Persons continues under difference of nature. Then
  the human race has not been saved, the birth of Christ has brought us no
  salvation, the writings of all the prophets have but beguiled the people
  that believed in them, contempt is poured upon the authority of the
  whole Old Testament which promised to the world salvation by the birth
  of Christ. It is plain that salvation has not been brought us, if there
  is the same difference in Person that there is in Nature. No doubt He
  saved that humanity which we believe He assumed; but no assumption can
  be conceived, if the separation abides alike of Nature and of Person.
  Hence that human nature which could not be assumed as long as the Person
  continued, will certainly and rightly appear incapable of salvation by
  the birth of Christ. Wherefore man's nature has not been saved by the
  birth of Christ--an impious conclusion.[68]

  But although there are many weapons strong enough to wound and demolish
  the Nestorian view, let us for the moment be content with this small
  selection from the store of arguments available.

  [66] Cf. the discussion of _aequiuoca_=[Greek: homonumos] in _Isag.
  Porph. Vide_ Brandt's Index.

  [67] Vniuersalitas=[Greek: to katholou].

  [68] For a similar _reductio ad absurdum_ ending in _quod nefas est_ see
  _Tr._ iii. (_supra_, p. 44) and _Cons._ v. 3 (_infra_, p. 374).




V.

Transeundum quippe est ad Eutychen qui cum a ueterum orbitis esset
euagatus, in contrarium cucurrit errorem asserens tantum abesse, ut in
Christo gemina persona credatur, ut ne naturam quidem in eo duplicem
oporteat confiteri; ita quippe esse adsumptum hominem, ut ea sit adunatio
facta cum deo, ut natura humana non manserit. Huius error ex eodem quo
Nestorii fonte prolabitur. Nam sicut Nestorius arbitratur non posse esse
naturam duplicem quin persona fieret duplex, atque ideo, cum in Christo
naturam duplicem confiteretur, duplicem credidit esse personam, ita quoque
Eutyches non putauit naturam duplicem esse sine duplicatione personae et
cum non confiteretur duplicem esse personam, arbitratus est consequens, ut
una uideretur esse natura. Itaque Nestorius recte tenens duplicem in
Christo esse naturam sacrilege confitetur duas esse personas; Eutyches uero
recte credens unam esse personam impie credit unam quoque esse naturam. Qui
conuictus euidentia rerum, quandoquidem manifestum est aliam naturam esse
hominis aliam dei, ait duas se confiteri in Christo naturas ante
adunationem, unam uero post adunationem. Quae sententia non aperte quod
uult eloquitur. Vt tamen eius dementiam perscrutemur, adunatio haec aut
tempore generationis facta est aut tempore resurrectionis. Sed si tempore
generationis facta est, uidetur putare et ante generationem fuisse humanam
carnem non a Maria sumptam sed aliquo modo alio praeparatam, Mariam uero
uirginem appositam ex qua caro nasceretur quae ab ea sumpta non esset,
illam uero carnem quae antea fuerit esse et diuisam atque a diuinitatis
substantia separatam; cum ex uirgine natus est, adunatum esse deo, ut una
uideretur facta esse natura. Vel si haec eius sententia non est, illa esse
poterit dicentis duas ante adunationem, unam post adunationem, si adunatio
generatione perfecta est, ut corpus quidem a Maria sumpserit, sed, antequam
sumeret, diuersam deitatis humanitatisque fuisse naturam; sumptam uero unam
factam atque in diuinitatis cessisse substantiam. Quod si hanc adunationem
non putat generatione sed resurrectione factam, rursus id duobus fieri
arbitrabitur modis; aut enim genito Christo et non adsumente de Maria
corpus aut adsumente ab eadem carnem, usque dum resurgeret quidem, duas
fuisse naturas, post resurrectionem unam factam. De quibus illud disiunctum
nascitur, quod interrogabimus hoc modo: natus ex Maria Christus aut ab ea
carnem humanam traxit aut minime. Si non confitetur ex ea traxisse, dicat
quo homine indutus aduenerit, utrumne eo qui deciderat praeuaricatione
peccati an alio? Si eo de cuius semine ductus est homo, quem uestita
diuinitas est? Nam si ex semine Abrahae atque Dauid et postremo Mariae non
fuit caro illa qua natus est, ostendat ex cuius hominis sit carne
deriuatus, quoniam post primum hominem caro omnis humana ex humana carne
deducitur. Sed si quem dixerit hominem a quo generatio sumpta sit
saluatoris praeter Mariam uirginem, et ipse errore confundetur et
adscribere mendacii notam summae diuinitati inlusus ipse uidebitur, quando
quod Abrahae atque Dauid promittitur in sanctis diuinationibus, ut ex eorum
semine toti mundo salus oriatur, aliis distribuit, cum praesertim, si
humana caro sumpta est, non ab alio sumi potuerit nisi unde etiam
procreabatur. Si igitur a Maria non est sumptum corpus humanum sed a
quolibet alio, per Mariam tamen est procreatum quod fuerat praeuaricatione
corruptum, superius dicto repellitur argumento. Quod si non eo homine
Christus indutus est qui pro peccati poena sustinuerat mortem, illud
eueniet ex nullius hominis semine talem potuisse nasci qui fuerit sine
originalis poena peccati. Ex nullo igitur talis sumpta est caro; unde fit
ut nouiter uideatur esse formata. Sed haec aut ita hominum uisa est oculis,
ut humanum putaretur corpus quod reuera non esset humanum, quippe quod
nulli originali subiaceret poenae, aut noua quaedam uera nec poenae peccati
subiacens originalis ad tempus hominis natura formata est? Si uerum hominis
corpus non fuit, aperte arguitur mentita diuinitas, quae ostenderet
hominibus corpus, quod cum uerum non esset, tum fallerentur ii[69] qui
uerum esse arbitrarentur. At si noua ueraque non ex homine sumpta caro
formata est, quo tanta tragoedia generationis? Vbi ambitus passionis? Ego
quippe ne in homine quidem non stulte fieri puto quod inutiliter factum
est. Ad quam uero utilitatem facta probabitur tanta humilitas diuinitatis,
si homo qui periit generatione ac passione Christi saluatus non est,
quoniam negatur adsumptus? Rursus igitur sicut ab eodem Nestorii fonte
Eutychis error principium sumpsit, ita ad eundem finem relabitur, ut
secundum Eutychen quoque non sit saluatum genus humanum, quoniam non is qui
aeger esset et saluatione curaque egeret, adsumptus est. Traxisse autem
hanc sententiam uidetur, si tamen huius erroris fuit ut crederet non fuisse
corpus Christi uere ex homine sed extra atque adeo in caelo formatum,
quoniam cum eo in caelum creditur ascendisse. Quod exemplum continet tale:
"non ascendit in caelum, nisi qui de caelo descendit."


[69] hii _uel_ hi _codd._




  V.

  I must now pass to Eutyches who, wandering from the path of primitive
  doctrine, has rushed into the opposite error[70] and asserts that so far
  from our having to believe in a twofold Person in Christ, we must not
  even confess a double Nature; humanity, he maintains, was so assumed
  that the union with Godhead involved the disappearance of the human
  nature. His error springs from the same source as that of Nestorius. For
  just as Nestorius deems there could not be a double Nature unless the
  Person were doubled, and therefore, confessing the double Nature in
  Christ, has perforce believed the Person to be double, so also Eutyches
  deemed that the Nature was not double unless the Person was double, and
  since he did not confess a double Person, he thought it a necessary
  consequence that the Nature should be regarded as single. Thus
  Nestorius, rightly holding Christ's Nature to be double, sacrilegiously
  professes the Persons to be two; whereas Eutyches, rightly believing the
  Person to be single, impiously believes that the Nature also is single.
  And being confuted by the plain evidence of facts, since it is clear
  that the Nature of God is different from that of man, he declares his
  belief to be: two Natures in Christ before the union and only one after
  the union. Now this statement does not express clearly what he means.
  However, let us scrutinize his extravagance. It is plain that this union
  took place either at the moment of conception or at the moment of
  resurrection. But if it happened at the moment of conception, Eutyches
  seems to think that even before conception He had human flesh, not taken
  from Mary but prepared in some other way, while the Virgin Mary was
  brought in to give birth to flesh that was not taken from her; that this
  flesh, which already existed, was apart and separate from the substance
  of divinity, but that when He was born of the Virgin it was united to
  God, so that the Nature seemed to be made one. Or if this be not his
  opinion, since he says that there were two Natures before the union and
  one after, supposing the union to be established by conception, an
  alternative view may be that Christ indeed took a body from Mary but
  that before He took it the Natures of Godhead and manhood were
  different: but the Nature assumed became one with that of Godhead into
  which it passed. But if he thinks that this union was effected not by
  conception but by resurrection, we shall have to assume that this too
  happened in one of two ways; either Christ was conceived and did
  _not_ assume a body from Mary or He _did_ assume flesh from
  her, and there were (until indeed He rose) two Natures which became one
  after the Resurrection. From these alternatives a dilemma arises which
  we will examine as follows: Christ who was born of Mary either did or
  did not take human flesh from her. If Eutyches does not admit that He
  took it from her, then let him say what manhood He put on to come among
  us--that which had fallen through sinful disobedience or another? If it
  was the manhood of that man from whom all men descend, what manhood did
  divinity invest? For if that flesh in which He was born came not of the
  seed of Abraham and of David and finally of Mary, let Eutyches show from
  what man's flesh he descended, since, after the first man, all human
  flesh is derived from human flesh. But if he shall name any child of man
  beside Mary the Virgin as the cause of the conception of the Saviour, he
  will both be confounded by his own error, and, himself a dupe, will
  stand accused of stamping with falsehood the very Godhead for thus
  transferring to others the promise of the sacred oracles made to Abraham
  and David[71] that of their seed salvation should arise for all the
  world, especially since if human flesh was taken it could not be taken
  from any other but Him of whom it was begotten. If, therefore, His human
  body was not taken from Mary but from any other, yet that was engendered
  through Mary which had been corrupted by disobedience, Eutyches is
  confuted by the argument already stated. But if Christ did not put on
  that manhood which had endured death in punishment for sin, it will
  result that of no man's seed could ever one have been born who should
  be, like Him, without punishment for original sin. Therefore flesh like
  His was taken from no man, whence it would appear to have been new-
  formed for the purpose. But did this flesh then either so appear to
  human eyes that the body was deemed human which was not really human,
  because it was not subject to any primal penalty, or was some new true
  human flesh formed as a makeshift, not subject to the penalty for
  original sin? If it was not a truly human body, the Godhead is plainly
  convicted of falsehood for displaying to men a body which was not real
  and thus deceived those who thought it real.  But if flesh had been
  formed new and real and not taken from man, to what purpose was the
  tremendous tragedy of the conception? Where the value of His long
  Passion? I cannot but consider foolish even a human action that is
  useless. And to what useful end shall we say this great humiliation of
  Divinity was wrought if ruined man has not been saved by the conception
  and the Passion of Christ--for they denied that he was taken into
  Godhead? Once more then, just as the error of Eutyches took its rise
  from the same source as that of Nestorius, so it hastens to the same
  goal inasmuch as according to Eutyches also the human race has not been
  saved,[72] since man who was sick and needed health and salvation was
  not taken into Godhead. Yet this is the conclusion he seems to have
  drawn, if he erred so deeply as to believe that Christ's body was not
  taken really from man but from a source outside him and prepared for the
  purpose in heaven, for He is believed to have ascended with it up into
  heaven. Which is the meaning of the text: none hath ascended into heaven
  save Him who came down from heaven.


  [70] The ecclesiastical _uia media_, with the relegation of opposing
  theories to the extremes, which meet in a common fount of falsity, owes
  something to Aristotle and to our author. _Vide infra_, p. 118.

  [71] The use of this kind of argument by Boethius allays any suspicion
  as to the genuineness of _Tr_. iv. which might be caused by the use of
  allegorical interpretation therein. Note also that in the _Consolatio_
  the framework is allegory, which is also freely applied in the details.

  [72] Another _reductio ad absurdum_ or _ad impietatem_, cf. _supra_, p.
  98, note b.




VI.

Sed satis de ea parte dictum uidetur, si corpus quod Christus excepit ex
Maria non credatur adsumptum. Si uero adsumptum est ex Maria neque
permansit perfecta humana diuinaque natura, id tribus effici potuit modis:
aut enim diuinitas in humanitatem translata est aut humanitas in
diuinitatem aut utraeque in se ita temperatae sunt atque commixtae, ut
neutra substantia propriam formam teneret. Sed si diuinitas in humanitatem
translata est, factum est, quod credi nefas est, ut humanitate inmutabili
substantia permanente diuinitas uerteretur et quod passibile atque mutabile
naturaliter exsisteret, id inmutabile permaneret, quod uero inmutabile
atque inpassibile naturaliter creditur, id in rem mutabilem uerteretur. Hoc
igitur fieri nulla ratione contingit. Sed humana forsitan natura in
deitatem uideatur esse conuersa. Hoc uero qui fieri potest, si diuinitas in
generatione Christi et humanam animam suscepit et corpus? Non enim omnis
res in rem omnem uerti ac transmutari potest. Nam cum substantiarum aliae
sint corporeae, aliae incorporeae, neque corporea in incorpoream neque
incorporea in eam quae corpus est mutari potest, nec uero incorporea in se
inuicem formas proprias mutant; sola enim mutari transformarique in se
possunt quae habent unius materiae commune subiectum, nec haec omnia, sed
ea quae in se et facere et pati possunt. Id uero probatur hoc modo: neque
enim potest aes in lapidem permutari nec uero idem aes in herbam nec
quodlibet aliud corpus in quodlibet aliud transfigurari potest, nisi et
eadem sit materia rerum in se transeuntium et a se et facere et pati
possint, ut, cum uinum atque aqua miscentur, utraque sunt talia quae actum
sibi passionemque communicent. Potest enim aquae qualitas a uini qualitate
aliquid pati; potest item uini ab aquae qualitate aliquid pati. Atque
idcirco si multum quidem fuerit aquae, uini uero paululum, non dicuntur
inmixta, sed alterum alterius qualitate corrumpitur. Si quis enim uinum
fundat in mare, non mixtum est mari uinum sed in mare corruptum, idcirco
quoniam qualitas aquae multitudine sui corporis nihil passa est a qualitate
uini, sed potius in se ipsam uini qualitatem propria multitudine
commutauit. Si uero sint mediocres sibique aequales uel paulo inaequales
naturae quae a se facere et pati possunt, illae miscentur et mediocribus
inter se qualitatibus temperantur. Atque haec quidem in corporibus neque
his omnibus, sed tantum quae a se, ut dictum est, et facere et pati possunt
communi atque eadem materia subiecta. Omne enim corpus quod in generatione
et corruptione subsistit communem uidetur habere materiam, sed non omne ab
omni uel in omni uel facere aliquid uel pati potest. Corpora uero in
incorporea nulla ratione poterunt permutari, quoniam nulla communi materia
subiecta participant quae susceptis qualitatibus in alterutram permutetur.
Omnis enim natura incorporeae substantiae nullo materiae nititur
fundamento; nullum uero corpus est cui non sit materia subiecta. Quod cum
ita sit cumque ne ea quidem quae communem materiam naturaliter habent in se
transeant, nisi illis adsit potestas in se et a se faciendi ac patiendi,
multo magis in se non permutabuntur quibus non modo communis materia non
est, sed cum alia res materiae fundamento nititur ut corpus, alia omnino
materiae subiecto non egeat ut incorporeum.

Non igitur fieri potest, ut corpus in incorporalem speciem permutetur, nec
uero fieri potest, ut incorporalia in sese commixtione aliqua permutentur.
Quorum enim communis nulla materia est, nec in se uerti ac permutari
queunt. Nulla autem est incorporalibus materia rebus; non poterunt igitur
in se inuicem permutari. Sed anima et deus incorporeae substantiae recte
creduntur; non est igitur humana anima in diuinitatem a qua adsumpta est
permutata. Quod si neque corpus neque anima in diuinitatem potuit uerti,
nullo modo fieri potuit, ut humanitas conuerteretur in deum. Multo minus
uero credi potest, ut utraque in sese confunderentur, quoniam neque
incorporalitas transire ad corpus potest neque rursus e conuerso corpus ad
incorporalitatem, quando quidem nulla his materia subiecta communis est
quae alterutris substantiarum qualitatibus permutetur.

At hi ita aiunt ex duabus quidem naturis Christum consistere, in duabus
uero minime, hoc scilicet intendentes, quoniam quod ex duabus consistit ita
unum fieri potest, ut illa ex quibus dicitur constare non maneant; ueluti
cum mel aquae confunditur neutrum manet, sed alterum alterius copulatione
corruptum quiddam tertium fecit, ita illud quidem quod ex melle atque aqua
tertium fit constare ex utrisque dicitur, in utrisque uero negatur. Non
enim poterit in utrisque constare, quando utrorumque natura non permanet.
Ex utrisque enim constare potest, licet ea ex quibus coniungitur alterutra
qualitate corrupta sint; in utrisque uero huiusmodi constare non poterit,
quoniam ea quae in se transfusa sunt non manent ac non sunt utraque in
quibus constare uideatur, cum ex utrisque constet in se inuicem qualitatum
mutatione transfusis.

Catholici uero utrumque rationabiliter confitentur, nam et ex utrisque
naturis Christum et in utrisque consistere. Sed id qua ratione dicatur,
paulo posterius explicabo. Nunc illud est manifestum conuictam esse
Eutychis sententiam eo nomine, quod cum tribus modis fieri possit, ut ex
duabus naturis una subsistat, ut aut diuinitas in humanitatem translata sit
aut humanitas in diuinitatem aut utraque permixta sint, nullum horum modum
fieri potuisse superius dicta argumentatione declaratur.




  VI.

  I think enough has been said on the supposition that we should believe
  that the body which Christ received was not taken from Mary. But if it
  was taken from Mary and the human and divine natures did not continue,
  each in its perfection, this may have happened in one of three ways.
  Either Godhead was translated into manhood, or manhood into Godhead, or
  both were so modified and mingled that neither substance kept its proper
  form. But if Godhead was translated into manhood, that has happened
  which piety forbids us to believe, viz. while the manhood continued in
  unchangeable substance Godhead was changed, and that which was by nature
  passible and mutable remained immutable, while that which we believe to
  be by nature immutable and impassible was changed into a mutable thing.
  This cannot happen on any show of reasoning. But perchance the human
  nature may seem to be changed into Godhead. Yet how can this be if
  Godhead in the conception of Christ received both human soul and body?
  Things cannot be promiscuously changed and interchanged. For since some
  substances are corporeal and others incorporeal, neither can a corporeal
  substance be changed into an incorporeal, nor can an incorporeal be
  changed into that which is body, nor yet incorporeals interchange their
  proper forms; for only those things can be interchanged and transformed
  which possess the common substrate of the same matter, nor can all of
  these so behave, but only those which can act upon and be acted on by
  each other. Now this is proved as follows: bronze can no more be
  converted into stone than it can be into grass, and generally no body
  can be transformed into any other body unless the things which pass into
  each other have a common matter and can act upon and be acted on by each
  other, as when wine and water are mingled both are of such a nature as
  to allow reciprocal action and influence. For the quality of water can
  be influenced in some degree by that of wine, similarly the quality of
  wine can be influenced by that of water. And therefore if there be a
  great deal of water but very little wine, they are not said to be
  mingled, but the one is ruined by the quality of the other. For if you
  pour wine into the sea the wine is not mingled with the sea but is lost
  in the sea, simply because the quality of the water owing to its bulk
  has been in no way affected by the quality of the wine, but rather by
  its own bulk has changed the quality of the wine into water. But if the
  natures which are capable of reciprocal action and influence are in
  moderate proportion and equal or only slightly unequal, they are really
  mingled and tempered by the qualities which are in moderate relation to
  each other. This indeed takes place in bodies but not in all bodies, but
  only in those, as has been said, which are capable of reciprocal action
  and influence and have the same matter subject to their qualities. For
  all bodies which subsist in conditions of birth and decay seem to
  possess a common matter, but all bodies are not capable of reciprocal
  action and influence. But corporeals cannot in any way be changed into
  incorporeals because they do not share in any common underlying matter
  which can be changed into this or that thing by taking on its qualities.
  For the nature of no incorporeal substance rests upon a material basis;
  but there is no body that has not matter as a substrate. Since this is
  so, and since not even those things which naturally have a common matter
  can pass over into each other unless they have the power of acting on
  each other and being acted upon by each other, far more will those
  things not suffer interchange which not only have no common matter but
  are different in substance, since one of them, being body, rests on a
  basis of matter, while the other, being incorporeal, cannot possibly
  stand in need of a material substrate.

  It is therefore impossible for a body to be changed into an incorporeal
  species, nor will it ever be possible for incorporeals to be changed
  into each other by any process of mingling. For things which have no
  common matter cannot be changed and converted one into another. But
  incorporeal things have no matter; they can never, therefore, be changed
  about among themselves. But the soul and God are rightly believed to be
  incorporeal substances; therefore the human soul has not been converted
  into the Godhead by which it was assumed. But if neither body nor soul
  can be turned into Godhead, it could not possibly happen that manhood
  should be transformed into God. But it is much less credible that the
  two should be confounded together since neither can incorporality pass
  over to body, nor again, contrariwise, can body pass over into
  incorporality when these have no common matter underlying them which can
  be converted by the qualities of one of two substances.

  But the Eutychians say that Christ consists indeed of two natures, but
  not in two natures, meaning, no doubt, thereby, that a thing which
  consists of two elements can so far become one, that the elements of
  which it is said to be made up disappear; just as, for example, when
  honey is mixed with water neither remains, but the one thing being
  spoilt by conjunction with the other produces a certain third thing, so
  that third thing which is produced by the combination of honey and water
  is said to consist of both, but not in both. For it can never consist in
  both so long as the nature of both does not continue. For it can consist
  of both even though each element of which it is compounded has been
  spoiled by the quality of the other; but it can never consist in both
  natures of this kind since the elements which have been transmuted into
  each other do not continue, and both the elements in which it seems to
  consist cease to be, since it consists of two things translated into
  each other by change of qualities.

  But Catholics in accordance with reason confess both, for they say that
  Christ consists both of and in two natures. How this can be affirmed I
  will explain a little later. One thing is now clear; the opinion of
  Eutyches has been confuted on the ground that, although there are three
  ways by which the one nature can subsist of the two, viz. either the
  translation of divinity into humanity or of humanity into divinity or
  the compounding of both together, the foregoing train of reasoning
  proves that no one of the three ways is a possibility.







VII.

Restat ut, quemadmodum catholica fides dicat, et in utrisque naturis
Christum et ex utrisque consistere doceamus.

Ex utrisque naturis aliquid consistere duo significat: unum quidem, cum ita
dicimus aliquid ex duabus naturis iungi sicut ex melle atque aqua, id autem
est ut ex quolibet modo confusis, uel si una uertatur in alteram uel si
utraeque in se inuicem misceantur, nullo modo tamen utraeque permaneant;
secundum hunc modum Eutyches ait ex utrisque naturis Christum consistere.

Alter uero modus est ex utrisque consistendi quod ita ex duabus iunctum
est, ut illa tamen ex quibus iunctum esse dicitur maneant nec in alterutra
uertantur, ut cum dicimus coronam ex auro gemmisque compositam. Hic neque
aurum in gemmas translatum est neque in aurum gemma conuersa, sed utraque
permanent nec formam propriam derelinquunt. Talia ergo ex aliquibus
constantia et in his constare dicimus ex quibus consistere praedicantur.
Tunc enim possumus dicere coronam gemmis auroque consistere; sunt enim
gemmae atque aurum in quibus corona consistat. Nam in priore modo non est
mel atque aqua in quibus illud quod ex utrisque iungitur constet. Cum
igitur utrasque manere naturas in Christo fides catholica confiteatur
perfectasque easdem persistere nec alteram in alteram transmutari, iure
dicit et in utrisque naturis Christum et ex utrisque consistere: in
utrisque quidem, quia manent utraeque, ex utrisque uero, quia utrarumque
adunatione manentium una persona fit Christi. Non autem secundum eam
significationem ex utrisque naturis Christum iunctum esse fides catholica
tenet, secundum quam Eutyches pronuntiat. Nam ille talem significationem
coniunctionis ex utraque natura sumit, ut non confiteatur in utrisque
consistere, neque enim utrasque manere; catholicus uero eam significationem
ex utrisque consistendi sumit quae illi sit proxima eamque conseruet quae
in utrisque consistere confitetur.

Aequiuocum igitur est "ex utrisque consistere" ac potius amphibolum et
gemina significatione diuersa designans: una quidem significatione non
manere substantias ex quibus illud quod copulatum est dicatur esse
coniunctum, alio modo significans ita ex utrisque coniunctum, ut utraque
permaneant.

Hoc igitur expedito aequiuocationis atque ambiguitatis nodo nihil est ultra
quod possit opponi, quin id sit quod firma ueraque fides catholica
continet; eundem Christum hominem esse perfectum, eundem deum eundemque qui
homo sit perfectus atque deus unum esse deum ac dei filium, nec
quaternitatem trinitati adstrui, dum homo additur supra perfectum deum, sed
unam eandemque personam numerum trinitatis explere, ut cum humanitas passa
sit, deus tamen passus esse dicatur, non quo ipsa deitas humanitas facta
sit, sed quod a deitate fuerit adsumpta. Item qui homo est, dei filius
appellatur non substantia diuinitatis sed humanitatis, quae tamen
diuinitati naturali unitate coniuncta est. Et cum haec ita intellegentia
discernantur permisceanturque, tamen unus idemque et homo sit perfectus et
deus: deus quidem, quod ipse sit ex patris substantia genitus, homo uero,
quod ex Maria sit uirgine procreatus. Itemque qui homo, deus eo quod a deo
fuerit adsumptus, et qui deus, homo, quoniam uestitus homine sit. Cumque in
eadem persona aliud sit diuinitas quae suscepit, aliud quam suscepit
humanitas, idem tamen deus atque homo est. Nam si hominem intellegas, idem
homo est atque deus, quoniam homo ex natura, deus adsumptione. Si uero deum
intellegas, idem deus est atque homo, quoniam natura deus est, homo
adsumptione. Fitque in eo gemina natura geminaque substantia, quoniam homo-
deus unaque persona, quoniam idem homo atque deus. Mediaque est haec inter
duas haereses uia sicut uirtutes quoque medium tenent. Omnis enim uirtus in
medio rerum decore locata consistit. Siquid enim uel ultra uel infra quam
oportuerit fiat, a uirtute disceditur. Medietatem igitur uirtus tenet.

Quocirca si quattuor haec neque ultra neque infra esse possunt, ut in
Christo aut duae naturae sint duaeque personae ut Nestorius ait, aut una
persona unaque natura ut Eutyches ait, aut duae naturae sed una persona ut
catholica fides credit, aut una natura duaeque personae,[73] cumque duas
quidem naturas duasque personas in ea quae contra Nestorium dicta est
responsione conuicerimus (unam uero personam unamque naturam esse non posse
Eutyche proponente monstrauimus neque tamen tam amens quisquam huc usque
exstitit, ut unam in eo naturam crederet sed geminas esse personas), restat
ut ea sit uera quam fides catholica pronuntiat geminam substantiam sed unam
esse personam. Quia uero paulo ante diximus Eutychen confiteri duas quidem
in Christo ante adunationem naturas, unam uero post adunationem, cumque
hunc errorem duplicem interpretaremur celare sententiam, ut haec adunatio
aut generatione fieret, cum ex Maria corpus hominis minime sumeretur aut ad
sumptum[74] quidem ex Maria per resurrectionem fieret adunatio, de utrisque
quidem partibus idonee ut arbitror disputatum est. Nunc quaerendum est
quomodo fieri potuerit ut duae naturae in unam substantiam miscerentur.


[73] quod nullus haereticus adhuc attigit _addunt codices quidam_.

[74] sumptum _codd._; adsumptum _preli diabolus_, ad sumptum _nos_.




  VII.

  It remains for us to show how in accordance with the affirmation of
  Catholic belief Christ consists at once in and of both natures.

  The statement that a thing consists of two natures bears two meanings;
  one, when we say that anything is a union of two natures, as e.g. honey
  and water, where the union is such that in the combination, however the
  elements be confounded, whether by one nature changing into the other,
  or by both mingling with each other, the two entirely disappear. This is
  the way in which according to Eutyches Christ consists of two natures.

  The other way in which a thing can consist of two natures is when it is
  so combined of two that the elements of which it is said to be combined
  continue without changing into each other, as when we say that a crown
  is composed of gold and gems. Here neither is the gold converted into
  gems nor is the gem turned into gold, but both continue without
  surrendering their proper form.

  Things then like this, composed of various elements, we say consist also
  in the elements of which they are composed. For in this case we can say
  that a crown is composed of gems and gold, for gems and gold are that in
  which the crown consists. For in the former mode of composition honey
  and water is not that in which the resulting union of both consists.

  Since then the Catholic Faith confesses that both natures continue in
  Christ and that they both remain perfect, neither being transformed into
  the other, it says with right that Christ consists both in and of the
  two natures; _in_ the two because both continue, _of_ the two
  because the One Person of Christ is formed by the union of the two
  continuing natures.

  But the Catholic Faith does not hold the union of Christ out of two
  natures according to that sense which Eutyches puts upon it. For the
  interpretation of the conjunction out of two natures which he adopts
  forbids him to confess consistence in two or the continuance of the two
  either; but the Catholic adopts an interpretation of the consistence out
  of two which comes near to that of Eutyches, yet keeps the
  interpretation which confesses consistence in two.

  "To consist of two natures" is therefore an equivocal or rather a
  doubtful term of double meaning denoting different things; according to
  one of its interpretations the substances out of which the union is said
  to have been composed do not continue, according to another the union
  effected of the two is such that both natures continue.

  When once this knot of doubt or ambiguity has been untied, nothing
  further can be advanced to shake the true and solid content of the
  Catholic Faith, which is that the same Christ is perfect man and God,
  and that He who is perfect man and God is One God and Son of Man, that,
  however, quaternity is not added to the Trinity by the addition of human
  nature to perfect Godhead, but that one and the same Person completes
  the number of the Trinity, so that, although it was the manhood which
  suffered, yet God can be said to have suffered, not by manhood becoming
  Godhead but by manhood being assumed by Godhead. Further, He who is man
  is called Son of God not in virtue of divine but of human substance,
  which latter none the less was conjoined to Godhead in a unity of
  natures. And although thought is able to distinguish and combine the
  manhood and the Godhead, yet one and the same is perfect man and God,
  God because He was begotten of the substance of the Father, but man
  because He was engendered of the Virgin Mary. And further He who is man
  is God in that manhood was assumed by God, and He who is God is man in
  that God was clothed with manhood. And although in the same Person the
  Godhead which took manhood is different from the manhood which It took,
  yet the same is God and man. For if you think of man, the same is man
  and God, being man by nature, God by assumption. But if you think of
  God, the same is God and man, being God by nature, man by assumption.
  And in Him nature becomes double and substance double because He is God-
  man, and One Person since the same is man and God. This is the middle
  way between two heresies, just as virtues also hold a middle place.[75]
  For every virtue has a place of honour midway between extremes. For if
  it stands beyond or below where it should it ceases to be virtue. And so
  virtue holds a middle place.

  Wherefore if the following four assertions can be said to be neither
  beyond or below reason, viz. that in Christ are either two Natures and
  two Persons as Nestorius says, or one Person and one Nature as Eutyches
  says, or two Natures but one Person as the Catholic Faith believes, or
  one Nature and two Persons, and inasmuch as we have refuted the doctrine
  of two Natures and two Persons in our argument against Nestorius and
  incidentally have shown that the one Person and one Nature suggested by
  Eutyches is impossible--since there has never been anyone so mad as to
  believe that His Nature was single but His Person double--it remains
  that the article of belief must be true which the Catholic Faith
  affirms, viz. that the Nature is double, but the Person one. But as I
  have just now remarked that Eutyches confesses two Natures in Christ
  before the union, but only one after the union, and since I proved that
  under this error lurked two opposite opinions, one, that the union was
  brought about by conception although the human body was certainly not
  taken from Mary; the other, that the body taken from Mary formed part of
  the union by means of the Resurrection, I have, it seems to me, argued
  the twofold aspect of the case as completely as it deserves. What we
  have now to inquire is how it came to pass that two Natures were
  combined into one Substance.


  [75] _Vide supra_, p. 100 note.




VIII.

Verumtamen est etiam nunc et alia quaestio quae ab his inferri potest qui
corpus humanum ex Maria sumptum esse non credunt, sed alias fuisse
sequestratum praeparatumque quod in adunatione ex Mariae utero gigni ac
proferri uideretur. Aiunt enim: si ex homine sumptum est corpus, homo uero
omnis ex prima praeuaricatione non solum peccato et morte tenebatur, uerum
etiam affectibus peccatorum erat implicitus, eaque illi fuit poena peccati,
ut, cum morte teneretur obstrictus, tamen esset reus etiam uoluntate
peccandi, cur in Christo neque peccatum fuit neque uoluntas ulla peccandi?
Et omnino habet animaduertendam dubitationem talis quaestio. Si enim ex
carne humana Christi corpus adsumptum est, dubitari potest, quaenam caro
haec quae adsumpta sit esse uideatur. Eum quippe saluauit quem etiam
adsumpsit; sin uero talem hominem adsumpsit qualis Adam fuit ante peccatum,
integram quidem uidetur humanam adsumpsisse naturam, sed tamen quae
medicina penitus non egebat. Quomodo autem fieri potest, ut talem
adsumpserit hominem qualis Adam fuit, cum in Adam potuerit esse peccandi
uoluntas atque affectio, unde factum est ut etiam praetergressis diuinis
praeceptis inoboedientiae delictis teneretur adstrictus? In Christo uero ne
uoluntas quidem ulla creditur fuisse peccandi, cum praesertim si tale
corpus hominis adsumpsit quale Adae ante peccatum fuit, non debuerit esse
mortalis, quoniam Adam, si non peccasset, mortem nulla ratione sensisset.
Cum igitur Christus non peccauerit, quaerendum est cur senserit mortem, si
Adae corpus ante quam peccaret adsumpsit. Quod si talem statum suscepit
hominis qualis Adae post peccatum fuit, uidetur etiam Christo non defuisse
necessitas, ut et delictis subiceretur et passionibus confunderetur
obductisque iudicii regulis bonum a malo non sincera integritate
discerneret, quoniam has omnes poenas Adam delicti praeuaricatione
suscepit.

Contra quos respondendum est tres intellegi hominum posse status: unum
quidem Adae ante delictum in quo, tametsi ab eo mors aberat nec adhuc ullo
se delicto polluerat, poterat tamen in eo uoluntas esse peccandi: alter in
quo mutari potuisset, si firmiter in dei praeceptis manere uoluisset, tunc
enim id addendum foret ut non modo non peccaret aut peccare uellet sed ne
posset quidem aut peccare aut uelle delinquere. Tertius status est post
delictum in quo mors illum necessario subsecuta est et peccatum ipsum
uoluntasque peccati. Quorum summitatum atque contrariorum haec loca sunt:
is status qui praemium esset, si in praeceptis dei Adam manere uoluisset et
is qui poenae fuit, quoniam manere noluit; in illo enim nec mors esset nec
peccatum nec uoluntas ulla peccati, in hoc uero et mors et peccatum et
delinquendi omnis affectio omniaque in perniciem prona nec quicquam in se
opis habentia, ut post lapsum posset adsurgere. Ille uero medius status in
quo praesentia quidem mortis uel peccati aberat, potestas uero utriusque
constabat, inter utrumque statum est conlocatus. Ex his igitur tribus
statibus Christus corporeae naturae singulas quodam modo indidit causas;
nam quod mortale corpus adsumpsit ut mortem a genere humano fugaret, in eo
statu ponendum est quod post Adae praeuaricationem poenaliter inflictum
est. Quod uero non fuit in eo uoluntas ulla peccati, ex eo sumptum est
statu qui esse potuisset, nisi uoluntatem insidiantis fraudibus
applicasset. Restat igitur tertius status id est medius, ille scilicet qui
eo tempore fuit, cum nec mors aderat et adesse poterat delinquendi
uoluntas. In hoc igitur Adam talis fuit ut manducaret ac biberet, ut
accepta digereret, ut laberetur in somnum et alia quae ei non defuerunt
humana quidem sed concessa et quae nullam poenam mortis inferrent.

Quae omnia habuisse Christum dubium non est; nam et manducauit et bibit et
humani corporis officio functus est. Neque enim tanta indigentia in Adam
fuisse credenda est ut nisi manducasset uiuere non potuisset, sed, si ex
omni quidem ligno escam sumeret, semper uiuere potuisset hisque non mori;
idcirco paradisi fructibus indigentiam explebat. Quam indigentiam fuisse in
Christo nullus ignorat, sed potestate non necessitate; et ipsa indigentia
ante resurrectionem in eo fuit, post resurrectionem uero talis exstitit ut
ita illud corpus inmutaretur humanum, sicut Adae praeter praeuaricationis
uinculum mutari potuisset. Quodque nos ipse dominus Iesus Christus uotis
docuit optare, ut fiat uoluntas eius sicut in caelo et in terra et ut
adueniat eius regnum et nos liberet a malo. Haec enim omnia illa beatissima
humani generis fideliter credentium inmutatio deprecatur.

Haec sunt quae ad te de fidei meae credulitate scripsi. Qua in re si quid
perperam dictum est, non ita sum amator mei, ut ea quae semel effuderim
meliori sententiae anteferre contendam. Si enim nihil est ex nobis boni,
nihil est quod in nostris sententiis amare debeamus. Quod si ex illo cuncta
sunt bona qui solus est bonus, illud potius bonum esse credendum est quod
illa incommutabilis bonitas atque omnium bonorum causa perscribit.




  VIII.

  Nevertheless there remains yet another question which can be advanced by
  those who do not believe that the human body was taken from Mary, but
  that the body was in some other way set apart and prepared, which in the
  moment of union appeared to be conceived and born of Mary's womb. For
  they say: if the body was taken from man while every man was, from the
  time of the first disobedience, not only enslaved by sin and death but
  also involved in sinful desires, and if his punishment for sin was that,
  although he was held in chains of death, yet at the same time he should
  be guilty because of the will to sin, why was there in Christ neither
  sin nor any will to sin? And certainly such a question is attended by a
  difficulty which deserves attention. For if the body of Christ was
  assumed from human flesh, it is open to doubt of what kind we must
  consider that flesh to be which was assumed.

  In truth, the manhood which He assumed He likewise saved; but if He
  assumed such manhood as Adam had before sin, He appears to have assumed
  a human nature complete indeed, but one which was in no need of healing.
  But how can it be that He assumed such manhood as Adam had when there
  could be in Adam both the will and the desire to sin, whence it came to
  pass that even after the divine commands had been broken, he was still
  held captive to sins of disobedience? But we believe that in Christ
  there was never any will to sin, because especially if He assumed such a
  human body as Adam had before his sin, He could not be mortal, since
  Adam, had he not sinned, would in no wise have suffered death. Since,
  then, Christ never sinned, it must be asked why He suffered death if He
  assumed the body of Adam before sin. But if He accepted human conditions
  such as Adam's were after sin, it seems that Christ could not avoid
  being subject to sin, perplexed by passions, and, since the canons of
  judgment were obscured, prevented from distinguishing with unclouded
  reason between good and evil, since Adam by his disobedience incurred
  all these penalties of crime.

  To whom we must reply[76] that there are three states of man to
  envisage: one, that of Adam before his sin, in which, though free from
  death and still unstained by any sin, he could yet have within him the
  will to sin; the second, that in which he might have suffered change had
  he chosen to abide steadfastly in the commands of God, for then it could
  have been further granted him not only not to sin or wish to sin, but to
  be incapable of sinning or of the will to transgress. The third state is
  the state after sin, into which man needs must be pursued by death and
  sin and the sinful will. Now the points of extreme divergence between
  these states are the following: one state would have been for Adam a
  reward if he had chosen to abide in God's laws; the other was his
  punishment because he would not abide in them; for in the former state
  there would have been no death nor sin nor sinful will, in the latter
  there was both death and sin and every desire to transgress, and a
  general tendency to ruin and a condition helpless to render possible a
  rise after the Fall. But that middle state from which actual death or
  sin was absent, but the power for both remained, is situate between the
  other two.

  Each one, then, of these three states somehow supplied to Christ a cause
  for his corporeal nature; thus His assumption of a mortal body in order
  to drive death far from the human race belongs properly to that state
  which was laid on man by way of punishment after Adam's sin, whereas the
  fact that there was in Christ no sinful will is borrowed from that state
  which might have been if Adam had not surrendered his will to the frauds
  of the tempter. There remains, then, the third or middle state, to wit,
  that which was before death had come and while the will to sin might yet
  be present. In this state, therefore, Adam was able to eat and drink,
  digest the food he took, fall asleep, and perform all the other
  functions which always belonged to him as man, though they were allowed
  and brought with them no pain of death.

  There is no doubt that Christ was in all points thus conditioned; for He
  ate and drank and discharged the bodily function of the human body. For
  we must not think that Adam was at the first subject to such need that
  unless he ate he could not have lived, but rather that, if he had taken
  food from every tree, he could have lived for ever, and by that food
  have escaped death; and so by the fruits of the Garden he satisfied a
  need.[77] And all know that in Christ the same need dwelt, but lying in
  His own power and not laid upon Him. And this need was in Him before the
  Resurrection, but after the Resurrection He became such that His human
  body was changed as Adam's might have been but for the bands of
  disobedience. Which state, moreover, our Lord Jesus Christ Himself
  taught us to desire in our prayers, asking that His Will be done as in
  heaven so on earth, and that His Kingdom come, and that He may deliver
  us from evil. For all these things are sought in prayer by those members
  of the human family who rightly believe and who are destined to undergo
  that most blessed change of all.[78]

  So much have I written to you concerning what I believe should be
  believed. In which matter if I have said aught amiss, I am not so well
  pleased with myself as to try to press my effusions in the face of wiser
  judgment. For if there is no good thing in us there is nothing we should
  fancy in our opinions. But if all things are good as coming from Him who
  alone is good, that rather must be thought good which the Unchangeable
  Good and Cause of all Good indites.


  [76] This _respondendum_ has the true Thomist ring.

  [77] Adam did not need to eat in order to live, but if he had not eaten
  he would have suffered hunger, etc.

  [78] The whole of this passage might be set in _Tr._ iv. without
  altering the tone.








ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII

V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. EX MAG. OFF. PATRICII

PHILOSOPHIAE CONSOLATIONIS

LIBER I.




I.

Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi,
  Flebilis heu maestos cogor inire modos.
Ecce mihi lacerae dictant scribenda Camenae
  Et ueris elegi fletibus ora rigant.
Has saltem nullus potuit peruincere terror,                               5
  Ne nostrum comites prosequerentur iter.
Gloria felicis olim uiridisque iuuentae
  Solantur maesti nunc mea fata senis.
Venit enim properata malis inopina senectus
  Et dolor aetatem iussit inesse suam.                                   10
Intempestiui funduntur uertice cani
  Et tremit effeto corpore laxa cutis.
Mors hominum felix quae se nec dulcibus annis
  Inserit et maestis saepe uocata uenit.
Eheu quam surda miseros auertitur aure                                   15
  Et flentes oculos claudere saeua negat.
Dum leuibus male fida bonis fortuna faueret,
  Paene caput tristis merserat hora meum.
Nunc quia fallacem mutauit nubila uultum,
  Protrahit ingratas impia uita moras.                                   20
Quid me felicem totiens iactastis amici?
  Qui cecidit, stabili non erat ille gradu.








  THE FIRST BOOK OF BOETHIUS

  CONTAINING HIS COMPLAINT AND MISERIES




  I.

  I that with youthful heat did verses write,
  Must now my woes in doleful tunes indite.
  My work is framed by Muses torn and rude,
  And my sad cheeks are with true tears bedewed:
  For these alone no terror could affray
  From being partners of my weary way.
  The art that was my young life's joy and glory
  Becomes my solace now I'm old and sorry;
  Sorrow has filched my youth from me, the thief!
  My days are numbered not by time but Grief.[79]
  Untimely hoary hairs cover my head,
  And my loose skin quakes on my flesh half dead.
  O happy death, that spareth sweetest years,
  And comes in sorrow often called with tears.
  Alas, how deaf is he to wretch's cries;
  And loath he is to close up weeping eyes;
  While trustless chance me with vain favours crowned,
  That saddest hour my life had almost drowned:
  Now she hath clouded her deceitful face,
  My spiteful days prolong their weary race.
  My friends, why did you count me fortunate?
  He that is fallen, ne'er stood in settled state.


  [79] Literally "For Old Age, unlooked for, sped by evils, has come, and
  Grief has bidden her years lie on me."




I.

Haec dum mecum tacitus ipse reputarem querimoniamque lacrimabilem stili
officio signarem, adstitisse mihi supra uerticem uisa est mulier reuerendi
admodum uultus, oculis ardentibus et ultra communem hominum ualentiam
perspicacibus colore uiuido atque inexhausti uigoris, quamuis ita aeui
plena foret ut nullo modo nostrae crederetur aetatis, statura discretionis
ambiguae. Nam nunc quidem ad communem sese hominum mensuram cohibebat, nunc
uero pulsare caelum summi uerticis cacumine uidebatur; quae cum altius
caput extulisset, ipsum etiam caelum penetrabat respicientiumque hominum
frustrabatur intuitum. Vestes erant tenuissimis filis subtili artificio,
indissolubili materia perfectae quas, uti post eadem prodente cognoui, suis
manibus ipsa texuerat. Quarum speciem, ueluti fumosas imagines solet,
caligo quaedam neglectae uetustatis obduxerat. Harum in extrema margine
[Greek: PI] Graecum, in supremo uero [Greek: THETA], legebatur intextum.
Atque inter utrasque litteras in scalarum modum gradus quidam insigniti
uidebantur quibus ab inferiore ad superius elementum esset ascensus. Eandem
tamen uestem uiolentorum quorundam sciderant manus et particulas quas
quisque potuit abstulerant. Et dextera quidem eius libellos, sceptrum uero
sinistra gestabat.

Quae ubi poeticas Musas uidit nostro adsistentes toro fletibusque meis
uerba dictantes, commota paulisper ac toruis inflammata luminibus: "Quis,"
inquit, "has scenicas meretriculas ad hunc aegrum permisit accedere quae
dolores eius non modo nullis remediis fouerent, uerum dulcibus insuper
alerent uenenis? Hae sunt enim quae infructuosis affectuum spinis uberem
fructibus rationis segetem necant hominumque mentes assuefaciunt morbo, non
liberant. At si quem profanum, uti uulgo solitum uobis, blanditiae uestrae
detraherent, minus moleste ferendum putarem; nihil quippe in eo nostrae
operae laederentur. Hunc uero Eleaticis atque Academicis studiis
innutritum? Sed abite potius Sirenes usque in exitium dulces meisque eum
Musis curandum sanandumque relinquite."

His ille chorus increpitus deiecit humi maestior uultum confessusque rubore
uerecundiam limen tristis excessit. At ego cuius acies lacrimis mersa
caligaret nec dinoscere possem, quaenam haec esset mulier tam imperiosae
auctoritatis, obstipui uisuque in terram defixo quidnam deinceps esset
actura, exspectare tacitus coepi. Tum illa propius accedens in extrema
lectuli mei parte consedit meumque intuens uultum luctu grauem atque in
humum maerore deiectum his uersibus de nostrae mentis perturbatione
conquesta est.




  I.

  While I ruminated these things with myself, and determined to set forth
  my woful complaint in writing, methought I saw a woman stand above my
  head, having a grave countenance, glistening clear eye, and of quicker
  sight than commonly Nature doth afford; her colour fresh and bespeaking
  unabated vigour, and yet discovering so many years, that she could not
  at all be thought to belong to our times; her stature uncertain and
  doubtful, for sometime she exceeded not the common height of men, and
  sometime she seemed to touch the heavens with her head, and if she
  lifted it up to the highest, she pierced the very heavens, so that she
  could not be seen by the beholders; her garments were made of most fine
  threads with cunning workmanship into an ever-during stuff, which (as I
  knew afterward by her own report) she had woven with her own hands. A
  certain duskishness caused by negligence and time had darkened their
  colour, as it is wont to happen when pictures stand in a smoky room. In
  the lower part of them was placed the Greek letter [Greek: PI], and in
  the upper [Greek: THETA],[80] and betwixt the two letters, in the manner
  of stairs, there were certain degrees made, by which there was a passage
  from the lower to the higher letter: this her garment had been cut by
  the violence of some, who had taken away such pieces as they could get.
  In her right hand she had certain books, and in her left hand she held a
  sceptre.

  This woman, seeing the poetical Muses standing about my bed, and
  suggesting words to my tears, being moved for a little space, and
  inflamed with angry looks: "Who," saith she, "hath permitted these
  tragical harlots to have access to this sick man, which will not only
  not comfort his grief with wholesome remedies, but also nourish them
  with sugared poison? For these be they which with the fruitless thorns
  of affections do kill the fruitful crop of reason, and do accustom men's
  minds to sickness, instead of curing them. But if your flattery did
  deprive us of some profane fellow,[81] as commonly it happeneth, I
  should think that it were not so grievously to be taken, for in him our
  labours should receive no harm. But now have you laid hold of him who
  hath been brought up in Eleatical and Academical studies?[82] Rather get
  you gone, you Sirens pleasant even to destruction, and leave him to my
  Muses to be cured and healed."

  That company being thus checked, overcome with grief, casting their eyes
  upon the ground, and betraying their bashfulness with blushing, went
  sadly away. But I, whose sight was dimmed with tears, so that I could
  not discern what this woman might be, so imperious, and of such
  authority, was astonished, and, fixing my countenance upon the earth,
  began to expect with silence what she would do afterward. Then she
  coming nigher, sat down at my bed's feet, and beholding my countenance
  sad with mourning, and cast upon the ground with grief, complained of
  the perturbation of my mind with these verses.


  [80] Cf. "est enim philosophia genus, species uero eius duae, una quae
  [Greek: theoraetikae] dicitur, altera quae [Greek: praktikae], id est
  speculatiua et actiua." Boeth. _In Porph. Dial._ i.

  [81] This scorn of the _profanum vulgus_ appears again and again in the
  theological tractates, e.g. _Tr._ iii. (_supra_, p. 4), _Tr._ v.
  (_supra_, p. 74).

  [82] Zeno of Elea invented Dialectic: Plato was the first to lecture on
  philosophy in the gymnasium of the Academia.




II.

Heu quam praecipiti mersa profundo
Mens hebet et propria luce relicta
Tendit in externas ire tenebras,
Terrenis quotiens flatibus aucta
Crescit in inmensum noxia cura.                                           5
Hic quondam caelo liber aperto
Suetus in aetherios ire meatus
Cernebat rosei lumina solis,
Visebat gelidae sidera lunae
Et quaecumque uagos stella recursus                                      10
Exercet uarios flexa per orbes,
Comprensam numeris uictor habebat.
Quin etiam causas unde sonora
Flamina sollicitent aequora ponti,
Quis uoluat stabilem spiritus orbem                                      15
Vel cur hesperias sidus in undas
Casurum rutilo surgat ab ortu,
Quid ueris placidas temperet horas,
Vt terram roseis floribus ornet,
Quis dedit ut pleno fertilis anno                                        20
Autumnus grauidis influat uuis
Rimari solitus atque latentis
Naturae uarias reddere causas,
Nunc iacet effeto lumine mentis
Et pressus grauibus colla catenis                                        25
Decliuemque gerens pondere uultum
Cogitur, heu, stolidam cernere terram.




  II.

  Alas, how thy dull mind is headlong cast
  In depths of woe, where, all her light once lost,
  She doth to walk in utter darkness haste,
  While cares grow great with earthly tempests tost.
  He that through the opened heavens did freely run,
  And used to travel the celestial ways,
  Marking the rosy splendour of the sun,
  And noting Cynthia's cold and watery rays;
  He that did bravely comprehend in verse
  The different spheres and wandering course of stars,
  He that was wont the causes to rehearse
  Why sounding winds do with the seas make wars,
  What spirit moves the world's well-settled frame,
  And why the sun, whom forth the east doth bring,
  In western waves doth hide his falling flame,
  Searching what power tempers the pleasing Spring
  Which makes the earth her rosy flowers to bear,
  Whose gift it is that Autumn's fruitful season
  Should with full grapes flow in a plenteous year,
  Telling of secret Nature every reason,
  Now having lost the beauty of his mind
  Lies with his neck compassed in ponderous chains;
  His countenance with heavy weight declined,
  Him to behold the sullen earth constrains.




II.

"Sed medicinae," inquit, "tempus est quam querelae." Tum uero totis in me
intenta luminibus: "Tune ille es," ait, "qui nostro quondam lacte nutritus
nostris educatus alimentis in uirilis animi robur euaseras? Atqui talia
contuleramus arma quae nisi prior abiecisses, inuicta te firmitate
tuerentur. Agnoscisne me? Quid taces? Pudore an stupore siluisti? Mallem
pudore, sed te, ut uideo, stupor oppressit." Cumque me non modo tacitum sed
elinguem prorsus mutumque uidisset, admouit pectori meo leniter manum et:
"Nihil," inquit, "pericli est; lethargum patitur communem inlusarum mentium
morbum. Sui paulisper oblitus est; recordabitur facile, si quidem nos ante
cognouerit. Quod ut possit, paulisper lumina eius mortalium rerum nube
caligantia tergamus." Haec dixit oculosque meos fletibus undantes contracta
in rugam ueste siccauit.




  II.

  "But it is rather time," saith she, "to apply remedies, than to make
  complaints." And then looking wistfully upon me: "Art thou he," saith
  she, "which, being long since nursed with our milk, and brought up with
  our nourishments, wert come to man's estate? But we had given thee such
  weapons as, if thou hadst not cast them away, would have made thee
  invincible. Dost thou not know me? Why dost thou not speak? Is it
  shamefastness or insensibleness that makes thee silent? I had rather it
  were shamefastness, but I perceive thou art become insensible." And
  seeing me not only silent but altogether mute and dumb, fair and easily
  she laid her hand upon my breast saying: "There is no danger; he is in a
  lethargy, the common disease of deceived minds; he hath a little forgot
  himself, but he will easily remember himself again, if he be brought to
  know us first. To which end, let us a little wipe his eyes, dimmed with
  the cloud of mortal things." And having thus said, with a corner of her
  garment she dried my eyes which were wet with tears.




III.

Tunc me discussa liquerunt nocte tenebrae
  Luminibusque prior rediit uigor,
Vt, cum praecipiti glomerantur sidera Coro
  Nimbosisque polus stetit imbribus,
Sol latet ac nondum caelo uenientibus astris,                             5
  Desuper in terram nox funditur;
Hanc si Threicio Boreas emissus ab antro
  Verberet et clausam reseret diem,
Emicat ac subito uibratus lumine Phoebus
  Mirantes oculos radiis ferit.                                          10




  III.

  Then fled the night and darkness did me leave.
  Mine eyes their wonted strength receive,
  As when swift Corus spreads the stars with clouds
    And the clear sky a veil of tempest shrouds
  The sun doth lurk, the earth receiveth night.
    Lacking the boon of starry light;
  But if fierce Boreas, sent from Thrace, make way
    For the restoring of the day,
  Phoebus with fresh and sudden beams doth rise,
    Striking with light our wondering eyes.




III.

Haud aliter tristitiae nebulis dissolutis hausi caelum et ad cognoscendam
medicantis faciem mentem recepi. Itaque ubi in eam deduxi oculos
intuitumque defixi, respicio nutricem meam cuius ab adulescentia laribus
obuersatus fueram Philosophiam. "Et quid," inquam, "tu in has exilii nostri
solitudines o omnium magistra uirtutum supero cardine delapsa uenisti? An
ut tu quoque mecum rea falsis criminationibus agiteris?

"An," inquit illa, "te alumne desererem nec sarcinam quam mei nominis
inuidia sustulisti, communicato tecum labore partirer? Atqui Philosophiae
fas non erat incomitatum relinquere iter innocentis; meam scilicet
criminationem uererer et quasi nouum aliquid acciderit, perhorrescerem?
Nunc enim primum censes apud inprobos mores lacessitam periculis esse
sapientiam? Nonne apud ueteres quoque ante nostri Platonis aetatem magnum
saepe certamen cum stultitiae temeritate certauimus eodemque superstite
praeceptor eius Socrates iniustae uictoriam mortis me adstante promeruit?
Cuius hereditatem cum deinceps Epicureum uulgus ac Stoicum ceterique pro
sua quisque parte raptum ire molirentur meque reclamantem renitentemque
uelut in partem praedae traherent, uestem quam meis texueram manibus,
disciderunt abreptisque ab ea panniculis totam me sibi cessisse credentes
abiere. In quibus quoniam quaedam nostri habitus uestigia uidebantur, meos
esse familiares inprudentia rata nonnullos eorum profanae multitudinis
errore peruertit.

Quod si nec Anaxagorae fugam nec Socratis uenenum nec Zenonis tormenta
quoniam sunt peregrina nouisti, at Canios, at Senecas, at Soranos quorum
nec peruetusta nec incelebris memoria est, scire potuisti. Quos nihil aliud
in cladem detraxit nisi quod nostris moribus instituti studiis improborum
dissimillimi uidebantur. Itaque nihil est quod admirere, si in hoc uitae
salo circumflantibus agitemur procellis, quibus hoc maxime propositum est
pessimis displicere. Quorum quidem tametsi est numerosus exercitus,
spernendus tamen est, quoniam nullo duce regitur, sed errore tantum temere
ac passim lymphante raptatur. Qui si quando contra nos aciem struens
ualentior incubuerit, nostra quidem dux copias suas in arcem contrahit,
illi uero circa diripiendas inutiles sarcinulas occupantur. At nos desuper
inridemus uilissima rerum quaeque rapientes securi totius furiosi tumultus
eoque uallo muniti quo grassanti stultitiae adspirare fas non sit.




  III.

  In like manner, the mists of sadness dissolved, I came to myself and
  recovered my judgment, so that I knew my Physician's face; wherefore
  casting mine eyes upon her somewhat stedfastly, I beheld my nurse
  Philosophy, in whose house I had remained from my youth, and I said: "O
  Mistress of all virtues, for what cause art thou come from heaven into
  this our solitary banishment? Art thou come to bear me company in being
  falsely accused?"

  "Should I," saith she, "forsake thee, my disciple, and not divide the
  burden, which thou bearest through hatred of my name, by partaking of
  thy labour? But Philosophy never thought it lawful to forsake the
  innocent in his trouble. Should I fear any accusations, as though this
  were any new matter? For dost thou think that this is the first time
  that Wisdom hath been exposed to danger by wicked men? Have we not in
  ancient times before our Plato's age had oftentimes great conflicts with
  the rashness of folly? And while he lived, had not his master Socrates
  the victory of an unjust death in my presence, whose inheritance, when
  afterward the mob of Epicures, Stoics, and others (every one for his own
  sect) endeavoured to usurp, and as it were in part of their prey, sought
  to draw me to them, exclaiming and striving against them; they tore the
  garment which I had woven with my own hands, and having gotten some
  little pieces of it, thinking me to be wholly in their possession,
  departed. Some of whom, because certain signs of my apparel appeared
  upon them, were rashly supposed to be my familiar friends, and condemned
  accordingly through the error of the profane multitude.

  But if thou hast not heard of the flight of Anaxagoras, the poison of
  Socrates, nor the torments of Zeno, because they are foreign examples;
  yet thou mayst have heard of Canius, of Seneca, of Soranus,[83] whose
  memory is both fresh and famous, whom nothing else brought to their
  overthrow but that they had been instructed in our school and were
  altogether disliking to the humours of wicked men; wherefore thou hast
  no cause to marvel, if in the sea of this life we be tossed with
  boisterous storms, whose chiefest purpose is to displease the wicked; of
  which though there be an huge army, yet it is to be despised, because it
  is not governed by any captain, but is carried up and down by
  fantastical error without any order at all. And if at any time they
  assail us with great force, our captain retireth her band into a
  castle,[84] leaving them occupied in sacking unprofitable baggage. And
  from above we laugh them to scorn for seeking so greedily after most
  vile things, being safe from all their furious assault, and fortified
  with that defence which aspiring folly cannot prevail against.


  [83] On Julius Kanius or Canius the Stoic cf. Seneca, _De Tranq._ xiv.
  4-9; on Soranus cf. Tac. _Annal._ i. 16.

  [84] Cf. _arce religionis nostrae, Tr._ iv. (_supra_, p. 54).




IV.

Quisquis composito serenus aeuo
Fatum sub pedibus egit[85] superbum
Fortunamque tuens utramque rectus
Inuictum potuit tenere uultum,
Non illum rabies minaeque ponti                                           5
Versum funditus exagitantis aestum
Nec ruptis quotiens uagus caminis
Torquet fumificos Vesaeuus ignes
Aut celsas soliti ferire turres
Ardentis uia fulminis mouebit.                                           10
Quid tantum miseri saeuos tyrannos
Mirantur sine uiribus furentes?
Nec speres aliquid nec extimescas,
Exarmaueris impotentis iram.
At quisquis trepidus pauet uel optat,                                    15
Quod non sit stabilis suique iuris,
Abiecit clipeum locoque motus
Nectit qua ualeat trahi catenam.


[85] _Fortasse_ iecit; cf. Verg. _Georg._ ii. 491 _sq._




  IV.

  Who mildly can his age dispose,
  And at his feet proud destiny throws:
  Who stoutly doth each chance behold,
  Keeping his countenance uncontrolled:
  Not him the ocean's rage and threat,
  Stirring the waves with angry heat,
  Nor hot Vesuvius when he casts
  From broken hills enflaméd blasts,
  Nor fiery thunder can dismay,
  Which takes the tops of towers away.
  Why do fierce tyrants us affright,
  Whose rage is far beyond their might?
  For nothing hope, nor fear thou harm,
  So their weak wrath thou shalt disarm.
  But he whom hope or terror takes,
  Being a slave, his shield forsakes,
  And leaves his place, and doth provide
  A chain wherewith his hands are tied.




IV.

"Sentisne," inquit, "haec atque animo inlabuntur tuo, an [Greek: onos
luras]? Quid fles, quid lacrimis manas?

[Greek: Exauda, mae keuthe nooi.]

Si operam medicantis exspectas, oportet uulnus detegas."

Tum ego collecto in uires animo: "Anne adhuc eget admonitione nec per se
satis eminet fortunae in nos saeuientis asperitas? Nihilne te ipsa loci
facies mouet? Haecine est bibliotheca, quam certissimam tibi sedem nostris
in laribus ipsa delegeras? In qua mecum saepe residens de humanarum
diuinarumque rerum scientia disserebas? Talis habitus talisque uultus erat,
*cum tecum naturae secreta rimarer, cum mihi siderum uias radio
describeres, cum mores nostros totiusque uitae rationem ad caelestis
ordinis exempla formares? Haecine praemia referimus tibi obsequentes? Atqui
tu hanc sententiam Platonis ore sanxisti: beatas fore res publicas, si eas
uel studiosi sapientiae regerent uel earum rectores studere sapientiae
contigisset. Tu eiusdem uiri ore hanc sapientibus capessendae rei publicae
necessariam causam esse monuisti, ne improbis flagitiosisque ciuibus urbium
relicta gubernacula pestem bonis ac perniciem ferrent.

Hanc igitur auctoritatem secutus quod a te inter secreta otia didiceram
transferre in actum publicae administrationis optaui. Tu mihi et qui te
sapientium mentibus inseruit deus conscii nullum me ad magistratum nisi
commune bonorum omnium studium detulisse. Inde cum inprobis graues
inexorabilesque discordiae et quod conscientiae libertas habet, pro tuendo
iure spreta potentiorum semper offensio.

Quotiens ego Conigastum in inbecilli cuiusque fortunas impetum facientem
obuius excepi, quotiens Triguillam regiae praepositum domus ab incepta,
perpetrata iam prorsus iniuria deieci, quotiens miseros quos infinitis
calumniis inpunita barbarorum semper auaritia uexabat, obiecta periculis
auctoritate protexi! Numquam me ab iure ad iniuriam quisquam detraxit.
Prouincialium fortunas tum priuatis rapinis tum publicis uectigalibus
pessumdari non aliter quam qui patiebantur indolui.

Cum acerbae famis tempore grauis atque inexplicabilis indicta coemptio
profligatura inopia Campaniam prouinciam uideretur, certamen aduersum
praefectum praetorii communis commodi ratione suscepi, rege cognoscente
contendi et ne coemptio exigeretur, euici. Paulinum consularem uirum cuius
opes Palatinae canes iam spe atque ambitione deuorassent, ab ipsis hiantium
faucibus traxi. Ne Albinum consularem uirum praeiudicatae accusationis
poena corriperet, odiis me Cypriani delatoris opposui. Satisne in me magnas
uideor exaceruasse discordias? Sed esse apud ceteros tutior debui qui mihi
amore iustitiae nihil apud aulicos quo magis essem tutior reseruaui. Quibus
autem deferentibus perculsi sumus? Quorum Basilius olim regio ministerio
depulsus in delationem nostri nominis alieni aeris necessitate compulsus
est. Opilionem uero atque Gaudentium cum ob innumeras multiplicesque
fraudes ire in exilium regia censura decreuisset cumque illi parere
nolentes sacrarum sese aedium defensione tuerentur compertumque id regi
foret, edixit: uti ni intra praescriptum diem Rauenna urbe decederent,
notas insigniti frontibus pellerentur. Quid huic seueritati posse astrui
uidetur? Atqui in eo die deferentibus eisdem nominis nostri delatio
suscepta est. Quid igitur? Nostraene artes ita meruerunt? An illos
accusatores iustos fecit praemissa damnatio? Itane nihil fortunam puduit si
minus accusatae innocentiae, at accusantium uilitatis?[86] At cuius
criminis arguimur summam quaeris? Senatum dicimur saluum esse uoluisse.
Modum desideras? Delatorem ne documenta deferret quibus senatum maiestatis
reum faceret impedisse criminamur.

Quid igitur o magistra censes? Infitiabimur crimen, ne tibi pudor simus? At
uolui nec umquam uelle desistam. Fatebimur? Sed impediendi delatoris opera
cessauit. An optasse illius ordinis salutem nefas uocabo? Ille quidem suis
de me decretis, uti hoc nefas esset, effecerat. Sed sibi semper mentiens
inprudentia rerum merita non potest inmutare nec mihi Socratico decreto fas
esse arbitror uel occuluisse ueritatem uel concessisse mendacium. Verum id
quoquo modo sit, tuo sapientiumque iudicio aestimandum relinquo. Cuius rei
seriem atque ueritatem, ne latere posteros queat, stilo etiam memoriaeque
mandaui.

Nam de compositis falso litteris quibus libertatem arguor sperasse Romanam
quid attinet dicere? Quarum fraus aperta patuisset, si nobis ipsorum
confessione delatorum, quod in omnibus negotiis maximas uires habet, uti
licuisset. Nam quae sperari reliqua libertas potest? Atque utinam posset
ulla! Respondissem Canii uerbo, qui cum a Gaio Caesare Germanici filio
conscius contra se factae coniurationis fuisse diceretur: 'Si ego,' inquit,
'scissem, tu nescisses.' Qua in re non ita sensus nostros maeror hebetauit
ut impios scelerata contra uirtutem querar molitos, sed quae sperauerint
effecisse uehementer admiror. Nam deteriora uelle nostri fuerit fortasse
defectus, posse contra innocentiam, quae sceleratus quisque conceperit
inspectante deo, monstri simile est. Vnde haud iniuria tuorum quidam
familiarium quaesiuit: 'Si quidem deus,' inquit, 'est, unde mala? Bona uero
unde, si non est?' Sed fas fuerit nefarios homines qui bonorum omnium
totiusque senatus sanguinem petunt, nos etiam quos propugnare bonis
senatuique uiderant, perditum ire uoluisse. Sed num idem de patribus quoque
merebamur? Meministi, ut opinor, quoniam me dicturum quid facturumue
praesens semper ipsa dirigebas, meministi, inquam, Veronae cum rex auidus
exitii communis maiestatis crimen in Albinum delatae ad cunctum senatus
ordinem transferre moliretur, uniuersi innocentiam senatus quanta mei
periculi securitate defenderim. Scis me haec et uera proferre et in nulla
umquam mei laude iactasse. Minuit enim quodam modo se probantis
conscientiae secretum, quotiens ostentando quis factum recipit famae
pretium. Sed innocentiam nostram quis exceperit euentus uides; pro uerae
uirtutis praemiis falsi sceleris poenas subimus. Et cuius umquam facinoris
manifesta confessio ita iudices habuit in seueritate concordes ut non
aliquos uel ipse ingenii error humani uel fortunae condicio cunctis
mortalibus incerta submitteret? Si inflammare sacras aedes uoluisse, si
sacerdotes impio iugulare gladio, si bonis omnibus necem struxisse
diceremur, praesentem tamen sententia, confessum tamen conuictumue
punisset. Nunc quingentis fere passuum milibus procul muti atque indefensi
ob studium propensius in senatum morti proscriptionique damnamur. O meritos
de simili crimine neminem posse conuinci!

Cuius dignitatem reatus ipsi etiam qui detulere uiderunt, quam uti alicuius
sceleris admixtione fuscarent, ob ambitum dignitatis sacrilegio me
conscientiam polluisse mentiti sunt. Atqui et tu insita nobis omnem rerum
mortalium cupidinem de nostri animi sede pellebas et sub tuis oculis
sacrilegio locum esse fas non erat. Instillabas enim auribus
cogitationibusque cotidie meis Pythagoricum illud [Greek: hepou theoi].[87]
Nec conueniebat uilissimorum me spirituum praesidia captare quem tu in hanc
excellentiam componebas ut consimilem deo faceres. Praeterea penetral
innocens domus, honestissimorum coetus amicorum, socer etiam sanctus et
aeque ac tu ipsa[88] reuerendus ab omni nos huius criminis suspitione
defendunt. Sed, o nefas, illi uero de te tanti criminis fidem capiunt atque
hoc ipso uidebimur affines fuisse maleficio, quod tuis inbuti disciplinis,
tuis instituti moribus sumus. Ita non est satis nihil mihi tuam profuisse
reuerentiam, nisi ultro tu mea potius offensione lacereris. At uero hic
etiam nostris malis cumulus accedit, quod existimatio plurimorum non rerum
merita sed fortunae spectat euentum eaque tantum iudicat esse prouisa quae
felicitas commendauerit. Quo fit ut existimatio bona prima omnium deserat
infelices. Qui nunc populi rumores, quam dissonae multiplicesque
sententiae, piget reminisci. Hoc tantum dixerim ultimam esse aduersae
fortunae sarcinam, quod dum miseris aliquod crimen affingitur, quae
perferunt meruisse creduntur. Et ego quidem bonis omnibus pulsus,
dignitatibus exutus, existimatione foedatus ob beneficium supplicium tuli.

Videre autem uideor nefarias sceleratorum officinas gaudio laetitiaque
fluitantes, perditissimum quemque nouis delationum fraudibus imminentem,
iacere bonos nostri discriminis terrore prostratos, flagitiosum quemque ad
audendum quidem facinus impunitate, ad efficiendum uero praemiis incitari,
insontes autem non modo securitate, uerum ipsa etiam defensione priuatos.
Itaque libet exclamare:


[86] uilitatis _Glareanus_; uilitas _codd._

[87] [Greek: theon] _codd._

[88] ipsa _Sitzmannus_; ipso _codd._




  IV.

  "Understandest thou these things," saith she, "and do they make
  impression in thy mind? Art thou 'like the ass, deaf to the lyre'? Why
  weepest thou? Why sheddest thou so many tears? Speak out; hide not thy
  thoughts.[89] If thou expectest to be cured, thou must discover thy
  wound.[90]"

  Then I, collecting the forces of my mind together, made her answer in
  these words: "Doth the cruelty of fortune's rage need further
  declaration, or doth it not sufficiently appear of itself? Doth not the
  very countenance of this place move thee? Is this the library which thou
  thyself hadst chosen to sit in at my house, in which thou hast
  oftentimes discoursed with me of the knowledge of divine and human
  things? Had I this attire or countenance when I searched the secrets of
  nature with thee, when thou describedst unto me the course of the stars
  with thy geometrical rod, when thou didst frame my conversation and the
  manner of my whole life according to the pattern of the celestial order?
  Are these the rewards which thy obedient servants have? But thou didst
  decree that sentence by the mouth of Plato: That commonwealths should be
  happy, if either the students of wisdom did govern them, or those which
  were appointed to govern them would give themselves to the study of
  wisdom.[91] Thou by the same philosopher didst admonish us that it is a
  sufficient cause for wise men to take upon themselves the government of
  the commonwealth, lest, if the rule of cities were left in the hands of
  lewd and wicked citizens, they should work the subversion and overthrow
  of the good.

  Wherefore, following this authority, I desired to practise that by
  public administration which I had learnt of thee in private conference.
  Thou and God Himself who had inserted thee in the minds of the wise, are
  my witnesses that nothing but the common desire of all good men brought
  me to be a magistrate. This hath been the cause of my grievous and
  irreconcilable disagreements with wicked men, and that which freedom of
  conscience carrieth with it, of ever contemning the indignation of
  potentates for the defence of justice.

  How often have I encountered with Conigastus, violently possessing
  himself with poor men's goods? How often have I put back Triguilla,
  Provost of the King's house, from injuries which he had begun, yea, and
  finished also? How often have I protected, by putting my authority in
  danger, such poor wretches as the unpunished covetousness of the
  barbarous did vex with infinite reproaches? Never did any man draw me
  from right to wrong. It grieved me no less than them which suffered it,
  to see the wealth of our subjects wasted, partly by private pillage, and
  partly by public tributes.

  When in the time of a great dearth things were set at so excessive and
  unreasonable a rate that the province of Campania was like to be
  altogether impoverished, for the common good I stuck not to contend with
  the chief Praetor himself, and the matter was discussed before the King,
  and I prevailed so far that it went not forward. I drew Paulinus, who
  had been Consul, out of the very mouth of the gaping courtiers, who like
  ravenous curs had already in hope and ambition devoured his riches. That
  Albinus who had likewise been Consul might not be punished upon
  presumptuous[92] and false accusation, I exposed myself to the hatred of
  Cyprian his accuser. May I seem to have provoked enmity enough against
  myself? But others should so much the more have procured my safety,
  since that for the love I bear to justice I left myself no way by the
  means of courtiers to be safe. But by whose accusations did I receive
  this blow? By theirs who, long since having put Basil out of the King's
  service, compelled him now to accuse me, by the necessity which he was
  driven to by debt. Opilio likewise and Gaudentius being banished by the
  King's decree, for the injuries and manifold deceits which they had
  committed, because they would not obey, defended themselves by taking
  sanctuary, of which the King hearing, gave sentence, that unless they
  departed out of the city of Ravenna within certain days, they should be
  branded in the foreheads, and put out by force. What could be added to
  this severity? And yet that very day their accusations against me went
  for current. What might be the reason of this? Did my dealing deserve
  it? Or did the condemnation, which went before, make them just accusers?
  Was not fortune ashamed, if not that innocency was accused, yet at least
  that it had so vile and base accusers? But what crime was laid to my
  charge? Wilt thou have it in one word? I am said to have desired the
  Senate's safety. Wilt thou know the manner how? I am blamed for having
  hindered their accuser to bring forth evidence by which he should prove
  the Senate guilty of treason.

  What thinkest thou, O Mistress? Shall I deny this charge, that I may not
  shame thee? But it is true, I desired it, neither will I ever cease from
  having that desire. Shall I confess it? But I have already left
  hindering their accuser. Shall I call it an offence to have wished the
  safety of that order? Indeed the Senate with their decrees concerning me
  had made it an offence. But folly, always deceiving herself, cannot
  change the deserts of things, nor, according to the decree of
  Socrates,[93] do I think it is lawful either to conceal the truth or
  grant a lie. But how this may be, I leave to thine and Wisdom's censure.
  And that posterity may not be ignorant of the course and truth of the
  matter, I have put it down in writing.

  For why should I speak of those feigned letters, in which I am charged
  to have hoped for Roman liberty? The deceit of which would manifestly
  have appeared, if it might have been lawful for me to have used the
  confession of my very accusers, which in all business is of greatest
  force. For what liberty remaineth there to be hoped for? I would to God
  there were any! I would have answered as Canius did, who being charged
  by Gaius Caesar, son to Germanicus, that he was privy to the conspiracy
  made against him, answered: 'If I had been made acquainted with it, thou
  shouldest never have known of it.'[94] Neither hath sorrow so dulled my
  wits in this matter that I complain of the wicked endeavours of sinful
  men against virtue, but I exceedingly marvel to see that they have
  brought to pass the things they hoped to do. For the desire of doing
  evil may be attributed to our weakness, but that in the sight of God the
  wicked should be able to compass whatsoever they contrive against the
  innocent, is altogether monstrous. Whence not without cause one of thy
  familiar friends[95] demanded: 'If,' saith he, 'there be a God, from
  whence proceed so many evils? And if there be no God, from whence cometh
  any good?' But let that pass that wicked men, which seek the blood of
  all good men, and of the whole Senate, would also have overthrown me,
  whom they saw to stand in defence of good men and of the Senate. But did
  I deserve the same of the Senators themselves? I suppose thou
  rememberest how thou being present didst alway direct me when I went
  about to say or do anything. Thou rememberest, I say, when at Verona the
  King, being desirous of a common overthrow, endeavoured to lay the
  treason, whereof only Albinus was accused, upon the whole order of the
  Senate, with how great security of my own danger I defended the
  innocency of the whole Senate. Thou knowest that these things which I
  say are true, and that I was never delighted in my own praise, for the
  secret of a good conscience is in some sort diminished when by declaring
  what he hath done a man receiveth the reward of fame. But thou seest to
  what pass my innocency is come; instead of the rewards of true virtue, I
  undergo the punishment of wickedness, wherewith I am falsely charged.
  Was it ever yet seen that the manifest confession of any crime made the
  judges so at one in severity, that either the error of man's judgment or
  the condition of fortune, which is certain to none, did not incline some
  of them to favour? If I had been accused that I would have burnt the
  churches, or wickedly have killed the priests, or have sought the death
  of all good men, yet sentence should have been pronounced against me
  present, having confessed, and being convicted. Now being conveyed five
  hundred miles off, dumb and defenceless, I am condemned to death and
  proscription for bearing the Senate too much good will. O Senate, which
  deserves that never any may be convicted of the like crime!

  The dignity of which accusation even the very accusers themselves saw,
  which that they might obscure by adding some sort of fault, they belied
  me that I defiled my conscience with sacrilege, for an ambitious desire
  of preferment. But thou, which hadst seated thyself in me, didst repel
  from the seat of my mind all desire of mortal things, and within thy
  sight there was no place for sacrilege to harbour; for thou didst instil
  into my ears and thoughts daily that saying of Pythagoras, 'Follow
  God.'[96] Neither was it fitting for me to use the aid of most vile
  spirits when thou wast shaping me into that excellency to make me like
  to God. Besides the innocency which appeared in the most retired rooms
  of my house, the assembly of my most honourable friends, my holy father-
  in-law Symmachus, who is as worthy of reverence as thou thyself art, do
  clear me from all suspicion of this crime. But O detestable wickedness!
  they the rather credit thee with so great a crime, and think me the
  nigher to such mischievous dealing, because I am endued with thy
  knowledge, and adorned with thy virtues, so that it is not enough that I
  reap no commodity for thy respect, unless thou beest also dishonoured
  for the hatred conceived against me. And that my miseries may increase
  the more, the greatest part do not so much respect the value of things
  as the event of fortune, and they esteem only that to be providently
  done which the happy success commends. By which means it cometh to pass
  that the first loss which miserable men have is their estimation and the
  good opinion which was had of them. What rumours go now among the
  people, what dissonant and diverse opinions! I cannot abide to think of
  them; only this will I say, the last burden of adversity is that when
  they which are in misery are accused of any crime, they are thought to
  deserve whatsoever they suffer. And I, spoiled of all my goods, bereaved
  of my dignities, blemished in my good name, for benefits receive
  punishments.

  And methinks I see the cursed crews of the wicked abounding with joy and
  gladness, and every lost companion devising with himself how to accuse
  others falsely, good men lie prostrate with the terror of my danger, and
  every lewd fellow is provoked by impunity to attempt any wickedness, and
  by rewards to bring it to effect; but the innocent are not only deprived
  of all security, but also of any manner of defence. Wherefore I may well
  exclaim:


  [89] Homer, _Il._ i. 363.

  [90] Cf. _Tr._ v. (_supra_, p. 76), _quasi non deterior fiat
  inscientiae causa dum tegitur._

  [91] Plato, _Rep._ v. 473.

  [92] Presumptuous=founded on presumption.

  [93] Cp. Plato, _Rep._ vi. 485; the [Greek: philosophos] cannot be
  [Greek: philopseudaes.]

  [94] _Vide supra_, p. 69. This seems to be the only record of Canius's
  retort to Caligula.

  [95] i.e. Epicurus, cp. Lact. _De Ira Dei_ xiii.

  [96] Cf. [Greek: ho bios apas suntetaktai pros to akolouthein toi
  Theoi], Iambl. _De Vita Pyth._ xviii., and Seneca, _De Vita Beata_ xv.




V.

O stelliferi conditor orbis
Qui perpetuo nixus solio
Rapido caelum turbine uersas
Legemque pati sidera cogis,
Vt nunc pleno lucida cornu                                                5
Totis fratris obuia flammis
Condat stellas luna minores,
Nunc obscuro pallida cornu
Phoebo propior lumina perdat,
Et qui primae tempore noctis                                             10
Agit algentes Hesperos ortus,
Solitas iterum mutet habenas
Phoebi pallens Lucifer ortu.
Tu frondifluae frigore brumae
Stringis lucem breuiore mora:                                            15
Tu, cum feruida uenerit aestas,
Agiles nocti diuidis horas.
Tua uis uarium temperat annum
Vt quas Boreae spiritus aufert
Reuehat mites Zephyrus frondes                                           20
Quaeque Arcturus semina uidit
Sirius altas urat segetes.
Nihil antiqua lege solutum
Linquit propriae stationis opus.
Omnia certo fine gubernans                                               25
Hominum solos respuis actus
Merito rector cohibere modo.
Nam cur tantas lubrica uersat
Fortuna uices? Premit insontes
Debita sceleri noxia poena,                                              30
At peruersi resident celso
Mores solio sanctaque calcant
Iniusta uice colla nocentes.
Latet obscuris condita uirtus
Clara tenebris iustusque tulit                                           35
Crimen iniqui.
Nil periuria, nil nocet ipsis
Fraus mendaci compta colore.
Sed cum libuit uiribus uti,
Quos innumeri metuunt populi                                             40
Summos gaudent subdere reges.
O iam miseras respice terras
Quisquis rerum foedera nectis.
Operis tanti pars non uilis
Homines quatimur fortunae salo.                                          45
Rapidos rector comprime fluctus
Et quo caelum regis immensum
Firma stabiles foedere terras."




V.

    Creator of the Sky,
  Who sittest on Thine eternal throne on high,
    Who dost quick motions cause
  In all the heavens, and givest stars their laws,
    That the pale Queen of Night,
  Sometimes receiving all her brother's light,
    Should shine in her full pride,
  And with her beams the lesser stars should hide;
    Sometimes she wants her grace,
  When the sun's rays are in less distant place;
    And Hesperus that flies,
  Driving the cold, before the night doth rise,
    And oft with sudden change
  Before the sun as Lucifer doth range.[97]
    Thou short the days dost make,
  When Winter from the trees the leaves doth take;
    Thou, when the fiery sun
  Doth Summer cause, makest the nights swiftly run.
    Thy might doth rule the year,
  As northern winds the leaves away do bear,
    So Zephyrus from west
  The plants in all their freshness doth revest;
    And Syrius burns that corn
  With which Arcturus did the earth adorn.
    None from Thy laws are free,
  Nor can forsake their place ordained by Thee.
    Thou to that certain end
  Governest all things; deniest Thou to intend
    The acts of men alone,
  Directing them in measure from Thy throne?
    For why should slippery chance
  Rule all things with such doubtful governance?
    Or why should punishments,
  Due to the guilty, light on innocents?
    But now the highest place
  Giveth to naughty manners greatest grace,
    And wicked people vex
  Good men, and tread unjustly on their necks;
    Virtue in darkness lurks,
  And righteous souls are charged with impious works,
    Deceits nor perjuries
  Disgrace not those who colour them with lies,
    For, when it doth them please
  To show their force, they to their will with ease
    The hearts of kings can steer,
  To whom so many crouch with trembling fear.
    O Thou that joinest with love
  All worldly things, look from Thy seat above
    On the earth's wretched state;
  We men, not the least work thou didst create,
    With fortune's blasts do shake;
  Thou careful ruler, these fierce tempests slake,
    And for the earth provide
  Those laws by which Thou heaven in peace dost guide."


  [97] Literally, "And that he who as Hesperus, in the early hours of the
  night, drives the cold stars before him, should change chariot (lit. his
  accustomed reins) and become Lucifer, growing pale in the first rays of
  the sun."




V.

Haec ubi continuato dolore delatraui, illa uultu placido nihilque meis
questibus mota: "Cum te," inquit, "maestum lacrimantemque uidissem, ilico
miserum exsulemque cognoui. Sed quam id longinquum esset exilium, nisi tua
prodidisset oratio, nesciebam. Sed tu quam procul a patria non quidem
pulsus es sed aberrasti; ac si te pulsum existimari mauis, te potius ipse
pepulisti. Nam id quidem de te numquam cuiquam fas fuisset. Si enim cuius
oriundo sis patriae reminiscare, non uti Atheniensium quondam multitudinis
imperio regitur, sed

[Greek: heis koiranos estin, heis basileus]

qui frequentia ciuium non depulsione laetetur; cuius agi frenis atque
obtemperare iustitiae summa libertas est. An ignoras illam tuae ciuitatis
antiquissimam legem, qua sanctum est ei ius exulare non esse quisquis in ea
sedem fundare maluerit? Nam qui uallo eius ac munimine continetur, nullus
metus est ne exul esse mereatur. At quisquis eam inhabitare uelle desierit,
pariter desinit etiam mereri. Itaque non tam me loci huius quam tua facies
mouet nec bibliothecae potius comptos ebore ac uitro parietes quam tuae
mentis sedem requiro, in qua non libros sed id quod libris pretium facit,
librorum quondam meorum sententias, collocaui. Et tu quidem de tuis in
commune bonum meritis uera quidem, sed pro multitudine gestorum tibi pauca
dixisti. De obiectorum tibi uel honestate uel falsitate cunctis nota
memorasti. De sceleribus fraudibusque delatorum recte tu quidem strictim
attingendum putasti, quod ea melius uberiusque recognoscentis omnia uulgi
ore celebrentur. Increpuisti etiam uehementer iniusti factum senatus. De
nostra etiam criminatione doluisti, laesae quoque opinionis damna fleuisti.
Postremus aduersum fortunam dolor incanduit conquestusque non aequa meritis
praemia pensari. In extremo Musae saeuientis, uti quae caelum terras quoque
pax regeret, uota posuisti. Sed quoniam plurimus tibi affectuum tumultus
incubuit diuersumque te dolor, ira, maeror distrahunt, uti nunc mentis es,
nondum te ualidiora remedia contingunt. Itaque lenioribus paulisper utemur,
ut quae in tumorem perturbationibus influentibus induruerunt, ad acrioris
uim medicaminis recipiendum tactu blandiore mollescant.




  V.

  When I had uttered these speeches with continued grief, she, with an
  amiable countenance and nothing moved with my complaints, said: "When I
  first saw thee sad and weeping, I forthwith knew thee to be in misery
  and banishment. But I had not known how far off thou wert banished, if
  thy speech had not bewrayed it. O how far art thou gone from thy
  country, not being driven away, but wandering of thine own accord! Or if
  thou hadst rather be thought to have been driven out, it hath been only
  by thyself; for never could any other but thyself have done it; for if
  thou rememberest of what country thou art, it is not governed as Athens
  was wont to be, by the multitude, but 'one is its ruler, one its
  king,'[98] who desires to have abundance of citizens, and not to have
  them driven away. To be governed by whose authority, and to be subject
  to her laws, is the greatest freedom that can be. Art thou ignorant of
  that most ancient law of thy city, by which it is decreed that he may
  not be banished that hath made choice of it for his dwelling-place;[99]
  for he that is within her fort or hold need not fear lest he deserve to
  be banished? But whosoever ceaseth to desire to dwell in it, ceaseth
  likewise to deserve so great a benefit. Wherefore the countenance of
  this place moveth me not so much as thy countenance doth. Neither do I
  much require thy library adorned with ivory adornments, and its crystal
  walls, as the seat of thy mind, in which I have not placed books, but
  that which makes books to be esteemed of, I mean the sentences of my
  books, which were written long since. And that which thou hast said of
  thy deserts to the common good, is true indeed, but little in respect of
  the many things which thou hast done. That which thou hast reported,
  either of the honesty or of the falseness of those things which are
  objected against thee, is known to all men. Thou didst well to touch but
  briefly the wickedness and deceit of thy accusers, for that the common
  people to whose notice they are come do more fitly and largely speak of
  them. Thou hast also sharply rebuked the unjust Senate's deed. Thou hast
  also grieved at our accusation, and hast bewailed the loss or
  diminishing of our good name; and lastly, thy sorrow raged against
  fortune, and thou complainedst that deserts were not equally rewarded.
  In the end of thy bitter verse, thou desiredst that the earth might be
  governed by that peace which heaven enjoyeth. But because thou art
  turmoiled with the multitude of affections, grief and anger drawing thee
  to divers parts, in the plight thou art now, the more forcible remedies
  cannot be applied unto thee; wherefore, for a while, we will use the
  more easy, that thy affections, which are, as it were, hardened and
  swollen with perturbations, may by gentle handling be mollified and
  disposed to receive the force of sharper medicines.


  [98] Hom. _Il._ ii. 204.

  [99] Cf. Cicero, _Pro domo sua_. 29. 77.




VI.

Cum Phoebi radiis graue
Cancri sidus inaestuat,
Tum qui larga negantibus
Sulcis semina credidit,
Elusus Cereris fide                                                       5
Quernas pergat ad arbores.
Numquam purpureum nemus
Lecturus uiolas petas
Cum saeuis aquilonibus
Stridens campus inhorruit,                                               10
Nec quaeras auida manu
Vernos stringere palmites,
Vuis si libeat frui;
Autumno potius sua
Bacchus munera contulit.                                                 15
Signat tempora propriis
Aptans officiis deus
Nec quas ipse coercuit
Misceri patitur uices.
Sic quod praecipiti uia                                                  20
Certum deserit ordinem
Laetos non habet exitus.




  VI.

  When hot with Phoebus' beams
  The Crab casts fiery gleams,
  He that doth then with seed
  Th'unwilling furrows feed,
  Deceivéd of his bread
  Must be with acorns fed.
  Seek not the flowery woods
  For violets' sweet buds,
  When fields are overcast
  With the fierce northern blast,
  Nor hope thou home to bring
  Vine-clusters in the Spring
  If thou in grapes delight:
  In autumn Bacchus' might
  With them doth deck our clime.
  God every several time
  With proper grace hath crowned
  Nor will those laws confound
  Which He once settled hath.
  He that with headlong path
  This certain order leaves,
  An hapless end receives.




VI.

Primum igitur paterisne me pauculis rogationibus statum tuae mentis
attingere atque temptare, ut qui modus sit tuae curationis intellegam?" "Tu
uero arbitratu," inquam, "tuo quae uoles ut responsurum rogato." Tum illa:
"Huncine," inquit, "mundum temerariis agi fortuitisque casibus putas, an
ullum credis ei regimen inesse rationis?" "Atqui," inquam, "nullo
existimauerim modo ut fortuita temeritate tam certa moueantur, uerum operi
suo conditorem praesidere deum scio nec umquam fuerit dies qui me ab hac
sententiae ueritate depellat."

"Ita est," inquit. "Nam id etiam paulo ante cecinisti, hominesque tantum
diuinae exortes curae esse deplorasti. Nam de ceteris quin ratione
regerentur, nihil mouebare. Papae autem! Vehementer admiror cur in tam
salubri sententia locatus aegrotes. Verum altius perscrutemur; nescio quid
abesse coniecto.

"Sed dic mihi, quoniam deo mundum regi non ambigis, quibus etiam
gubernaculis regatur aduertis?" "Vix," inquam, "rogationis tuae sententiam
nosco, nedum ad inquisita respondere queam." "Num me," inquit, "fefellit
abesse aliquid, per quod, uelut hiante ualli robore, in animum tuum
perturbationum morbus inrepserit? Sed dic mihi, meministine, quis sit rerum
finis, quoue totius naturae tendat intentio?" "Audieram," inquam, "sed
memoriam maeror hebetauit." "Atqui scis unde cuncta processerint?" "Noui,"
inquam, deumque esse respondi. "Et qui fieri potest, ut principio cognito
quis sit rerum finis ignores? Verum hi perturbationum mores, ea ualentia
est, ut mouere quidem loco hominem possint, conuellere autem sibique totum
exstirpare non possint.

Sed hoc quoque respondeas uelim, hominemne te esse meministi?" "Quidni,"
inquam, "meminerim?" "Quid igitur homo sit, poterisne proferre?" "Hocine
interrogas an esse me sciam rationale animal atque mortale? Scio et id me
esse confiteor." Et illa: "Nihilne aliud te esse nouisti?" "Nihil."

"Iam scio," inquit, "morbi tui aliam uel maximam causam; quid ipse sis,
nosse desisti. Quare plenissime uel aegritudinis tuae rationem uel aditum
reconciliandae sospitatis inueni. Nam quoniam tui obliuione confunderis, et
exsulem te et exspoliatum propriis bonis esse doluisti. Quoniam uero quis
sit rerum finis ignoras, nequam homines atque nefarios potentes felicesque
arbitraris. Quoniam uero quibus gubernaculis mundus regatur oblitus es, has
fortunarum uices aestimas sine rectore fluitare--magnae non ad morbum modo
uerum ad interitum quoque causae. Sed sospitatis auctori grates, quod te
nondum totum natura destituit. Habemus maximum tuae fomitem salutis ueram
de mundi gubernatione sententiam, quod eam non casuum temeritati sed
diuinae rationi subditam credis. Nihil igitur pertimescas; iam tibi ex hac
minima scintillula uitalis calor inluxerit. Sed quoniam firmioribus
remediis nondum tempus est et eam mentium constat esse naturam, ut quotiens
abiecerint ueras falsis opinionibus induantur ex quibus orta perturbationum
caligo uerum illum confundit intuitum, hanc paulisper lenibus
mediocribusque fomentis attenuare temptabo, ut dimotis fallacium
affectionum tenebris splendorem uerae lucis possis agnoscere.




  VI.

  First, therefore, wilt thou let me touch and try the state of thy mind
  by asking thee a few questions, that I may understand how thou art to be
  cured?" To which I answered: "Ask me what questions thou wilt, and I
  will answer thee." And then she said: "Thinkest thou that this world is
  governed by haphazard and chance? Or rather dost thou believe that it is
  ruled by reason?" "I can," quoth I, "in no manner imagine that such
  certain motions are caused by rash chance. And I know that God the
  Creator doth govern His work, nor shall the day ever come to draw me
  from the truth of that judgment."

  "It is so," saith she, "for so thou saidst in thy verse a little before,
  and bewailedst that only men were void of God's care; for as for the
  rest, thou didst not doubt but that they were governed by reason. And
  surely I cannot choose but exceedingly admire how thou canst be ill
  affected, holding so wholesome an opinion. But let us search further; I
  guess thou wantest something, but I know not what.

  Tell me, since thou doubtest not that the world is governed by God,
  canst thou tell me also by what means it is governed?" "I do scarcely,"
  quoth I, "understand what thou askest, and much less am I able to make
  thee a sufficient answer." "Was I," quoth she, "deceived in thinking
  that thou wantedst something by which, as by the breach of a fortress,
  the sickness of perturbations hath entered into thy mind? But tell me,
  dost thou remember what is the end of things? Or to what the whole
  intention of nature tendeth?" "I have heard it," quoth I, "but grief
  hath dulled my memory." "But knowest thou from whence all things had
  their beginning?" "I know," quoth I, and answered, that from God. "And
  how can it be that, knowing the beginning, thou canst be ignorant of the
  end? But this is the condition and force of perturbations, that they may
  alter a man, but wholly destroy, and as it were root him out of himself,
  they cannot.

  But I would have thee answer me to this also; dost thou remember that
  thou art a man?" "Why should I not remember it?" quoth I. "Well then,
  canst thou explicate what man is?" "Dost thou ask me if I know that I am
  a reasonable and mortal living creature? I know and confess myself to be
  so." To which she replied: "Dost thou not know thyself to be anything
  else?" "Not anything."

  "Now I know," quoth she, "another, and that perhaps the greatest, cause
  of thy sickness: thou hast forgotten what thou art. Wherefore I have
  fully found out both the manner of thy disease and the means of thy
  recovery; for the confusion which thou art in, by the forgetfulness of
  thyself, is the cause why thou art so much grieved at thy exile and the
  loss of thy goods. And because thou art ignorant what is the end of
  things, thou thinkest that lewd and wicked men be powerful and happy;
  likewise, because thou hast forgotten by what means the world is
  governed, thou imaginest that these alternations of fortune do fall out
  without any guide, sufficient causes not only of sickness, but also of
  death itself. But thanks be to the author of thy health, that Nature
  hath not altogether forsaken thee. We have the greatest nourisher of thy
  health, the true opinion of the government of the world, in that thou
  believest that it is not subject to the events of chance, but to divine
  reason. Wherefore fear nothing; out of this little sparkle will be
  enkindled thy vital heat. But because it is not yet time to use more
  solid remedies, and it is manifest that the nature of minds is such that
  as often as they cast away true opinions they are possessed with false,
  out of which the darkness of perturbations arising doth make them that
  they cannot discern things aright, I will endeavour to dissolve this
  cloud with gentle and moderate fomentations; that having removed the
  obscurity of deceitful affections, thou mayest behold the splendour of
  true light.




VII.

Nubibus atris
Condita nullum
Fundere possunt
Sidera lumen.
Si mare uoluens                                                           5
Turbidus Auster
Misceat aestum,
Vitrea dudum
Parque serenis
Vnda diebus                                                              10
Mox resoluto
Sordida caeno
Visibus obstat.
Quique uagatur
Montibus altis                                                           15
Defluus amnis,
Saepe resistit
Rupe soluti
Obice saxi.
Tu quoque si uis                                                         20
Lumine claro
Cernere uerum,
Tramite recto
Carpere callem,
Gaudia pelle,                                                            25
Pelle timorem
Spemque fugato
Nec dolor adsit.
Nubila mens est
Vinctaque frenis,                                                        30
Haec ubi regnant."




  VII.

  When stars are shrouded
  With dusky night,
  They yield no light
  Being so clouded.
  When the wind moveth
  And churneth the sea,
  The flood, clear as day,
  Foul and dark proveth.
  And rivers creeping
  Down a high hill
  Stand often still,
  Rocks them back keeping.
  If thou wouldst brightly
  See Truth's clear rays,
  Or walk those ways
  Which lead most rightly,
  All joy forsaking
  Fear must thou fly,
  And hopes defy,
  No sorrow taking.
  For where these terrors
  Reign in the mind,
  They it do bind
  In cloudy errors."






ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII

V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. PATRICII

PHILOSOPHIAE CONSOLATIONIS

LIBER PRIMVS EXPLICIT

INCIPIT LIBER II




I.

Post haec paulisper obticuit atque ubi attentionem meam modesta
taciturnitate collegit, sic exorsa est: "Si penitus aegritudinis tuae
causas habitumque cognovi, fortunae prioris affectu desiderioque tabescis.
Ea tantum animi tui sicuti tu tibi fingis mutata peruertit. Intellego
multiformes illius prodigii fucos et eo usque cum his quos eludere nititur
blandissimam familiaritatem, dum intolerabili dolore confundat quos
insperata reliquerit. Cuius si naturam mores ac meritum reminiscare, nec
habuisse te in ea pulchrum aliquid nec amisisse cognosces, sed ut arbitror
haud multum tibi haec in memoriam reuocare laborauerim. Solebas enim
praesentem quoque blandientemque uirilibus incessere uerbis eamque de
nostro adyto prolatis insectabare sententiis. Verum omnis subita mutatio
rerum non sine quodam quasi fluctu contingit animorum; sic factum est ut tu
quoque paulisper a tua tranquillitate descisceres. Sed tempus est haurire
te aliquid ac degustare molle atque iucundum quod ad interiora transmissum
ualidioribus haustibus uiam fecerit. Adsit igitur Rhetoricae suadela
dulcedinis quae tum tantum recto calle procedit, cum nostra instituta non
deserit cumque hac Musica laris nostri uernacula nunc leuiores nunc
grauiores modos succinat.

Quid est igitur o homo quod te in maestitiam luctumque deiecit? Nouum,
credo, aliquid inusitatumque uidisti. Tu fortunam putas erga te esse
mutatam; erras. Hi semper eius mores sunt ista natura. Seruauit circa te
propriam potius in ipsa sui mutabilitate constantiam. Talis erat cum
blandiebatur, cum tibi falsae inlecebris felicitatis alluderet.
Deprehendisti caeci numinis ambiguos uultus. Quae sese adhuc uelat aliis,
tota tibi prorsus innotuit. Si probas, utere moribus; ne queraris. Si
perfidiam perhorrescis, sperne atque abice perniciosa ludentem. Nam quae
nunc tibi est tanti causa maeroris, haec eadem tranquillitatis esse
debuisset, Reliquit enim te quam non relicturam nemo umquam poterit esse
securus. An uero tu pretiosam aestimas abituram felicitatem? Et cara tibi
est fortuna praesens nec manendi fida et cum discesserit adlatura maerorem.
Quod si nec ex arbitrio retineri potest et calamitosos fugiens facit, quid
est aliud fugax quam futurae quoddam calamitatis indicium? Neque enim quod
ante oculos situm est, suffecerit intueri; rerum exitus prudentia metitur
eademque in alterutro mutabilitas nec formidandas fortunae minas nec
exoptandas facit esse blanditias.  Postremo aequo animo toleres oportet
quidquid intra fortunae aream geritur, cum semel iugo eius colla
submiseris. Quod si manendi abeundique scribere legem uelis ei quam tu tibi
dominam sponte legisti, nonne iniurius fueris et inpatientia sortem
exacerbes quam permutare non possis? Si uentis uela committeres, non quo
uoluntas peteret sed quo flatus impellerent, promoueres; si aruis semina
crederes, feraces inter se annos sterilesque pensares. Fortunae te regendum
dedisti; dominae moribus oportet obtemperes.  Tu uero uoluentis rotae
impetum retinere conaris? At, omnium mortalium stolidissime, si manere
incipit, fors esse desistit.






THE SECOND BOOK OF BOETHIUS




  I.

  After this she remained silent for a while; and, having by that her
  modesty made me attentive, began in this wise: "If I be rightly informed
  of the causes and condition of thy disease, thou languishest with the
  affection of thy former fortune, and the change of that alone, as thou
  imaginest, hath overthrown so much of thy mind. I know the manifold
  illusions of that monster, exercising most alluring familiarity with
  them whom she meaneth to deceive, to the end she may confound them with
  intolerable grief, by forsaking them upon the sudden, whose nature,
  customs, and desert, if thou rememberest, thou shalt know that thou
  neither didst possess nor hast lost anything of estimation in it; and,
  as I hope, I shall not need to labour much to bring these things to thy
  remembrance, for thou wert wont, when she was present, and flattered
  thee most, to assail her with manful words, and pursue her with
  sentences taken forth of our most hidden knowledge. But every sudden
  change of things happeneth not without a certain wavering and
  disquietness of mind. And this is the cause that thou also for a while
  hast lost thy former tranquillity and peace. But it is time for thee to
  take and taste some gentle and pleasant thing which being received may
  prepare thee for stronger potions. Wherefore let us use the sweetness of
  Rhetoric's persuasions, which then only is well employed when it
  forsaketh not our ordinances; and with this, let Music, a little slave
  belonging to our house, chant sometime lighter and sometime sadder
  notes.

  Wherefore, O man, what is it that hath cast thee into sorrow and grief?
  Thou hast, methinks, seen something new and unwonted. If thou thinkest
  that fortune hath altered her manner of proceeding toward thee, thou art
  in an error. This was alway her fashion; this is her nature. She hath
  kept that constancy in thy affairs which is proper to her, in being
  mutable; such was her condition when she fawned upon thee and allured
  thee with enticements of feigned happiness. Thou hast discovered the
  doubtful looks of this blind goddess. She, which concealeth herself from
  others, is wholly known to thee. If thou likest her, frame thyself to
  her conditions, and make no complaint. If thou detestest her treachery,
  despise and cast her off, with her pernicious flattery. For that which
  hath caused thee so much sorrow should have brought thee to great
  tranquillity. For she hath forsaken thee, of whom no man can be secure.
  Dost thou esteem that happiness precious which thou art to lose? And is
  the present fortune dear unto thee, of whose stay thou art not sure, and
  whose departure will breed thy grief? And if she can neither be kept at
  our will, and maketh them miserable whom she at last leaveth, what else
  is fickle fortune but a token of future calamity? For it is not
  sufficient to behold that which we have before our eyes; wisdom
  pondereth the event of things, and this mutability on both sides maketh
  the threats of fortune not to be feared, nor her flatterings to be
  desired. Finally, thou must take in good part whatsoever happeneth unto
  thee within the reach of fortune, when once thou hast submitted thy neck
  to her yoke. And if to her whom, of thine own accord, thou hast chosen
  for thy mistress, thou wouldest prescribe a law how long she were to
  stay, and when to depart, shouldst thou not do her mighty wrong, and
  with thy impatience make thy estate more intolerable, which thou canst
  not better? If thou settest up thy sails to the wind, thou shalt be
  carried not whither thy will desirest, but whither the gale driveth. If
  thou sowest thy seed, thou considerest that there are as well barren as
  fertile years. Thou hast yielded thyself to fortune's sway; thou must be
  content with the conditions of thy mistress. Endeavourest thou to stay
  the force of the turning wheel? But thou foolishest man that ever was,
  if it beginneth to stay, it ceaseth to be fortune.




I.

Haec cum superba uerterit uices dextra
Et aestuantis more fertur Euripi,
Dudum tremendos saeua proterit reges
Humilemque uicti subleuat fallax uultum.
Non illa miseros audit aut curat fletus                                   5
Vltroque gemitus dura quos fecit ridet.
Sic illa ludit, sic suas probat uires
Magnumque suis demonstrat [100] ostentum, si quis
Visatur una stratus ac felix hora.


[100] monstrat _codd_.




  I

  The pride of fickle fortune spareth none,
  And, like the floods of swift Euripus borne, [101]
  Oft casteth mighty princes from their throne,
  And oft the abject captive doth adorn.
  She cares not for the wretch's tears and moan,
  And the sad groans, which she hath caused, doth scorn.
  Thus doth she play, to make her power more known,
  Showing her slaves a marvel, when man's state
  Is in one hour both downcast and fortunate.


  [101] Literally, "When fortune with proud right hand plies her changes
  and ebbs and flows like foaming Euripus." Euripus was proverbial for
  irregular tides.




II.

Vellem autem pauca tecum fortunae ipsius uerbis agitare. Tu igitur an ius
postulet, animaduerte. 'Quid tu homo ream me cotidianis agis querelis? Quam
tibi fecimus iniuriam? Quae tua tibi detraximus bona? Quouis iudice de opum
dignitatumque mecum possessione contende.  Et si cuiusquam mortalium
proprium quid horum esse monstraueris, ego iam tua fuisse quae repetis,
sponte concedam.

Cum te matris utero natura produxit, nudum rebus omnibus inopemque suscepi,
meis opibus foui et quod te nunc inpatientem nostri facit, fauore prona
indulgentius educaui, omnium quae mei iuris sunt affluentia et splendore
circumdedi. Nunc mihi retrahere manum libet. Habes gratiam uelut usus
alienis, non habes ius querelae tamquam prorsus tua perdideris. Quid igitur
ingemiscis? Nulla tibi a nobis est allata uiolentia. Opes honores ceteraque
talium mei sunt iuris. Dominam famulae cognoscunt; mecum ueniunt, me
abeunte discedunt. Audacter adfirmem, si tua forent quae amissa conquereris
nullo modo perdidisses. An ego sola meum ius exercere prohibebor? Licet
caelo proferre lucidos dies eosdemque tenebrosis noctibus condere. Licet
anno terrae uultum nunc floribus frugibusque redimire, nunc nimbis
frigoribusque confundere. Ius est mari nunc strato aequore blandiri, nunc
procellis ac fluctibus inhorrescere. Nos ad constantiam nostris moribus
alienam inexpleta hominum cupiditas alligabit? Haec nostra uis est, hunc
continuum ludum ludimus; rotam uolubili orbe uersamus, infima summis summa
infimis mutare gaudemus. Ascende si placet, sed ea lege ne utique[102] cum
ludicri mei ratio poscet, descendere iniuriam putes. An tu mores ignorabas
meos? Nesciebas Croesum regem Lydorum Cyro paulo ante formidabilem mox
deinde miserandum rogi flammis traditum misso caelitus imbre defensum? Num
te praeterit Paulum Persi regis a se capti calamitatibus pias inpendisse
lacrimas? Quid tragoediarum clamor aliud deflet nisi indiscreto ictu
fortunam felicia regna uertentem? Nonne adulescentulus [Greek: doious
pithous ton men hena kakon ton d'heteron eaon] in Iouis limine iacere
didicisti? Quid si uberius de bonorum parte sumpsisti? Quid si a te non
tota discessi? Quid si haec ipsa mei mutabilitas iusta tibi causa est
sperandi meliora? Tamen ne animo contabescas et intra commune omnibus
regnum locatus proprio uiuere iure desideres.


[102] utique _Klussmann_; uti _codd._




  II

  But I would urge thee a little with Fortune's own speeches. Wherefore
  consider thou if she asketh not reason. 'For what cause, O man, chargest
  thou me with daily complaints? What injury have I done thee? What goods
  of thine have I taken from thee? Contend with me before any judge about
  the possession of riches and dignities; and if thou canst show that the
  propriety of any of these things belong to any mortal wight, I will
  forthwith willingly grant that those things which thou demandest were
  thine. When Nature produced thee out of thy mother's womb, I received
  thee naked and poor in all respects, cherished thee with my wealth, and
  (which maketh thee now to fall out with me) being forward to favour
  thee, I had most tender care for thy education, and adorned thee with
  the abundance and splendour of all things which are in my power. Now it
  pleaseth me to withdraw my hand, yield thanks, as one that hath had the
  use of that which was not his own. Thou hast no just cause to complain,
  as though thou hadst lost that which was fully thine own. Wherefore
  lamentest thou? I have offered thee no violence. Riches, honours, and
  the rest of that sort belong to me. They acknowledge me for their
  mistress, and themselves for my servants, they come with me, and when I
  go away they likewise depart. I may boldly affirm, if those things which
  thou complainest to be taken from thee had been thine own, thou shouldst
  never have lost them. Must I only be forbidden to use my right? It is
  lawful for the heaven to bring forth fair days, and to hide them again
  in darksome nights. It is lawful for the year sometime to compass the
  face of the earth with flowers and fruits, and sometime to cover it with
  clouds and cold. The sea hath right sometime to fawn with calms, and
  sometime to frown with storms and waves. And shall the insatiable desire
  of men tie me to constancy, so contrary to my custom? This is my force,
  this is the sport which I continually use. I turn about my wheel with
  speed, and take a pleasure to turn things upside down. Ascend, if thou
  wilt, but with this condition, that thou thinkest it not an injury to
  descend when the course of my sport so requireth. Didst thou not know my
  fashion? Wert thou ignorant how Croesus, King of the Lydians, not long
  before a terror to Cyrus, within a while after came to such misery that
  he should have been burnt had he not been saved by a shower sent from
  heaven?[103] Hast thou forgotten how Paul piously bewailed the
  calamities of King Perses his prisoner?[104] What other thing doth the
  outcry of tragedies lament, but that fortune, having no respect,
  overturneth happy states? Didst thou not learn in thy youth that there
  lay two barrels, the one of good things and the other of bad,[105] at
  Jupiter's threshold? But what if thou hast tasted more abundantly of the
  good? What if I be not wholly gone from thee? What if this mutability of
  mine be a just cause for thee to hope for better? Notwithstanding, lose
  not thy courage, and, living in a kingdom which is common to all men,
  desire not to be governed by peculiar laws proper only to thyself.


  [103] Cf. Herod, i. 87.

  [104] Cf. Livy xlv. 8. Paul=Aemilius Paulus surnamed Macedonius for his
  defeat of Perses last king of Macedonia in 168 B.C.

  [105] _Il._ xxiv. 527.




II.

Si quantas rapidis flatibus incitus
  Pontus uersat harenas
Aut quot stelliferis edita noctibus
  Caelo sidera fulgent
Tantas fundat opes nec retrahat manum                                     5
  Pleno copia cornu,
Humanum miseras haud ideo genus
  Cesset flere querellas.
Quamuis uota libens excipiat deus
  Multi prodigus auri                                                    10
Et claris auidos ornet honoribus,
  Nil iam parta uidentur,
Sed quaesita uorans saeua rapacitas
  Altos[106] pandit hiatus.
Quae iam praecipitem frena cupidinem                                     15
  Certo fine retentent,
Largis cum potius muneribus fluens
  Sitis ardescit habendi?
Numquam diues agit qui trepidus gemens
  Sese credit egentem.'                                                  20


[106] altos _vulg._; alios _codd. opt._




  II.

  If Plenty as much wealth should give, ne'er holding back her hand,
  As the swift winds in troubled seas do toss up heaps of sand,
  Or as the stars in lightsome nights shine forth on heaven's face,
  Yet wretched men would still accuse their miserable case.
  Should God, too liberal of His gold, their greedy wishes hear,
  And with bright honour them adorn; yet all that nothing were,
  Since ravenous minds, devouring all, for more are ready still.
  What bridle can contain in bounds this their contentless will,
  When filled with riches they retain the thirst of having more?
  He is not rich that fears and grieves, and counts himself but poor.'




III.

His igitur si pro se tecum fortuna loqueretur, quid profecto contra
hisceres non haberes, aut si quid est quo querelam tuam iure tuearis,
proferas oportet. Dabimus dicendi locum." Tum ego: "Speciosa quidem ista
sunt," inquam, "oblitaque Rhetoricae ac Musicae melle dulcedinis; tum
tantum, cum audiuntur, oblectant. Sed miseris malorum altior sensus est.
Itaque cum haec auribus insonare desierint, insitus animum maeror
praegrauat." Et illa: "Ita est," inquit. "Haec enim nondum morbi tui
remedia sed adhuc contumacis aduersum curationem doloris fomenta quaedam
sunt. Nam quae in profundum sese penetrent, cum tempestiuum fuerit
admouebo. Verumtamen ne te existimari miserum uelis, an numerum modumque
tuae felicitatis oblitus es?

Taceo quod desolatum parente summorum te uirorum cura suscepit delectusque
in affinitatem principum ciuitatis, quod pretiosissimum propinquitatis
genus est, prius carus quam proximus esse coepisti. Quis non te
felicissimum cum tanto splendore socerorum, cum coniugis pudore, cum
masculae quoque prolis opportunitate praedicauit? Praetereo, libet enim
praeterire communia, sumptas in adulescentia negatas senibus dignitates; ad
singularem felicitatis tuae cumulum uenire delectat. Si quis rerum
mortalium fructus ullum beatitudinis pondus habet, poteritne illius memoria
lucis quantalibet ingruentium malorum mole deleri, cum duos pariter
consules liberos tuos domo prouehi sub frequentia patrum, sub plebis
alacritate uidisti, cum eisdem in curia curules insidentibus tu regiae
laudis orator ingenii gloriam facundiaeque meruisti, cum in circo duorum
medius consulum circumfusae multitudinis expectationem triumphali
largitione satiasti? Dedisti ut opinor uerba fortunae, dum te illa
demulcet, dum te ut delicias suas fouet. Munus quod nulli umquam priuato
commodauerat abstulisti. Visne igitur cum fortuna calculum ponere? Nunc te
primum liuenti oculo praestrinxit. Si numerum modumque laetorum tristiumue
consideres, adhuc te felicem negare non possis. Quod si idcirco te
fortunatum esse non aestimas, quoniam quae tunc laeta uidebantur abierunt,
non est quod te miserum putes, quoniam quae nunc creduntur maesta
praetereunt. An tu in hanc uitae scaenam nunc primum subitus hospesque
uenisti? Vllamne humanis rebus inesse constantiam reris, cum ipsum saepe
hominem uelox hora dissoluat? Nam etsi rara est fortuitis manendi fides,
ultimus tamen uitae dies mors quaedam fortunae est etiam manentis. Quid
igitur referre putas, tune illam moriendo deseras an te illa fugiendo?




  III.

  Wherefore if fortune should plead with thee thus in her own defence,
  doubtless thou wouldst not have a word to answer her. But if there be
  anything which thou canst allege in thy own defence, thou must utter it.
  We will give thee full liberty to speak." Then I said: "These things
  make a fair show and, being set out with pleasant rhetoric and music,
  delight only so long as they are heard. But those which are miserable
  have a deeper feeling of their miseries. Therefore, when the sound of
  these things is past, hidden sorrow oppresseth the mind." "It is so
  indeed," quoth she, "for these be not the remedies of thy disease, but
  certain fomentations to assuage thy grief, which as yet resisteth all
  cure. But when it shall be time, I will apply that which shall pierce to
  the quick. And yet there is no cause why thou shouldst think thyself
  miserable. Hast thou forgotten how many ways, and in what degree thou
  art happy?

  I pass over with silence that, having lost thy father, thou wert
  provided for by men of the best sort, and, being chosen to have affinity
  with the chiefest of the city, thou begannest sooner to be dear unto
  them than to be akin, which is the most excellent kind of kindred. Who
  esteemed thee not most happy, having so noble a father-in-law, so chaste
  a wife, and so noble sons? I say nothing (for I will not speak of
  ordinary matters) of the dignities denied to others in their age, and
  granted to thee in thy youth. I desire to come to the singular top of
  thy felicity. If any fruit of mortal things hath any weight of
  happiness, can the remembrance of that light be destroyed with any cloud
  of miseries that can overcast thee? When thou sawst thy two sons being
  both Consuls together carried from their house, the Senators
  accompanying them, and the people rejoicing with them; when, they
  sitting in the Senate in their chairs of state, thou making an oration
  in the King's praise deservedst the glory of wit and eloquence. When in
  public assembly, thou, standing betwixt thy two sons, didst satisfy with
  thy triumphant liberality the expectation of the multitudes gathered
  together, I suppose thou flatteredst fortune, while she fawned thus upon
  thee, as her dearest friend. Thou obtainedst more at her hands than ever
  private man had before thee. Wilt thou then reckon with fortune? This is
  the first time that ever she frowned upon thee. If thou considerest the
  number and measure of thy joyful and sad accidents, thou canst not
  choose but think thyself fortunate hitherto; and if thou esteemest not
  thyself fortunate because those things which seemed joyful are past,
  there is no cause why thou shouldst think thyself miserable, since those
  things which thou now takest to be sorrowful do pass. Comest thou now
  first as a pilgrim and stranger into the theatre of this life? Supposest
  thou to find any constancy in human affairs, since that man himself is
  soon gone? For although things subject to fortune seldom keep touch in
  staying, yet the end of life is a certain death, even of that fortune
  which remaineth. Wherefore, what matter is it whether thou by dying
  leavest it, or it forsaketh thee by flying?




III.

Cum polo Phoebus roseis quadrigis
  Lucem spargere coeperit,
Pallet albentes hebetata uultus
  Flammis stella prementibus.
Cum nemus flatu Zephyri tepentis                                          5
  Vernis inrubuit rosis,
Spiret insanum nebulosus Auster:
  Iam spinis abeat decus.
Saepe tranquillo radiat sereno
  Immotis mare fluctibus,                                                10
Saepe feruentes Aquilo procellas
  Verso concitat aequore.
Rara si constat sua forma mundo,
  Si tantas uariat uices,
Crede fortunis hominum caducis,                                          15
  Bonis crede fugacibus.
Constat aeterna positumque lege est
  Vt constet genitum nihil."




  III.

  When Phoebus with his rosy team
    Showeth his lightsome beam,
  The dull and darkened stars retire
    Yielding to greater fire.
  When Zephyrus his warmth doth bring,
    Sweet roses deck the spring;
  Let noisome Auster blow apace,
    Plants soon will lose their grace.
  The sea hath often quiet stood
    With an unmoved flood,
  And often is turmoiled with waves,
    When boisterous Boreas raves.
  If thus the world never long tarry
    The same, but often vary,
  On fading fortunes then rely,
    Trust to those goods that fly.
  An everlasting law is made,
    That all things born shall fade."




IV.

Tum ego: "Vera," inquam, "commemoras, o uirtutum omnium nutrix, nec
infitiari possum prosperitatis meae uelocissimum cursum. Sed hoc est quod
recolentem uehementius coquit. Nam in omni aduersitate fortunae
infelicissimum est genus infortunii fuisse felicem." "Sed quod tu," inquit,
"falsae opinionis supplicium luas, id rebus iure imputare non possis. Nam
si te hoc inane nomen fortuitae felicitatis mouet, quam pluribus maximisque
abundes mecum reputes licet. Igitur si quod in omni fortunae tuae censu
pretiosissimum possidebas, id tibi diuinitus inlaesum adhuc inuiolatumque
seruatur, poterisne meliora quaeque retinens de infortunio iure causari?

Atqui uiget incolumis illud pretiosissimum generis humani decus Symmachus
socer et quod uitae pretio non segnis emeres, uir totus ex sapientia
uirtutibusque factus suarum securus tuis ingemiscit iniuriis. Viuit uxor
ingenio modesta, pudicitia pudore praecellens et, ut omnes eius dotes
breuiter includam, patri similis. Viuit inquam tibique tantum uitae huius
exosa spiritum seruat quoque uno felicitatem minui tuam uel ipsa
concesserim, tui desiderio lacrimis ac dolore tabescit.

Quid dicam liberos consulares quorum iam, ut in id aetatis pueris, uel
paterni uel auiti specimen elucet ingenii? Cum igitur praecipua sit
mortalibus uitae cura retinendae, o te si tua bona cognoscas felicem, cui
suppetunt etiam nunc quae uita nemo dubitat esse cariora! Quare sicca iam
lacrimas. Nondum est ad unum omnes exosa fortuna nec tibi nimium ualida
tempestas incubuit, quando tenaces haerent ancorae quae nec praesentis
solamen nec futuri spem temporis abesse patiantur."

"Et haereant," inquam, "precor; illis namque manentibus, utcumque se res
habeant, enatabimus. Sed quantum ornamentis nostris decesserit, uides." Et
illa: "Promouimus," inquit, "aliquantum, si te nondum totius tuae sortis
piget. Sed delicias tuas ferre non possum qui abesse aliquid tuae
beatitudini tam luctuosus atque anxius conqueraris. Quis est enim tam
conpositae felicitatis ut non aliqua ex parte cum status sui qualitate
rixetur? Anxia enim res est humanorum condicio bonorum et quae uel numquam
tota proueniat uel numquam perpetua subsistat. Huic census exuberat, sed
est pudori degener sanguis; hunc nobilitas notum facit, sed angustia rei
familiaris inclusus esse mallet ignotus. Ille utroque circumfluus uitam
caelibem deflet; ille nuptiis felix orbus liberis alieno censum nutrit
heredi. Alius prole laetatus filii filiaeue delictis maestus inlacrimat.
Idcirco nemo facile cum fortunae suae condicione concordat; inest enim
singulis quod inexpertus ignoret, expertus exhorreat. Adde quod felicissimi
cuiusque delicatissimus sensus est et nisi ad nutum cuncta suppetant, omnis
aduersitatis insolens minimis quibusque prosternitur; adeo perexigua sunt
quae fortunatissimis beatitudinis summam detrahunt. Quam multos esse
coniectas qui sese caelo proximos arbitrentur, si de fortunae tuae
reliquiis pars eis minima contingat? Hic ipse locus quem tu exilium uocas,
incolentibus patria est; adeo nihil est miserum nisi cum putes contraque
beata sors omnis est aequanimitate tolerantis. Quis est ille tam felix qui
cum dederit inpatientiae manus, statum suum mutare non optet? Quam multis
amaritudinibus humanae felicitatis dulcedo respersa est! Quae si etiam
fruenti iucunda esse uideatur, tamen quo minus cum uelit abeat retineri non
possit. Liquet igitur quam sit mortalium rerum misera beatitudo quae nec
apud aequanimos perpetua perdurat necanxios tota delectat.

Quid igitur o mortales extra petitis intra uos positam felicitatem? Error
uos inscitiaque confundit. Ostendam breuiter tibi summae cardinem
felicitatis. Estne aliquid tibi te ipso pretiosius? Nihil inquies. Igitur
si tui compos fueris, possidebis quod nec tu amittere umquam uelis nec
fortuna possit auferre. Atque ut agnoscas in his fortuitis rebus
beatitudinem constare non posse, sic collige.  Si beatitudo est summum
naturae bonum ratione degentis nec est summum bonum quod eripi ullo modo
potest, quoniam praecellit id quod nequeat auferri, manifestum est
quoniam[107] ad beatitudinem percipiendam fortunae instabilitas adspirare
non possit. Ad haec quem caduca ista felicitas uehit uel scit eam uel
nescit esse mutabilem. Si nescit, quaenam beata sors esse potest
ignorantiae caecitate? Si scit, metuat necesse est, ne amittat quod amitti
posse non dubitat; quare continuus timor non sinit esse felicem. An uel si
amiserit, neglegendum putat? Sic quoque perexile bonum est quod aequo animo
feratur amissum. Et quoniam tu idem es cui persuasum atque insitum
permultis demonstrationibus scio mentes hominum nullo modo esse mortales
cumque clarum sit fortuitam felicitatem corporis morte finiri, dubitari
nequit, si haec afferre beatitudinem potest, quin omne mortalium genus in
miseriam mortis fine labatur. Quod si multos scimus beatitudinis fructum
non morte solum uerum etiam doloribus suppliciisque quaesisse, quonam modo
praesens facere beatos potest quae miseros transacta non efficit?


[107] quin _codices_.




  IV.

  To which I answered: "The things which thou reportest are true, O nurse
  of all virtues, and I cannot deny the most speedy course of my
  prosperity. But this is that which vexeth me most, when I remember it.
  For in all adversity of fortune it is the most unhappy kind of
  misfortune to have been happy." "But," quoth she, "thou canst not justly
  impute to the things themselves that thou art punished for thy false
  opinion. For if this vain name of casual felicity moveth thee, let us
  make accompt with how many and how great things thou aboundest.
  Wherefore, if that which in all thy revenues of fortune thou esteemest
  most precious doth still by God's providence remain safe and untouched,
  canst thou, retaining the best, justly complain of misfortune?

  But thy father-in-law, Symmachus (that most excellent ornament of
  mankind) liveth in safety, and for the obtaining of which thou wouldst
  willingly spend thy life, that man wholly framed to wisdom and virtues,
  being secure of his own, mourneth for thy injuries. Thy wife liveth,
  modest in disposition, eminent in chastity, and, to rehearse briefly all
  her excellent gifts, like her father. She liveth, I say, and weary of
  her life reserveth her breath only for thee. In which alone even I must
  grant that thy felicity is diminished, she consumeth herself with tears
  and grief for thy sake.

  What should I speak of thy children, which have been Consuls, in whom
  already, as in children of that age, their father's or grandfather's
  good disposition appeareth? Wherefore, since the greatest care that
  mortal men have is to save their lives, O happy man that thou art, if
  thou knowest thine own wealth, who still hast remaining those things
  which no man doubteth to be dearer than life itself? And therefore cease
  weeping. Fortune hath not hitherto showed her hatred against you all,
  neither art thou assailed with too boisterous a storm, since those
  anchors hold fast which permit neither the comfort of the time present
  nor the hope of the time to come to be wanting."

  "And I pray God," quoth I, "that they may hold fast, for so long as they
  remain, howsoever the world goeth we shall escape drowning. But thou
  seest how great a part of our ornaments is lost." "We have gotten a
  little ground," quoth she, "if thy whole estate be not irksome unto
  thee. But I cannot suffer thy daintiness, who with such lamentation and
  anxiety complaineth that something is wanting to thy happiness. For who
  hath so entire happiness that he is not in some part offended with the
  condition of his estate? The nature of human felicity is doubtful and
  uncertain, and is neither ever wholly obtained, or never lasteth always.
  One man hath great revenues, but is contemned for his base lineage.
  Another's nobility maketh him known, but, oppressed with penury, had
  rather be unknown. Some, abounding with both, bewail their life without
  marriage. Some other, well married but wanting children, provideth
  riches for strangers to inherit. Others, finally, having children,
  mournfully bewail the vices which their sons or daughters are given to.
  So that scarce any man is pleased with the condition of his fortune. For
  there is something in every estate, which without experience is not
  known, and being experienced doth molest and trouble. Besides that,
  those which are most happy are most sensible,[108] and unless all things
  fall out to their liking, impatient of all adversity, every little cross
  overthrows them, so small are the occasions which take from the most
  fortunate the height of their happiness. How many are there, thinkest
  thou, which would think themselves almost in Heaven if they had but the
  least part of the remains of thy fortune? This very place, which thou
  callest banishment, is to the inhabitants thereof their native land. So
  true it is that nothing is miserable but what is thought so, and
  contrariwise, every estate is happy if he that bears it be content. Who
  is so happy that if he yieldeth to discontent, desireth not to change
  his estate? How much bitterness is mingled with the sweetness of man's
  felicity, which, though it seemeth so pleasant while it is enjoyed, yet
  can it not be retained from going away when it will. And by this it
  appeareth how miserable is the blessedness of mortal things, which
  neither endureth alway with the contented, nor wholly delighteth the
  pensive.

  Wherefore, O mortal men, why seek you for your felicity abroad, which is
  placed within yourselves? Error and ignorance do confound you. I will
  briefly show thee the centre of thy chiefest happiness. Is there
  anything more precious to thee than thyself? I am sure thou wilt say,
  nothing. Wherefore, if thou enjoyest thyself, thou shalt possess that
  which neither thou wilt ever wish to lose nor fortune can take away. And
  that thou mayst acknowledge that blessedness cannot consist in these
  casual things, gather it thus. If blessedness be the chiefest good of
  nature endued with reason, and that is not the chiefest good which may
  by any means be taken away, because that which cannot be taken away is
  better, it is manifest that the instability of fortune cannot aspire to
  the obtaining of blessedness. Moreover, he that now enjoyeth this
  brittle felicity, either knoweth it to be mutable or no. If not, what
  estate can be blessed by ignorant blindness? And if he knoweth it, he
  must needs fear lest he lose that which he doubteth not may be lost,
  wherefore continual fear permitteth him not to be happy. Or though he
  should lose it, doth he think that a thing of no moment? But so it were
  a very small good which he would be content to lose. And because thou
  art one whom I know to be fully persuaded and convinced by innumerable
  demonstrations that the souls of men are in no wise mortal, and since it
  is clear that casual felicity is ended by the body's death, there is no
  doubt, if this can cause blessedness, but that all mankind falleth into
  misery by death. But if we know many who have sought to reap the fruit
  of blessedness, not only by death, but also by affliction and torments,
  how can present happiness make men happy, the loss of which causeth not
  misery?


  [108] _i.e._ sensitive.




IV.

Quisquis uolet perennem
  Cautus ponere sedem
Stabilisque nec sonori
  Sterni flatibus Euri
Et fluctibus minantem                                                     5
  Curat spernere pontum,
Montis cacumen alti,
  Bibulas uitet harenas.
Illud proteruus Auster
  Totis uiribus urget,                                                   10
Hae pendulum solutae
  Pondus ferre recusant.
Fugiens periculosam
  Sortem sedis amoenae
Humili domum memento                                                     15
  Certus figere saxo.
Quamuis tonet ruinis
  Miscens aequora uentus,
Tu conditus quieti
  Felix robore ualli                                                     20
Duces serenus aeuum
  Ridens aetheris iras.




  IV.

  Who with an heedful care
  Will an eternal seat prepare,
  Which cannot be down cast
  By force of windy blast,
  And will the floods despise,
  When threatening billows do arise,
  He not on hills must stand,
  Nor on the dangerous sinking sand.
  For there the winds will threat,
  And him with furious tempests beat,
  And here the ground too weak
  Will with the heavy burden break.[109]
  Fly then the dangerous case
  Of an untried delightful place,
  And thy poor house bestow
  In stony places firm and low.
  For though the winds do sound,
  And waves of troubled seas confound:
  Yet thou to rest disposed
  In thy safe lowly vale inclosed,
  Mayst live a quiet age,
  Scorning the air's distempered rage.


  [109] Literally, "These shifting sands refuse to bear the weight laid
  upon them."




V.

Sed quoniam rationum iam in te mearum fomenta descendunt, paulo
ualidioribus utendum puto. Age enim si iam caduca et momentaria fortunae
dona non essent, quid in eis est quod aut uestrum umquam fieri queat aut
non perspectum consideratumque uilescat? Diuitiaene uel uestra uel sui
natura pretiosae sunt? Quid earum potius, aurumne an uis congesta pecuniae?
Atqui haec effundendo magis quam coaceruando melius nitent, si quidem
auaritia semper odiosos, claros largitas facit. Quod si manere apud quemque
non potest quod transfertur in alterum, tunc est pretiosa pecunia cum
translata in alios largiendi usu desinit possideri. At eadem si apud unum
quanta est ubique gentium congeratur, ceteros sui inopes fecerit. Et uox
quidem tota pariter multorum replet auditum; uestrae uero diuitiae nisi
comminutae in plures transire non possunt. Quod cum factum est, pauperes
necesse est faciant quos relinquunt. O igitur angustas inopesque diuitias
quas nec habere totas pluribus licet et ad quemlibet sine ceterorum
paupertate non ueniunt! An gemmarum fulgor oculos trahit? Sed si quid est
in hoc splendore praecipui, gemmarum est lux illa non hominum, quas quidem
mirari homines uehementer admiror. Quid est enim carens animae motu atque
compage quod animatae rationabilique naturae pulchrum esse iure uideatur?
Quae tametsi conditoris opera suique distinctione postremae aliquid
pulchritudinis trahunt, infra uestram tamen excellentiam conlocatae
admirationem uestram nullo modo merebantur. An uos agrorum pulchritudo
delectat? Quidni? Est enim pulcherrimi operis pulchra portio. Sic quondam
sereni maris facie gaudemus; sic caelum sidera lunam solemque miramur. Num
te horum aliquid attingit? Num audes alicuius talium splendore gloriari? An
uernis floribus ipse distingueris aut tua in aestiuos fructus intumescit
ubertas? Quid inanibus gaudiis raperis? Quid externa bona pro tuis
amplexaris? Numquam tua faciet esse fortuna quae a te natura rerum fecit
aliena. Terrarum quidem fructus animantium procul dubio debentur alimentis.
Sed si, quod naturae satis est, replere indigentiam uelis, nihil est quod
fortunae affluentiam petas. Paucis enim minimisque natura contenta est,
cuius satietatem si superfluis urgere uelis, aut iniucundum quod infuderis
fiet aut noxium. Iam uero pulchrum uariis fulgere uestibus putas, quarum si
grata intuitu species est, aut materiae naturam aut ingenium mirabor
artificis. An uero te longus ordo famulorum facit esse felicem? Qui si
uitiosi moribus sint, perniciosa domus sarcina et ipsi domino uehementer
inimica; sin uero probi, quonam modo in tuis opibus aliena probitas
numerabitur? Ex quibus omnibus nihil horum quae tu in tuis conputas bonis
tuum esse bonum liquido monstratur. Quibus si nihil inest appetendae
pulchritudinis, quid est quod uel amissis doleas uel laeteris retentis?
Quod si natura pulchra sunt, quid id tua refert? Nam haec per se a tuis
quoque opibus sequestrata placuissent. Neque enim idcirco sunt pretiosa
quod in tuas uenere diuitias, sed quoniam pretiosa uidebantur, tuis ea
diuitiis adnumerare maluisti. Quid autem tanto fortunae strepitu
desideratis? Fugare credo indigentiam copia quaeritis. Atqui hoc uobis in
contrarium cedit. Pluribus quippe adminiculis opus est ad tuendam pretiosae
supellectilis uarietatem, uerumque illud est permultis eos indigere qui
permulta possideant contraque minimum qui abundantiam suam naturae
necessitate non ambitus superfluitate metiantur. Itane autem nullum est
proprium uobis atque insitum bonum ut in externis ac sepositis rebus bona
uestra quaeratis? Sic rerum uersa condicio est ut diuinum merito rationis
animal non aliter sibi splendere nisi inanimatae supellectilis possessione
uideatur? Et alia quidem suis contenta sunt; uos autem deo mente consimiles
ab rebus infimis excellentis naturae ornamenta captatis nec intellegitis
quantam conditori uestro faciatis iniuriam. Ille genus humanum terrenis
omnibus praestare uoluit; uos dignitatem uestram infra infima quaeque
detruditis. Nam si omne cuiusque bonum eo cuius est constat esse
pretiosius, cum uilissima rerum uestra bona esse iudicatis, eisdem uosmet
ipsos uestra existimatione submittitis; quod quidem haud inmerito cadit.
Humanae quippe naturae ista condicio est ut tum tantum ceteris rebus cum se
cognoscit excellat, eadem tamen infra bestias redigatur, si se nosse
desierit. Nam ceteris animantibus sese ignorare naturae est; hominibus
uitio uenit. Quam uero late patet uester hic error qui ornari posse aliquid
ornamentis existimatis alienis? At id fieri nequit. Nam si quid ex
appositis luceat, ipsa quidem quae sunt apposita laudantur; illud uero his
tectum atque uelatum in sua nihilo minus foeditate perdurat. Ego uero nego
ullum esse bonum quod noceat habenti. Num id mentior? 'Minime,' inquis.
Atqui diuitiae possidentibus persaepe nocuerunt, cum pessimus quisque eoque
alieni magis auidus quidquid usquam auri gemmarumque est se solum qui
habeat dignissimum putat. Tu igitur qui nunc contum gladiumque sollicitus
pertimescis, si uitae huius callem uacuus uiator intrasses, coram latrone
cantares. O praeclara opum mortalium beatitudo quam cum adeptus fueris
securus esse desistis!




  V.

  But since the soothing of my reasons begins to sink into thee, I will
  use those which are somewhat more forcible. Go to the*n, if the gifts of
  fortune were not brittle and momentary, what is there in them which can
  either ever be made your own, or, well weighed and considered, seemeth
  not vile and of no accompt? Are riches precious in virtue either of
  their own nature or of yours? What part of them can be so esteemed of?
  The gold or the heaps of money? But these make a fairer show when they
  are spent than when they are kept. For covetousness alway maketh men
  odious, as liberality famous. And if a man cannot have that which is
  given to another, then money is precious when, bestowed upon others, by
  the use of liberality it is not possessed any longer. But if all the
  money in the whole world were gathered into one man's custody, all other
  men should be poor. The voice at the same time wholly filleth the ears
  of many, but your riches cannot pass to many, except they be diminished,
  which being done, they must needs make them poor whom they leave. O
  scant and poor riches, which neither can be wholly possessed of many,
  and come to none without the impoverishment of others! Doth the
  glittering of jewels draw thy eyes after them? But if there be any great
  matter in this show, not men but the jewels shine, which I exceedingly
  marvel that men admire. For what is there wanting life and members that
  may justly seem beautiful to a nature not only endued with life but also
  with reason? Which, though by their maker's workmanship and their own
  variety they have some part of basest beauty, yet it is so far inferior
  to your excellency that it did in no sort deserve your admiration. Doth
  the pleasant prospect of the fields delight you? Why not? For it is a
  fair portion of a most fair work. So we are delighted with a calm sea,
  so we admire the sky, the stars, the sun, and the moon. Do any of these
  belong to thee? Darest thou boast of the beauty which any of them have?
  Art thou thyself adorned with May flowers? Or doth thy fertility teem
  with the fruits of summer? Why rejoicest thou vainly? Why embracest thou
  outward goods as if they were thine own? Fortune will never make those
  things thine which by the appointment of Nature belong not to thee. The
  fruits of the earth are doubtless appointed for the sustenance of living
  creatures. But if thou wilt only satisfy want, which sufficeth Nature,
  there is no cause to require the superfluities of fortune. For Nature is
  contented with little and with the smallest things, and, if, being
  satisfied, thou wilt overlay it with more than needs, that which thou
  addest will either become unpleasant or hurtful. But perhaps thou
  thinkest it a fine thing to go decked in gay apparel, which, if they
  make a fair show, I will admire either the goodness of the stuff or the
  invention of the workman. Or doth the multitude of servants make thee
  happy? Who, if they be vicious, they are a pernicious burden to thy
  house, and exceedingly troublesome to their master; and if they be
  honest, how shall other men's honesty be counted amongst thy treasures?
  By all which is manifestly proved that none of these goods which thou
  accountest thine, are thine indeed. And if there is nothing in these
  worthy to be desired, why art thou either glad when thou hast them or
  sorry when thou losest them? Or what is it to thee, if they be precious
  by nature? For in this respect they would have pleased thee, though they
  had belonged to others. For they are not precious because they are come
  to be thine, but because they seemed precious thou wert desirous to have
  them. Now, what desire you with such loud praise of fortune? Perhaps you
  seek to drive away penury with plenty. But this falleth out quite
  contrary, for you stand in need of many supplies, to protect all this
  variety of precious ornaments. And it is true that they which have much,
  need much; and contrariwise, that they need little which measure not
  their wealth by the superfluity of ambition, but by the necessity of
  nature. Have you no proper and inward good, that you seek your goods in
  those things which are outward and separated from you? Is the condition
  of things so changed that a living creature, deservedly accounted divine
  for the gift of reason, seemeth to have no other excellency than the
  possession of a little household stuff without life? All other creatures
  are content with that they have of their own; and you, who in your mind
  carry the likeness of God, are content to take the ornaments of your
  excellent nature from the most base and vile things, neither understand
  you what injury you do your Creator. He would have mankind to excel all
  earthly things; you debase your dignity under every meanest creature.
  For if it be manifest that the good of everything is more precious than
  that whose good it is, since you judge the vilest things that can be to
  be your goods, you deject yourselves under them in your own estimation,
  which questionless cometh not undeservedly to pass; for this is the
  condition of man's nature, that then only it surpasseth other things
  when it knoweth itself, and it is worse than beasts when it is without
  that knowledge. For in other living creatures the ignorance of
  themselves is nature, but in men it is vice. And how far doth this error
  of yours extend, who think that any can be adorned with the ornaments of
  another? Which can in no wise be. For if any adjoined thing seem
  precious, it is that which is praised, but that which is covered and
  enwrapped in it remaineth, notwithstanding, with the foul baseness which
  it hath of itself. Moreover, I deny that to be good which hurteth the
  possessor. Am I deceived in this? I am sure thou wilt say no. But riches
  have often hurt their possessors, since every lewdest companion, who are
  consequently most desirous of that which is not their own, think
  themselves most worthy to possess alone all the gold and jewels in the
  world. Wherefore thou, who with much perturbation fearest now to be
  assailed and slain, if thou hadst entered the path of this life like a
  poor passenger, needest not be afraid, but mightest rejoice and sing
  even in the sight of most ravenous thieves.[110] O excellent happiness
  of mortal riches, which, when thou hast gotten, thou hast lost thy
  safety!


  [110] Cf. Juvenal, _Sat._ x. 19-22.




V.

Felix nimium prior aetas
Contenta fidelibus aruis
Nec inerti perdita luxu,
Facili quae sera solebat
Ieiunia soluere glande.                                                   5
Non Bacchica munera norant
Liquido confundere melle
Nec lucida uellera Serum
Tyrio miscere ueneno.
Somnos dabat herba salubres,                                             10
Potum quoque lubricus amnis,
Vmbras altissima pinus.
Nondum maris alta secabat
Nec mercibus undique lectis
Noua litora uiderat hospes.                                              15
Tunc classica saeua tacebant,
Odiis neque fusus acerbis
Cruor horrida tinxerat arua.
Quid enim furor hosticus ulla
Vellet prior arma mouere,                                                20
Cum uulnera saeua uiderent
Nec praemia sanguinis ulla?
Vtinam modo nostra redirent
In mores tempora priscos!
Sed saeuior ignibus Aetnae                                               25
Feruens amor ardet habendi.
Heu primus quis fuit ille
Auri qui pondera tecti
Gemmasque latere uolentes
Pretiosa pericula fodit?                                                 30




  V.

    Too much the former age was blest,
  When fields their pleaséd owners failéd not,
    Who, with no slothful lust opprest,
  Broke their long fasts with acorns eas'ly got.
    No wine with honey mixéd was,
  Nor did they silk in purple colours steep;
    They slept upon the wholesome grass,
  And their cool drink did fetch from rivers deep.
    The pines did hide them with their shade,
  No merchants through the dangerous billows went,
    Nor with desire of gainful trade
  Their traffic into foreign countries sent.
    Then no shrill trumpets did amate
  The minds of soldiers with their daunting sounds,
    Nor weapons were with deadly hate
  Dyed with the dreadful blood of gaping wounds.
    For how could any fury draw
  The mind of man to stir up war in vain,
    When nothing but fierce wounds he saw,
  And for his blood no recompense should gain?
    O that the ancient manners would
  In these our latter hapless times return!
    Now the desire of having gold
  Doth like the flaming fires of Aetna burn.
    Ah, who was he that first did show
  The heaps of treasure which the earth did hide,
    And jewels which lay close below,
  By which he costly dangers did provide?




VI.

Quid autem de dignitatibus potentiaque disseram quae uos uerae dignitatis
ac potestatis inscii caelo exaequatis? Quae si in improbissimum quemque
ceciderunt, quae flammis Aetnae eructuantibus, quod diluuium tantas strages
dederint? Certe, uti meminisse te arbitror, consulare imperium, quod
libertatis principium fuerat, ob superbiam consulum uestri ueteres abolere
cupiuerunt, qui ob eandem superbiam prius regium de ciuitate nomen
abstulerant. At si quando, quod perrarum est, probis deferantur, quid in
eis aliud quam probitas utentium placet? Ita fit ut non uirtutibus ex
dignitate sed ex uirtute dignitatibus honor accedat. Quae uero est ista
uestra expetibilis ac praeclara potentia? Nonne, o terrena animalia,
consideratis quibus qui praesidere uideamini? Nunc si inter mures uideres
unum aliquem ius sibi ac potestatem prae ceteris uindicantem, quanto
mouereris cachinno! Quid uero, si corpus spectes, inbecillius homine
reperire queas quos saepe muscularum quoque uel morsus uel in secreta
quaeque reptantium necat introitus? Quo uero quisquam ius aliquod in
quempiam nisi in solum corpus et quod infra corpus est, fortunam loquor,
possit exserere? Num quidquam libero imperabis animo? Num mentem firma sibi
ratione cohaerentem de statu propriae quietis amouebis? Cum liberum quendam
uirum suppliciis se tyrannus adacturum putaret, ut aduersum se factae
coniurationis conscios proderet, linguam ille momordit atque abscidit et in
os tyranni saeuientis abiecit; ita cruciatus, quos putabat tyrannus
materiam crudelitatis, uir sapiens fecit esse uirtutis. Quid autem est quod
in alium facere quisquam[111] possit, quod sustinere ab alio ipse non
possit? Busiridem accipimus necare hospites solitum ab Hercule hospite
fuisse mactatum. Regulus plures Poenorum bello captos in uincla coniecerat,
sed mox ipse uictorum catenis manus praebuit. Vllamne igitur eius hominis
potentiam putas, qui quod ipse in alio potest, ne id in se alter ualeat
efficere non possit? Ad haec si ipsis dignitatibus ac potestatibus inesset
aliquid naturalis ac proprii boni, numquam pessimis prouenirent. Neque enim
sibi solent aduersa sociari; natura respuit ut contraria quaeque iungantur.
Ita cum pessimos plerumque dignitatibus fungi dubium non sit, illud etiam
liquet natura sui bona non esse quae se pessimis haerere patiantur. Quod
quidem de cunctis fortunae muneribus dignius existimari potest, quae ad
improbissimum quemque uberiora perueniunt. De quibus illud etiam
considerandum puto, quod nemo dubitat esse fortem, cui fortitudinem inesse
conspexerit, et cuicumque uelocitas adest manifestum est esse uelocem. Sic
musica quidem musicos medicina medicos rhetorice rhetores facit. Agit enim
cuiusque rei natura quod proprium est nec contrariarum rerum miscetur
effectibus et ultro quae sunt auersa depellit. Atqui nec opes inexpletam
restinguere auaritiam queunt nec potestas sui compotem fecerit quem
uitiosae libidines insolubilibus adstrictum retinent catenis, et collata
improbis dignitas non modo non efficit dignos, sed prodit potius et
ostentat indignos. Cur ita prouenit? Gaudetis enim res sese aliter habentes
falsis compellare nominibus quae facile ipsarum rerum redarguuntur effectu;
itaque nec illae diuitiae nec illa potentia nec haec dignitas iure
appellari potest. Postremo idem de tota concludere fortuna licet in qua
nihil expetendum, nihil natiuae bonitatis inesse manifestum est, quae nec
se bonis semper adiungit et bonos quibus fuerit adiuncta non efficit.


[111] quisque _codd. optimi_.




  VI.

  Now, why should I discourse of dignities and power which you, not
  knowing what true dignity and power meaneth, exalt to the skies? And if
  they light upon wicked men, what Aetnas, belching flames, or what deluge
  can cause so great harms? I suppose thou rememberest how your ancestors,
  by reason of the consuls' arrogancy, desired to abolish that government
  which had been the beginning of their freedom, who before, for the same
  cause, had removed the government of kings from their city. And if
  sometime, which is very seldom, good men be preferred to honours,[112]
  what other thing can give contentment in them but the honesty of those
  which have them? So that virtues are not honoured by dignities, but
  dignities by virtue. But what is this excellent power which you esteemed
  so desirable? Consider you not, O earthly wights, whom you seem to
  excel? For if among mice thou shouldst see one claim jurisdiction and
  power to himself over the rest, to what a laughter it would move thee!
  And what, if thou respectest the body, canst thou find more weak than
  man, whom even the biting of little flies or the entering of creeping
  worms doth often kill? Now, how can any man exercise jurisdiction upon
  anybody except upon their bodies, and that which is inferior to their
  bodies, I mean their fortunes? Canst thou ever imperiously impose
  anything upon a free mind? Canst thou remove a soul settled in firm
  reason from the quiet state which it possesseth? When a tyrant thought
  to compel a certain free man by torments to bewray his confederates of a
  conspiracy attempted against him, he bit off his tongue, and spit it out
  upon the cruel tyrant's face,[113] by that means wisely making those
  tortures, which the tyrant thought matter of cruelty, to be to him
  occasion of virtue. Now, what is there that any can enforce upon another
  which he may not himself be enforced to sustain by another? We read that
  Busiris, wont to kill his guests, was himself slain by his guest
  Hercules.[114] Regulus had laid fetters upon many Africans taken in war,
  but ere long he found his own hands environed with his conqueror's
  chains.[115] Wherefore thinkest thou the power of that man to be
  anything worth, who cannot hinder another from doing that to him which
  he can do to another? Moreover, if dignities and power had any natural
  and proper good in them, they would never be bestowed upon the worst
  men, for one opposite useth not to accompany another; nature refuseth to
  have contraries joined. So that, since there is no doubt but that men of
  the worst sort often enjoy dignities, it is also manifest that they are
  not naturally good which may follow most naughty men. Which may more
  worthily be thought of all fortune's gifts which are more plentifully
  bestowed upon every lewd companion. Concerning which, I take that also
  to be worthy consideration, that no man doubteth him to be a valiant man
  in whom he seeth valour, and it is manifest that he which hath swiftness
  is swift. So, likewise, music maketh musicians, physic physicians, and
  rhetoric rhetoricians. For the nature of everything doth that which is
  proper unto it, and is not mixed with contrary effects but repelleth all
  opposites. But neither can riches extinguish unsatiable avarice, nor
  power make him master of himself whom vicious lusts keep chained in
  strongest fetters. And dignity bestowed upon wicked men doth not only
  not make them worthy but rather bewrayeth and discovereth their
  unworthiness. How cometh this to pass? Because in miscalling things that
  are otherwise, you take a pleasure which is easily refuted by the effect
  of the things themselves. Wherefore, by right, these things are not to
  be called riches, this is not to be called power, that is not to be
  called dignity. Lastly, we may conclude the same of all fortunes in
  which it is manifest there is nothing to be desired, nothing naturally
  good, which neither are always bestowed upon good men, nor do make them
  good whom they are bestowed upon.


  [112] The subject of _deferantur_ is _dignitates potentiaque_.

  [113] The free man was the philosopher Anaxarchus: the tyrant, Nicocreon
  the Cypriote. For the story see Diogenes Laertius ix. 59.

  [114] Cf. Apollod. ii. 5. 11; Claudian xviii. 159; Virg. _Georg._ iii. 4.

  [115] Cf. Cicero, _De Off._ iii. 99.




VI.

Nouimus quantas dederit ruinas
Vrbe flammata patribusque caesis
Fratre qui quondam ferus interempto
Matris effuso maduit cruore
Corpus et uisu gelidum pererrans                                          5
Ora non tinxit lacrimis, sed esse
Censor extincti potuit decoris.
Hic tamen sceptro populos regebat
Quos uidet condens radios sub undas
Phoebus extremo ueniens ab ortu,                                         10
Quos premunt septem gelidi triones,
Quos Notus sicco uiolentus aestu
Torret ardentes recoquens harenas.
Celsa num tandem ualuit potestas
Vertere praui rabiem Neronis?                                            15
Heu grauem sortem, quotiens iniquus
Additur saeuo gladius ueneno!"




  VI.

    We know what stirs he made
  Who did the Senate slay and Rome with fire invade,
    Who did his brother kill,
  And with his mother's blood his moistened hand did fill;
    Who looked on that cold face
  Tearless, and nicely marked her members' several grace.[116]
    Yet his dread power controlled
  Those people whom the sun doth in the east behold,
    And those who do remain
  In western lands or dwell under Boötes' wain
    And those whose skins are tanned
  With southern winds, which roast and burn the parched sand.
    What? Could this glorious might
  Restrain the furious rage of wicked Nero's spite?
    But oh! mishap most bad,
  Which doth the wicked sword to cruel poison add!"


  [116] Literally, "but could be the critic of her dead beauty." Cf. Suet.
  _Nero_ 24; Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 9.




VII.

Tum ego: "Scis," inquam, "ipsa minimum nobis ambitionem mortalium rerum
fuisse dominatam. Sed materiam gerendis rebus optauimus quo ne uirtus
tacita consenesceret." Et illa: "Atqui hoc unum est quod praestantes quidem
natura mentes sed nondum ad extremam manum uirtutum perfectione perductas
allicere possit, gloriae scilicet cupido et optimorum in rem publicam fama
meritorum; quae quam sit exilis et totius uacua ponderis, sic considera.
Omnem terrae ambitum, sicuti astrologicis demonstrationibus accepisti, ad
caeli spatium puncti constat obtinere rationem, id est ut, si ad caelestis
globi magnitudinem conferatur, nihil spatii prorsus habere iudicetur. Huius
igitur tam exiguae in mundo regionis quarta fere portio est, sicut
Ptolomaeo probante didicisti, quae nobis cognitis animantibus incolatur.
Huic quartae, si quantum maria paludesque premunt quantumque siti uasta
regio distenditur cogitatione subtraxeris, uix angustissima inhabitandi
hominibus area relinquetur. In hoc igitur minimo puncti quodam puncto
circumsaepti atque conclusi de peruulganda fama, de proferendo nomine
cogitatis? Aut quid habeat amplum magnificumque gloria tam angustis
exiguisque limitibus artata? Adde quod hoc ipsum breuis habitaculi saeptum
plures incolunt nationes lingua, moribus, totius uitae ratione distantes,
ad quas tum difficultate itinerum tum loquendi diuersitate tum commercii
insolentia non modo fama hominum singulorum sed ne urbium quidem peruenire
queat. Aetate denique Marci Tullii, sicut ipse quodam loco significat,
nondum Caucasum montem Romanae rei publicae fama transcenderat, et erat
tunc adulta Parthis etiam ceterisque id locorum gentibus formidolosa.
Videsne igitur quam sit angusta, quam compressa gloria quam dilatare ac
propagare laboratis? An ubi Romani nominis transire fama nequit, Romani
hominis gloria progredietur? Quid quod diuersarum gentium mores inter se
atque instituta discordant, ut quod apud alios laude apud alios supplicio
dignum iudicetur. Quo fit ut si quem famae praedicatio delectat, huic in
plurimos populos nomen proferre nullo modo conducat. Erit igitur peruagata
inter suos gloria quisque contentus et intra unius gentis terminos
praeclara illa famae inmortalitas coartabitur.

Sed quam multos clarissimos suis temporibus uiros scriptorum inops deleuit
obliuio! Quamquam quid ipsa scripta proficiant, quae cum suis auctoribus
premit longior atque obscura uetustas? Vos uero inmortalitatem uobis
propagare uidemini, cum futuri famam temporis cogitatis. Quod si
aeternitatis infinita spatia pertractes, quid habes quod de nominis tui
diuturnitate laeteris? Vnius etenim mora momenti, si decem milibus
conferatur annis, quoniam utrumque spatium definitum est, minimam, licet,
habet tamen aliquam portionem. At hic ipse numerus annorum eiusque
quamlibet multiplex ad interminabilem diuturnitatem ne comparari quidem
potest. Etenim finitis ad se inuicem fuerit quaedam, infiniti uero atque
finiti nulla umquam poterit esse collatio. Ita fit ut quamlibet prolixi
temporis fama, si cum inexhausta aeternitate cogitetur, non parua sed plane
nulla esse uideatur. Vos autem nisi ad populares auras inanesque rumores
recte facere nescitis et relicta conscientiae uirtutisque praestantia de
alienis praemia sermunculis postulatis. Accipe in huiusmodi arrogantiae
leuitate quam festiue aliquis inluserit. Nam cum quidam adortus esset
hominem contumeliis, qui non ad uerae uirtutis usum sed ad superbam gloriam
falsum sibi philosophi nomen induerat, adiecissetque iam se sciturum, an
ille philosophus esset, si quidem illatas iniurias leniter patienterque
tolerasset, ille patientiam paulisper adsumpsit acceptaque contumelia uelut
insultans: 'Iam tandem,' inquit, 'intellegis me esse philosophum?' Tum ille
nimium mordaciter: 'Intellexeram,' inquit, 'si tacuisses.' Quid autem est
quod ad praecipuos uiros, de his enim sermo est, qui uirtute gloriam
petunt, quid, inquam, est quod ad hos de fama post resolutum morte suprema
corpus attineat? Nam si, quod nostrae rationes credi uetant, toti moriuntur
homines, nulla est omnino gloria, cum is cuius ea esse dicitur non exstet
omnino. Sin uero bene sibi mens conscia terreno carcere resoluta caelum
libera petit, nonne omne terrenum negotium spernat quae se caelo fruens
terrenis gaudet exemptam?




  VII.

  Then I said: "Thou thyself knowest that the ambition of mortal things
  hath borne as little sway with me as with any, but I desired matter of
  action, lest old age should come upon me ere I had done anything." To
  which she answered: "This is the only thing which is able to entice such
  minds as, being well qualified by nature, are not yet fully brought to
  full excellence by the perfecting of virtues, I mean desire of glory,
  and fame of best deserts towards their commonwealth, which how slender
  it is, and void of all weight, consider this: thou hast learnt by
  astronomical demonstrations that the compass of the whole earth compared
  to the scope of heaven is no bigger than a pin's point, which is as much
  as to say that, if it be conferred with the greatness of the celestial
  sphere, it hath no bigness at all. And of this so small a region in the
  world only the fourth part is known to be inhabited by living creatures
  known to us, as Ptolemy[117] proveth. From which fourth part, if thou
  takest away in imagination the seas, the marsh grounds, and all other
  desert places, there will scarcely be left any room at all for men to
  inhabit. Wherefore, enclosed and shut up in this smallest point of that
  other point, do you think of extending your fame and enlarging your
  name? But what great or heroical matter can that glory have, which is
  pent up in so small and narrow bounds? Besides that the little compass
  of this small habitation is inhabited by many nations, different in
  language, fashions, and conversation, to which by reason of the
  difficulties in travelling, the diversity of speech, and the scarcity of
  traffic, not only the Fame of particular men but even of cities can
  hardly come. Finally, in the age of Marcus Tullius, as he himself
  writeth,[118] the fame of the Roman Commonwealth had not passed the
  mountain Caucasus, and yet it was then in the most flourishing estate,
  fearful even to the Parthians and to the rest of the nations about.
  Seest thou therefore how strait and narrow that glory is which you
  labour to enlarge and increase? Where the fame of the Roman name could
  not pass, can the glory of a Roman man penetrate? Moreover, the customs
  and laws of diverse nations do so much differ the one from the other,
  that the same thing which some commend as laudable, others condemn as
  deserving punishment. So that if a man be delighted with the praise of
  fame, it is no way convenient for him to be named in many countries.
  Wherefore, every man must be content with that glory which he may have
  at home, and that noble immortality of fame must be comprehended within
  the compass of one nation.

  Now, how many, most famous while they lived, are altogether forgotten
  for want of writers! Though what do writings themselves avail which
  perish, as well as their authors, by continuance and obscurity of time?
  But you imagine that you make yourselves immortal when you cast your
  eyes upon future fame. Whereas, if thou weighest attentively the
  infinite spaces of eternity, what cause hast thou to rejoice at the
  prolonging of thy name? For if we compare the stay of one moment with
  ten thousand years, since both be limited, they have some proportion,
  though it be but very small. But this number of years, how oft so ever
  it be multiplied, is no way comparable to endless eternity. For limited
  things may in some sort be compared among themselves, but that which is
  infinite admitteth no comparison at all with the limited. So that the
  fame of never so long time, if it be compared with everlasting eternity,
  seemeth not little but none at all. But without popular blasts and vain
  rumours you know not how to do well, and, rejecting the excellency of a
  good conscience and of virtue, you choose to be rewarded with others'
  tattling. Hear how pleasantly one jested at this vain and contemptible
  arrogancy. For having assaulted with reproachful speeches a certain
  fellow who had falsely taken upon him the name of a philosopher, not for
  the use of virtue but for vainglory, and having added that now he would
  know whether he were a philosopher or no by his gentle and patient
  bearing of injuries, the other took all patiently for a while, and
  having borne his contumely, as it were, triumphing, said: 'Dost thou now
  at length think me a philosopher?' To which he bitingly replied: 'I
  would have thought thee one if thou hadst holden thy peace.' But what
  have excellent men (for of these I speak) who seek for glory by virtue,
  what have we, I say, to expect for these by fame after final death hath
  dissolved the body? For if, contrary to our belief, men wholly perish,
  there is no glory at all, since he to whom it is said to belong is
  nowhere extant. But if a guiltless mind freed from earthly imprisonment
  goeth forthwith to heaven, will she not despise all earthly traffic who,
  enjoying heaven, rejoiceth to see herself exempted from earthly affairs?


  [117] Claudius Ptolemaeus, mathematician, astronomer, geographer, fl.
  A.D. 139-161.

  [118] Cf. _Somn. Scip._ 6. 14 ap. Macr. _Comment._ ii. 10.




VII.

Quicumque solam mente praecipiti petit
  Summumque credit gloriam,
Late patentes aetheris cernat plagas
  Artumque terrarum situm.
Breuem replere non ualentis ambitum                                       5
  Pudebit aucti nominis.
Quid o superbi colla mortali iugo
  Frustra leuare gestiunt?
Licet remotos fama per populos means
  Diffusa linguas explicet                                               10
Et magna titulis fulgeat claris domus,
  Mors spernit altam gloriam,
Inuoluit humile pariter et celsum caput
  Aequatque summis infima.
Vbi nunc fidelis ossa Fabricii manent,                                   15
  Quid Brutus aut rigidus Cato?
Signat superstes fama tenuis pauculis
  Inane nomen litteris.
Sed quod decora nouimus uocabula,
  Num scire consumptos datur?                                            20
Iacetis ergo prorsus ignorabiles
  Nec fama notos efficit.
Quod si putatis longius uitam trahi
  Mortalis aura nominis,
Cum sera uobis rapiet hoc etiam dies,                                    25
  Iam uos secunda mors manet.




  VII.

  He that to honour only seeks to mount
    And that his chiefest end doth count,
  Let him behold the largeness of the skies
    And on the strait earth cast his eyes;
  He will despise the glory of his name,
    Which cannot fill so small a frame.
  Why do proud men scorn that their necks should bear
    That yoke which every man must wear?
  Though fame through many nations fly along
    And should be blazed by every tongue,
  And houses shine with our forefathers' stories,
    Yet Death contemns these stately glories,
  And, summoning both rich and poor to die,
    Makes the low equal with the high.
  Who knows where faithful Fabrice' bones are pressed,
    Where Brutus and strict Cato rest?[119]
  A slender fame consigns their titles vain
    In some few letters to remain.
  Because their famous names in books we read,
    Come we by them to know the dead?
  You dying, then, remembered are by none,
    Nor any fame can make you known.
  But if you think that life outstrippeth death,
    Your names borne up with mortal breath,
  When length of time takes this away likewise,
    A second death shall you surprise.


  [119] Caius Luscinus Fabricius, Consul 282 B.C., opponent of Pyrrhus;
  Lucius Iunius Brutus, Consul 509 B.C., founder of the Republic; Marcus
  Porcius Cato (Cato maior). Consul 195 B.C., great-grandfather of M.
  Porcius Cato (Uticensis).




VIII.

Sed ne me inexorabile contra fortunam gerere bellum putes, est aliquando
cum de hominibus illa, fallax illa nihil, bene mereatur, tum scilicet cum
se aperit, cum frontem detegit moresque profitetur. Nondum forte quid
loquar intellegis. Mirum est quod dicere gestio, eoque sententiam uerbis
explicare uix queo. Etenim plus hominibus reor aduersam quam prosperam
prodesse fortunam. Illa enim semper specie felicitatis cum uidetur blanda,
mentitur; haec semper uera est, cum se instabilem mutatione demonstrat.
Illa fallit, haec instruit, illa mendacium specie bonorum mentes fruentium
ligat, haec cognitione fragilis felicitatis absoluit. Itaque illam uideas
uentosam, fluentem suique semper ignaram, hanc sobriam succinctamque et
ipsius aduersitatis exercitatione prudentem. Postremo felix a uero bono
deuios blanditiis trahit, aduersa plerumque ad uera bona reduces unco
retrahit. An hoc inter minima aestimandum putas quod amicorum tibi fidelium
mentes haec aspera, haec horribilis fortuna detexit, haec tibi certos
sodalium uultus ambiguosque secreuit, discedens suos abstulit, tuos
reliquit? Quanti hoc integer, ut uidebaris tibi fortunatus, emisses! Nunc
et amissas opes querere; quod pretiosissimum diuitiarum genus est amicos
inuenisti.




  VIII.

  But lest thou shouldst think that I am at implacable war with Fortune,
  there is a time when this thy goddess ceasing to deceive deserveth of
  men, to wit, when she declareth herself, when she discovereth her face
  and showeth herself in her own colours. Perhaps thou understandest not
  yet what I say. I would utter a wonderful thing, insomuch as I can
  scarcely explicate my mind in words. For I think that Fortune, when she
  is opposite, is more profitable to men than when she is favourable. For
  in prosperity, by a show of happiness and seeming to caress, she is ever
  false, but in adversity when she showeth herself inconstant by changing,
  she is ever true. In that she deceiveth, in this she instructeth; in
  that she imprisoneth the minds of men with falsely seeming goods, which
  they enjoy, in this she setteth them at liberty by discovering the
  uncertainty of them. Wherefore, in that thou shalt alway see her puffed
  up, and wavering, and blinded with a self-conceit of herself, in this
  thou shalt find her sober, settled, and, with the very exercise of
  adversity, wise. Finally, prosperity with her flatterings withdraweth
  men from true goodness, adversity recalleth and reclaimeth them many
  times by force[120] to true happiness. Dost thou esteem it a small
  benefit that this rough and harsh Fortune hath made known unto thee the
  minds of thy faithful friends? She hath severed thy assured from thy
  doubtful friends; prosperity at her departure took away with her those
  which were hers, and left thee thine. How dearly wouldst thou have
  bought this before thy fall, and when thou seemedst to thyself
  fortunate! Now thou dost even lament thy lost riches; thou hast found
  friends, the most precious treasure in the world.


  [120] Literally, "pulleth them back with a hook."




VIII.

Quod mundus stabili fide
Concordes uariat uices,
Quod pugnantia semina
Foedus perpetuum tenent,
Quod Phoebus roseum diem                                                  5
Curru prouehit aureo,
Vt quas duxerit Hesperos
Phoebe noctibus imperet,
Vt fluctus auidum mare
Certo fine coerceat,                                                     10
Ne terris liceat uagis
Latos tendere terminos,
Hanc rerum seriem ligat
Terras ac pelagus regens
Et caelo imperitans amor.                                                15
Hic si frena remiserit,
Quidquid nunc amat inuicem
Bellum continuo geret
Et quam nunc socia fide
Pulchris motibus incitant*,                                              20
Certent soluere machinam.
Hic sancto populos quoque
Iunctos foedere continet,
Hic et coniugii sacrum
Castis nectit amoribus,                                                  25
Hic fidis etiam sua
Dictat iura sodalibus.
O felix hominum genus,
Si uestros animos amor
Quo caelum regitur regat."                                               30




  VIII.

  That this fair world in settled course her several forms should vary,
  That a perpetual law should tame the fighting seeds of things,
  That Phoebus should the rosy day in his bright chariot carry,
  That Phoebe should govern the nights which Hesperus forth brings,
  That to the floods of greedy seas are certain bounds assigned,
  Which them, lest they usurp too much upon the earth, debar,
  Love ruling heaven, and earth, and seas, them in this course doth bind.
  And if it once let loose their reins, their friendship turns to war,
  Tearing the world whose ordered form their quiet motions bear.
  By it all holy laws are made and marriage rites are tied,
  By it is faithful friendship joined. How happy mortals were,
  If that pure love did guide their minds, which heavenly spheres
    doth guide!"






ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII

V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. PATRICII

PHILOSOPHIAE CONSOLATIONIS

LIBER SECVNDVS EXPLICIT

INCIPIT LIBER III.




I.

Iam cantum illa finiuerat, cum me audiendi auidum stupentemque arrectis
adhuc auribus carminis mulcedo defixerat. Itaque paulo post: "O," inquam,
"summum lassorum solamen animorum quam tu me uel sententiarum pondere uel
canendi etiam iucunditate refouisti! Adeo ut iam me post haec inparem
fortunae ictibus esse non arbitrer. Itaque remedia quae paulo acriora esse
dicebas, non modo non perhorresco, sed audiendi auidus uehementer
efflagito." Tum illa "Sensi," inquit, "cum uerba nostra tacitus attentusque
rapiebas, eumque tuae mentis habitum uel exspectaui uel, quod est uerius,
ipsa perfeci. Talia sunt quippe quae restant, ut degustata quidem mordeant,
interius autem recepta dulcescant. Sed quod tu te audiendi cupidum dicis,
quanto ardore flagrares, si quonam te ducere aggrediamur agnosceres!"
"Quonam?" inquam. "Ad ueram," inquit, "felicitatem, quam tuus quoque
somniat animus, sed occupato ad imagines uisu ipsam illam non potest
intueri." Tum ego: "Fac obsecro et quae illa uera sit, sine cunctatione
demonstra." "Faciam," inquit illa, "tui causa libenter. Sed quae tibi causa
notior est, eam prius designare uerbis atque informare conabor ut ea
perspecta cum in contrariam partem flexeris oculos, uerae beatitudinis
speciem possis agnoscere.






THE THIRD BOOK OF BOETHIUS




  I.

  Though she had ended her verse, yet the sweetness of it made me remain
  astonished, attentive, and desirous to hear her longer. Wherefore, after
  a while, I said: "O most effectual refreshment of wearied minds, how
  have I been comforted with thy weighty sentences and pleasing music!
  Insomuch that I begin to think myself not unable to encounter the
  assaults of Fortune. Wherefore, I am not now afraid, but rather
  earnestly desire to know those remedies, which before thou toldest me
  were too sharp." To which she answered: "I perceived as much as thou
  sayest, when I saw thee hearken to my speeches with so great silence and
  attention, and I expected this disposition of thy mind, or rather more
  truly caused it myself. For the remedies which remain are of that sort
  that they are bitter to the taste, but being inwardly received wax
  sweet. And whereas thou sayest that thou art desirous to hear; how much
  would this desire increase if thou knewest whither we go about to bring
  thee!" "Whither?" quoth I. "To true felicity," quoth she, "which thy
  mind also dreameth of, but thy sight is so dimmed with phantasies that
  thou canst not behold it as it is." Then I beseeched her to explicate
  without delay wherein true happiness consisteth. To which she answered:
  "I will willingly do so for thy sake, but first I will endeavour to
  declare in words and to give shape to that which is better known unto
  thee, that, having thoroughly understood it, by reflecting of the
  contrary thou mayest discover the type of perfect blessedness.




I.

Qui serere ingenuum uolet agrum,
Liberat arua prius fruticibus,
Falce rubos filicemque resecat,
Vt noua fruge grauis Ceres eat.
Dulcior est apium mage labor,                                             5
Si malus ora prius sapor edat.
Gratius astra nitent ubi Notus
Desinit imbriferos dare sonos.
Lucifer ut tenebras pepulerit
Pulchra dies roseos agit equos.                                          10
Tu quoque falsa tuens bona prius
Incipe colla iugo retrahere.
Vera dehinc animum subierint."




  I.

  He that a fruitful field will sow,
  Doth first the ground from bushes free,
  All fern and briars likewise mow,
  That he his harvest great may see.
  Honey seems sweeter to our taste,
  If cloyed with noisome food it be.
  Stars clearer shine when Notus' blast
  Hath ceased the rainy storms to breed.
  When Lucifer hath night defaced,
  The day's bright horses then succeed.
  So thou, whom seeming goods do feed,
  First shake off yokes which so thee press
  That Truth may then thy mind possess."




II.

Tum defixo paululum uisu et uelut in augustam suae mentis sedem recepta sic
coepit: "Omnis mortalium cura quam multiplicium studiorum labor exercet,
diuerso quidem calle procedit, sed ad unum tamen beatitudinis finem nititur
peruenire. Id autem est bonum quo quis adepto nihil ulterius desiderare
queat. Quod quidem est omnium summum bonorum cunctaque intra se bona
continens, cui si quid aforet summum esse non posset, quoniam relinqueretur
extrinsecus quod posset optari. Liquet igitur esse beatitudinem statum
bonorum omnium congregatione perfectum. Hunc, uti diximus, diuerso tramite
mortales omnes conantur adipisci. Est enim mentibus hominum ueri boni
naturaliter inserta cupiditas, sed ad falsa deuius error abducit. Quorum
quidem alii summum bonum esse nihilo indigere credentes ut diuitiis
affluant elaborant; alii uero bonum quod sit dignissimum ueneratione
iudicantes adeptis honoribus reuerendi ciuibus suis esse nituntur. Sunt qui
summum bonum in summa potentia esse constituant; hi uel regnare ipsi uolunt
uel regnantibus adhaerere conantur. At quibus optimum quiddam claritas
uidetur, hi uel belli uel pacis artibus gloriosum nomen propagare
festinant. Plurimi uero boni fructum gaudio laetitiaque metiuntur; hi
felicissimum putant uoluptate diffluere. Sunt etiam qui horum fines
causasque alterutro permutent, ut qui diuitias ob potentiam uoluptatesque
desiderant uel qui potentiam seu pecuniae causa seu proferendi nominis
appetunt. In his igitur ceterisque talibus humanorum actuum uotorumque
uersatur intentio, ueluti nobilitas fauorque popularis quae uidentur
quandam claritudinem comparare, uxor ac liberi quae iucunditatis gratia
petuntur; amicorum uero quod sanctissimum quidem genus est, non in fortuna
sed in uirtute numeratur, reliquum uero uel potentiae causa uel
delectationis assumitur. Iam uero corporis bona promptum est ut ad
superiora referantur. Robur enim magnitudoque uidetur praestare ualentiam,
pulchritudo atque uelocitas celebritatem, salubritas uoluptatem; quibus
omnibus solam beatitudinem desiderari liquet. Nam quod quisque prae ceteris
petit, id summum esse iudicat bonum. Sed summum bonum beatitudinem esse
definiuimus; quare beatum esse iudicat statum quem prae ceteris quisque
desiderat.

Habes igitur ante oculos propositam fere formam felicitatis humanae--opes,
honores, potentiam, gloriam, uoluptates. Quae quidem sola considerans
Epicurus consequenter sibi summum bonum uoluptatem esse constituit, quod
cetera omnia iucunditatem animo uideantur afferre. Sed ad hominum studia
reuertor, quorum animus etsi caligante memoria tamen bonum suum repetit,
sed uelut ebrius domum quo tramite reuertatur ignorat. Num enim uidentur
errare hi qui nihilo indigere nituntur? Atqui non est aliud quod aeque
perficere beatitudinem possit quam copiosus bonorum omnium status nec
alieni egens sed sibi ipse sufficiens. Num uero labuntur hi qui quod sit
optimum, id etiam reuerentiae cultu dignissimum putent? Minime. Neque enim
uile quiddam contemnendumque est quod adipisci omnium fere mortalium
laborat intentio. An in bonis non est numeranda potentia? Quid igitur? Num
imbecillum ac sine uiribus aestimandum est, quod omnibus rebus constat esse
praestantius? An claritudo nihili pendenda est? Sed sequestrari nequit quin
omne quod excellentissimum sit id etiam uideatur esse clarissimum. Nam non
esse anxiam tristemque beatitudinem nec doloribus molestiisque subiectam
quid attinet dicere, quando in minimis quoque rebus id appetitur quod
habere fruique delectet? Atqui haec sunt quae adipisci homines uolunt eaque
de causa diuitias, dignitates, regna, gloriam uoluptatesque desiderant quod
per haec sibi sufficientiam, reuerentiam, potentiam, celebritatem,
laetitiam credunt esse uenturam. Bonum est igitur quod tam diuersis studiis
homines petunt; in quo quanta sit naturae uis facile monstratur, cum licet
uariae dissidentesque sententiae tamen in diligendo boni fine consentiunt.




  II.

  Then, for a while looking steadfastly upon the ground, and, as it were,
  retiring herself to the most secret seat of her soul, she began in this
  manner: "All men's thoughts, which are turmoiled with manifold cares,
  take indeed divers courses, but yet endeavour to attain the same end of
  happiness, which is that good which, being once obtained, nothing can be
  further desired. Which is the chiefest of all goods, and containeth in
  itself whatsoever is good, and if it wanted anything it could not be the
  chiefest, because there would something remain besides it which might be
  wished for. Wherefore, it is manifest that blessedness is an estate
  replenished with all that is good. This, as we said, all men endeavour
  to obtain by divers ways. For there is naturally ingrafted in men's
  minds an earnest desire of that which is truly good; but deceitful error
  withdraweth it to that which falsely seemeth such. So that some,
  esteeming it their greatest good to want nothing, labour by all means to
  abound with riches; others, deeming that to be good which is most
  deserving of honour, hunt after preferments, to be respected by their
  fellow-citizens. Others think it the greatest felicity to have great
  power and authority, and these will either reign themselves or at least
  procure to be great with princes. But they who think fame better than
  all these, make all speed possible to spread their names far and near,
  by achieving some worthy enterprise either in war or peace. Many measure
  good by joy and mirth, and their chiefest care is how they may abound
  with pleasure. Some interchange the ends and means of these things one
  with the other, wanting now riches for the sake of power and pleasure,
  now power for the sake of wealth and fame. At these and such other do
  men's actions and desires aim, as nobility and popularity, which make
  men esteemed; wife and children, which bring pleasure and delight. But
  friendship, that most sacred thing, is rather to be attributed to virtue
  than to fortune. Other things for the most part are desired either for
  power or pleasure. And it is an easy matter to reduce all corporal goods
  to the former heads. For strength and greatness give ability; beauty and
  swiftness, fame; and health yieldeth pleasure. By all which we
  manifestly seek for nothing else but happiness. For that which every man
  seeketh most after, is by him esteemed his greatest good. Which is all
  one with happiness. Wherefore he esteemeth that estate happy which he
  preferreth before all other.

  And thus thou hast in a manner seen the form of human felicity--riches,
  honour, power, glory, pleasure. Which Epicurus only considering,
  consequently took pleasure for his chiefest good, because all the rest
  seemed to delight the mind. But I return to the careful thoughts of men,
  whose minds, though obscured, yet seek after the greatest good, but like
  a drunken man know not the way home. For seem they to err who endeavour
  to want nothing? But nothing can cause happiness so much as the
  plentiful possession of all that is good, needing the help of none, but
  is sufficient of itself. Or do they err who take that which is best to
  be likewise most worthy of respect? No. For it is no vile or
  contemptible thing which almost all men labour to obtain. Or is not
  power to be esteemed good? Why, then, is that to be accounted feeble and
  of no force, which manifestly surpasses all other things? Or is fame to
  be contemned? But it cannot be ignored that the most excellent is also
  most famous. For to what purpose should I say that happiness is not sad
  or melancholy, or subject to grief and trouble, when even in smallest
  matters we desire that which we delight to have and enjoy? And these be
  the things which men desire to obtain, and to this end procure riches,
  dignities, kingdoms, glory, and pleasures, because by them they think to
  have sufficiency, respect, power, fame, delight, and joy. Wherefore,
  that is good which men seek after by divers desires, in which the force
  of nature is easily descried, since though there be many and different
  opinions, yet they agree in choosing for their end that which is good.




II.

Quantas rerum flectat habenas
Natura potens, quibus inmensum
Legibus orbem prouida seruet
Stringatque ligans inresoluto
Singula nexu, placet arguto                                               5
Fidibus lentis promere cantu.
Quamuis Poeni pulchra leones
Vincula gestent manibusque datas
Captent escas metuantque trucem
Soliti uerbera ferre magistrum,                                          10
Si cruor horrida tinxerit ora,
Resides olim redeunt animi
Fremituque graui meminere sui;
Laxant nodis colla solutis
Primusque lacer dente cruento                                            15
Domitor rabidas imbuit iras.
Quae canit altis garrula ramis
Ales caueae clauditur antro;
Huic licet inlita pocula melle
Largasque dapes dulci studio                                             20
Ludens hominum cura ministret,
Si tamen arto saliens texto
Nemorum gratas uiderit umbras,
Sparsas pedibus proterit escas,
Siluas tantum maesta requirit,                                           25
Siluas dulci uoce susurrat.
Validis quondam uiribus acta
Pronum flectit uirga cacumen;
Hanc si curuans dextra remisit,
Recto spectat uertice caelum.                                            30
Cadit Hesperias Phoebus in undas,
Sed secreto tramite rursus
Currum solitos uertit ad ortus.
Repetunt proprios quaeque recursus
Redituque suo singula gaudent                                            35
Nec manet ulli traditus ordo
Nisi quod fini iunxerit ortum
Stabilemque sui fecerit orbem.




  II.

  How the first reins of all things guided are
  By powerful Nature as the chiefest cause,
  And how she keeps, with a foreseeing care,
  The spacious world in order by her laws,
  And to sure knots which nothing can untie,
  By her strong hand all earthly motions draws--
  To show all this we purpose now to try
  Our pliant string, our musick's thrilling sound.
  Although the Libyan lions often lie
  Gentle and tame in splendid fetters bound,[121]
  And fearing their incensed master's wrath,
  With patient looks endure each blow and wound,
  Yet if their jaws they once in blood do bathe,
  They, gaining courage,[122] with fierce noise awake
  The force which Nature in them seated hath,
  And from their necks the broken chains do shake;
  Then he that tamed them first doth feel their rage,
  And torn in pieces doth their fury slake.
  The bird shut up in an unpleasing cage,
  Which on the lofty trees did lately sing,
  Though men, her want of freedom to assuage,
  Should unto her with careful labour bring
  The sweetest meats which they can best devise,
  Yet when within her prison fluttering
  The pleasing shadows of the groves she spies,
  Her hated food she scatters with her feet,
  In yearning spirit to the woods she flies,
  The woods' delights do tune her accents sweet.
  When some strong hand doth tender plant constrain
  With his debased top the ground to meet,
  If it let go, the crooked twig again
  Up toward Heaven itself it straight doth raise.
  Phoebus doth fall into the western main,
  Yet doth he back return by secret ways,
  And to the earth doth guide his chariot's race.
  Each thing a certain course and laws obeys,
  Striving to turn back to his proper place;
  Nor any settled order can be found,
  But that which doth within itself embrace
  The births and ends of all things in a round.


  [121] Literally, "and take food offered by the hand."

  [122] Literally, "their spirits, hitherto sluggish, return."




III.

Vos quoque, o terrena animalia, tenui licet imagine uestrum tamen
principium somniatis uerumque illum beatitudinis finem licet minime
perspicaci qualicumque tamen cogitatione prospicitis eoque uos et ad uerum
bonum naturalis ducit intentio et ab eodem multiplex error abducit.
Considera namque an per ea quibus se homines adepturos beatitudinem putant
ad destinatum finem ualeant peruenire. Si enim uel pecuniae uel honores
ceteraque tale quid afferunt cui nihil bonorum abesse uideatur, nos quoque
fateamur fieri aliquos horum adeptione felices. Quod si neque id ualent
efficere quod promittunt bonisque pluribus carent, nonne liquido falsa in
eis beatitudinis species deprehenditur? Primum igitur te ipsum qui paulo
ante diuitiis affluebas, interrogo: Inter illas abundantissimas opes
numquamne animum tuum concepta ex qualibet iniuria confudit anxietas?"
"Atqui," inquam, "libero me fuisse animo quin aliquid semper angerer
reminisci non queo." "Nonne quia uel aberat quod abesse non uelles uel
aderat quod adesse noluisses?" "Ita est," inquam. "Illius igitur
praesentiam huius absentiam desiderabas?" "Confiteor," inquam. "Eget uero,"
inquit, "eo quod quisque desiderat?" "Eget," inquam. "Qui uero eget aliquo,
non est usquequaque sibi ipse sufficiens?" "Minime," inquam. "Tu itaque
hanc insufficientiam plenus," inquit, "opibus sustinebas?" "Quidni?"
inquam. "Opes igitur nihilo indigentem sufficientemque sibi facere nequeunt
et hoc erat quod promittere uidebantur. Atqui hoc quoque maxime
considerandum puto quod nihil habeat suapte natura pecunia ut his a quibus
possidetur inuitis nequeat auferri." "Fateor," inquam. "Quidni fateare, cum
eam cotidie ualentior aliquis eripiat inuito? Vnde enim forenses
querimoniae nisi quod uel ui uel fraude nolentibus pecuniae repetuntur
ereptae?" "Ita est," inquam. "Egebit igitur," inquit, "extrinsecus petito
praesidio quo suam pecuniam quisque tueatur?" "Quis id," inquam, "neget?"
"Atqui non egeret eo, nisi possideret pecuniam quam posset amittere?"
"Dubitari," inquam, "nequit." "In contrarium igitur relapsa res est; nam
quae sufficientes sibi facere putabantur opes, alieno potius praesidio
faciunt indigentes. Quis autem modus est quo pellatur diuitiis indigentia?
Num enim diuites esurire nequeunt? Num sitire non possunt? Num frigus
hibernum pecuniosorum membra non sentiunt? Sed adest, inquies, opulentis
quo famem satient, quo sitim frigusque depellant. Sed hoc modo consolari
quidem diuitiis indigentia potest, auferri penitus non potest. Nam si haec
hians semper atque aliquid poscens opibus expletur, maneat necesse est quae
possit expleri. Taceo quod naturae minimum, quod auaritiae nihil satis est.
Quare si opes nec submouere possunt indigentiam et ipsae suam faciunt, quid
est quod eas sufficientiam praestare credatis?




  III.

  You also, O earthly creatures, though slightly and as it were in a dream
  acknowledge your beginning, and though not perspicuously yet in some
  sort behold that true end of happiness, so that the intention of nature
  leadeth you to the true good, and manifold error withdraweth you from
  it. For consider whether those things, by which men think to obtain
  happiness, can bring them to their desired end. For if either money, or
  honour, or any of the rest be of that quality that they want nothing
  which is good, we will also confess that they are able to make men
  happy. But if they neither be able to perform that they promise, and
  want many things which are good, are they not manifestly discovered to
  have a false appearance of happiness? First then, I ask thee thyself,
  who not long since didst abound with wealth; in that plenty of riches,
  was thy mind never troubled with any injuries?" "I cannot remember,"
  quoth I, "that ever my mind was so free from trouble but that something
  or other still vexed me." "Was it not because thou either wantedst
  something which thou wouldst have had, or else hadst something which
  thou wouldst have wanted?" "It is true," quoth I. "Then thou desiredst
  the presence of that, and the absence of this?" "I confess I did," quoth
  I. "And doth not a man want that," quoth she, "which he desireth?" "He
  doth," quoth I. "But he that wanteth anything is not altogether
  sufficient of himself?" "He is not," quoth I. "So that thou feltest this
  insufficiency, even the height of thy wealth?" "Why not?" quoth I. "Then
  riches cannot make a man wanting nothing nor sufficient of himself, and
  this was that they seemed to promise. But this is most of all to be
  considered, that money hath nothing of itself which can keep it from
  being taken from them which possess it, against their will." "I grant
  it," quoth I. "Why shouldst thou not grant it, since that every day
  those which are more potent take it from others perforce? For from
  whence proceed so many complaints in law, but that money gotten either
  by violence or deceit is sought to be recovered by that means?" "It is
  so indeed," quoth I. "So that every man needeth some other help to
  defend his money?" "Who denies that?" quoth I. "But he should not need
  that help, unless he had money which he might lose?" "There is no doubt
  of that," quoth I. "Now then the matter is fallen out quite contrary;
  for riches, which are thought to suffice of themselves, rather make men
  stand in need of other helps. And after what manner do riches expel
  penury? For are not rich men hungry? Are they not thirsty? Or doth much
  money make the owners senseless of cold in winter? But thou wilt say,
  wealthy men have wherewithal to satisfy their hunger, slake their
  thirst, and defend themselves from cold. But in this sort, though want
  may be somewhat relieved by wealth, yet it cannot altogether be taken
  away. For if ever gaping and craving it be satiated by riches, there
  must needs always remain something to be satiated. I omit, that to
  nature very little, to covetousness nothing is sufficient. Wherefore if
  riches can neither remove wants, and cause some themselves, why imagine
  you that they can cause sufficiency?




III.

Quamuis fluente diues auri gurgite
  Non expleturas cogat auarus opes
Oneretque bacis colla rubri litoris
  Ruraque centeno scindat opima boue,
Nec cura mordax deseret superstitem,                                      5
  Defunctumque leues non comitantur opes.




  III.

  Although the rich man from his mines of gold
  Dig treasure which his mind can never fill,
  And lofty neck with precious pearls enfold,
  And his fat fields with many oxen till,
  Yet biting cares will never leave his head,
  Nor will his wealth attend him being dead.




IV.

Sed dignitates honorabilem reuerendumque cui prouenerint reddunt. Num uis
ea est magistratibus ut utentium mentibus uirtutes inserant uitia
depellant? Atqui non fugare sed illustrare potius nequitiam solent; quo fit
ut indignemur eas saepe nequissimis hominibus contigisse, unde Catullus
licet in curuli Nonium sedentem strumam tamen appellat. Videsne quantum
malis dedecus adiciant dignitates? Atqui minus eorum patebit indignitas, si
nullis honoribus inclarescant. Tu quoque num tandem tot periculis adduci
potuisti ut cum Decorato gerere magistratum putares, cum in eo mentem
nequissimi scurrae delatorisque respiceres? Non enim possumus ob honores
reuerentia dignos iudicare quos ipsis honoribus iudicamus indignos. At si
quem sapientia praeditum uideres, num posses eum uel reuerentia uel ea qua
est praeditus sapientia non dignum putare? Minime. Inest enim dignitas
propria uirtuti, quam protinus in eos quibus fuerit adiuncta transfundit.
Quod quia populares facere nequeunt honores, liquet eos propriam dignitatis
pulchritudinem non habere.

In quo illud est animaduertendum magis. Nam si eo abiectior est quo magis a
pluribus quisque contemnitur, cum reuerendos facere nequeat quos pluribus
ostentat, despectiores potius improbos dignitas facit. Verum non impune;
reddunt namque improbi parem dignitatibus uicem quas sua contagione
commaculant. Atque ut agnoscas ueram illam reuerentiam per has umbratiles
dignitates non posse contingere; si qui multiplici consulatu functus in
barbaras nationes forte deuenerit, uenerandumne barbaris honor faciet?
Atqui si hoc naturale munus dignitatibus foret, ab officio suo quoquo
gentium nullo modo cessarent, sicut ignis ubique terrarum numquam tamen
calere desistit, sed quoniam id eis non propria uis sed hominum fallax
adnectit opinio, uanescunt ilico, cum ad eos uenerint qui dignitates eas
esse non aestimant.

Sed hoc apud exteras nationes. Inter eos uero apud quos ortae sunt, num
perpetuo perdurant? Atqui praetura magna olim potestas nunc inane nomen et
senatorii census grauis sarcina; si quis populi quondam curasset annonam,
magnus habebatur, nunc ea praefectura quid abiectius? Vt enim paulo ante
diximus, quod nihil habet proprii decoris, opinione utentium nunc
splendorem accipit nunc amittit. Si igitur reuerendos facere nequeunt
dignitates, si ultro improborum contagione sordescunt, si mutatione
temporum splendere desinunt, si gentium aestimatione uilescunt, quid est
quod in se expetendae pulchritudinis habeant, nedum aliis praestent?




  IV.

  But dignities make him honourable and reverend on whom they light. Have
  offices that force to plant virtues and expel vices in the minds of
  those who have them? But they are not wont to banish, but rather to make
  wickedness splendid. So that we many times complain because most wicked
  men obtain them. Whereupon Catullus called Nonius a scab or impostume
  though he sat in his chair of estate.[123] Seest thou what great
  ignominy dignities heap upon evil men? For their unworthiness would less
  appear if they were never advanced to any honours. Could so many dangers
  ever make thee think to bear office with Decoratus,[124] having
  discovered him to be a very varlet and spy? For we cannot for their
  honours account them worthy of respect whom we judge unworthy of the
  honours themselves. But if thou seest any man endued with wisdom, canst
  thou esteem him unworthy of that respect or wisdom which he hath? No,
  truly. For virtue hath a proper dignity of her own, which she presently
  endueth her possessors withal. Which since popular preferments cannot
  do, it is manifest that they have not the beauty which is proper to true
  dignity.

  In which we are farther to consider that, if to be contemned of many
  make men abject, dignities make the wicked to be despised the more by
  laying them open to the view of the world. But the dignities go not
  scot-free, for wicked men do as much for them, defiling them with their
  own infection. And that thou mayst plainly see that true respect cannot
  be gotten by these painted dignities, let one that hath been often
  Consul go among barbarous nations; will that honour make those barbarous
  people respect him? And yet, if this were natural to dignities, they
  would never forsake their function in any nation whatsoever; as fire,
  wheresoever it be, always remaineth hot. But because not their own
  nature, but the deceitful opinion of men attributeth that to them, they
  forthwith come to nothing, being brought to them who esteem them not to
  be dignities.

  And this for foreign nations. But do they always last among them where
  they had their beginning? The Praetorship, a great dignity in time past,
  is now an idle name, and an heavy burden of the Senate's fortune. If
  heretofore one had care of the people's provision, he was accounted a
  great man; now what is more abject than that office? For as we said
  before, that which hath no proper dignity belonging unto it sometime
  receiveth and sometime loseth his value at the users' discretion.
  Wherefore if dignities cannot make us respected, if they be easily
  defiled with the infection of the wicked, if their worth decays by
  change of times, if diversities of nations make them contemptible, what
  beauty have they in themselves, or can they afford to others, worth the
  desiring?


  [123] Cf. Catull. lii.

  [124] Decoratus was quaestor _circa_ 508; cf. Cassiod. _Ep_. v. 3 and 4.




IV.

Quamuis se Tyrio superbus ostro
  Comeret et niueis lapillis,
Inuisus tamen omnibus uigebat
  Luxuriae Nero saeuientis.
Sed quondam dabat improbus uerendis                                       5
  Patribus indecores curules.
Quis illos igitur putet beatos
  Quos miseri tribuunt honores?




  IV.

  Though fierce and lustful Nero did adorn
  Himself with purple robes, which pearls did grace,
  He did but gain a general hate and scorn.
  Yet wickedly he officers most base
  Over the reverend Senators did place.
  Who would esteem of fading honours then
  Which may be given thus by the wickedest men?




V.

An uero regna regumque familiaritas efficere potentem ualet? Quidni, quando
eorum felicitas perpetuo perdurat? Atqui plena est exemplorum uetustas,
plena etiam praesens aetas, qui reges felicitatem calamitate mutauerint. O
praeclara potentia quae ne ad conseruationem quidem sui satis efficax
inuenitur! Quod si haec regnorum potestas beatitudinis auctor est, nonne si
qua parte defuerit, felicitatem minuat, miseriam inportet? Sed quamuis late
humana tendantur imperia, plures necesse est gentes relinqui quibus regum
quisque non imperet. Qua uero parte beatos faciens desinit potestas, hac
inpotentia subintrat quae miseros facit; hoc igitur modo maiorem regibus
inesse necesse est miseriae portionem. Expertus sortis suae periculorum
tyrannus regni metus pendentis supra uerticem gladii terrore simulauit.
Quae est igitur haec potestas quae sollicitudinum morsus expellere, quae
formidinum aculeos uitare nequit? Atqui uellent ipsi uixisse securi, sed
nequeunt; dehinc de potestate gloriantur. An tu potentem censes quem uideas
uelle quod non possit efficere? Potentem censes qui satellite latus ambit,
qui quos terret ipse plus metuit, qui ut potens esse uideatur, in
seruientium manu situm est? Nam quid ego de regum familiaribus disseram,
cum regna ipsa tantae inbecillitatis plena demonstrem? Quos quidem regia
potestas saepe incolumis saepe autem lapsa prosternit. Nero Senecam
familiarem praeceptoremque suum ad eligendae mortis coegit arbitrium.
Papinianum diu inter aulicos potentem militum gladiis Antoninus obiecit.
Atqui uterque potentiae suae renuntiare uoluerunt, quorum Seneca opes etiam
suas tradere Neroni seque in otium conferre conatus est; sed dum ruituros
moles ipsa trahit, neuter quod uoluit effecit. Quae est igitur ista
potentia quam pertimescunt habentes, quam nec cum habere uelis tutus sis et
cum deponere cupias uitare non possis? An praesidio sunt amici quos non
uirtus sed fortuna conciliat? Sed quem felicitas amicum fecit, infortunium
faciet inimicum. Quae uero pestis efficacior ad nocendum quam familiaris
inimicus?




  V.

  But can kingdoms and the familiarity of kings make a man mighty? Why
  not, when their felicity lasteth always? But both former and present
  times are full of examples that many kings have changed their happiness
  with misery. O excellent power, which is not sufficient to uphold
  itself! And if this strength of kingdoms be the author of blessedness,
  doth it not diminish happiness and bring misery, when it is in any way
  defective? But though some empires extend themselves far, there will
  still remain many nations out of their dominions. Now, where the power
  endeth which maketh them happy, there entereth the contrary which maketh
  them miserable, so that all kings must needs have less happiness than
  misery. That Tyrant, knowing by experience the dangers of his estate,
  signified the fears incident to a kingdom, by the hanging of a drawn
  sword over a man's head.[125] What power is this, then, which cannot
  expel nor avoid biting cares and pricking fears? They would willingly
  have lived securely, but could not, and yet they brag of their power.
  Thinkest thou him mighty whom thou seest desire that which he cannot do?
  Thinkest thou him mighty who dareth not go without his guard; who
  feareth others more than they fear him; who cannot seem mighty, except
  his servants please? For what should I speak of kings' followers, since
  I show that kingdoms themselves are so full of weakness? Whom the power
  of kings often standing, but many times falling, doth overthrow. Nero
  compelled Seneca, his familiar friend and master, to make choice of his
  own death.[126] Antoninus called Papinianus, who had been long a gallant
  courtier, to be cut in pieces with his soldiers' swords.[127] Yet they
  would both have renounced their power, yea Seneca endeavoured to deliver
  up his riches also to Nero, and to give himself to a contemplative life.
  But their very greatness drawing them to their destruction, neither of
  them could compass that which they desired. Wherefore what power is this
  that the possessors fear, which when thou wilt have, thou art not
  secure, and when thou wilt leave, thou canst not avoid? Are we the
  better for those friends which love us not for our virtue but for our
  prosperity? But whom prosperity maketh our friend, adversity will make
  our enemy. And what plague is able to hurt us more than a familiar
  enemy?


  [125] Cic. _Tusc. Disp._ v. 21. 62.

  [126] Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 53, 54.

  [127] Cf. Spartian. _Caracallus_ 8.




V.

Qui se uolet esse potentem
Animos domet ille feroces
Nec uicta libidine colla
Foedis submittat habenis.
Etenim licet Indica longe                                                 5
Tellus tua iura tremescat
Et seruiat ultima Thyle,
Tamen atras pellere curas
Miserasque fugare querelas
Non posse potentia non est.                                              10




  V.

  Who would be powerful, must
  His own affections check,
  Nor let foul reins of lust
  Subdue his conquered neck.
  For though the Indian land
  Should tremble at thy beck,
  And though thy dread command
  Far Thule's isle obey,
  Unless thou canst withstand
  And boldly drive away
  Black care and wretched moan,
  Thy might is small or none.




VI.

Gloria uero quam fallax saepe, quam turpis est! Vnde non iniuria tragicus
exclamat:

  [Greek: O doxa doxa murioisi dae broton
  ouden gegosi bioton onkosas megan.]

Plures enim magnum saepe nomen falsis uulgi opinionibus abstulerunt; quo
quid turpius excogitari potest? Nam qui falso praedicantur, suis ipsi
necesse est laudibus erubescant. Quae si etiam meritis conquisita sit, quid
tamen sapientis adiecerit conscientiae qui bonum suum non populari rumore,
sed conscientiae ueritate metitur? Quod si hoc ipsum propagasse nomen
pulchrum uidetur, consequens est ut foedum non extendisse iudicetur. Sed
cum, uti paulo ante disserui, plures gentes esse necesse sit ad quas unius
fama hominis nequeat peruenire, fit ut quem tu aestimas esse gloriosum, pro
maxima parte terrarum uideatur inglorius. Inter haec uero popularem gratiam
ne commemoratione quidem dignam puto, quae nec iudicio prouenit nec umquam
firma perdurat. Iam uero quam sit inane quam futtile nobilitatis nomen,
quis non uideat? Quae si ad claritudinem refertur, aliena est. Videtur
namque esse nobilitas quaedam de meritis ueniens laus parentum. Quod si
claritudinem praedicatio facit, illi sint clari necesse est qui
praedicantur. Quare splendidum te, si tuam non habes, aliena claritudo non
efficit. Quod si quid est in nobilitate bonum, id esse arbitror solum, ut
inposita nobilibus necessitudo uideatur ne a maiorum uirtute degeneret.




  VI.

  As for glory, how deceitful it is oftentimes, and dishonest! For which
  cause the tragical poet deservedly exclaimeth: "O glory, glory, thou
  hast raised to honour and dignity myriads of worthless mortals!"[128]
  For many have often been much spoken of through the false opinions of
  the common people. Than which what can be imagined more vile? For those
  who are falsely commended must needs blush at their own praises. Which
  glory though it be gotten by deserts, yet what adds it to a wise man's
  conscience who measureth his own good, not by popular rumours, but by
  his own certain knowledge? And if it seemeth a fair thing to have
  dilated our fame, consequently we must judge it a foul thing not to have
  it extended. But since, as I showed a little before, there must needs be
  many nations to which the fame of one man cannot arrive, it cometh to
  pass that he whom thou esteemeth glorious, in the greater part of the
  world seemeth to have no glory at all. And here now I think popular
  glory not worth the speaking of, which neither proceedeth from judgment,
  nor ever hath any firmness. Likewise, who seeth not what a vain and idle
  thing it is to be called noble? Which insofar as it concerneth fame, is
  not our own. For nobility seemeth to be a certain praise proceeding from
  our parents' deserts. But if praising causeth fame, they must
  necessarily be famous who are praised. Wherefore the fame of others, if
  thou hast none of thine own, maketh not thee renowned. But if there be
  anything good in nobility, I judge it only to be this, that it imposeth
  a necessity upon those which are noble, not to suffer their nobility to
  degenerate from the virtue of their ancestors.


  [128] Eurip. _Androm._ 319.




VI.

Omne hominum genus in terris simili surgit ab ortu.
Vnus enim rerum pater est, unus cuncta ministrat.
Ille dedit Phoebo radios dedit et cornua lunae,
Ille homines etiam terris dedit ut sidera caelo,
Hic clausit membris animos celsa sede petitos.                            5
Mortales igitur cunctos edit nobile germen.
Quid genus et proauos strepitis? Si primordia uestra
Auctoremque deum spectes, nullus degener exstat,
Ni uitiis peiora fouens proprium deserat ortum.




  VI.

  The general race of men from a like birth is born.
  All things one Father have, Who doth them all adorn,
  Who gave the sun his rays, and the pale moon her horn,
  The lofty heaven for stars, low earth for mortals chose;
  He souls fetched down from high in bodies did enclose;
  And thus from noble seed all men did first compose.
  Why brag you of your stock? Since none is counted base,
  If you consider God the author of your race,
  But he that with foul vice doth his own birth deface.




VII.

Quid autem de corporis uoluptatibus loquar, quarum appetentia quidem plena
est anxietatis; satietas uero poenitentiae? Quantos illae morbos, quam
intolerabiles dolores quasi quendam fructum nequitiae fruentium solent
referre corporibus! Quarum motus quid habeat iucunditatis, ignoro. Tristes
uero esse uoluptatum exitus, quisquis reminisci libidinum suarum uolet,
intelleget. Quae si beatos explicare possunt, nihil causae est quin pecudes
quoque beatae esse dicantur quarum omnis ad explendam corporalem lacunam
festinat intentio. Honestissima quidem coniugis foret liberorumque
iucunditas, sed nimis e natura dictum est nescio quem filios inuenisse
tortorem; quorum quam sit mordax quaecumque condicio, neque alias expertum
te neque nunc anxium necesse est admonere. In quo Euripidis mei sententiam
probo, qui carentem liberis infortunio dixit esse felicem.




  VII.

  Now what should I speak of bodily pleasures, the desire of which is full
  of anxiety, and the enjoying of them breeds repentance? How many
  diseases, how intolerable griefs bring they forth in the bodies of their
  possessors, as it were the fruits of their own wickedness! I know not
  what sweetness their beginnings have, but whosoever will remember his
  lusts shall understand that the end of pleasure is sadness. Which if it
  be able to cause happiness, there is no reason why beasts should not be
  thought blessed, whose whole intention is bent to supply their corporal
  wants. That pleasure which proceedeth from wife and children should be
  most honest; but it was too naturally spoken, that some tormentor
  invented children, whose condition, whatsoever it be, how biting it is,
  I need not tell thee, who hast had experience heretofore, and art not
  now free from care. In which I approve the opinion of Euripides, who
  said that they which had no children are happy by being
  unfortunate.[129]


  [129] Cf. _Androm._ 420.




VII.

Habet hoc uoluptas omnis,
Stimulis agit fruentes
Apiumque par uolantum
Vbi grata mella fudit,
Fugit et nimis tenaci                                                     5
Ferit icta corda morsu.




  VII.

  All pleasure hath this property,
  She woundeth those who have her most.
  And, like unto the angry bee
  Who hath her pleasant honey lost,
  She flies away with nimble wing
  And in our hearts doth leave her sting.




VIII.

Nihil igitur dubium est quin hae ad beatitudinem uiae deuia quaedam sint
nec perducere quemquam eo ualeant ad quod se perducturas esse promittunt.
Quantis uero implicitae malis sint, breuissime monstrabo. Quid enim?
Pecuniamne congregare conaberis? Sed eripies habenti. Dignitatibus fulgere
uelis? Danti supplicabis et qui praeire ceteros honore cupis, poscendi
humilitate uilesces. Potentiamne desideras? Subiectorum insidiis obnoxius
periculis subiacebis. Gloriam petas? Sed per aspera quaeque distractus
securus esse desistis. Voluptariam uitam degas? Sed quis non spernat atque
abiciat uilissimae fragilissimaeque rei corporis seruum? Iam uero qui bona
prae se corporis ferunt, quam exigua, quam fragili possessione nituntur!
Num enim elephantos mole, tauros robore superare poteritis, num tigres
uelocitate praeibitis? Respicite caeli spatium, firmitudinem, celeritatem
et aliquando desinite uilia mirari. Quod quidem caelum non his potius est
quam sua qua regitur ratione mirandum. Formae uero nitor ut rapidus est, ut
uelox et uernalium florum mutabilitate fugacior! Quod si, ut
Aristoteles[130] ait, Lynceis oculis homines uterentur, ut eorum uisus
obstantia penetraret, nonne introspectis uisceribus illud Alcibiadis
superficie pulcherrimum corpus turpissimum uideretur? Igitur te pulchrum
uideri non tua natura sed oculorum spectantium reddit infirmitas. Sed
aestimate quam uultis nimio corporis bona, dum sciatis hoc quodcumque
miramini triduanae febris igniculo posse dissolui!  Ex quibus omnibus illud
redigere in summam licet, quod haec quae nec praestare quae pollicentur
bona possunt nec omnium bonorum congregatione perfecta sunt, ea nec ad
beatitudinem quasi quidam calles ferunt nec beatos ipsa perficiunt.


[130] Probably from the lost _Protrepticus_ of Aristotle. See Bywater,
_Journal of Philology_, ii. (1869), 59, and Hartlich, _Leipz. Stud._ xi.
(1889), 250.




  VIII.

  Wherefore there is no doubt but that these ways to happiness are only
  certain by-paths, which can never bring any man thither whither they
  promise to lead him. And with how great evils they are beset, I will
  briefly show. For what? Wilt thou endeavour to gather money? But thou
  shalt take it away from him who hath it. Wilt thou excel in dignities?
  Thou shalt crouch to the giver, and thou who desirest to surpass others
  in honour shalt become vile by thy baseness in begging. Wishest thou for
  power? Thou shalt be in danger of thy subjects' treacheries. Seekest
  thou for glory? But, drawn into many dangers, thou shalt lose thy
  safety. Wilt thou live a voluptuous life? But who would not despise and
  neglect the service of so vile and frail a thing as his body? Now they
  who boast of the habilities of their body, upon how unsteadfast a
  possession do they ground themselves! For can you be bigger than
  elephants, or stronger than bulls? Or swifter than tigers? Look upon the
  space, firmness, and speedy motion of the heavens, and cease at length
  to have in admiration these base things. Which heavens are not more to
  be admired for these qualities than for the manner of their government.
  As for the glittering of beauty, how soon and swiftly doth it vanish
  away! As suddenly decaying and changing as the frail flowers in the
  spring. And if, as Aristotle saith, men had Lynceus's eyes, that they
  could see through stone walls, would not they judge that body of
  Alcibiades, seeming outwardly most fair, to be most foul and ugly by
  discovering his entrails? Wherefore not thy nature but the weakness of
  the beholders' eyes maketh thee seem fair. But esteem the goods of the
  body as much as you will, so that you acknowledge this, that whatsoever
  you admire may be dissolved with the burning of an ague of three days.
  Out of which we may briefly collect this sum; that these goods, which
  can neither perform that they promise, nor are perfect by having all
  that is good, do neither, as so many paths, lead men to happiness, nor
  make men happy of themselves.




VIII.

Eheu quae miseros tramite deuios
  Abducit ignorantia!
Non aurum in uiridi quaeritis arbore
  Nec uite gemmas carpitis,
Non altis laqueos montibus abditis                                        5
  Vt pisce ditetis dapes
Nec uobis capreas si libeat sequi,
  Tyrrhena captatis uada.
Ipsos quin etiam fluctibus abditos
  Norunt recessus aequoris,                                              10
Quae gemmis niueis unda feracior
  Vel quae rubentis purpurae
Nec non quae tenero pisce uel asperis
  Praestent echinis litora.
Sed quonam lateat quod cupiunt bonum,                                    15
  Nescire caeci sustinent,
Et quod stelliferum trans abiit polum,
  Tellure demersi petunt.
Quid dignum stolidis mentibus inprecer?
  Opes honores ambiant;                                                  20
Et cum falsa graui mole parauerint,
  Tum uera cognoscant bona.




  VIII.

  Alas, how ignorance makes wretches stray
        Out of the way!
  You from green trees expect no golden mines
        Nor pearls from vines,
  Nor use you on mountains to lay your net
        Fishes to get,
  Nor, if the pleasant sport of hunting please,
        Run you to seas.
  Men will be skilful in the hidden caves
        Of the ocean waves,
  And in what coasts the orient pearls are bred,
        Or purple red,
  Also, what different sorts of fishes store
        Each several shore.
  But when they come their chiefest good to find,
        Then are they blind,
  And search for that under the earth, which lies
        Above the skies.
  How should I curse these fools? Let thirst them hold
        Of fame and gold,
  That, having got false goods with pain, they learn
        True to discern.




IX.

"Hactenus mendacis formam felicitatis ostendisse suffecerit, quam si
perspicaciter intueris, ordo est deinceps quae sit uera monstrare." "Atqui
uideo," inquam, "nec opibus sufficientiam nec regnis potentiam nec
reuerentiam dignitatibus nec celebritatem gloria nec laetitiam uoluptatibus
posse contingere." "An etiam causas, cur id ita sit, deprehendisti?" "Tenui
quidem ueluti rimula mihi uideor intueri, sed ex te apertius cognoscere
malim."

"Atqui promptissima ratio est. Quod enim simplex est indiuisumque natura,
id error humanus separat et a uero atque perfecto ad falsum imperfectumque
traducit. An tu arbitraris quod nihilo indigeat egere potentia?" "Minime,"
inquam. "Recte tu quidem. Nam si quid est quod in ulla re inbecillioris
ualentiae sit, in hac praesidio necesse est egeat alieno." "Ita est,"
inquam. "Igitur sufficientiae potentiaeque una est eademque natura." "Sic
uidetur." "Quod uero huiusmodi sit, spernendumne esse censes an contra
rerum omnium ueneratione dignissimum?" "At hoc," inquam, "ne dubitari
quidem potest." "Addamus igitur sufficientiae potentiaeque reuerentiam, ut
haec tria unum esse iudicemus." "Addamus, si quidem uera uolumus
confiteri."

"Quid uero," inquit, "obscurumne hoc atque ignobile censes esse an omni
celebritate clarissimum? Considera uero, ne quod nihilo indigere, quod
potentissimum, quod honore dignissimum esse concessum est, egere
claritudine quam sibi praestare non possit atque ob id aliqua ex parte
uideatur abiectius." "Non possum," inquam, "quin hoc uti est ita etiam
celeberrimum esse confitear." "Consequens igitur est ut claritudinem
superioribus tribus nihil differre fateamur." "Consequitur," inquam. "Quod
igitur nullius egeat alieni, quod suis cuncta uiribus possit, quod sit
clarum atque reuerendum, nonne hoc etiam constat esse laetissimum?" "Sed
unde huic," inquam, "tali maeror ullus obrepat ne cogitare quidem possum;
quare plenum esse laetitiae, si quidem superiora manebunt, necesse est
confiteri." "Atqui illud quoque per eadem necessarium est sufficientiae,
potentiae, claritudinis, reuerentiae, iucunditatis nomina quidem esse
diuersa, nullo modo uero discrepare substantiam." "Necesse est," inquam.
"Hoc igitur quod est unum simplexque natura, prauitas humana dispertit et
dum rei quae partibus caret partem conatur adipisci, nec portionem quae
nulla est nec ipsam quam minime affectat assequitur." "Quonam," inquam,
"modo?" "Qui diuitias," inquit, "petit penuriae fuga, de potentia nihil
laborat, uilis obscurusque esse mauult, multas etiam sibi naturales quoque
subtrahit uoluptates, ne pecuniam quam parauit amittat. Sed hoc modo ne
sufficientia quidem contingit ei quem ualentia deserit, quem molestia
pungit, quem uilitas abicit, quem recondit obscuritas. Qui uero solum posse
desiderat, profligat opes, despicit uoluptates honoremque potentia carentem
gloriam quoque nihili pendit. Sed hunc quoque quam multa deficiant uides.
Fit enim ut aliquando necessariis egeat, ut anxietatibus mordeatur cumque
haec depellere nequeat, etiam id quod maxime petebat potens esse desistat.
Similiter ratiocinari de honoribus, gloria, uoluptatibus licet. Nam cum
unumquodque horum idem quod cetera sit, quisquis horum aliquid sine ceteris
petit, ne illud quidem quod desiderat apprehendit." "Quid igitur?" inquam.
"Si qui cuncta simul cupiat adipisci, summam quidem ille beatitudinis
uelit. Sed num in his eam reperiet, quae demonstrauimus id quod pollicentur
non posse conferre?" "Minime," inquam. "In his igitur quae singula quaedam
expetendorum praestare creduntur, beatitudo nullo modo uestiganda est."
"Fateor," inquam, "et hoc nihil dici uerius potest." "Habes igitur,"
inquit, "et formam falsae felicitatis et causas. Deflecte nunc in aduersum
mentis intuitum; ibi enim ueram quam promisimus statim uidebis." "Atqui
haec," inquam, "uel caeco perspicua est eamque tu paulo ante monstrasti,
dum falsae causas aperire conaris. Nam nisi fallor ea uera est et perfecta
felicitas quae sufficientem, potentem, reuerendum, celebrem laetumque
perficiat. Atque ut me interius animaduertisse cognoscas, quae unum horum,
quoniam idem cuncta sunt, ueraciter praestare potest hanc esse plenam
beatitudinem sine ambiguitate cognosco." "O te alumne hac opinione felicem,
si quidem hoc," inquit, "adieceris...." "Quidnam?" inquam. "Essene aliquid
in his mortalibus caducisque rebus putas quod huiusmodi statum possit
afferre?" "Minime," inquam, "puto idque a te, nihil ut amplius desideretur,
ostensum est." "Haec igitur uel imagines ueri boni uel inperfecta quaedam
bona dare mortalibus uidentur, uerum autem atque perfectum bonum conferre
non possunt." "Assentior," inquam. "Quoniam igitur agnouisti quae uera illa
sit, quae autem beatitudinem mentiantur, nunc superest ut unde ueram hanc
petere possis agnoscas." "Id quidem," inquam, "iam dudum uehementer
exspecto." "Sed cum, ut in Timaeo[131] Platoni," inquit, "nostro placet, in
minimis quoque rebus diuinum praesidium debeat implorari, quid nunc
faciendum censes, ut illius summi boni sedem reperire mereamur?"
"Inuocandum," inquam, "rerum omnium patrem, quo praetermisso nullum rite
fundatur exordium." "Recte," inquit, ac simul ita modulata est.


[131] uti Timaeo _codd. optimi._




  IX.

  "Let it suffice that we have hitherto discovered the form of false
  felicity, which if thou hast plainly seen, order now requireth that we
  show thee in what true happiness consisteth." "I see," quoth I, "that
  neither sufficiency by riches, nor power by kingdoms, nor respect by
  dignities, nor renown by glory, nor joy can be gotten by pleasures."
  "Hast thou also understood the causes why it is so?" "Methink I have a
  little glimpse of them, but I had rather thou wouldst declare them more
  plainly."

  "The reason is manifest, for that which is simple and undivided of
  itself, is divided by men's error, and is translated from true and
  perfect to false and unperfect. Thinkest thou that which needeth
  nothing, to stand in need of power?" "No," quoth I. "Thou sayest well,
  for if any power in any respect be weak, in this it must necessarily
  stand in need of the help of others." "It is true," quoth I. "Wherefore
  sufficiency and power have one and the same nature." "So it seemeth."
  "Now thinkest thou, that which is of this sort ought to be despised, or
  rather that it is worthy to be respected above all other things?" "There
  can be no doubt of this," quoth I. "Let us add respect then to
  sufficiency and power, so that we judge these three to be one." "We must
  add it if we confess the truth."

  "What now," quoth she, "thinkest thou this to be obscure and base, or
  rather most excellent and famous? Consider whether that which thou hast
  granted to want nothing, to be most potent, and most worthy of honour,
  may seem to want fame, which it cannot yield itself, and for that cause
  be in some respect more abject." "I must needs confess," quoth I, "that,
  being what it is, this is also most famous." "Consequently then we must
  acknowledge that fame differeth nothing from the former three." "We must
  so," quoth I. "Wherefore that which wanteth nothing, which can perform
  all things by its own power, which is famous and respected, is it not
  manifest that it is also most pleasant?" To which I answered: "How such
  a man should fall into any grief, I can by no means imagine. Wherefore
  if that which we have said hitherto be true, we must needs confess that
  he is most joyful and content." "And by the same reason it followeth
  that sufficiency, power, fame, respect, pleasure have indeed divers
  names, but differ not in substance." "It followeth indeed," quoth I.
  "This then, which is one and simple by nature, man's wickedness
  divideth, and while he endeavoureth to obtain part of that which hath no
  parts, he neither getteth a part, which is none, nor the whole, which he
  seeketh not after." "How is this?" quoth I. "He who seeketh after
  riches," quoth she, "to avoid want, taketh no thought for power, he had
  rather be base and obscure, he depriveth himself even of many natural
  pleasures that he may not lose the money which he hath gotten. But by
  this means he attaineth not to sufficiency, whom power forsaketh, whom
  trouble molesteth, whom baseness maketh abject, whom obscurity
  overwhelmeth. Again, he that only desireth power, consumeth wealth,
  despiseth pleasures, and setteth light by honour or glory, which is not
  potent. But thou seest how many things are wanting to this man also. For
  sometimes he wanteth necessaries, and is perplexed with anxieties, and
  being not able to rid himself, ceaseth to be powerful, which was the
  only thing he aimed at. The like discourse may be made of honours,
  glory, pleasures. For since every one of these things is the same with
  the rest, whosoever seeketh for any of them without the rest obtaineth
  not that which he desireth." "What then?" quoth I. "If one should desire
  to have them all together, he should wish for the sum of happiness, but
  shall he find it in these things which we have showed cannot perform
  what they promise?" "No," quoth I. "Wherefore we must by no means seek
  for happiness in these things which are thought to afford the several
  portions of that which is to be desired." "I confess it," quoth I, "and
  nothing can be more true than this." "Now then," quoth she, "thou hast
  both the form and causes of false felicity; cast but the eyes of thy
  mind on the contrary, and thou shalt presently espy true happiness,
  which we promised to show thee." "This," quoth I, "is evident, even to
  him that is blind, and thou showedst it a little before, while thou
  endeavouredst to lay open the causes of the false. For, if I be not
  deceived, that is true and perfect happiness which maketh a man
  sufficient, potent, respected, famous, joyful. And that thou mayest know
  that I understood thee aright, that which can truly perform any one of
  these because they are all one, I acknowledge to be full and perfect
  happiness." "O my scholar, I think thee happy by having this opinion, if
  thou addest this also." "What?" quoth I. "Dost thou imagine that there
  is any mortal or frail thing which can cause this happy estate?" "I do
  not," quoth I, "and that hath been so proved by thee, that more cannot
  be desired." "Wherefore these things seem to afford men the images of
  the true good, or certain unperfect goods, but they cannot give them the
  true and perfect good itself." "I am of the same mind," quoth I. "Now
  then, since thou knowest wherein true happiness consisteth, and what
  have only a false show of it, it remaineth that thou shouldst learn
  where thou mayest seek for this which is true." "This is that," quoth I,
  "which I have long earnestly expected." "But since, as Plato teacheth
  (in Timaeus),[132] we must implore God's assistance even in our least
  affairs, what, thinkest thou, must we do now, that we may deserve to
  find the seat of that sovereign good?" "We must," quoth I, "invocate the
  Father of all things, without whose remembrance no beginning hath a good
  foundation." "Thou sayest rightly," quoth she, and withal sung in this
  sort.


  [132] Cf. _Tim._ 27.




IX.

"O qui perpetua mundum ratione gubernas
Terrarum caelique sator qui tempus ab aeuo
Ire iubes stabilisque manens das cuncta moueri.
Quem non externae pepulerunt fingere causae
Materiae fluitantis opus, uerum insita summi                              5
Forma boni liuore carens, tu cuncta superno
Ducis ab exemplo, pulchrum pulcherrimus ipse
Mundum mente gerens similique in imagine formans
Perfectasque iubens perfectum absoluere partes.
Tu numeris elementa ligas ut frigora flammis                             10
Arida conueniant liquidis, ne purior ignis
Euolet aut mersas deducant pondera terras.
Tu triplicis mediam naturae cuncta mouentem
Conectens animam per consona membra resoluis.
Quae cum secta duos motum glomerauit in orbes,                           15
In semet reditura meat mentemque profundam
Circuit et simili conuertit imagine caelum.
Tu causis animas paribus uitasque minores
Prouehis et leuibus sublimes curribus aptans
In caelum terramque seris quas lege benigna                              20
Ad te conuersas reduci facis igne reuerti.
Da pater augustam menti conscendere sedem,
Da fontem lustrare boni, da luce reperta
In te conspicuos animi defigere uisus.
Dissice terrenae nebulas et pondera molis                                25
Atque tuo splendore mica! Tu namque serenum,
Tu requies tranquilla piis, te cernere finis,
Principium, uector, dux, semita, terminus idem.




  IX.[133]

  "O Thou, that dost the world in lasting order guide,
  Father of heaven and earth, Who makest time swiftly slide,
  And, standing still Thyself, yet fram'st all moving laws,
  Who to Thy work wert moved by no external cause:
  But by a sweet desire, where envy hath no place,
  Thy goodness moving Thee to give each thing his grace,
  Thou dost all creatures' forms from highest patterns take,
  From Thy fair mind the world fair like Thyself doth make.
  Thus Thou perfect the whole perfect each part dost frame.
  Thou temp'rest elements, making cold mixed with flame
  And dry things join with moist, lest fire away should fly,
  Or earth, opprest with weight, buried too low should lie.
  Thou in consenting parts fitly disposed hast
  Th'all-moving soul in midst of threefold nature placed,
  Which, cut in several parts that run a different race,
  Into itself returns, and circling doth embrace
  The highest mind, and heaven with like proportion drives.
  Thou with like cause dost make the souls and lesser lives,
  Fix them in chariots swift, and widely scatterest
  O'er heaven and earth; then at Thy fatherly behest
  They stream, like fire returning, back to Thee, their God.
  Dear Father, let my mind Thy hallowed seat ascend,
  Let me behold the spring of grace and find Thy light,
  That I on Thee may fix my soul's well clearéd sight.
  Cast off the earthly weight wherewith I am opprest,
  Shine as Thou art most bright, Thou only calm and rest
  To pious men whose end is to behold Thy ray,
  Who their beginning art, their guide, their bound, and way.[134]


  [133] This poem is a masterly abridgment of the first part of the
  _Timaeus_, and was eagerly fastened on by commentators of the early
  Middle Ages whose direct knowledge of Plato was confined to the
  translation of that dialogue by Chalcidius.

  [134] Cf. the string of nouns in _Tr._ iv. (_supra_, p. 70 _ad fin._).




X.

Quoniam igitur quae sit imperfecti, quae etiam perfecti boni forma uidisti,
nunc demonstrandum reor quonam haec felicitatis perfectio constituta sit.
In quo illud primum arbitror inquirendum, an aliquod huiusmodi bonum quale
paulo ante definisti in rerum natura possit exsistere, ne nos praeter rei
subiectae ueritatem cassa cogitationis imago decipiat. Sed quin exsistat
sitque hoc ueluti quidam omnium fons bonorum negari nequit. Omne enim quod
inperfectum esse dicitur, id inminutione perfecti inperfectum esse
perhibetur. Quo fit, ut si in quolibet genere inperfectum quid esse
uideatur, in eo perfectum quoque aliquid esse necesse sit. Etenim
perfectione sublata, unde illud quod inperfectum perhibetur exstiterit ne
fingi quidem potest. Neque enim ab deminutis inconsummatisque natura rerum
coepit exordium, sed ab integris absolutisque procedens in haec extrema
atque effeta dilabitur. Quod si, uti paulo ante monstrauimus, est quaedam
boni fragilis inperfecta felicitas, esse aliquam solidam perfectamque non
potest dubitari." "Firmissime," inquam, "uerissimeque conclusum est." "Quo
uero," inquit, "habitet, ita considera. Deum rerum omnium principem bonum
esse communis humanorum conceptio probat animorum. Nam cum nihil deo melius
excogitari queat, id quo melius nihil est bonum esse quis dubitet? Ita uero
bonum esse deum ratio demonstrat, ut perfectum quoque in eo bonum esse
conuincat. Nam ni tale sit, rerum omnium princeps esse non poterit. Erit
enim eo praestantius aliquid perfectum possidens bonum, quod hoc prius
atque antiquius esse uideatur; omnia namque perfecta minus integris priora
esse claruerunt. Quare ne in infinitum ratio prodeat, confitendum est
summum deum summi perfectique boni esse plenissimum. Sed perfectum bonum
ueram esse beatitudinem constituimus; ueram igitur beatitudinem in summo
deo sitam esse necesse est." "Accipio," inquam, "nec est quod contradici
ullo modo queat." "Sed quaeso," inquit, "te uide quam id sancte atque
inuiolabiliter probes quod boni summi summum deum diximus esse
plenissimum." "Quonam," inquam, "modo?" "Ne hunc rerum omnium patrem illud
summum bonum quo plenus esse perhibetur uel extrinsecus accepisse uel ita
naturaliter habere praesumas, quasi habentis dei habitaeque beatitudinis
diuersam cogites esse substantiam. Nam si extrinsecus acceptum putes,
praestantius id quod dederit ab eo quod acceperit existimare possis. Sed
hunc esse rerum omnium praecellentissimum dignissime confitemur. Quod si
natura quidem inest, sed est ratione diuersum, cum de rerum principe
loquamur deo, fingat qui potest: quis haec diuersa coniunxerit? Postremo
quod a qualibet re diuersum est, id non est illud a quo intellegitur esse
diuersum. Quare quod a summo bono diuersum est sui natura, id summum bonum
non est--quod nefas est de eo cogitare quo nihil constat esse praestantius.
Omnino enim nullius rei natura suo principio melior poterit exsistere,
quare quod omnium principium sit, id etiam sui substantia summum esse bonum
uerissima ratione concluserim." "Rectissime," inquam. "Sed summum bonum
beatitudinem esse concessum est." "Ita est," inquam. "Igitur," inquit,
"deum esse ipsam beatitudinem necesse est confiteri." "Nec propositis,"
inquam, "prioribus refragari queo et illis hoc inlatum consequens esse
perspicio."

"Respice," inquit, "an hinc quoque idem firmius approbetur, quod duo summa
bona quae a se diuersa sint esse non possunt. Etenim quae discrepant bona,
non esse alterum quod sit alterum liquet; quare neutrum poterit esse
perfectum, cum alterutri alterum deest. Sed quod perfectum non sit, id
summum non esse manifestum est; nullo modo igitur quae summa sunt bona ea
possunt esse diuersa. Atqui et beatitudinem et deum summum bonum esse
collegimus; quare ipsam necesse est summam esse beatitudinem quae sit summa
diuinitas." "Nihil," inquam, "nec reapse uerius[135] nec ratiocinatione
firmius nec deo dignius concludi potest." "Super haec," inquit, "igitur
ueluti geometrae solent demonstratis propositis aliquid inferre quae
porismata ipsi uocant, ita ego quoque tibi ueluti corollarium dabo. Nam
quoniam beatitudinis adeptione fiunt homines beati, beatitudo uero est ipsa
diuinitas, diuinitatis adeptione beatos fieri manifestum est: sed uti
iustitiae adeptione iusti, sapientiae sapientes fiunt, ita diuinitatem
adeptos deos fieri simili ratione necesse est. Omnis igitur beatus deus,
sed natura quidem unus; participatione uero nihil prohibet esse quam
plurimos." "Et pulchrum," inquam, "hoc atque pretiosum, siue porisma siue
corollarium uocari mauis." "Atqui hoc quoque pulchrius nihil est, quod his
annectendum esse ratio persuadet." "Quid?" inquam.

"Cum multa," inquit, "beatitudo continere uideatur, utrumne haec omnia unum
ueluti corpus beatitudinis quadam partium uarietate coniungant an sit eorum
aliquid quod beatitudinis substantiam compleat, ad hoc uero cetera
referantur?" "Vellem," inquam, "id ipsarum rerum commemoratione
patefaceres." "Nonne," inquit, "beatitudinem bonum esse censemus?" "Ac
summum quidem," inquam. "Addas," inquit, "hoc omnibus licet. Nam eadem
sufficientia summa est, eadem summa potentia, reuerentia quoque, claritas
ac uoluptas beatitudo esse iudicatur. Quid igitur? Haecine omnia
bonum--sufficientia potentia ceteraque--ueluti quaedam beatitudinis membra
sunt an ad bonum ueluti ad uerticem cuncta referuntur?" "Intellego,"
inquam, "quid inuestigandum proponas, sed quid constituas audire desidero."
"Cuius discretionem rei sic accipe. Si haec omnia beatitudinis membra
forent, a se quoque inuicem discreparent. Haec est enim partium natura ut
unum corpus diuersa componant. Atqui haec omnia idem esse monstrata sunt;
minime igitur membra sunt. Alioquin ex uno membro beatitudo uidebitur esse
coniuncta--quod fieri nequit." "Id quidem," inquam, "dubium non est, sed
id quod restat exspecto." "Ad bonum uero cetera referri palam est. Idcirco
enim sufficientia petitur quoniam bonum esse iudicatur, idcirco potentia
quoniam id quoque esse creditur bonum; idem de reuerentia, claritudine,
iucunditate coniectare licet. Omnium igitur expetendorum summa atque causa
bonum est. Quod enim neque re neque similitudine ullum in se retinet bonum,
id expeti nullo modo potest. Contraque etiam quae natura bona non sunt,
tamen si esse uideantur, quasi uere bona sint appetuntur. Quo fit uti
summa, cardo atque causa expetendorum omnium bonitas esse iure credatur.
Cuius uero causa quid expetitur, id maxime uidetur optari, ueluti si
salutis causa quispiam uelit equitare, non tam equitandi motum desiderat
quam salutis effectum. Cum igitur omnia boni gratia petantur, non illa
potius quam bonum ipsum desideratur ab omnibus. Sed propter quod cetera
optantur, beatitudinem esse concessimus; quare sic quoque sola quaeritur
beatitudo. Ex quo liquido apparet ipsius boni et beatitudinis unam atque
eandem esse substantiam." "Nihil uideo cur dissentire quispiam possit."
"Sed deum ueramque beatitudinem unum atque idem esse monstrauimus." "Ita,"
inquam. "Securo igitur concludere licet dei quoque in ipso bono nec usquam
alio sitam esse substantiam.


[135] reapse uerius _Schepss_: re ab seuerius _uel_ re ipsa uerius _codd.
opt._




  X.

  Wherefore since thou hast seen what is the form of perfect and imperfect
  good, now I think we must show in what this perfection of happiness is
  placed. And inquire first whether there can be any such good extant in
  the world, as thou hast defined; lest, contrary to truth, we be deceived
  with an empty show of thought. But it cannot be denied that there is
  some such thing extant which is as it were the fountain of all goodness.
  For all that is said to be imperfect is so termed for the want it hath
  of perfection. Whence it followeth that if in any kind we find something
  imperfect, there must needs be something perfect also in the same kind.
  For if we take away perfection we cannot so much as devise how there
  should be any imperfection. For the nature of things began not from that
  which is defective and not complete, but, proceeding from entire and
  absolute, falleth into that which is extreme and enfeebled. But if, as
  we showed before, there be a certain imperfect felicity of frail goods,
  it cannot be doubted but that there is some solid and perfect happiness
  also." "Thou hast," quoth I, "concluded most firmly and most truly."
  "Now where this good dwelleth," quoth she, "consider this. The common
  conceit of men's minds proveth that God the Prince of all things is
  good. For, since nothing can be imagined better than God, who doubteth
  but that is good than which is nothing better? And reason doth in such
  sort demonstrate God to be good that it convinceth Him to be perfectly
  good. For unless He were so, He could not be the chief of all things.
  For there would be something better than He, having perfect goodness,
  which could seem to be of greater antiquity and eminence than He. For it
  is already manifest that perfect things were before the imperfect.
  Wherefore, lest our reasoning should have no end, we must confess that
  the Sovereign God is most full of sovereign and perfect goodness. But we
  have concluded that perfect goodness is true happiness, wherefore true
  blessedness must necessarily be placed in the most high God." "I agree,"
  quoth I, "neither can this be any way contradicted." "But I pray thee,"
  quoth she, "see how boldly and inviolably thou approvest that which we
  said, that the Sovereign God is most full of sovereign goodness." "How?"
  quoth I. "That thou presumest not that this Father of all things hath
  either received from others that sovereign good with which He is said to
  be replenished, or hath it naturally in such sort that thou shouldst
  think that the substance of the blessedness which is had, and of God who
  hath it, were diverse. For if thou thinkest that He had it from others,
  thou mayest also infer that he who gave it was better than the receiver.
  But we most worthily confess that He is the most excellent of all
  things. And if He hath it by nature, but as a diverse thing, since we
  speak of God the Prince of all things, let him that can, invent who
  united these diverse things. Finally, that which is different from
  anything, is not that from which it is understood to differ. Wherefore
  that which is naturally different from the sovereign good, is not the
  sovereign good itself. Which it were impious to think of God, than whom,
  we know certainly, nothing is better. For doubtless the nature of
  nothing can be better than the beginning of it. Wherefore I may most
  truly conclude that which is the beginning of all things to be also in
  His own substance the chiefest good." "Most rightly," quoth I. "But it
  is granted that the chiefest good is blessedness?" "It is," quoth I.
  "Wherefore," quoth she, "we must needs confess that blessedness itself
  is God." "I can neither contradict," quoth I, "thy former propositions,
  and I see this illation followeth from them."

  "Consider," saith she, "if the same be not more firmly proved hence,
  because there cannot be two chief goods, the one different from the
  other. For it is manifest that of those goods which differ, the one is
  not the other, wherefore neither of them can be perfect, wanting the
  other. But manifestly that which is not perfect, is not the chiefest,
  wherefore the chief goods cannot be diverse. Now we have proved that
  both blessedness and God are the chiefest good, wherefore that must
  needs be the highest blessedness which is the highest divinity." "There
  can be nothing," quoth I, "concluded more truly than this, nor more
  firmly in arguing, nor more worthy God himself." "Upon this then," quoth
  she, "as the geometricians[136] are wont, out of their propositions
  which they have demonstrated, to infer something which they call
  _porismata_ (deductions) so will I give thee as it were a
  _corollarium_. For since that men are made blessed by the obtaining
  of blessedness, and blessedness is nothing else but divinity, it is
  manifest that men are made blessed by the obtaining of divinity. And as
  men are made just by the obtaining of justice, and wise by the obtaining
  of wisdom, so they who obtain divinity must needs in like manner become
  gods. Wherefore everyone that is blessed is a god, but by nature there
  is only one God; but there may be many by participation." "This is,"
  quoth I, "an excellent and precious _porisma_ or
  _corollarium_." "But there is nothing more excellent than that
  which reason persuadeth us to add." "What?" quoth I.

  "Since," quoth she, "blessedness seemeth to contain many things, whether
  do they all concur as divers parts to the composition of one entire body
  of blessedness, or doth some one of them form the substance of
  blessedness to which the rest are to be referred?" "I desire," quoth I,
  "that thou wouldst declare this point, by the enumeration of the
  particulars." "Do we not think," quoth she, "that blessedness is good?"
  "Yea, the chiefest good," quoth I. "Thou mayest," quoth she, "add this
  to them all. For blessedness is accounted the chiefest sufficiency, the
  chiefest power, respect, fame, and pleasure. What then? Are all these--
  sufficiency, power, and the rest--the good, in the sense that they are
  members of it, or rather are they referred to good as to the head?" "I
  understand," quoth I, "what thou proposest, but I desire to hear what
  thou concludest." "This is the decision of this matter. If all these
  were members of blessedness, they should differ one from another. For
  this is the nature of parts, that being divers they compose one body.
  But we have proved that all these are one and the same thing. Wherefore
  they are no members, otherwise blessedness should be compacted of one
  member, which cannot be." "There is no doubt of this," quoth I, "but I
  expect that which is behind." "It is manifest that the rest are to be
  referred to goodness; for sufficiency is desired, because it is esteemed
  good, and likewise power, because that likewise is thought to be good.
  And we may conjecture the same of respect, fame, and pleasure. Wherefore
  goodness is the sum and cause of all that is desired. For that which is
  neither good indeed, nor beareth any show of goodness, can by no means
  be sought after. And contrariwise those things which are not good of
  their own nature, yet, if they seem such, are desired as if they were
  truly good. So that the sum, origin, and cause of all that is sought
  after is rightly thought to be goodness. And that on account of which a
  thing is sought, seemeth to be the chief object of desire. As if one
  would ride for his health, he doth not so much desire the motion of
  riding, as the effect of health. Wherefore, since all things are desired
  in respect of goodness, they are not so much wished for as goodness
  itself. But we granted that to be blessedness for which other things are
  desired, wherefore in like manner only blessedness is sought after; by
  which it plainly appeareth, that goodness and blessedness have one and
  the self-same substance." "I see not how any man can dissent." "But we
  have showed that God and true blessedness are one and the self-same
  thing." "It is so," quoth I. "We may then securely conclude that the
  substance of God consisteth in nothing else but in goodness.


  [136] _Vide supra_, _Tr_. iii. p. 40.




X.

Huc omnes pariter uenite capti
Quos fallax ligat improbis catenis
Terrenas habitans libido mentes,
Haec erit uobis requies laborum,
Hic portus placida manens quiete,                                         5
Hoc patens unum miseris asylum,
Non quidquid Tagus aureis harenis
Donat aut Hermus rutilante ripa
Aut Indus calido propinquus orbi
Candidis miscens uirides lapillos,                                       10
Inlustrent aciem magisque caecos
In suas condunt animos tenebras.
Hoc quidquid placet excitatque mentes,
Infimis tellus aluit cauernis;
Splendor quo regitur uigetque caelum,                                    15
Vitat obscuras animae ruinas.
Hanc quisquis poterit notare lucem,
Candidos Phoebi radios negabit."




  X.[137]

    Come hither, all you that are bound,
    Whose base and earthly minds are drowned
  By lust which doth them tie in cruel chains:
    Here is a seat for men opprest,
    Here is a port of pleasant rest;
  Here may a wretch have refuge from his pains.
    No gold, which Tagus' sands bestow,
    Nor which on Hermus' banks doth flow,
  Nor precious stones which scorched Indians get[138],
    Can clear the sharpness of the mind,
    But rather make it far more blind,
  And in the farther depth of darkness set.
    For this that sets our souls on work
    Buried in caves of earth doth lurk.
  But heaven is guided by another light,
    Which causeth us to shun the dark[139],
    And who this light doth truly mark,
  Must needs deny that Phoebus' beams are bright."


  [137] For the discussion on the nature of good in this poem and the next
  piece of prose cf. _supra_, pp. 38 ff.

  [138] Literally, "Nor Indus, neighbour of the torrid zone, blending its
  green and white pebbles."

  [139] Literally, "The light which gives guidance and vigour to the sky
  shuns the darkness of ruined minds."




XI.

"Assentior," inquam, "cuncta enim firmissimis nexa rationibus constant."
Tum illa, "Quanti," inquit, "aestimabis, si bonum ipsum quid sit
agnoueris?" "Infinito," inquam, "si quidem mihi pariter deum quoque qui
bonum est continget agnoscere." "Atqui hoc uerissima," inquit, "ratione
patefaciam, maneant modo quae paulo ante conclusa sunt." "Manebunt."
"Nonne," inquit, "monstrauimus ea quae appetuntur pluribus idcirco uera
perfectaque bona non esse quoniam a se inuicem discreparent cumque alteri
abesset alterum, plenum absolutumque bonum afferre non posse? Tum autem
uerum bonum fieri cum in unam ueluti formam atque efficientiam colliguntur,
ut quae sufficientia est, eadem sit potentia, reuerentia, claritas atque
iucunditas, nisi uero unum atque idem omnia sint, nihil habere quo inter
expetenda numerentur?" "Demonstratum," inquam, "nec dubitari ullo modo
potest." "Quae igitur cum discrepant minime bona sunt, cum uero unum esse
coeperint, bona fiunt; nonne haec ut bona sint, unitatis fieri adeptione
contingit?" "Ita," inquam, "uidetur." "Sed omne quod bonum est boni
participatione bonum esse concedis an minime?" "Ita est." "Oportet igitur
idem esse unum atque bonum simili ratione concedas; eadem namque substantia
est eorum quorum naturaliter non est diuersus effectus." "Negare," inquam,
"nequeo." "Nostine igitur," inquit, "omne quod est tam diu manere atque
subsistere quam diu sit unum, sed interire atque dissolui pariter atque
unum destiterit?" "Quonam modo?" "Vt in animalibus," inquit, "cum in unum
coeunt ac permanent anima corpusque, id animal uocatur; cum uero haec
unitas utriusque separatione dissoluitur, interire nec iam esse animal
liquet. Ipsum quoque corpus cum in una forma membrorum coniunctione
permanet, humana uisitur species; at si distributae segregataeque partes
corporis distraxerint unitatem, desinit esse quod fuerat. Eoque modo
percurrenti cetera procul dubio patebit subsistere unumquodque, dum unum
est, cum uero unum esse desinit, interire." "Consideranti," inquam, "mihi
plura minime aliud uidetur." "Estne igitur," inquit, "quod in quantum
naturaliter agat relicta subsistendi appetentia uenire ad interitum
corruptionemque desideret?"  "Si animalia," inquam, "considerem quae habent
aliquam uolendi nolendique naturam, nihil inuenio quod nullis extra
cogentibus abiciant manendi intentionem et ad interitum sponte festinent.
Omne namque animal tueri salutem laborat, mortem uero perniciemque deuitat.
Sed quid de herbis arboribusque, quid de inanimatis omnino consentiam rebus
prorsus dubito."

"Atqui non est quod de hoc quoque possis ambigere, cum herbas atque arbores
intuearis primum sibi conuenientibus innasci locis, ubi quantum earum
natura queat cito exarescere atque interire non possint. Nam aliae quidem
campis aliae montibus oriuntur, alias ferunt paludes, aliae saxis haerent,
aliarum fecundae sunt steriles harenae, quas si in alia quispiam loca
transferre conetur, arescant. Sed dat cuique natura quod conuenit et ne,
dum manere possunt, intereant, elaborat. Quid quod omnes uelut in terras
ore demerso trahunt alimenta radicibus ac per medullas robur corticemque
diffundunt? Quid quod mollissimum quidque, sicuti medulla est, interiore
semper sede reconditur, extra uero quadam ligni firmitate, ultimus autem
cortex aduersum caeli intemperiem quasi mali patiens defensor opponitur?
Iam uero quanta est naturae diligentia, ut cuncta semine multiplicato
propagentur! Quae omnia non modo ad tempus manendi uerum generatim quoque
quasi in perpetuum permanendi ueluti quasdam machinas esse quis nesciat? Ea
etiam quae inanimata esse creduntur nonne quod suum est quaeque simili
ratione desiderant? Cur enim flammas quidem sursum leuitas uehit, terras
uero deorsum pondus deprimit, nisi quod haec singulis loca motionesque
conueniunt? Porro autem quod cuique consentaneum est, id unumquodque
conseruat, sicuti ea quae sunt inimica corrumpunt. Iam uero quae dura sunt
ut lapides, adhaerent tenacissime partibus suis et ne facile dissoluantur
resistunt. Quae uero liquentia ut aer atque aqua, facile quidem
diuidentibus cedunt, sed cito in ea rursus a quibus sunt abscisa
relabuntur, ignis uero omnem refugit sectionem. Neque nunc nos de
uoluntariis animae cognoscentis motibus, sed de naturali intentione
tractamus, sicuti est quod acceptas escas sine cogitatione transigimus,
quod in somno spiritum ducimus nescientes; nam ne in animalibus quidem
manendi amor ex animae uoluntatibus, uerum ex naturae principiis uenit. Nam
saepe mortem cogentibus causis quam natura reformidat uoluntas amplectitur,
contraque illud quo solo mortalium rerum durat diuturnitas gignendi opus,
quod natura semper appetit, interdum coercet uoluntas. Adeo haec sui
caritas non ex animali motione sed ex naturali intentione procedit. Dedit
enim prouidentia creatis a se rebus hanc uel maximam manendi causam ut
quoad possunt naturaliter manere desiderent; quare nihil est quod ullo modo
queas dubitare cuncta quae sunt appetere naturaliter constantiam
permanendi, deuitare perniciem."

"Confiteor," inquam, "nunc me indubitato cernere quae dudum incerta
uidebantur." "Quod autem," inquit, "subsistere ac permanere petit, id unum
esse desiderat; hoc enim sublato ne esse quidem cuiquam permanebit." "Verum
est," inquam. "Omnia igitur," inquit, "unum desiderant." Consensi. "Sed
unum id ipsum monstrauimus esse quod bonum." "Ita quidem." "Cuncta igitur
bonum petunt, quod quidem ita describas licet: ipsum bonum esse quod
desideretur ab omnibus." "Nihil," inquam, "uerius excogitari potest. Nam
uel ad nihil unum cuncta referuntur et uno ueluti uertice destituta sine
rectore fluitabunt, aut si quid est ad quod uniuersa festinent, id erit
omnium summum bonorum." Et illa: "Nimium," inquit, "o alumne laetor, ipsam
enim mediae ueritatis notam mente fixisti. Sed in hoc patuit tibi quod
ignorare te paulo ante dicebas." "Quid?" inquam. "Quis esset," inquit,
"rerum omnium finis. Is est enim profecto, quod desideratur ab omnibus,
quod quia bonum esse collegimus, oportet rerum omnium finem bonum esse
fateamur.




  XI.

  "I consent," quoth I, "for all is grounded upon most firm reasons." "But
  what account wilt thou make," quoth she, "to know what goodness itself
  is?" "I will esteem it infinitely," quoth I, "because by this means I
  shall come to know God also, who is nothing else but goodness." "I will
  conclude this," quoth she, "most certainly, if those things be not
  denied which I have already proved." "They shall not," quoth I. "Have we
  not proved," quoth she, "that those things which are desired of many,
  are not true and perfect goods, because they differ one from another
  and, being separated, cannot cause complete and absolute goodness, which
  is only found when they are united as it were into one form and
  causality, that the same may be sufficiency, power, respect, fame, and
  pleasure? And except they be all one and the same thing, that they have
  nothing worth the desiring?" "It hath been proved," quoth I, "neither
  can it be any way doubted of." "Those things, then, which, when they
  differ, are not good and when they are one, become good, are they not
  made good by obtaining unity?" "So methink," quoth I. "But dost thou
  grant that all that is good is good by partaking goodness?" "It is so."
  "Thou must grant then likewise that unity and goodness are the same. For
  those things have the same substance, which naturally have not diverse
  effects." "I cannot deny it," quoth I. "Knowest thou then," quoth she,
  "that everything that is doth so long remain and subsist as it is one,
  and perisheth and is dissolved so soon as it ceaseth to be one?" "How?"
  "As in living creatures," quoth she, "so long as the body and soul
  remain united, the living creature remaineth. But when this unity is
  dissolved by their separation, it is manifest that it perisheth, and is
  no longer a living creature. The body also itself, so long as it
  remaineth in one form by the conjunction of the parts, appeareth the
  likeness of a man. But if the members of the body, being separated and
  sundered, have lost their unity, it is no longer the same. And in like
  manner it will be manifest to him that will descend to other
  particulars, that everything continueth so long as it is one, and
  perisheth when it loseth unity." "Considering more particulars, I find
  it to be no otherwise." "Is there anything," quoth she, "that in the
  course of nature, leaving the desire of being, seeketh to come to
  destruction and corruption?" "If," quoth I, "I consider living creatures
  which have any nature to will and nill, I find nothing that without
  extern compulsion forsake the intention to remain, and of their own
  accord hasten to destruction. For every living creature laboureth to
  preserve his health, and escheweth death and detriment. But what I
  should think of herbs, and trees, and of all things without life, I am
  altogether doubtful."

  "But there is no cause why thou shouldst doubt of this, if thou
  considerest first that herbs and trees grow in places agreeable to their
  nature, where, so much as their constitution permitteth, they cannot
  soon wither and perish. For some grow in fields, other upon hills, some
  in fenny, other in stony places, and the barren sands are fertile for
  some, which if thou wouldst transplant into other places they die. But
  nature giveth every one that which is fitting, and striveth to keep them
  from decaying so long as they can remain. What should I tell thee, if
  all of them, thrusting as it were their lips into the ground, draw
  nourishment by their roots, and convey substance and bark by the inward
  pith? What, that always the softest, as the pith, is placed within, and
  is covered without by the strength of the wood, and last of all the bark
  is exposed to the weather, as being best able to bear it off? And how
  great is the diligence of nature that all things may continue by the
  multiplication of seed; all which who knoweth not to be, as it were,
  certain engines, not only to remain for a time, but successively in a
  manner to endure for ever? Those things also which are thought to be
  without all life, doth not every one in like manner desire that which
  appertaineth to their own good? For why doth levity lift up flames, or
  heaviness weigh down the earth, but because these places and motions are
  convenient for them? And that which is agreeable to everything
  conserveth it, as that which is opposite causeth corruption. Likewise
  those things which are hard, as stones, stick most firmly to their
  parts, and make great resistance to any dissolution. And liquid things,
  as air and water, are indeed easily divided, but do easily also join
  again. And fire flieth all division. Neither do we now treat of the
  voluntary motions of the understanding soul, but only of natural
  operations. Of which sort is, to digest that which we have eaten,
  without thinking of it, to breathe in our sleep not thinking what we do.
  For even in living creatures the love of life proceedeth not from the
  will of the soul, but from the principles of nature. For the will many
  times embraceth death upon urgent occasions, which nature abhorreth; and
  contrariwise the act of generation, by which alone the continuance of
  mortal things is maintained, is sometimes bridled by the will, though
  nature doth always desire it. So true it is that this self-love
  proceedeth not from any voluntary motion, but from natural intention.
  For providence gave to her creatures this as the greatest cause of
  continuance, that they naturally desire to continue so long as they may,
  wherefore there is no cause why thou shouldst any way doubt that all
  things which are desire naturally stability of remaining, and eschew
  corruption."

  "I confess," quoth I, "that I now see undoubtedly that which before
  seemed very doubtful." "Now that," quoth she, "which desireth to
  continue and remain seeketh to have unity. For if this be taken away,
  being itself cannot remain." "It is true," quoth I. "All things then,"
  quoth she, "desire unity." I granted it to be so. "But we have showed
  that unity is the same as goodness." "You have indeed." "All things then
  desire goodness, which thou mayest define thus: Goodness is that which
  is desired of all things." "There can be nothing imagined more true. For
  either all things have reference to no one principle and, being
  destitute as it were of one head, shall be in confusion without any
  ruler: or if there be anything to which all things hasten, that must be
  the chiefest of all goods." "I rejoice greatly O scholar," quoth she,
  "for thou hast fixed in thy mind the very mark of verity. But in this
  thou hast discovered that which a little before thou saidest thou wert
  ignorant of." "What is that?" quoth I. "What the end of all things is,"
  quoth she. "For certainly it is that which is desired of all things,
  which since we have concluded to be goodness, we must also confess that
  goodness is the end of all things.




XI.

Quisquis profunda mente uestigat uerum
Cupitque nullis ille deuiis falli,
In se reuoluat intimi lucem uisus
Longosque in orbem cogat inflectens motus
Animumque doceat quidquid extra molitur                                   5
Suis retrusum possidere thesauris.
Dudum quod atra texit erroris nubes
Lucebit ipso perspicacius Phoebo.
Non omne namque mente depulit lumen
Obliuiosam corpus inuehens molem.                                        10
Haeret profecto semen introrsum ueri
Quod excitatur uentilante doctrina.
Nam cur rogati sponte recta censetis,
Ni mersus alto uiueret fomes corde?
Quod si Platonis Musa personat uerum,                                    15
Quod quisque discit immemor recordatur."




  XI.

  He that would seek the truth with thoughts profound
  And would not stray in ways that are not right,
  He to himself must turn his inward sight,
  And guide his motions in a circled round,
  Teaching his mind that ever she design
  Herself in her own treasures to possess:
  So that which late lay hidden in cloudiness
  More bright and clear than Phoebus' beams shall shine.
  Flesh hath not quenched all the spirit's light,
  Though this oblivion's lump holds her opprest.
  Some seed of truth remaineth in our breast,
  Which skilful learning eas'ly doth excite.
  For being askt how can we answer true
  Unless that grace within our hearts did dwell?
  If Plato's heavenly muse the truth us tell,
  We learning things remember them anew."[140]


  [140] For Plato's doctrine of Reminiscence cf. _Meno_ 81-86, and
  _Phaedo_ 72-76.



XII.

Tum ego: "Platoni," inquam, "uehementer assentior, nam me horum iam secundo
commemoras, primum quod memoriam corporea contagione, dehinc cum maeroris
mole pressus amisi." Tum illa: "Si priora," inquit, "concessa respicias, ne
illud quidem longius aberit quin recorderis quod te dudum nescire confessus
es." "Quid?" inquam. "Quibus," ait illa, "gubernaculis mundus regatur."
"Memini," inquam, "me inscitiam meam fuisse confessum, sed quid afferas,
licet iam prospiciam, planius tamen ex te audire desidero." "Mundum,"
inquit, "hunc deo regi paulo ante minime dubitandum putabas." "Ne nunc
quidem arbitror," inquam, "nec umquam dubitandum putabo quibusque in hoc
rationibus accedam breuiter exponam. Mundus hic ex tam diuersis
contrariisque partibus in unam formam minime conuenisset, nisi unus esset
qui tam diuersa coniungeret. Coniuncta uero naturarum ipsa diuersitas
inuicem discors dissociaret atque diuelleret, nisi unus esset qui quod
nexuit contineret. Non tam uero certus naturae ordo procederet nec tam
dispositos motus locis, temporibus, efficientia, spatiis, qualitatibus
explicarent, nisi unus esset qui has mutationum uarietates manens ipse
disponeret.  Hoc quidquid est quo condita manent atque agitantur, usitato
cunctis uocabulo deum nomino."

Tum illa: "Cum haec," inquit, "ita sentias, paruam mihi restare operam puto
ut felicitatis compos patriam sospes reuisas. Sed quae proposuimus
intueamur. Nonne in beatitudine sufficientiam numerauimus deumque
beatitudinem ipsam esse consensimus?" "Ita quidem." "Et ad mundum igitur,"
inquit, "regendum nullis extrinsecus adminiculis indigebit; alioquin si quo
egeat, plenam sufficientiam non habebit." "Id," inquam, "ita est
necessarium." "Per se igitur solum cuncta disponit." "Negari," inquam,
"nequit." "Atqui deus ipsum bonum esse monstratus est." "Memini," inquam.
"Per bonum igitur cuncta disponit, si quidem per se regit omnia quem bonum
esse consensimus et hic est ueluti quidam clauus atque gubernaculum quo
mundana machina stabilis atque incorrupta seruatur." "Vehementer
assentior," inquam, "et id te paulo ante dicturam tenui licet suspicione
prospexi." "Credo;" inquit, "iam enim ut arbitror uigilantius ad cernenda
uera oculos deducis. Sed quod dicam non minus ad contuendum patet." "Quid?"
inquam. "Cum deus," inquit, "omnia bonitatis clauo gubernare iure credatur
eademque omnia sicuti docui ad bonum naturali intentione festinent, num
dubitari potest quin uoluntaria regantur seque ad disponentis nutum ueluti
conuenientia contemperataque rectori sponte conuertant?" "Ita," inquam,
"necesse est; nec beatum regimen esse uideretur, si quidem detrectantium
iugum foret, non obtemperantium salus." "Nihil est igitur quod naturam
seruans deo contraire conetur." "Nihil," inquam. "Quod si conetur," ait,
"num tandem proficiet quidquam aduersus eum quem iure beatitudinis
potentissimum esse concessimus?" "Prorsus," inquam, "nihil ualeret." "Non
est igitur aliquid quod summo huic bono uel uelit uel possit obsistere."
"Non," inquam, "arbitror." "Est igitur summum," inquit, "bonum quod regit
cuncta fortiter suauiterque disponit." Tum ego: "Quam," inquam, "me non
modo ea quae conclusa est summa rationum, uerum multo magis haec ipsa
quibus uteris uerba delectant, ut tandem aliquando stultitiam magna
lacerantem sui pudeat."

"Accepisti," inquit, "in fabulis lacessentes caelum Gigantas; sed illos
quoque, uti condignum fuit, benigna fortitudo disposuit. Sed uisne rationes
ipsas inuicem collidamus? Forsitan ex huiusmodi conflictatione pulchra
quaedam ueritatis scintilla dissiliat." "Tuo," inquam, "arbitratu." "Deum,"
inquit, "esse omnium potentem nemo dubitauerit." "Qui quidem," inquam,
"mente consistat, nullus prorsus ambigat." "Qui uero est," inquit, "omnium
potens, nihil est quod ille non possit." "Nihil," inquam. "Num igitur deus
facere malum potest?" "Minime," inquam. "Malum igitur," inquit, "nihil est,
cum id facere ille non possit, qui nihil non potest." "Ludisne," inquam,
"me inextricabilem labyrinthum rationibus texens, quae nunc quidem qua
egrediaris introeas, nunc uero quo introieris egrediare, an mirabilem
quendam diuinae simplicitatis orbem complicas? Etenim paulo ante
beatitudine incipiens eam summum bonum esse dicebas quam in summo deo sitam
loquebare. Ipsum quoque deum summum esse bonum plenamque beatitudinem
disserebas; ex quo neminem beatum fore nisi qui pariter deus esset quasi
munusculum dabas. Rursus ipsam boni formam dei ac beatitudinis loquebaris
esse substantiam ipsumque unum id ipsum esse bonum docebas quod ab omni
rerum natura peteretur. Deum quoque bonitatis gubernaculis uniuersitatem
regere disputabas uolentiaque cuncta parere nec ullam mali esse naturam.
Atque haec nullis extrinsecus sumptis sed ex altero altero fidem trahente
insitis domesticisque probationibus explicabas."

Tum illa: "Minime," inquit, "ludimus remque omnium maximam dei munere quem
dudum deprecabamur exegimus. Ea est enim diuinae forma substantiae ut neque
in externa dilabatur nec in se externum aliquid ipsa suscipiat, sed, sicut
de ea Parmenides ait:

  [Greek: Pantothen eukuklou sphairaes enalinkion onkoi],

rerum orbem mobilem rotat, dum se immobilem ipsa conseruat. Quod si
rationes quoque non extra petitas sed intra rei quam tractabamus ambitum
collocatas agitauimus, nihil est quod admirere, cum Platone sanciente
didiceris cognatos de quibus loquuntur rebus oportere esse sermones.




  XII.

  Then I said that I did very well like of Plato's doctrine, for thou dost
  bring these things to my remembrance now the second time, first, because
  I lost their memory by the contagion of my body, and after when I was
  oppressed with the burden of grief. "If," quoth she, "thou reflectest
  upon that which heretofore hath been granted, thou wilt not be far from
  remembering that which in the beginning thou confessedst thyself to be
  ignorant of." "What?" quoth I. "By what government," quoth she, "the
  world is ruled." "I remember," quoth I, "that I did confess my
  ignorance, but though I foresee what thou wilt say, yet I desire to hear
  it more plainly from thyself." "Thou thoughtest a little before that it
  was not to be doubted that this world is governed by God." "Neither do I
  think now," quoth I, "neither will I ever think, that it is to be
  doubted of, and I will briefly explicate the reasons which move me to
  think so. This world could never have been compacted of so many divers
  and contrary parts, unless there were One that doth unite these so
  different things; and this disagreeing diversity of natures being united
  would separate and divide this concord, unless there were One that
  holdeth together that which He united. Neither would the course of
  nature continue so certain, nor would the different parts hold so well-
  ordered motions in due places, times, causality, spaces and qualities,
  unless there were One who, Himself remaining quiet, disposeth and
  ordereth this variety of motions. This, whatsoever it be, by which
  things created continue and are moved, I call God, a name which all men
  use."[141]

  "Since," quoth she, "thou art of this mind, I think with little labour
  thou mayest be capable of felicity, and return to thy country in safety.
  But let us consider what we proposed. Have we not placed sufficiency in
  happiness, and granted that God is blessedness itself?" "Yes truly."
  "Wherefore," quoth she, "He will need no outward helps to govern the
  world, otherwise, if He needed anything, He had not full sufficiency."
  "That," quoth I, "must necessarily be so." "Wherefore He disposeth all
  things by Himself." "No doubt He doth," quoth I. "But it hath been
  proved that God is goodness itself." "I remember it very well," quoth I.
  "Then He disposeth all things by goodness: since He governeth all things
  by Himself, whom we have granted to be goodness. And this is as it were
  the helm and rudder by which the frame of the world is kept steadfast
  and uncorrupted." "I most willingly agree," quoth I, "and I foresaw a
  little before, though only with a slender guess, that thou wouldst
  conclude this." "I believe thee," quoth she, "for now I suppose thou
  lookest more watchfully about thee to discern the truth. But that which
  I shall say is no less manifest." "What?" quoth I. "Since that God is
  deservedly thought to govern all things with the helm of goodness, and
  all these things likewise, as I have showed, hasten to goodness with
  their natural contention, can there be any doubt made but that they are
  governed willingly, and that they frame themselves of their own accord
  to their disposer's beck, as agreeable and conformable to their ruler?"
  "It must needs be so," quoth I, "neither would it seem an happy
  government, if it were an imposed yoke, not a desired health." "There is
  nothing then which, following nature, endeavoureth to resist God."
  "Nothing," quoth I. "What if anything doth endeavour," quoth she, "can
  anything prevail against Him, whom we have granted to be most powerful
  by reason of His blessedness?" "No doubt," quoth I, "nothing could
  prevail." "Wherefore there is nothing which either will or can resist
  this sovereign goodness." "I think not," quoth I. "It is then the
  sovereign goodness which governeth all things strongly, and disposeth
  them sweetly." "How much," quoth I, "doth not only the reason which thou
  allegest, but much more the very words which thou usest, delight me,
  that folly which so much vexed me may at length be ashamed of herself."

  "Thou hast heard in the poets' fables," quoth she, "how the giants
  provoked heaven, but this benign fortitude put them also down, as they
  deserved. But wilt thou have our arguments contend together? Perhaps by
  this clash there will fly out some beautiful spark of truth." "As it
  pleaseth thee," quoth I. "No man can doubt," quoth she, "but that God is
  almighty." "No man," quoth I, "that is well in his wits." "But," quoth
  she, "there is nothing that He who is almighty cannot do." "Nothing,"
  quoth I. "Can God do evil?" "No," quoth I, "Wherefore," quoth she, "evil
  is nothing, since He cannot do it who can do anything." "Dost thou mock
  me," quoth I, "making with thy reasons an inextricable labyrinth,
  because thou dost now go in where thou meanest to go out again, and
  after go out, where thou camest in, or dost thou frame a wonderful
  circle of the simplicity of God? For a little before taking thy
  beginning from blessedness, thou affirmedst that to be the chiefest good
  which thou saidst was placed in God, and likewise thou provedst, that
  God Himself is the chiefest good and full happiness, out of which thou
  madest me a present of that inference, that no man shall be happy unless
  he be also a God. Again thou toldest me that the form of goodness is the
  substance of God and of blessedness, and that unity is the same with
  goodness, because it is desired by the nature of all things; thou didst
  also dispute that God governeth the whole world with the helm of
  goodness, and that all things obey willingly, and that there is no
  nature of evil, and thou didst explicate all these things with no
  foreign or far-fetched proofs, but with those which were proper and
  drawn from inward principles, the one confirming the other."

  "We neither play nor mock," quoth she, "and we have finished the
  greatest matter that can be by the assistance of God, whose aid we
  implored in the beginning. For such is the form of the Divine substance
  that it is neither divided into outward things, nor receiveth any such
  into itself, but as Parmenides saith of it:

    In body like a sphere well-rounded on all sides,[142]

  it doth roll about the moving orb of things, while it keepeth itself
  unmovable. And if we have used no far-fetched reasons, but such as were
  placed within the compass of the matter we handled, thou hast no cause
  to marvel, since thou hast learned in Plato's school that our speeches
  must be like and as it were akin to the things we speak of.


  [141] _Vide supra, Tr._ iv. (pp. 56 ff.).

  [142] Cf. _Frag._ 8. 43 (Diels, _Vorsokratiker_, i. p. 158).




XII.

Felix qui potuit boni
Fontem uisere lucidum,
Felix qui potuit grauis
Terrae soluere uincula.
Quondam funera coniugis                                                   5
Vates Threicius gemens
Postquam flebilibus modis
Siluas currere mobiles,
Amnes stare coegerat,
Iunxitque intrepidum latus                                               10
Saeuis cerua leonibus,
Nec uisum timuit lepus
Iam cantu placidum canem,
Cum flagrantior intima
Feruor pectoris ureret,                                                  15
Nec qui cuncta subegerant
Mulcerent dominum modi,
Inmites superos querens
Infernas adiit domos.
Illic blanda sonantibus                                                  20
Chordis carmina temperans
Quidquid praecipuis deae
Matris fontibus hauserat,
Quod luctus dabat impotens,
Quod luctum geminans amor,                                               25
Deflet Taenara commouens
Et dulci ueniam prece
Vmbrarum dominos rogat.
Stupet tergeminus nouo
Captus carmine ianitor,                                                  30
Quae sontes agitant metu
Vltrices scelerum deae
Iam maestae lacrimis madent.
Non Ixionium caput
Velox praecipitat rota                                                   35
Et longa site perditus
Spernit flumina Tantalus.
Vultur dum satur est modis,
Non traxit Tityi iecur.
Tandem, 'Vincimur,' arbiter                                              40
Vmbrarum miserans ait,
'Donamus comitem uiro
Emptam carmine coniugem.
Sed lex dona coerceat,
Ne, dum Tartara liquerit,                                                45
Fas sit lumina flectere.'
Quis legem det amantibus?
Maior lex amor est sibi.
Heu, noctis prope terminos
Orpheus Eurydicen suam                                                   50
Vidit, perdidit, occidit.
Vos haec fabula respicit
Quicumque in superum diem
Mentem ducere quaeritis.
Nam qui Tartareum in specus                                              55
Victus lumina flexerit,
Quidquid praecipuum trahit
Perdit, dum uidet inferos."




  XII.

  Happy is he that can behold
  The well-spring whence all good doth rise,
  Happy is he that can unfold
  The bands with which the earth him ties.
  The Thracian poet whose sweet song
  Performed his wife's sad obsequies,
  And forced the woods to run along
  When he his mournful tunes did play,
  Whose powerful music was so strong
  That it could make the rivers stay;
  The fearful hinds not daunted were,
  But with the lions took their way,
  Nor did the hare behold with fear
  The dog whom these sweet notes appease.
  When force of grief drew yet more near,
  And on his heart did burning seize,
  Nor tunes which all in quiet bound
  Could any jot their master ease,
  The gods above too hard he found,
  And Pluto's palace visiting.
  He mixed sweet verses with the sound
  Of his loud harp's delightful string,
  All that he drank with thirsty draught
  From his high mother's chiefest spring,
  All that his restless grief him taught,
  And love which gives grief double aid,
  With this even hell itself was caught,
  Whither he went, and pardon prayed
  For his dear spouse (unheard request).
  The three-head porter was dismayed,
  Ravished with his unwonted guest,
  The Furies, which in tortures keep
  The guilty souls with pains opprest,
  Moved with his song began to weep.
  Ixion's wheel now standing still
  Turns not his head with motions steep.
  Though Tantalus might drink at will,
  To quench his thirst he would forbear.
  The vulture full with music shrill
  Doth not poor Tityus' liver tear.
  'We by his verses conquered are,'
  Saith the great King whom spirits fear.
  'Let us not then from him debar
  His wife whom he with songs doth gain.
  Yet lest our gift should stretch too far,
  We will it with this law restrain,
  That when from hell he takes his flight,
  He shall from looking back refrain.'
  Who can for lovers laws indite?
  Love hath no law but her own will.
  Orpheus, seeing on the verge of night
  Eurydice, doth lose and kill
  Her and himself with foolish love.
  But you this feigned tale fulfil,
  Who think unto the day above
  To bring with speed your darksome mind.
  For if, your eye conquered, you move
  Backward to Pluto left behind,
  All the rich prey which thence you took,
  You lose while back to hell you look."






ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII

V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. PATRICII


PHILOSOPHIAE CONSOLATIONIS

LIBER TERTIVS EXPLICIT

INCIPIT LIBER IV




I.

Haec cum Philosophia dignitate uultus et oris grauitate seruata leniter
suauiterque cecinisset, tum ego nondum penitus insiti maeroris oblitus
intentionem dicere adhuc aliquid parantis abrupi. Et: "O," inquam, "ueri
praeuia luminis quae usque adhuc tua fudit oratio, cum sui speculatione
diuina tum tuis rationibus inuicta patuerunt, eaque mihi etsi ob iniuriae
dolorem nuper oblita non tamen antehac prorsus ignorata dixisti. Sed ea
ipsa est uel maxima nostri causa maeroris, quod, cum rerum bonus rector
exsistat, uel esse omnino mala possint uel impunita praetereant; quod solum
quanta dignum sit admiratione profecto consideras. At huic aliud maius
adiungitur.  Nam imperante florenteque nequitia uirtus non solum praemiis
caret, uerum etiam sceleratorum pedibus subiecta calcatur et in locum
facinorum supplicia luit. Quae fieri in regno scientis omnia, potentis
omnia sed bona tantummodo uolentis dei nemo satis potest nec admirari nec
conqueri."

Tum illa: "Et esset," inquit, "infiniti stuporis omnibusque horribilius
monstris, si, uti tu aestimas, in tanti uelut patrisfamilias dispositissima
domo uilia uasa colerentur, pretiosa sordescerent. Sed non ita est. Nam si
ea quae paulo ante conclusa sunt inconuulsa seruantur, ipso de cuius nunc
regno loquimur auctore cognosces semper quidem potentes esse bonos, malos
uero abiectos semper atque inbecillos nec sine poena umquam esse uitia nec
sine praemio uirtutes, bonis felicia, malis semper infortunata contingere
multaque id genus quae sopitis querelis firma te soliditate corroborent. Et
quoniam uerae formam beatitudinis me dudum monstrante uidisti, quo etiam
sita sit agnouisti, decursis omnibus quae praemittere necessarium puto,
uiam tibi quae te domum reuehat ostendam. Pennas etiam tuae menti quibus se
in altum tollere possit adfigam, ut perturbatione depulsa sospes in patriam
meo ductu, mea semita, meis etiam uehiculis reuertaris.






  THE FOURTH BOOK OF BOETHIUS




  I.

  When Philosophy had sung these verses with a soft and sweet voice,
  observing due dignity and gravity in her countenance and gesture, I, not
  having altogether forgotten my inward grief, interrupted her speech
  which she was about to continue, and said: "O thou who bringest us to
  see true light, those things which hitherto thou hast treated of have
  manifestly appeared both to be divine when contemplated apart, and
  invincible when supported by thy reasons, and what thou hast uttered,
  though the force of grief had made me forget it of late, yet heretofore
  I was not altogether ignorant of it. But this is the chiefest cause of
  my sorrow, that since the governor of all things is so good, there can
  either be any evil at all, or that it pass unpunished. Which alone I
  beseech thee consider, how much admiration it deserveth. But there is
  another greater than this; for wickedness bearing rule and sway, virtue
  is not only without reward, but lieth also trodden under the wicked's
  feet, and is punished instead of vice. That which things should be done
  in the kingdom of God, who knoweth all things, can do all things, but
  will do only that which is good, no man can sufficiently admire nor
  complain."

  To which she answered: "It were indeed infinitely strange, and
  surpassing all monsters, if, as thou conceivest, in the best-ordered
  house of so great an householder the vilest vessels were made account of
  and the precious neglected; but it is not so. For if those things which
  were a little before concluded be kept unviolated, thou shalt by His
  help, of whose kingdom we speak, know that the good are always powerful,
  and the evil always abject and weak, and that vices are never without
  punishment, nor virtue without reward, and that the good are always
  prosperous, and the evil unfortunate, and many things of that sort,
  which will take away all cause of complaint, and give thee firm and
  solid strength. And since by my means thou hast already seen the form of
  true blessedness, and known where it is placed, running over all those
  things which I think necessary to rehearse, I will show thee the way
  which will carry thee home. And I will also fasten wings upon thy mind,
  with which she may rouse herself, that, all perturbation being driven
  away, thou mayest return safely into thy country by my direction, by my
  path, and with my wings.




I.

Sunt etenim pennae uolucres mihi
  Quae celsa conscendant poli.
Quas sibi cum uelox mens induit,
  Terras perosa despicit,
Aeris inmensi superat globum,                                             5
  Nubesque postergum uidet,
Quique agili motu calet aetheris,
  Transcendit ignis uerticem,
Donec in astriferas surgat domos
  Phoeboque coniungat uias                                               10
Aut comitetur iter gelidi senis
  Miles corusci sideris,
Vel quocumque micans nox pingitur,
  Recurrat astri circulum
Atque ubi iam exhausti fuerit satis,                                     15
  Polum relinquat extimum
Dorsaque uelocis premat aetheris
  Compos uerendi luminis.
Hic regum sceptrum dominus tenet
  Orbisque habenas temperat                                              20
Et uolucrem currum stabilis regit
  Rerum coruscus arbiter.
Huc te si reducem referat uia,
  Quam nunc requiris immemor:
'Haec,' dices, 'memini, patria est mihi,                                 25
  Hinc ortus; hic sistam gradum."
Quod si terrarum placeat tibi
  Noctem relictam uisere,
Quos miseri toruos populi timent
  Cernes tyrannos exules."                                               30




  I.

  For I have swift and nimble wings which will ascend the lofty skies,
  With which when thy quick mind is clad, it will the loathéd earth
      despise,
  And go beyond the airy globe, and watery clouds behind thee leave,
  Passing the fire which scorching heat doth from the heavens' swift
      course receive,
  Until it reach the starry house, and get to tread bright Phoebus' ways,
  Following the chilly sire's path,[143] companion of his flashing rays,
  And trace the circle of the stars which in the night to us appear,
  And having stayed there long enough go on beyond the farthest sphere,
  Sitting upon the highest orb partaker of the glorious light,
  Where the great King his sceptre holds, and the world's reins doth guide
      aright,
  And, firm in his swift chariot, doth everything in order set.
  Unto this seat when thou art brought, thy country, which thou didst
      forget,
  Thou then wilt challenge to thyself, saying: 'This is the glorious land
  Where I was born, and in this soil my feet for evermore shall stand.
  Whence if thou pleasest to behold the earthly night which thou hast
      left,
  Those tyrants which the people fear will seem of their true home
      bereft.'"


  [143] Cf. "frigida Saturni sese quo Stella receptet," Virg. _Georg._ i.
  336.




II.

Tum ego: "Papae," inquam, "ut magna promittis! Nec dubito quin possis
efficere; tu modo quem excitaueris ne moreris." "Primum igitur," inquit,
"bonis semper adesse potentiam, malos cunctis uiribus esse desertos
agnoscas licebit, quorum quidem alterum demonstratur ex altero. Nam cum
bonum malumque contraria sint, si bonum potens esse constiterit, liquet
inbecillitas mali; at si fragilitas clarescat mali, boni firmitas nota est.
Sed uti nostrae sententiae fides abundantior sit, alterutro calle procedam
nunc hinc nunc inde proposita confirmans.

Duo sunt quibus omnis humanorum actuum constat effectus, uoluntas scilicet
ac potestas, quorum si alterutrum desit, nihil est quod explicari queat.
Deficiente etenim uoluntate ne aggreditur quidem quisque quod non uult; at
si potestas absit, uoluntas frustra sit. Quo fit ut si quem uideas adipisci
uelle quod minime adipiscatur, huic obtinendi quod uoluerit defuisse
ualentiam dubitare non possis." "Perspicuum est," inquam, "nec ullo modo
negari potest." "Quem uero effecisse quod uoluerit uideas, num etiam
potuisse dubitabis?" "Minime." "Quod uero quisque potest, in eo ualidus,
quod uero non potest, in hoc imbecillis esse censendus est." "Fateor,"
inquam. "Meministine igitur," inquit, "superioribus rationibus esse
collectum intentionem omnem uoluntatis humanae quae diuersis studiis agitur
ad beatitudinem festinare?" "Memini," inquam, "illud quoque esse
demonstratum." "Num recordaris beatitudinem ipsum esse bonum eoque modo,
cum beatitudo petitur, ab omnibus desiderari bonum?" "Minime," inquam,
"recordor, quoniam id memoriae fixum teneo." "Omnes igitur homines boni
pariter ac mali indiscreta intentione ad bonum peruenire nituntur?" "Ita,"
inquam, "consequens est." "Sed certum est adeptione boni bonos fieri."
"Certum." "Adipiscuntur igitur boni quod appetunt?" "Sic uidetur." "Mali
uero si adipiscerentur quod appetunt bonum, mali esse non possent." "Ita
est." "Cum igitur utrique bonum petant, sed hi quidem adipiscantur, illi
uero minime, num dubium est bonos quidem potentes esse, qui uero mali sunt
imbecillos?" "Quisquis," inquam, "dubitat, nec rerum naturam nec
consequentiam potest considerare rationum." "Rursus," inquit, "si duo sint
quibus idem secundum naturam propositum sit eorumque unus naturali officio
id ipsum agat atque perficiat, alter uero naturale illud officium minime
administrare queat, alio uero modo quam naturae conuenit non quidem impleat
propositum suum sed imitetur implentem, quemnam horum ualentiorem esse
decernis?" "Etsi coniecto," inquam, "quid uelis, planius tamen audire
desidero." "Ambulandi," inquit, "motum secundum naturam esse hominibus num
negabis?" "Minime," inquam. "Eiusque rei pedum officium esse naturale num
dubitas?" "Ne hoc quidem," inquam. "Si quis igitur pedibus incedere ualens
ambulet aliusque cui hoc naturale pedum desit officium, manibus nitens
ambulare conetur, quis horum iure ualentior existimari potest?" "Contexe,"
inquam, "cetera; nam quin naturalis officii potens eo qui idem nequeat
ualentior sit, nullus ambigat." "Sed summum bonum, quod aeque malis
bonisque propositum, boni quidem naturali officio uirtutum petunt, mali
uero uariam per cupiditatem, quod adipiscendi boni naturale officium non
est, idem ipsum conantur adipisci. An tu aliter existimas?"  "Minime,"
inquam, "nam etiam quod est consequens patet. Ex his enim quae concesserim,
bonos quidem potentes, malos uero esse necesse est imbecillos."

"Recte," inquit, "praecurris idque, uti medici sperare solent, indicium est
erectae iam resistentisque naturae. Sed quoniam te ad intellegendum
promptissimum esse conspicio, crebras coaceruabo rationes. Vide enim quanta
uitiosorum hominum pateat infirmitas qui ne ad hoc quidem peruenire queunt
ad quod eos naturalis ducit ac paene compellit intentio. Et quid si hoc tam
magno ac paene inuicto praeeuntis naturae desererentur auxilio? Considera
uero quanta sceleratos homines habeat impotentia. Neque enim leuia aut
ludicra praemia petunt, quae consequi atque obtinere non possunt, sed circa
ipsam rerum summam uerticemque deficiunt nec in eo miseris contingit
effectus quod solum dies noctesque moliuntur; in qua re bonorum uires
eminent. Sicut enim eum qui pedibus incedens ad eum locum usque peruenire
potuisset, quo nihil ulterius peruium iaceret incessui, ambulandi
potentissimum esse censeres, ita eum qui expetendorum finem quo nihil ultra
est apprehendit, potentissimum necesse est iudices. Ex quo fit quod huic
obiacet, ut idem scelesti, idem uiribus omnibus uideantur esse deserti. Cur
enim relicta uirtute uitia sectantur? Inscitiane bonorum? Sed quid
eneruatius ignorantiae caecitate? An sectanda nouerunt? Sed transuersos eos
libido praecipitat. Sic quoque intemperantia fragiles qui obluctari uitio
nequeunt. An scientes uolentesque bonum deserunt, ad uitia deflectunt? Sed
hoc modo non solum potentes esse sed omnino esse desinunt. Nam qui communem
omnium quae sunt finem relinquunt, pariter quoque esse desistunt. Quod
quidem cuipiam mirum forte uideatur, ut malos, qui plures hominum sunt,
eosdem non esse dicamus; sed ita sese res habet. Nam qui mali sunt eos
malos esse non abnuo; sed eosdem esse pure atque simpliciter nego.

Nam uti cadauer hominem mortuum dixeris, simpliciter uero hominem appellare
non possis, ita uitiosos malos quidem esse concesserim, sed esse absolute
nequeam confiteri. Est enim quod ordinem retinet seruatque naturam; quod
uero ab hac deficit, esse etiam quod in sua natura situm est derelinquit.
'Sed possunt,' inquies, 'mali.' Ne ego quidem negauerim, sed haec eorum
potentia non a uiribus sed ab imbecillitate descendit. Possunt enim mala
quae minime ualerent, si in bonorum efficientia manere potuissent. Quae
possibilitas eos euidentius nihil posse demonstrat. Nam si, uti paulo ante
collegimus, malum nihil est, cum mala tantummodo possint, nihil posse
improbos liquet." "Perspicuum est." "Atque ut intellegas quaenam sit huius
potentiae uis, summo bono nihil potentius esse paulo ante definiuimus."
"Ita est," inquam. "Sed idem," inquit, "facere malum nequit." "Minime."
"Est igitur," inquit, "aliquis qui omnia posse homines putet?" "Nisi quis
insaniat, nemo." "Atqui idem possunt mala." "Vtinam quidem," inquam, "non
possent." "Cum igitur bonorum tantummodo potens possit omnia, non uero
queant omnia potentes etiam malorum, eosdem qui mala possunt minus posse
manifestum est. Huc accedit quod omnem potentiam inter expetenda numerandam
omniaque expetenda referri ad bonum uelut ad quoddam naturae suae cacumen
ostendimus. Sed patrandi sceleris possibilitas referri ad bonum non potest;
expetenda igitur non est. Atqui omnis potentia expetenda est; liquet igitur
malorum possibilitatem non esse potentiam. Ex quibus omnibus bonorum quidem
potentia, malorum uero minime dubitabilis apparet infirmitas ueramque illam
Platonis esse sententiam liquet solos quod desiderent facere posse
sapientes, improbos uero exercere quidem quod libeat, quod uero desiderent
explere non posse. Faciunt enim quaelibet, dum per ea quibus delectantur id
bonum quod desiderant se adepturos putant; sed minime adipiscuntur, quoniam
ad beatitudinem probra non ueniunt.




  II.[144]

  "Oh!" quoth I. "How great things dost thou promise! And I doubt not but
  thou canst perform them, wherefore stay me not now that thou hast
  stirred up my desires." "First then," quoth she, "that good men are
  always powerful, and evil men of no strength, thou mayest easily know,
  the one is proved by the other. For since that good and evil are
  contraries, if it be convinced that goodness is potent, the weakness of
  evil will be also manifest; and contrariwise if we discern the frailty
  of evil, we must needs acknowledge the firmness of goodness. But that
  our opinions may be more certainly embraced, I will take both ways,
  confirming my propositions, sometime from one part, sometime from
  another.

  There be two things by which all human actions are effected, will and
  power, of which if either be wanting, there can nothing be performed.
  For if there want will, no man taketh anything in hand against his will,
  and if there be not power, the will is in vain. So that, if thou seest
  any willing to obtain that which he doth not obtain, thou canst not
  doubt but that he wanted power to obtain what he would." "It is
  manifest," quoth I, "and can by no means be denied." "And wilt thou
  doubt that he could, whom thou seest bring to pass what he desired?"
  "No." "But every man is mighty in that which he can do, and weak in that
  which he cannot do." "I confess it," quoth I. "Dost thou remember then,"
  quoth she, "that it was inferred by our former discourses that all the
  intentions of man's will doth hasten to happiness, though their courses
  be divers?" "I remember," quoth I, "that that also was proved." "Dost
  thou also call to mind that blessedness is goodness itself, and
  consequently when blessedness is sought after, goodness must of course
  be desired?" "I call it not to mind, for I have it already fixed in my
  memory." "Wherefore all men both good and bad without difference of
  intentions endeavour to obtain goodness." "It followeth," quoth I. "But
  it is certain that men are made good by the obtaining of goodness." "It
  is so." "Wherefore good men obtain what they desire." "So it seemeth."
  "And if evil men did obtain the goodness they desire, they could not be
  evil." "It is true." "Wherefore since they both desire goodness, but the
  one obtaineth it and the other not, there is no doubt but that good men
  are powerful, and the evil weak." "Whosoever doubteth of this," quoth I,
  "he neither considereth the nature of things, nor the consequence of thy
  reasons." "Again," quoth she, "if there be two to whom the same thing is
  proposed according to nature, and the one of them bringeth it perfectly
  to pass with his natural function, but the other cannot exercise that
  natural function but after another manner than is agreeable to nature,
  and doth not perform that which he had proposed, but imitateth the other
  who performeth it: which of these two wilt thou judge to be more
  powerful?" "Though I conjecture," quoth I, "at thy meaning, yet I desire
  to hear it more plainly." "Wilt thou deny," quoth she, "that the motion
  of walking is agreeable to the nature of men?" "No," quoth I. "And
  makest thou any doubt that the function of it doth naturally belong to
  the feet?" "There is no doubt of this neither," quoth I. "Wherefore if
  one that can go upon his feet doth walk, and another who hath not this
  natural function of his feet endeavoureth to walk by creeping upon his
  hands, which of these two is deservedly to be esteemed the stronger?"
  "Infer the rest," quoth I, "for no man doubteth but that he which can
  use that natural function is stronger than he which cannot." "But,"
  quoth she, "the good seek to obtain the chiefest good, which is equally
  proposed to bad and good, by the natural function of virtues, but the
  evil endeavour to obtain the same by divers concupiscences, which are
  not the natural function of obtaining goodness. Thinkest thou
  otherwise?" "No," quoth I, "for it is manifest what followeth. For by
  the force of that which I have already granted, it is necessary that
  good men are powerful and evil men weak."

  "Thou runnest before rightly," quoth she, "and it is (as physicians are
  wont to hope) a token of an erected and resisting nature. Wherefore,
  since I see thee most apt and willing to comprehend, I will therefore
  heap up many reasons together. For consider the great weakness of
  vicious men, who cannot come so far as their natural intention leadeth
  and almost compelleth them. And what if they were destitute of this so
  great and almost invincible help of the direction of nature? Ponder
  likewise the immense impotency of wicked men. For they are no light or
  trifling rewards[145] which they desire, and cannot obtain: but they
  fail in the very sum and top of things: neither can the poor wretches
  compass that which they only labour for nights and days: in which thing
  the forces of the good eminently appear. For as thou wouldst judge him
  to be most able to walk who going on foot could come as far as there
  were any place to go in: so must thou of force judge him most powerful
  who obtaineth the end of all that can be desired, beyond which there is
  nothing. Hence that which is opposite also followeth, that the same men
  are wicked and destitute of all forces. For why do they follow vices,
  forsaking virtues? By ignorance of that which is good? But what is more
  devoid of strength than blind ignorance? Or do they know what they
  should embrace, but passion driveth them headlong the contrary way? So
  also intemperance makes them frail, since they cannot strive against
  vice. Or do they wittingly and willingly forsake goodness, and decline
  to vices? But in this sort they leave not only to be powerful, but even
  to be at all. For they which leave the common end of all things which
  are, leave also being. Which may perhaps seem strange to some, that we
  should say that evil men are not at all, who are the greatest part of
  men: but yet it is so. For I deny not that evil men are evil, but withal
  I say that purely and simply they are not.

  For as thou mayest call a carcase a dead man, but not simply a man, so I
  confess that the vicious are evil, but I cannot grant that they are
  absolutely. For that is which retaineth order, and keepeth nature, but
  that which faileth from this leaveth also to be that which is in his own
  nature. But thou wilt say that evil men can do many things, neither will
  I deny it, but this their power proceedeth not from forces but from
  weakness. For they can do evil, which they could not do if they could
  have remained in the performance of that which is good. Which
  possibility declareth more evidently that they can do nothing. For if,
  as we concluded a little before, evil is nothing, since they can only do
  evil, it is manifest that the wicked can do nothing." "It is most
  manifest." "And that thou mayest understand what the force of this power
  is; we determined a little before that there is nothing more powerful
  than the Sovereign Goodness." "It is true," quoth I. "But He cannot do
  evil." "No." "Is there any then," quoth she, "that think that men can do
  all things?" "No man, except he be mad, thinketh so." "But yet men can
  do evil." "I would to God they could not," quoth I. "Since therefore he
  that can only do good, can do all things, and they who can do evil,
  cannot do all things, it is manifest that they which can do evil are
  less potent. Moreover, we have proved that all power is to be accounted
  among those things which are to be wished for, and that all such things
  have reference to goodness, as to the very height of their nature. But
  the possibility of committing wickedness cannot have reference to
  goodness. Wherefore it is not to be wished for. Yet all power is to be
  wished for; and consequently it is manifest, possibility of evil is no
  power. By all which the power of the good and the undoubted infirmity of
  evil appeareth. And it is manifest that the sentence of Plato is true:
  that only wise men can do that which they desire, and that the wicked
  men practise indeed what they list, but cannot perform what they would.
  For they do what they list, thinking to obtain the good which they
  desire by those things which cause them delight; but they obtain it not,
  because shameful action cannot arrive to happiness.[146]


  [144] The whole of this and of the following chapter is a paraphrase of
  Plato's _Gorgias_.

  [145] Cf. Virgil, _Aen._ xii. 764.

  [146] Cf. Plato, _Gorgias_, 468, 469; _Alcibiades I._ 134 c.




II.

Quos uides sedere celsos solii culmine reges
Purpura claros nitente saeptos tristibus armis
Ore toruo comminantes rabie cordis anhelos,
Detrahat si quis superbis uani tegmina cultus,
Iam uidebit intus artas dominos ferre catenas.                            5
Hinc enim libido uersat auidis corda uenenis,
Hinc flagellat ira mentem fluctus turbida tollens
Maeror aut captos fatigat aut spes lubrica torquet
Ergo cum caput tot unum cernas ferre tyrannos,
Non facit quod optat ipse dominis pressus iniquis.                       10




  II.

  The kings whom we behold
  In highest glory placed,
  And with rich purple graced,
  Compassed with soldiers bold;
  Whose countenance shows fierce threats,
  Who with rash fury chide,
  If any strip the pride
  From their vainglorious feats;
  He'll see them close oppressed
  Within by galling chains
  For filthy lust there reigns
  And poisoneth their breast,
  Wrath often them perplexeth
  Raising their minds like waves,
  Sorrow their power enslaves
  And sliding hope them vexeth.
  So many tyrants still
  Dwelling in one poor heart,
  Except they first depart
  She cannot have her will.




III.

Videsne igitur quanto in caeno probra uoluantur, qua probitas luce
resplendeat? In quo perspicuum est numquam bonis praemia numquam sua
sceleribus deesse supplicia. Rerum etenim quae geruntur illud propter quod
unaquaeque res geritur, eiusdem rei praemium esse non iniuria uideri
potest, uti currendi in stadio propter quam curritur iacet praemium corona.
Sed beatitudinem esse idem ipsum bonum propter quod omnia geruntur
ostendimus. Est igitur humanis actibus ipsum bonum ueluti praemium commune
propositum. Atqui hoc a bonis non potest separari neque enim bonus ultra
iure uocabitur qui careat bono; quare probos mores sua praemia non
relinquunt. Quantumlibet igitur saeuiant mali, sapienti tamen corona non
decidet, non arescet. Neque enim probis animis proprium decus aliena
decerpit improbitas. Quod si extrinsecus accepto laetaretur, poterat hoc
uel alius quispiam uel ipse etiam qui contulisset auferre; sed quoniam id
sua cuique probitas confert, tum suo praemio carebit, cum probus esse
desierit. Postremo cum omne praemium idcirco appetatur quoniam bonum esse
creditur, quis boni compotem praemii iudicet expertem? At cuius praemii?
Omnium pulcherrimi maximique. Memento etenim corollarii illius quod paulo
ante praecipuum dedi ac sic collige: cum ipsum bonum beatitudo sit, bonos
omnes eo ipso quod boni sint fieri beatos liquet. Sed qui beati sint deos
esse conuenit. Est igitur praemium bonorum quod nullus. deterat dies,
nullius minuat potestas, nullius fuscet improbitas, deos fieri. Quae cum
ita sint, de malorum quoque inseparabili poena dubitare sapiens nequeat.
Nam cum bonum malumque item poenae atque praemium aduersa fronte
dissideant, quae in boni praemio uidemus accedere eadem necesse est in mali
poena contraria parte respondeant. Sicut igitur probis probitas ipsa fit
praemium, ita improbis nequitia ipsa supplicium est. Iam uero quisquis
afficitur poena, malo se affectum esse non dubitat. Si igitur sese ipsi
aestimare uelint, possuntne sibi supplicii expertes uideri quos omnium
malorum extrema nequitia non affecit modo uerum etiam uehementer infecit?
Vide autem ex aduersa parte bonorum, quae improbos poena comitetur. Omne
namque quod sit unum esse ipsumque unum bonum esse paulo ante didicisti,
cui consequens est ut omne quod sit id etiam bonum esse uideatur. Hoc
igitur modo quidquid a bono deficit esse desistit; quo fit ut mali desinant
esse quod fuerant, sed fuisse homines adhuc ipsa humani corporis reliqua
species ostentat. Quare uersi in malitiam humanam quoque amisere naturam.
Sed cum ultra homines quemque prouehere sola probitas possit, necesse est
ut quos ab humana condicione deiecit, infra hominis meritum detrudat
improbitas. Euenit igitur, ut quem transformatum uitiis uideas hominem
aestimare non possis. Auaritia feruet alienarum opum uiolentus ereptor?
Lupi similem dixeris. Ferox atque inquies linguam litigiis exercet? Cani
comparabis. Insidiator occultus subripuisse fraudibus gaudet? Vulpeculis
exaequetur. Irae intemperans fremit? Leonis animum gestare credatur.
Pauidus ac fugax non metuenda formidat? Ceruis similis habeatur. Segnis ac
stupidus torpit? Asinum uiuit. Leuis atque inconstans studia permutat?
Nihil auibus differt. Foedis inmundisque libidinibus immergitur? Sordidae
suis uoluptate detinetur. Ita fit ut qui probitate deserta homo esse
desierit, cum in diuinam condicionem transire non possit, uertatur in
beluam.




  III.

  Seest thou then in what mire wickedness wallows, and how clearly honesty
  shineth? By which it is manifest that the good are never without
  rewards, nor the evil without punishments. For in all things that are
  done that for which anything is done may deservedly seem the reward of
  that action, as to him that runneth a race, the crown for which he
  runneth is proposed as a reward. But we have showed that blessedness is
  the selfsame goodness for which all things are done. Wherefore this
  goodness is proposed as a common reward for all human actions, and this
  cannot be separated from those who are good. For he shall not rightly be
  any longer called good, who wanteth goodness; wherefore virtuous manners
  are not left without their due rewards. And how much so ever the evil do
  rage, yet the wise man's crown will not fade nor wither.  For others'
  wickedness depriveth not virtuous minds of their proper glory. But if he
  should rejoice at anything which he hath from others, either he who gave
  it, or any other might take it away. But because every man's virtue is
  the cause of it, then only he shall want his reward when he leaveth to
  be virtuous. Lastly, since every reward is therefore desired because it
  is thought to be good, who can judge him to be devoid of reward, which
  hath goodness for his possession?  But what reward hath he? The most
  beautiful and the greatest that can be. For remember that
  _corollarium_ [147] which I presented thee with a little before, as
  with a rare and precious jewel, and infer thus: Since that goodness
  itself is happiness, it is manifest that all good men even by being good
  are made happy.  But we agreed that happy men are gods. Wherefore the
  reward of good men, which no time can waste, no man's power diminish, no
  man's wickedness obscure, is to become gods. Which things being so, no
  wise man can any way doubt of the inseparable punishment of the evil.
  For since goodness and evil, punishment and reward, are opposite the one
  to the other, those things which we see fall out in the reward of
  goodness must needs be answerable in a contrary manner in the punishment
  of evil. Wherefore as to honest men honesty itself is a reward, so to
  the wicked their very wickedness is a punishment. And he that is
  punished doubteth not but that he is afflicted with the evil. Wherefore
  if they would truly consider their own estate, can they think themselves
  free from punishment, whom wickedness, the worst of all evils, doth not
  only touch but strongly infect? But weigh the punishment which
  accompanieth the wicked, by comparing it to the reward of the virtuous.
  For thou learnedst not long before that whatsoever is at all is one, and
  that unity is goodness, by which it followeth that whatsoever is must
  also be good. And in this manner, whatsoever falleth from goodness
  ceaseth to be, by which it followeth that evil men leave to be that
  which they were, but the shape of men, which they still retain, showeth
  them to have been men: wherefore by embracing wickedness they have lost
  the nature of men. But since virtue alone can exalt us above men,
  wickedness must needs cast those under the desert of men, which it hath
  bereaved of that condition. Wherefore thou canst not account him a man
  whom thou seest transformed by vices. Is the violent extorter of other
  men's goods carried away with his covetous desire? Thou mayest liken him
  to a wolf. Is the angry and unquiet man always contending and brawling?
  Thou mayest compare him to a dog. Doth the treacherous fellow rejoice
  that he hath deceived others with his hidden frauds? Let him be
  accounted no better than a fox. Doth the outrageous fret and fume? Let
  him be thought to have a lion's mind. Is the fearful and timorous afraid
  without cause? Let him be esteemed like to hares and deer. Is the slow
  and stupid always idle? He liveth an ass's life. Doth the light and
  unconstant change his courses? He is nothing different from the birds.
  Is he drowned in filthy and unclean lusts? He is entangled in the
  pleasure of a stinking sow. So that he who, leaving virtue, ceaseth to
  be a man, since he cannot be partaker of the divine condition, is turned
  into a beast.


  [147] _Vide supra, p. 270._




III.

Vela Neritii ducis
Et uagas pelago rates
Eurus appulit insulae,
Pulchra qua residens dea
Solis edita semine                                                        5
Miscet hospitibus nouis
Tacta carmine pocula.
Quos ut in uarios modos
Vertit herbipotens manus,
Hunc apri facies tegit,                                                  10
Ille Marmaricus leo
Dente crescit et unguibus.
Hic lupis nuper additus,
Flere dum parat, ululat.
Ille tigris ut Indica                                                    15
Tecta mitis obambulat.
Sed licet uariis malis
Numen Arcadis alitis
Obsitum miserans ducem
Peste soluerit hospitis,                                                 20
Iam tamen mala remiges
Ore pocula traxerant,
Iam sues Cerealia
Glande pabula uerterant
Et nihil manet integrum                                                  25
Voce corpore perditis.
Sola mens stabilis super
Monstra quae patitur gemit.
O leuem nimium manum
Nec potentia gramina,                                                    30
Membra quae ualeant licet,
Corda uertere non ualent!
Intus est hominum uigor
Arce conditus abdita.
Haec uenena potentius                                                    35
Detrahunt hominem sibi
Dira quae penitus meant
Nec nocentia corpori
Mentis uulnere saeuiunt."




  III.

  The sails which wise Ulysses bore,
  And ships which in the seas long time did stray
  The eastern wind drave to that shore
  Where the fair Goddess Lady Circe lay,
  Daughter by birth to Phoebus bright,
  Who with enchanted cups and charms did stay
  Her guests, deceived with their delight
  And into sundry figures them did change,
  Being most skilful in the might
  And secret force of herbs and simples strange;
  Some like to savage boars, and some
  Like lions fierce, which daily use to range
  Through Libya,[148] in tooth and claw become.
  Others are changed to the shape and guise
  Of ravenous wolves, and waxing dumb
  Use howling in the stead of manly cries.
  Others like to the tiger rove[149]
  Which in the scorched Indian desert lies.
  And though the winged son of Jove[150]
  From these bewitchéd cups' delightful taste
  To keep the famous captain strove,
  Yet them the greedy mariners embraced
  With much desire, till turned to swine
  Instead of bread they fed on oaken mast.
  Ruined in voice and form, no sign
  Remains to them of any human grace;
  Only their minds unchanged repine
  To see their bodies in such ugly case.
  O feeble hand and idle art
  Which, though it could the outward limbs deface,
  Yet had no force to change the heart.
  For all the force of men given by God's arm
  Lies hidden in their inmost part.
  The poisons therefore which within them swarm
  More deeply pierce, and with more might,
  For to the body though they do no harm,
  Yet on the soul they work their spite."


  [148] Literally "Marmaric," i.e. properly, the region between Egypt and
  the great Syrtis; generally, African, cf. Lucan iii. 293.

  [149] Literally, "rove tame round the house."

  [150] i.e. Mercury who was born in Arcadia; cf. Virg. _Aen._ viii.
  129-138.




IV.

Tum ego: "Fateor," inquam, "nec iniuria dici uideo uitiosos, tametsi humani
corporis speciem seruent, in beluas tamen animorum qualitate mutari; sed
quorum atrox scelerataque mens bonorum pernicie saeuit, id ipsum eis licere
noluissem." "Nec licet," inquit, "uti conuenienti monstrabitur loco. Sed
tamen si id ipsum quod eis licere creditur auferatur, magna ex parte
sceleratorum hominum poena releuetur. Etenim quod incredibile cuiquam forte
uideatur, infeliciores esse necesse est malos, cum cupita perfecerint, quam
si ea quae cupiunt implere non possint. Nam si miserum est uoluisse praua,
potuisse miserius est, sine quo uoluntatis miserae langueret effectus.
Itaque cum sua singulis miseria sit, triplici infortunio necesse est
urgeantur quos uideas scelus uelle, posse, perficere." "Accedo," inquam,
"sed uti hoc infortunio cito careant patrandi sceleris possibilitate
deserti uehementer exopto." "Carebunt," inquit, "ocius quam uel tu forsitan
uelis uel illi sese aestiment esse carituros. Neque enim est aliquid in tam
breuibus uitae metis ita serum quod exspectare longum immortalis praesertim
animus putet: quorum magna spes et excelsa facinorum machina repentino
atque insperato saepe fine destruitur, quod quidem illis miseriae modum
statuit.

Nam si nequitia miseros facit, miserior sit necesse est diuturnior nequam;
quos infelicissimos esse iudicarem, si non eorum malitiam saltem mors
extrema finiret. Etenim si de prauitatis infortunio uera conclusimus,
infinitam liquet esse miseriam quam esse constat aeternam." Tum ego: "Mira
quidem," inquam, "et concessu difficilis inlatio, sed his eam quae prius
concessa sunt nimium conuenire cognosco." "Recte," inquit, "aestimas. Sed
qui conclusioni accedere durum putat, aequum est uel falsum aliquid
praecessisse demonstret uel collocationem propositionum non esse efficacem
necessariae conclusionis ostendat; alioquin concessis praecedentibus nihil
prorsus est quod de inlatione causetur. Nam hoc quoque quod dicam non minus
mirum uideatur, sed ex his quae sumpta sunt aeque est necessarium."
"Quidnam?" inquam. "Feliciores," inquit, "esse improbos supplicia luentes
quam si eos nulla iustitiae poena coerceat. Neque id nunc molior quod
cuiuis ueniat in mentem, corrigi ultione prauos mores et ad rectum
supplicii terrore deduci, ceteris quoque exemplum esse culpanda fugiendi,
sed alio quodam modo infeliciores esse improbos arbitror impunitos, tametsi
nulla ratio correctionis, nullus respectus habeatur exempli." "Et quis
erit," inquam, "praeter hos alius modus?" Et illa: "Bonos," inquit, "esse
felices, malos uero miseros nonne concessimus?" "Ita est," inquam. "Si
igitur," inquit, "miseriae cuiuspiam bonum aliquid addatur, nonne felicior
est eo cuius pura ac solitaria sine cuiusquam boni admixtione miseria est?"
"Sic," inquam, "uidetur." "Quid si eidem misero qui cunctis careat bonis,
praeter ea quibus miser est malum aliud fuerit adnexum, nonne multo
infelicior eo censendus est cuius infortunium boni participatione
releuatur?" "Quidni?" inquam. "Sed puniri improbos iustum, impunitos uero
elabi iniquum esse manifestum est." "Quis id neget?" "Sed ne illud quidem,"
ait, "quisquam negabit bonum esse omne quod iustum est contraque quod
iniustum est malum." Liquere, respondi.[151] "Habent igitur improbi, cum
puniuntur, quidem boni aliquid adnexum poenam ipsam scilicet quae ratione
iustitiae bona est, idemque cum supplicio carent, inest eis aliquid
ulterius mali ipsa impunitas quam iniquitatis merito malum esse confessus
es." "Negare non possum." "Multo igitur infeliciores improbi sunt iniusta
impunitate donati quam iusta ultione puniti." Tum ego: "Ista quidem
consequentia sunt eis quae paulo ante conclusa sunt.

Sed quaeso," inquam, "te, nullane animarum supplicia post defunctum morte
corpus relinquis?" "Et magna quidem," inquit, "quorum alia poenali
acerbitate, alia uero purgatoria clementia exerceri puto. Sed nunc de his
disserere consilium non est. Id uero hactenus egimus, ut quae indignissima
tibi uidebatur malorum potestas eam nullam esse cognosceres quosque
impunitos querebare, uideres numquam improbitatis suae carere suppliciis,
licentiam quam cito finiri precabaris nec longam esse disceres
infelicioremque fore, si diuturnior, infelicissimam uero, si esset aeterna;
post haec miseriores esse improbos iniusta impunitate dimissos quam iusta
ultione punitos. Cui sententiae consequens est ut tum demum grauioribus
suppliciis urgeantur, cum impuniti esse creduntur."

Tum ego: "Cum tuas," inquam, "rationes considero, nihil dici uerius puto.
At si ad hominum iudicia reuertar, quis ille est cui haec non credenda modo
sed saltem audienda uideantur?" "Ita est," inquit illa. "Nequeunt enim
oculos tenebris assuetos ad lucem perspicuae ueritatis attollere,
similesque auibus sunt quarum intuitum nox inluminat dies caecat. Dum enim
non rerum ordinem, sed suos intuentur affectus, uel licentiam uel
impunitatem scelerum putant esse felicem. Vide autem quid aeterna lex
sanciat. Melioribus animum conformaueris, nihil opus est iudice praemium
deferente tu te ipse excellentioribus addidisti. Studium ad peiora
deflexeris, extra ne quaesieris ultorem. Tu te ipse in deteriora trusisti,
ueluti si uicibus sordidam humum caelumque respicias, cunctis extra
cessantibus ipsa cernendi ratione nunc caeno nunc sideribus interesse
uidearis. At uulgus ista non respicit. Quid igitur? Hisne accedamus quos
beluis similes esse monstrauimus? Quid si quis amisso penitus uisu ipsum
etiam se habuisse obliuisceretur intuitum nihilque sibi ad humanam
perfectionem deesse arbitraretur, num uidentes eadem caecos putaremus? Nam
ne illud quidem adquiescent quod aeque ualidis rationum nititur
firmamentis: infeliciores eos esse qui faciant quam qui patiantur
iniuriam." "Vellem," inquam, "has ipsas audire rationes." "Omnem," inquit,
"improbum num supplicio dignum negas?" "Minime." "Infelices uero esse qui
sint improbi multipliciter liquet." "Ita," inquam. "Qui igitur supplicio
digni sunt miseros esse non dubitas?" "Conuenit," inquam. "Si igitur
cognitor," ait, "resideres, cui supplicium inferendum putares, eine qui
fecisset an qui pertulisset iniuriam?" "Nec ambigo," inquam, "quin perpesso
satisfacerem dolore facientis." "Miserior igitur tibi iniuriae inlator quam
acceptor esse uideretur." "Consequitur," inquam. "Hinc igitur aliis de
causis ea radice nitentibus, quod turpitudo suapte natura miseros faciat,
apparet inlatam cuilibet iniuriam non accipientis sed inferentis esse
miseriam." "Atqui nunc," ait, "contra faciunt oratores. Pro his enim qui
graue quid acerbumque perpessi sunt miserationem iudicum excitare conantur,
cum magis admittentibus iustior miseratio debeatur; quos non ab iratis sed
a propitiis potius miserantibusque accusatoribus ad iudicium ueluti aegros
ad medicum duci oportebat, ut culpae morbos supplicio resecarent. Quo pacto
defensorum opera uel tota frigeret, uel si prodesse hominibus mallet, in
accusationis habitum uerteretur, Ipsi quoque improbi, si eis aliqua rimula
uirtutem relictam fas esset aspicere uitiorumque sordes poenarum
cruciatibus se deposituros uiderent compensatione adipiscendae probitatis,
nec hos cruciatus esse ducerent defensorumque operam repudiarent ac se
totos accusatoribus iudicibusque permitterent. Quo fit ut apud sapientes
nullus prorsus odio locus relinquatur. Nam bonos quis nisi stultissimus
oderit? Malos uero odisse ratione caret. Nam si, uti corporum languor, ita
uitiositas quidam est quasi morbus animorum, cum aegros corpore minime
dignos odio sed potius miseratione iudicemus, multo magis non insequendi
sed miserandi sunt quorum mentes omni languore atrocior urget improbitas.


[151] Sed puniri ... respondi _quae infra_ (_in pag. 328 l. 73_) _post_
ultioni puniti _in codicibus habentur huc transponenda esse censuit P.
Langenus, demonstrauit A. Engelbrecht._




  IV.

  Then said I, "I confess and perceive that thou affirmest not without
  cause that the vicious, though they keep the outward shape of men, are
  in their inward state of mind changed into brute beasts. But I would
  have had them whose cruel and wicked heart rageth to the harm of the
  good, restrained from executing their malice." "They are restrained,"
  quoth she, "as shall be proved in convenient place. But yet if this
  liberty which they seem to have be taken away, their punishment also is
  in great part released. For (which perhaps to some may seem incredible)
  evil men must necessarily be more unhappy when they have brought to pass
  their purposes than if they could not obtain what they desire. For if it
  be a miserable thing to desire that which is evil, it is more miserable
  to be able to perform it, without which the miserable will could not
  have any effect. Wherefore since everyone of these hath their peculiar
  misery, they must of force be oppressed with a threefold wretchedness,
  whom thou seest desire, be able, and perform wickedness." "I grant it,"
  quoth I, "but earnestly wish that they may soon be delivered from this
  misery, having lost the power to perform their malice." "They will lose
  it," quoth she, "sooner than perhaps either thou wouldst, or they
  themselves suppose. For in the short compass of this life there is
  nothing so late that any one, least of all an immortal soul, should
  think it long in coming; so that the great hope and highest attempts of
  the wicked are many times made frustrate with a sudden and unexpected
  end, which in truth setteth some end to their misery.

  For if wickedness make men miserable, the longer one is wicked, the more
  miserable he must needs be; and I should judge them the most unhappy men
  that may be, if death at least did not end their malice. For if we have
  concluded truly of the misery of wickedness, it is manifest that the
  wretchedness which is everlasting must of force be infinite." "A strange
  illation," quoth I, "and hard to be granted; but I see that those things
  which were granted before agree very well with these." "Thou thinkest
  aright," quoth she, "but he that findeth difficulty to yield to the
  conclusion must either show that something which is presupposed is
  false, or that the combination of the propositions makes not a necessary
  conclusion; otherwise, granting that which went before, he hath no
  reason to doubt of the inference. For this also which I will conclude
  now will seem no less strange, and yet followeth as necessarily out of
  those things which are already assumed." "What?" quoth I. "That wicked
  men," quoth she, "are more happy being punished than if they escaped the
  hands of justice. Neither do I now go about to show that which may come
  into every man's mind, that evil customs are corrected by chastisement,
  and are reduced to virtue by the terror of punishment, and that others
  may take example to avoid evil, but in another manner also I think
  vicious men that go unpunished to be more miserable, although we take no
  account of correction and pay no regard to example." "And what other
  manner shall this be," quoth I, "besides these?" "Have we not granted,"
  quoth she, "that the good are happy, and the evil miserable?" "We have,"
  quoth I. "If then," quoth she, "something that is good be added to one's
  misery, is he not happier than another whose misery is desolate and
  solitary, without any participation of goodness?" "So it seemeth," quoth
  I. "What if there be some other evil annexed to this miserable man who
  is deprived of all goodness, besides those which make him miserable, is
  he not to be accounted much more unhappy than he whose misery is
  lightened by partaking of goodness?" "Why not?" quoth I. "But it is
  manifest that it is just that the wicked be punished, and unjust that
  they should go unpunished." "Who can deny that?" "But neither will any
  man deny this," quoth she, "that whatsoever is just, is good, and
  contrariwise, that whatsoever is unjust, is evil." "Certainly," I
  answered. "Then the wicked have some good annexed when they are
  punished, to wit, the punishment itself, which by reason of justice is
  good, and when they are not punished, they have a further evil, the very
  impunity which thou hast deservedly granted to be an evil because of its
  injustice." "I cannot deny it." "Wherefore the vicious are far more
  unhappy by escaping punishment unjustly, than by being justly punished."
  "This followeth," quoth I, "out of that which hath been concluded
  before.

  But I pray thee, leavest thou no punishments for the souls after the
  death of the body?" "And those great too," quoth she. "Some of which I
  think to be executed as sharp punishments, and others as merciful
  purgations.[152] But I purpose not now to treat of those. But we have
  hitherto laboured that thou shouldest perceive the power of the wicked,
  which to thee seemed intolerable, to be none at all, and that thou
  shouldest see, that those whom thou complainedst went unpunished, do
  never escape without punishment for their wickedness. And that thou
  shouldest learn that the licence which thou wishedst might soon end, is
  not long, and yet the longer the more miserable, and most unhappy if it
  were everlasting. Besides, that the wicked are more wretched being
  permitted to escape with unjust impunity, than being punished with just
  severity. Out of which it followeth that they are then more grievously
  punished, when they are thought to go scot-free."

  "When I consider thy reasons," quoth I, "I think nothing can be said
  more truly. But if I return to the judgments of men, who is there that
  will think them worthy to be believed or so much as heard?" "It is
  true," quoth she, "for they cannot lift up their eyes accustomed to
  darkness, to behold the light of manifest truth, and they are like those
  birds whose sight is quickened by the night, and dimmed by the day. For
  while they look upon, not the order of things, but their own affections,
  they think that licence and impunity to sin is happy. But see what the
  eternal law establisheth. If thou apply thy mind to the better, thou
  needest no judge to reward thee: thou hast joined thyself to the more
  excellent things. If thou declinest to that which is worse, never expect
  any other to punish thee: thou hast put thyself in a miserable estate;
  as if by turns thou lookest down to the miry ground, and up to heaven,
  setting aside all outward causes, by the very law of sight thou seemest
  sometime to be in the dirt, and sometime present to the stars. But the
  common sort considereth not these things. What then? Shall we join
  ourselves to them whom we have proved to be like beasts? What if one
  having altogether lost his sight should likewise forget that he ever had
  any, and should think that he wanted nothing which belongeth to human
  perfection: should we likewise think them blind, that see as well as
  they saw before? For they will not grant that neither, which may be
  proved by as forcible reasons, that they are more unhappy that do injury
  than they which suffer it." "I would," quoth I, "hear these reasons."
  "Deniest thou," quoth she, "that every wicked man deserveth punishment?"
  "No." "And it is many ways clear that the vicious are miserable?" "Yes,"
  quoth I. "Then you do not doubt that those who deserve punishment are
  wretched?" "It is true," quoth I. "If then," quoth she, "thou wert to
  examine this cause, whom wouldest thou appoint to be punished, him that
  did or that suffered wrong?" "I doubt not," quoth I, "but that I would
  satisfy him that suffered with the sorrow of him that did it." "The
  offerer of the injury then would seem to thee more miserable than the
  receiver?" "It followeth," quoth I. "Hence therefore, and for other
  causes grounded upon that principle that dishonesty of itself maketh men
  miserable, it appeareth that the injury which is offered any man is not
  the receiver's but the doer's misery." "But now-a-days," quoth she,
  "orators take the contrary course. For they endeavour to draw the judges
  to commiseration of them who have suffered any grievous afflictions;
  whereas pity is more justly due to the causers thereof, who should be
  brought, not by angry, but rather by favourable and compassionate
  accusers to judgment, as it were sick men to a physician, that their
  diseases and faults might be taken away by punishments; by which means
  the defenders' labour would either wholly cease, or if they had rather
  do their clients some good, they would change their defence into
  accusations. And the wicked themselves, if they could behold virtue
  abandoned by them, through some little rift, and perceive that they
  might be delivered from the filth of sin by the affliction of
  punishments, obtaining virtue in exchange, they would not esteem of
  torments, and would refuse the assistance of their defenders, and wholly
  resign themselves to their accusers and judges. By which means it cometh
  to pass, that in wise men there is no place for hatred. For who but a
  very fool would hate the good? And to hate the wicked were against
  reason. For as faintness is a disease of the body, so is vice a sickness
  of the mind. Wherefore, since we judge those that have corporal
  infirmities to be rather worthy of compassion than of hatred, much more
  are they to be pitied, and not abhorred, whose minds are oppressed with
  wickedness, the greatest malady that may be.


  [152] See discussion of this passage in _Boethius, An Essay,_ H. F.
  Stewart (1891), pp. 98 ff.




IV.

Quod tantos iuuat excitare motus
  Et propria fatum sollicitare manu?
Si mortem petitis, propinquat ipsa
  Sponte sua uolucres nec remoratur equos.
Quos serpens leo tigris ursus aper                                        5
  Dente petunt, idem se tamen ense petunt.
An distant quia dissidentque mores,
  Iniustas acies et fera bella mouent
Alternisque uolunt perire telis?
  Non est iusta satis saeuitiae ratio.                                   10
Vis aptam meritis uicem referre?
  Dilige iure bonos et miseresce malis."




  IV.

  Why should we strive to die so many ways,
    And slay ourselves with our own hands?
    If we seek death, she ready stands,
  She willing comes, her chariot never stays.
  Those against whom the wild beasts arméd be,
    Against themselves with weapons rage.[153]
    Do they such wars unjustly wage,
  Because their lives and manners disagree,
  And so themselves with mutual weapons kill?
    Alas, but this revenge is small.
    Wouldst thou give due desert to all?
  Love then the good, and pity thou the ill."


  [153] Literally, "Men whom serpent, lion, tiger, bear, and boar attack
  with tooth, yet attack each other with the sword."




V.

Hic ego: "Video," inquam, "quae sit uel felicitas uel miseria in ipsis
proborum atque improborum meritis constituta. Sed in hac ipsa fortuna
populari non nihil boni maliue inesse perpendo. Neque enim sapientum
quisquam exul inops ignominiosusque esse malit, potius quam pollens opibus,
honore reuerendus, potentia ualidus, in sua permanens urbe florere. Sic
enim clarius testatiusque sapientiae tractatur officium, cum in
contingentes populos regentium quodam modo beatitudo transfunditur, cum
praesertim carcer, nex[154] ceteraque legalium tormenta poenarum
perniciosis potius ciuibus propter quos etiam constituta sunt debeantur.
Cur haec igitur uersa uice mutentur scelerumque supplicia bonos premant,
praemia uirtutum mali rapiant, uehementer admiror, quaeque tam iniustae
confusionis ratio uideatur ex te scire desidero. Minus etenim mirarer, si
misceri omnia fortuitis casibus crederem. Nunc stuporem meum deus rector
exaggerat. Qui cum saepe bonis iucunda, malis aspera contraque bonis dura
tribuat, malis optata concedat, nisi causa deprehenditur, quid est quod a
fortuitis casibus differre uideatur?" "Nec mirum," inquit, "si quid ordinis
ignorata ratione temerarium confusumque credatur. Sed tu quamuis causam
tantae dispositionis ignores, tamen quoniam bonus mundum rector temperat,
recte fieri cuncta ne dubites.


[154] lex _plerique codd._




V.

  "I see," quoth I, "what felicity or misery is placed in the deserts of
  honest and dishonest men. But I consider that there is somewhat good or
  evil even in this popular fortune. For no wise man had rather live in
  banishment, poverty, and ignominy, than prosper in his own country,
  being rich, respected, and powerful. For in this manner is the office of
  wisdom performed with more credit and renown, when the governors'
  happiness is participated by the people about them; so chiefly because
  prisons, death, and other torments of legal punishments are rather due
  to pernicious subjects, for whom they were also ordained. Wherefore I
  much marvel why these things are thus turned upside down, and the
  punishments of wickedness oppress the good, while evil men obtain the
  rewards of the good. And I desire to know of thee what may seem to be
  the reason of so unjust confusion. For I would marvel less if I thought
  that all things were disordered by casual events. Now God being the
  Governor, my astonishment is increased. For since that He distributeth
  oftentimes that which is pleasant to the good, and that which is
  distasteful to the bad, and contrariwise adversity to the good, and
  prosperity to the evil, unless we find out the cause hereof, what
  difference may there seem to be betwixt this and accidental chances?"
  "It is no marvel," quoth she, "if anything be thought temerarious and
  confused, when we know not the order it hath. But although thou beest
  ignorant of the causes why things be so disposed, yet because the world
  hath a governor, doubt not but all things are well done.




V.

Si quis Arcturi sidera nescit
  Propinqua summo cardine labi,
Cur legat tardus plaustra Bootes
  Mergatque seras aequore flammas,
Cum nimis celeres explicet ortus,                                         5
  Legem stupebit aetheris alti.
Palleant plenae cornua lunae
  Infecta metis noctis opacae
Quaeque fulgenti texerat ore
  Confusa Phoebe detegat astra,                                          10
Commouet gentes publicus error
  Lassantque crebris pulsibus aera.
Nemo miratur flamina Cori
  Litus frementi tundere fluctu
Nec niuis duram frigore molem                                            15
  Feruente Phoebi soluier aestu.
Hic enim causas cernere promptum est,
  Illic latentes pectora turbant.
Cuncta quae rara prouehit aetas
  Stupetque subitis mobile uulgus,                                       20
Cedat inscitiae nubilus error,
  Cessent profecto mira uideri."




  V.

  Who knows not how the stars near to the poles do slide,
    And how Boötes his slow wain doth guide,
  And why he sets so late, and doth so early rise,
    May wonder at the courses of the skies.
  If when the moon is full her horns seem pale to sight,
    Infested with the darkness of the night,
  And stars from which all grace she with her brightness took,
    Now show themselves, while she doth dimly look,
  A public error straight through vulgar minds doth pass,
    And they with many strokes beat upon brass.[155]
  None wonders why the winds upon the waters blow.
    Nor why hot Phoebus' beams dissolve the snow.
  These easy are to know, the other hidden lie,
    And therefore more our hearts they terrify.
  All strange events which time to light more seldom brings,
    And the vain people count as sudden things,
  If we our clouded minds from ignorance could free,
    No longer would by us admired be."


[155] See Tylor's _Primitive Culture_, pp. 296 ff. Cf "carmina uel caelo
possunt deducere lunam," Virg. _Ecl._ viii. 69, and Juvenal, _Sat._ vi. 440
sq.




VI

"Ita est," inquam; "sed cum tui muneris sit latentium rerum causas euoluere
uelatasque caligine explicare rationes, quaeso uti quae hinc decernas.
quoniam hoc me miraculum maxime perturbat, edisseras." Tum illa paulisper
arridens: "Ad rem me," inquit, "omnium quaesitu maximam uocas, cui uix
exhausti quicquam satis sit. Talis namque materia est ut una dubitatione
succisa innumerabiles aliae uelut hydrae capita succrescant, nec ullus
fuerit modus, nisi quis eas uiuacissimo mentis igne coerceat. In hac enim
de prouidentiae simplicitate, de fati serie, de repentinis casibus, de
cognitione ac praedestinatione diuina, de arbitrii libertate quaeri solet,
quae quanti oneris sint ipse perpendis. Sed quoniam haec quoque te nosse
quaedam medicinae tuae portio est, quamquam angusto limite temporis saepti
tamen aliquid delibare[156] conabimur. Quod si te musici carminis
oblectamenta delectant, hanc oportet paulisper differas uoluptatem, dum
nexas sibi ordine contexo rationes." "Vt libet," inquam. Tunc uelut ab alio
orsa principio ita disseruit: "Omnium generatio rerum cunctusque mutabilium
naturarum progressus et quidquid aliquo mouetur modo, causas, ordinem,
formas ex diuinae mentis stabilitate sortitur. Haec in suae simplicitatis
arce composita multiplicem rebus regendis modum statuit. Qui modus cum in
ipsa diuinae intellegentiae puritate conspicitur, prouidentia nominatur;
cum uero ad ea quae mouet atque disponit refertur, fatum a ueteribus
appellatum est. Quae diuersa esse facile liquebit, si quis utriusque uim
mente conspexerit. Nam prouidentia est ipsa illa diuina ratio in summo
omnium principe constituta quae cuncta disponit; fatum uero inhaerens rebus
mobilibus dispositio per quam prouidentia suis quaeque nectit ordinibus.
Prouidentia namque cuncta pariter quamuis diuersa quamuis infinita
complectitur; fatum uero singula digerit in motum locis formis ac
temporibus distributa, ut haec temporalis ordinis explicatio in diuinae
mentis adunata prospectum prouidentia sit, eadem uero adunatio digesta
atque explicata temporibus fatum uocetur. Quae licet diuersa sint, alterum
tamen pendet ex altero. Ordo namque fatalis ex prouidentiae simplicitate
procedit. Sicut enim artifex faciendae rei formam mente praecipiens mouet
operis effectum, et quod simpliciter praesentarieque prospexerat, per
temporales ordines ducit, ita deus prouidentia quidem singulariter
stabiliterque facienda disponit, fato uero haec ipsa quae disposuit
multipliciter ac temporaliter administrat. Siue igitur famulantibus
quibusdam prouidentiae diuinis spiritibus fatum exercetur seu anima seu
tota inseruiente natura seu caelestibus siderum motibus seu angelica
uirtute seu daemonum uaria sollertia seu aliquibus horum seu omnibus
fatalis series texitur, illud certe manifestum est immobilem simplicemque
gerendarum formam rerum esse prouidentiam, fatum uero eorum quae diuina
simplicitas gerenda disposuit mobilem nexum atque ordinem temporalem. Quo
fit ut omnia quae fato subsunt prouidentiae quoque subiecta sint cui ipsum
etiam subiacet fatum, quaedam uero quae sub prouidentia locata sunt fati
seriem superent. Ea uero sunt quae primae propinqua diuinitati stabiliter
fixa fatalis ordinem mobilitatis excedunt. Nam ut orbium circa eundem
cardinem sese uertentium qui est intimus ad simplicitatem medietatis
accedit ceterorumque extra locatorum ueluti cardo quidam circa quem
uersentur exsistit, extimus uero maiore ambitu rotatus quanto a puncti
media indiuiduitate discedit tanto amplioribus spatiis explicatur, si quid
uero illi se medio conectat et societ, in simplicitatem cogitur diffundique
ac diffluere cessat, simili ratione quod longius a prima mente discedit
maioribus fati nexibus implicatur ac tanto aliquid fato liberum est quanto
illum rerum cardinem uicinius petit. Quod si supernae mentis haeserit
firmitati, motu carens fati quoque supergreditur necessitatem. Igitur uti
est ad intellectum ratiocinatio, ad id quod est id quod gignitur, ad
aeternitatem tempus, ad punctum medium circulus, ita est fati series
mobilis ad prouidentiae stabilem simplicitatem. Ea series caelum ac sidera
mouet, elementa in se inuicem temperat et alterna commutatione transformat;
eadem nascentia occidentiaque omnia per similes fetuum seminumque renouat
progressus. Haec actus etiam fortunasque hominum indissolubili causarum
conexione constringit, quae cum ab immobilis prouidentiae proficiscatur
exordiis, ipsas quoque immutabiles esse necesse est. Ita enim res optime
reguntur, si manens in diuina mente simplicitas indeclinabilem causarum
ordinem promat. Hic uero ordo res mutabiles et alioquin temere fluituras
propria incommutabilitate coerceat. Quo fit ut tametsi uobis hunc ordinem
minime considerare ualentibus confusa omnia perturbataque uideantur, nihilo
minus tamen suus modus ad bonum dirigens cuncta disponat. Nihil est enim
quod mali causa ne ab ipsis quidem improbis fiat; quos, ut uberrime
demonstratum est, bonum quaerentes prauus error auertit, nedum ordo de
summi boni cardine proficiscens a suo quoquam deflectat exordio.

Quae uero, inquies, potest ulla iniquior esse confusio, quam ut bonis tum
aduersa tum prospera, malis etiam tum optata tum odiosa contingant? Num
igitur ea mentis integritate homines degunt, ut quos probos improbosue
censuerunt eos quoque uti existimant esse necesse sit? Atqui in hoc hominum
iudicia depugnant, et quos alii praemio alii supplicio dignos arbitrantur.
Sed concedamus ut aliquis possit bonos malosque discernere; num igitur
potent intueri illam intimam temperiem, uelut in corporibus dici solet,
animorum?  Non enim dissimile est miraculum nescienti cur sanis corporibus
his quidem dulcia illis uero amara conueniant, cur aegri etiam quidam
lenibus quidam uero acribus adiuuentur? At hoc medicus, qui sanitatis
ipsius atque aegritudinis modum temperamentumque dinoscit, minime miratur.
Quid uero aliud animorum salus uidetur esse quam probitas? Quid aegritudo
quam uitia? Quis autem alius uel seruator bonorum uel malorum depulsor quam
rector ac medicator mentium deus? Qui cum ex alta prouidentiae specula
respexit, quid unicuique conueniat agnoscit et quod conuenire nouit
accommodat. Hic iam fit illud fatalis ordinis insigne miraculum, cum ab
sciente geritur quod stupeant ignorantes. Nam ut pauca quae ratio ualet
humana de diuina profunditate perstringam, de hoc quem tu iustissimum et
aequi seruantissimum putas omnia scienti prouidentiae diuersum uidetur; et
uictricem quidem causam dis, uictam uero Catoni placuisse familiaris noster
Lucanus admonuit. Hic igitur quidquid citra spem uideas geri, rebus quidem
rectus ordo est, opinioni uero tuae peruersa confusio. Sed sit aliquis ita
bene moratus ut de eo diuinum iudicium pariter et humanum consentiat, sed
est animi uiribus infirmus; cui si quid eueniat aduersi, desinet colere
forsitan innocentiam per quam non potuit retinere fortunam. Parcit itaque
sapiens dispensatio ei quem deteriorem facere possit aduersitas, ne cui non
conuenit laborare patiatur. Est alius cunctis uirtutibus absolutus
sanctusque ac deo proximus; hunc contingi quibuslibet aduersis nefas
prouidentia iudicat adeo ut ne corporeis quidem morbis agitari sinat. Nam
ut quidam me quoque excellentior:

  [Greek: Andros dae ierou demas aitheres oikodomaesan.]

Fit autem saepe, uti bonis summa rerum regenda deferatur, ut exuberans
retundatur improbitas. Aliis mixta quaedam pro animorum qualitate
distribuit; quosdam remordet ne longa felicitate luxurient, alios
duris[157] agitari ut uirtutes animi patientiae usu atque exercitatione
confirment. Alii plus aequo metuunt quod ferre possunt, alii plus aequo
despiciunt quod ferre non possunt; hos in experimentum sui tristibus ducit.
Nonnulli uenerandum saeculi nomen gloriosae pretio mortis emerunt: quidam
suppliciis inexpugnabiles exemplum ceteris praetulerunt inuictam malis esse
uirtutem. Quae quam recte atque disposite et ex eorum bono quibus accedere
uidentur fiant, nulla dubitatio est. Nam illud quoque, quod improbis nunc
tristia nunc optata proueniunt, ex eisdem ducitur causis; ac de tristibus
quidem nemo miratur, quod eos male meritos omnes existimant. Quorum quidem
supplicia tum ceteros ab sceleribus deterrent, tum ipsos quibus inuehuntur
emendant; laeta uero magnum bonis argumentum loquuntur, quid de huiusmodi
felicitate debeant iudicare quam famulari saepe improbis cernant.  In qua
re illud etiam dispensari credo, quod est forsitan alicuius tam praeceps
atque inportuna natura ut eum in scelera potius exacerbare possit rei
familiaris inopia; huius morbo prouidentia collatae pecuniae remedio
medetur. Hic foedatam probris conscientiam exspectans et se cum fortuna sua
comparans, forsitan pertimescit ne cuius ei iucundus usus est, sit tristis
amissio. Mutabit igitur mores ac dum fortunam metuit amittere; nequitiam
derelinquit. Alios in cladem meritam praecipitauit indigne acta felicitas;
quibusdam permissum puniendi ius, ut exercitii bonis et malis esset causa
supplicii. Nam ut probis atque improbis nullum foedus est, ita ipsi inter
se improbi nequeunt conuenire. Quidni, cum a semet ipsis discerpentibus
conscientiam uitiis quisque dissentiat faciantque saepe, quae cum gesserint
non fuisse gerenda decernant? Ex quo saepe summa illa prouidentia protulit
insigne miraculum, ut malos mali bonos facerent. Nam dum iniqua sibi a
pessimis quidam perpeti uidentur, noxiorum odio flagrantes ad uirtutis
frugem rediere, dum se eis dissimiles student esse quos oderant. Sola est
enim diuina uis cui mala quoque bona sint, cum eis competenter utendo
alicuius boni elicit effectum. Ordo enim quidam cuncta complectitur, ut
quod adsignata ordinis ratione decesserit, hoc licet in alium, tamen
ordinem relabatur, ne quid in regno prouidentiae liceat temeritati.

  [Greek: Argaleon de me tauta theon hos pant agoreuein.]

Neque enim fas est homini cunctas diuinae operae machinas uel ingenio
comprehendere uel explicare sermone. Hoc tantum perspexisse sufficiat, quod
naturarum omnium proditor deus idem ad bonum dirigens cuncta disponat,
dumque ea quae protulit in sui similitudinem retinere festinat, malum omne
de reipublicae suae terminis per fatalis seriem necessitatis eliminet. Quo
fit ut quae in terris abundare creduntur, si disponentem prouidentiam
spectes, nihil usquam mali esse perpendas. Sed uideo te iam dudum et
pondere quaestionis oneratum et rationis prolixitate fatigatum aliquam
carminis exspectare dulcedinem. Accipe igitur haustum quo refectus firmior
in ulteriora contendas.


[156] deliberare _codd._; delibare _coni._ Pulmannus.

[157] _Fortasse_ sinit _post_ duris _addendum est_.




VI.

  "It is true," quoth I, "but since it is thy profession to explicate the
  causes of hidden things, and to unfold the reasons which are covered
  with darkness, I beseech thee vouchsafe to declare what conclusion thou
  drawest from these things, for this miracle troubleth me above all
  others." Then she smiling a little said: "Thou invitest me to a matter
  which is most hardly found out, and can scarcely be sufficiently
  declared; for it is such that, one doubt being taken away, innumerable
  others, like the heads of Hydra, succeed, neither will they have any end
  unless a man repress them with the most lively fire of his mind. For in
  this matter are wont to be handled these questions: of the simplicity of
  Providence; of the course of Fate; of sudden chances; of God's knowledge
  and predestination, and of free will; which how weighty they are, thou
  thyself discerneth. But because it is part of thy cure to know these
  things also, though the time be short, yet we will endeavour to touch
  them briefly. But if the sweetness of verse delight thee, thou must
  forbear this pleasure for a while, until I propose unto thee some few
  arguments." "As it pleaseth thee," quoth I.

  Then taking as it were a new beginning, she discoursed in this manner:
  "The generation of all things, and all the proceedings of mutable
  natures, and whatsoever is moved in any sort, take their causes, order,
  and forms from the stability of the Divine mind. This, placed in the
  castle of its own simplicity, hath determined manifold ways for doing
  things; which ways being considered in the purity of God's
  understanding, are named Providence, but being referred to those things
  which He moveth and disposeth, they are by the ancients called Fate. The
  diversity of which will easily appear if we weigh the force of both. For
  Providence is the very Divine reason itself, seated in the highest
  Prince, which disposeth all things. But Fate is a disposition inherent
  in changeable things, by which Providence connecteth all things in their
  due order. For Providence embraceth all things together, though diverse,
  though infinite; but Fate putteth every particular thing into motion
  being distributed by places, forms, and time; so that this unfolding of
  temporal order being united into the foresight of God's mind is
  Providence, and the same uniting, being digested and unfolded in time,
  is called Fate. Which although they be diverse yet the one dependeth on
  the other. For fatal order proceedeth from the simplicity of Providence.
  For as a workman conceiving the form of anything in his mind taketh his
  work in hand, and executeth by order of time that which he had simply
  and in a moment foreseen, so God by His Providence disposeth whatsoever
  is to be done with simplicity and stability, and by Fate effecteth by
  manifold ways and in the order of time those very things which He
  disposeth. Wherefore, whether Fate be exercised by the subordination of
  certain Divine spirits to Providence, or this fatal web be woven by a
  soul or by the service of all nature, or by the heavenly motions of the
  stars, by angelical virtue, or by diabolical industry, or by some or all
  of these, that certainly is manifest that Providence is an immoveable
  and simple form of those things which are to be done, and Fate a
  moveable connexion and temporal order of those things which the Divine
  simplicity hath disposed to be done. So that all that is under Fate is
  also subject to Providence, to which also Fate itself obeyeth. But some
  things which are placed under Providence are above the course of Fate.
  And they are those things which nigh to the first Divinity, being stable
  and fixed, exceed the order of fatal mobility. For as of orbs which turn
  about the same centre, the inmost draweth nigh to the simplicity of the
  midst, and is as it were the hinge of the rest, which are placed without
  it, about which they are turned, and the outmost, wheeled with a greater
  compass, by how much it departeth from the middle indivisibility of the
  centre, is so much the more extended into larger spaces, but that which
  is joined and coupled to that middle approacheth to simplicity, and
  ceaseth to spread and flow abroad, in like manner that which departeth
  farthest from the first mind is involved more deeply in the meshes of
  Fate, and everything is so much the freer from Fate, by how much it
  draweth nigh to the hinge of all things. And if it sticketh to the
  stability of the Sovereign mind, free from motion, it surpasseth also
  the necessity of Fate. Wherefore in what sort discourse of reason is
  compared to pure understanding, that which is produced to that which is,
  time to eternity, a circle to the centre, such is the course of moveable
  Fate to the stable simplicity of Providence. That course moveth the
  heaven and stars, tempereth the elements one with another, and
  transformeth them by mutual changing. The same reneweth all rising and
  dying things by like proceeding of fruits and seeds. This comprehendeth
  also the actions and fortunes of men by an unloosable connexion of
  causes, which since it proceeds from the principles of unmovable
  Providence, the causes also must needs be immutable. For in this manner
  things are best governed, if the simplicity which remaineth in the
  Divine mind produceth an inflexible order of causes, and this order
  restraineth with its own immutability things otherwise mutable, and
  which would have a confused course. Whereof it ensueth that though all
  things seem confused and disordered to you, who are not able to consider
  this order, notwithstanding all things are disposed by their own proper
  measure directing them to good. For there is nothing which is done for
  the love of evil, even by the wicked themselves: whom, as hath been
  abundantly proved, lewd error carrieth away while they are seeking after
  that which is good, so far is it that order proceeding from the hinge of
  the Sovereign Goodness should avert any from his first beginning.

  But, thou wilt say, what more unjust confusion can there be than that
  both adversity and prosperity should happen to the good, and in like
  manner both desired and hateful things to the wicked? But are men so
  completely wise that whomsoever they judge wicked or honest must needs
  be so? How then are their censures contrary one to another, so that to
  divers the same men seem worthy of reward and punishment! But let us
  grant that some are able to discern the good from the evil. Can they
  therefore behold, as is wont to be said of bodies, that inward
  complexion of souls? For he that knoweth not the cause may marvel in
  like manner why some sound bodies agree better with sweet things and
  other with tart; and why some sick men are healed with gentle and some
  with sharper physic. But to a physician who knoweth the manner and
  temper both of health and sickness this is nothing strange. Now, what is
  the health of souls but virtue? What sickness have they but vices? And
  who either conserveth goodness or expelleth evils, but God the Ruler and
  Governor of men's minds? Who beholding from His high turret of
  providence seeth what is fitting for everyone, and applieth that which
  He knoweth to be most convenient. Here ariseth that strange wonder of
  fatal order, to wit that He that knoweth what is best, doth that which
  the ignorant admire. For to touch briefly some few things of the divine
  depth, which human reason is able to attain, he whom thou thinketh most
  just and most observant of equity, seemeth otherwise in the eyes of
  Providence which knoweth all. And our disciple Lucan noteth that the
  cause of conquerers pleased the gods, and that of the conquered,
  Cato.[158] Wherefore whatsoever thou seest done here against thy
  expectation is right order in the things themselves, but a perverse
  confusion in thy opinion. But let there be one so well conditioned that
  God and men approve and praise him; yet perhaps he is so weak a minded
  man, that if he falleth into adversity, he will forsake his innocency,
  which was not able to keep him in prosperity. Wherefore God's wise
  dispensation spareth him that adversity might make worse, lest he should
  suffer to whom difficulties are dangerous.

  There is another complete in all virtues, a saint and high to God;
  Providence judgeth it a sacrilege to lay affliction on him, insomuch
  that she permitteth him not to be troubled so much as with corporal
  sickness. For as one that excelleth me saith 'the body of an holy man is
  builded of pure ether.'[159] It happeneth often also that the chief
  command is given to good men, that wickedness, which otherwise would
  overflow all, may be kept down. She mixeth for others sour and sweet
  according to the disposition of their souls; she troubles some lest they
  should fall to dissolution by long prosperity, others are vexed with
  hardships, that they may confirm the forces of their mind with the use
  and exercise of patience. Some are too much afraid of that which they
  are able to bear. Others make less account than there is cause of that
  which they cannot endure. All these she affrayeth with afflictions that
  they make trial of themselves. Many have bought the renown of this world
  with a glorious death. Some, overcoming all torments, have showed by
  their example that virtues cannot be conquered by miseries, which things
  how well and orderly they are done, and how much to their good upon whom
  they are seen to fall, there can be no doubt. For that sometime
  grievous, sometime pleasant things befall in like manner the wicked,
  proceedeth from the same causes. And as for adversity no man marvelleth
  because all think they deserve ill. Whose punishments do both terrify
  others from the like courses, and move them to amend themselves. And
  their prosperity is a great argument to the good, what they ought to
  judge of this happiness which they see oftentimes bestowed upon the
  wicked. In which thing also is to be considered that peradventure some
  have so headlong and untoward a disposition, that poverty would rather
  make him worse; whose disease is cured by Providence, with giving him
  store of money. Another, knowing his own guilty conscience, and
  comparing his character with his own estate, is afraid lest the loss of
  that should be grievous unto him, the use of which is pleasant.
  Wherefore he resolveth to change his customs, and whiles he feareth to
  lose his prosperity, he forsaketh wickedness. The increase of honour
  undeservedly obtained hath thrown some headlong into their deserved
  destruction. Others are permitted to have authority to punish others,
  that they may exercise the good and punish the bad. For as there is no
  league between virtuous and wicked men, so neither can the wicked agree
  among themselves. Why not? Since they disagree within themselves by
  reason of their vices which tear their conscience, so that they many
  times do that which afterwards they wish undone. From whence that
  highest Providence often worketh that wonderful miracle, that evil men
  make those which are evil good. For some, considering the injustice done
  them by most wicked men, inflamed with hatred of evildoers have returned
  to the practice of virtue, procuring to be contrary to them whom they
  hate. For it is only a divine strength to which even evil things are
  good, when, by using them in due sort, it draweth some good effect out
  of them. For a certain order embraceth all things, so that even that
  which departeth from the order appointed to it, though it falleth into
  another, yet that is order also, lest confused rashness should bear any
  sway in the kingdom of Providence. 'But it is hard for me to rehearse
  all this as if I were a God.'[160] For it is impossible for any man
  either to comprehend by his wit or to explicate in speech all the frame
  of God's work. Be it sufficient that we have seen thus much, that God,
  the author of all natures, directeth and disposeth all things to
  goodness, and while He endeavoureth to retain in His own likeness those
  things which He hath produced, He banisheth all evil from the bounds of
  His commonwealth, by the course of fatal necessity. So that if thou
  considerest the disposition of Providence, thou wilt perceive that evil,
  which is thought so to abound upon earth, hath no place left for it at
  all. But I see that long since burdened with so weighty a question, and
  wearied with my long discourse, thou expectest the delight of verses;
  wherefore take a draught, that, being refreshed, thou mayest be able to
  go forward.


  [158] _Pharsal_. i. 126.

  [159] Source unknown.

  [160] Homer, _Il._ xii. 176.




VI.

Si uis celsi iura tonantis
Pura sollers cernere mente,
Aspice summi culmina caeli.
Illic iusto foedere rerum
Veterem seruant sidera pacem.                                             5
Non sol rutilo concitus igne
Gelidum Phoebes impedit axem
Nec quae summo uertice mundi
Flectit rapidos Vrsa meatus.
Numquam occiduo lota profundo                                            10
Cetera cernens sidera mergi
Cupit oceano tingere flammas.
Semper uicibus temporis aequis
Vesper seras nuntiat umbras
Reuehitque diem Lucifer almum.                                           15
Sic aeternos reficit cursus
Alternus amor, sic astrigeris
Bellum discors exulat oris.
Haec concordia temperat aequis
Elementa modis, ut pugnantia                                             20
Vicibus cedant umida siccis
Iungantque fidem frigora flammis
Pendulus ignis surgat in altum
Terraeque graues pondere sidant.
Isdem causis uere tepenti                                                25
Spirat florifer annus odores,
Aestas Cererem feruida siccat,
Remeat pomis grauis autumnus,
Hiemem defluus inrigat imber.
Haec temperies alit ac profert                                           30
Quidquid uitam spirat in orbe.
Eadem rapiens condit et aufert
Obitu mergens orta supremo.
Sedet interea conditor altus
Rerumque regens flectit habenas                                          35
Rex et dominus fons et origo
Lex et sapiens arbiter aequi
Et quae motu concitat ire,
Sistit retrahens ac uaga firmat.
Nam nisi rectos reuocans itus                                            40
Flexos iterum cogat in orbes,
Quae nunc stabilis continet ordo
Dissaepta suo fonte fatiscant.
Hic est cunctis communis amor
Repetuntque boni fine teneri,                                            45
Quia non aliter durare queant,
Nisi conuerso rursus amore
Refluant causae quae dedit esse.




VI.

      If thou would'st see
    God's laws with purest mind,
    Thy sight on heaven must fixéd be,
  Whose settled course the stars in peace doth bind.
      The sun's bright fire
    Stops not his sister's team,
    Nor doth the northern bear desire
  Within the ocean's wave to hide her beam.
      Though she behold
    The other stars there couching,
    Yet she uncessantly is rolled
  About high heaven, the ocean never touching.
      The evening light
    With certain course doth show
    The coming of the shady night,
  And Lucifer before the day doth go.
      This mutual love
    Courses eternal makes,
    And from the starry spheres above
  All cause of war and dangerous discord takes.
      This sweet consent
    In equal bands doth tie
    The nature of each element,
  So that the moist things yield unto the dry,
      The piercing cold
    With flames doth friendship keep,
    The trembling fire the highest place doth hold,
  And the gross earth sinks down into the deep.
      The flowery year
    Breathes odours in the spring
    The scorching summer corn doth bear,
  The autumn fruit from laden trees doth bring.
      The falling rain
    Doth winter's moisture give.
    These rules thus nourish and maintain
  All creatures which we see on earth to live.
      And when they die,
    These bring them to their end,
    While their Creator sits on high,
  Whose hand the reins of the whole world doth bend.
      He as their King
    Rules them with lordly might.
    From Him they rise, flourish, and spring,
  He as their law and judge decides their right.
      Those things whose course
    Most swiftly glides away
    His might doth often backward force,
  And suddenly their wandering motion stay.
      Unless His strength
    Their violence should bound,
    And them which else would run at length,
  Should bring within the compass of a round,
      That firm decree
    Which now doth all adorn
    Would soon destroyed and broken be,
  Things being far from their beginning borne.
      This powerful love
    Is common unto all,
    Which for desire of good do move
  Back to the springs from whence they first did fall.
      No worldly thing
    Can a continuance have
    Unless love back again it bring
  Unto the cause which first the essence gave.




VII.

Iamne igitur uides quid haec omnia quae diximus consequatur?" "Quidnam?"
inquam. "Omnem," inquit, "bonam prorsus esse fortunam." "Et qui id,"
inquam, "fieri potest?" "Attende," inquit. "Cum omnis fortuna uel iucunda
uel aspera tum remunerandi exercendiue bonos tum puniendi corrigendiue
improbos causa deferatur, omnis bona quam uel iustam constat esse uel
utilem." "Nimis quidem," inquam, "uera ratio et si quam paulo ante docuisti
prouidentiam fatumue considerem, firmis uiribus nixa sententia. Sed eam si
placet inter eas quas inopinabiles paulo ante posuisti numeremus." "Qui?"
inquit. "Quia id hominum sermo communis usurpat et quidem crebro quorundam
malam esse fortunam." "Visne igitur," inquit, "paulisper uulgi sermonibus
accedamus, ne nimium uelut ab humanitatis usu recessisse uideamur?" "Vt
placet," inquam. "Nonne igitur bonum censes esse quod prodest?" "Ita est,"
inquam, "Quae uero aut exercet aut corrigit, prodest?" "Fateor," inquam.
"Bona igitur?" "Quidni?" "Sed haec eorum est qui uel in uirtute positi
contra aspera bellum gerunt, uel a uitiis declinantes uirtutis iter
arripiunt." "Negare," inquam, "nequeo." "Quid uero iucunda, quae in
praemium tribuitur bonis, num uulgus malam esse decernit?" "Nequaquam;
uerum uti est ita quoque esse optimam censet." "Quid reliqua, quae cum sit
aspera, iusto supplicio malos coercet, num bonam populus putat?" "Immo
omnium," inquam, "quae excogitari possunt, iudicat esse miserrimam." "Vide
igitur ne opinionem populi sequentes quiddam ualde inopinabile
confecerimus." "Quid?" inquam. "Ex his enim," ait, "quae concessa sunt,
euenit eorum quidem qui uel sunt uel in possessione uel in prouectu uel in
adeptione uirtutis, omnem quaecumque sit bonam, in improbitate uero
manentibus omnem pessimam esse fortunam." "Hoc," inquam, "uerum est,
tametsi nemo audeat confiteri." "Quare," inquit, "ita uir sapiens moleste
ferre non debet, quotiens in fortunae certamen adducitur, ut uirum fortem
non decet indignari, quotiens increpuit bellicus tumultus; utrique enim,
huic quidem gloriae propagandae illi uero conformandae sapientiae,
difficultas ipsa materia est. Ex quo etiam uirtus uocatur quod suis uiribus
nitens non superetur aduersis. Neque enim uos in prouectu positi uirtutis
diffluere deliciis et emarcescere uoluptate uenistis. Proelium cum omni
fortuna nimis[161] acre conseritis, ne uos aut tristis opprimat aut iucunda
corrumpat. Firmis medium uiribus occupate! Quidquid aut infra subsistit aut
ultra progreditur, habet contemptum felicitatis, non habet praemium
laboris. In uestra enim situm manu qualem uobis fortunam formare malitis;
omnis enim quae uidetur aspera nisi aut exercet aut corrigit punit.


[161] animis _codd. meliores._




  VII.

  Perceivest thou now what followeth of all that we have hitherto said?"
  "What?" quoth I. "That," quoth she, "all manner of fortune is good."
  "How can that be?" quoth I. "Be attentive," quoth she; "since that all
  fortune, be it pleasing or unpleasing, is directed to the reward or
  exercise of the good, and to the punishment and direction of the wicked,
  it is manifest it is all good, since all is just or profitable." "Thy
  reason is very true," quoth I, "and if I consider Providence and Fate,
  which thou didst explicate a little before, thy opinion is well
  grounded. But if thou pleasest let us account it among those which thou
  not long since supposest incredible." "Why?" quoth she. "Because men
  commonly use to say and repeat that some have ill fortune." "Shall we,"
  quoth she, "frame our speech to the vulgar phrase, lest we seem to have
  as it were forsaken the use of human conversation?" "As it pleaseth
  thee," quoth I. "Dost thou not think then that that is good which is
  profitable?" "Yes," quoth I. "But that fortune which either exerciseth
  or correcteth is profitable?" "It is true," quoth I. "It is good then?"
  "Why not?" "But this is the estate of them who being either virtuous
  strive with adversity, or forsaking vices betake themselves to the way
  of virtue." "I cannot deny it," quoth I. "Now, what sayest thou to that
  pleasing fortune which is given in reward to the good, doth the common
  people account it bad?" "No, but judgeth it exceeding good, as it is
  indeed." "And what of the other which, being unpleasing, restraineth the
  evil with just punishment, doth not the people think it good?" "Nay,"
  quoth I, "they think it the most miserable that can be." "Look then,"
  quoth she, "how, following the people's opinion, we have concluded a
  very incredible matter." "What?" quoth I. "For it followeth," quoth she,
  "out of that which is granted, that all their fortune, whatsoever it be,
  who are either in the possession or increase or entrance of virtue, is
  good: and theirs, which remain in vices, the worst that may be." "This,"
  quoth I, "is true, though none dare say so." "Wherefore," quoth she, "a
  wise man must be no more troubled when he is assaulted with adversity,
  than a valiant captain dismayed at the sound of an alarum. For
  difficulties are the matter by which the one must extend his glory, and
  the other increase his wisdom. For which cause virtue is so called,
  because it hath sufficient strength to overcome adversity.[162] For
  you, that are proficients in virtue, are not come hither to be dissolute
  with dainties or to languish in pleasures. You skirmish fiercely with
  any fortune, lest either affliction oppress you or prosperity corrupt
  you. Stay yourselves strongly in the mean! For whatsoever cometh either
  short, or goeth beyond, may well contemn felicity, but will never obtain
  any reward of labour. For it is placed in your power to frame to
  yourselves what fortune you please. For all that seemeth unsavoury
  either exerciseth or correcteth or punisheth.


  [162] Boethius shows his independence in adopting for _uirtus_ a
  different etymology from that given by Cicero, viz. _uir_ (of. 2
  _Tusoul._ xviii.).




VII.

Bella bis quinis operatus annis
Vltor Atrides Phrygiae ruinis
Fratris amissos thalamos piauit;
Ille dum Graiae dare uela classi
Optat et uentos redimit cruore,                                           5
Exuit patrem miserumque tristis
Foederat natae iugulum sacerdos.
Fleuit amissos Ithacus sodales
Quos ferus uasto recubans in antro
Mersit inmani Polyphemus aluo;                                           10
Sed tamen caeco furibundus ore
Gaudium maestis lacrimis rependit.
Herculem duri celebrant labores.
Ille Centauros domuit superbos,
Abstulit saeuo spolium leoni                                             15
Fixit et certis uolucres sagittis,
Poma cernenti rapuit draconi
Aureo laeuam grauior metallo,
Cerberum traxit triplici catena.
Victor immitem posuisse fertur                                           20
Pabulum saeuis dominum quadrigis.
Hydra combusto periit ueneno,
Fronte turpatus Achelous amnis
Ora demersit pudibunda ripis.
Strauit Antaeum Libycis harenis,                                         25
Cacus Euandri satiauit iras
Quosque pressurus foret altus orbis
Saetiger spumis umeros notauit.
Vltimus caelum[163] labor inreflexo
Sustulit collo pretiumque rursus                                         30
Vltimi caelum meruit laboris.
Ite nunc fortes ubi celsa magni
Ducit exempli uia! Cur inertes
Terga nudatis? Superata tellus
Sidera donat."                                                           35


[163] caelo _codd. mellores._




  VII.

    Revengeful Atreus' son did ten whole years employ
  In wars, till he his brother's loss repaid with ransacked Troy.
    He setting forth the fleet of Greece upon the seas,
  And knowing well that only blood the angry winds would please,
    Forgot a father's part, and with his cruel knife
  Unto the gods did sacrifice his dearest daughter's life.
    Ulysses wailed the loss of his most faithful men,
  Whom Polyphemus did devour enclosed in his den
    But when his hands by sleight had made the Cyclops blind,
  Most pleasant joy instead of former tears possessed his mind.
    Hercules famous is for his laborious toil,
  Who tamed the Centaurs and did take the dreadful lion's spoil.
    He the Stymphalian birds with piercing arrows strook,
  And from the watchful dragon's care the golden apples took.[164]
    He in a threefold chain the hellish porter led,
  And with their cruel master's flesh the savage horses fed.
    He did th' increasing heads of poisonous Hydra burn,
  And breaking Achelous' horns, did make him back return.[165]*
    He on the Libyan sands did proud Antaeus kill,
  And with the mighty Cacus' blood Euander's wrath fulfil.
    That world-uplifting back the boar's white foam did fleck.
  To hold on high the sphere of heaven with never bending neck
    Of all his many toils the last was, and most hard,
  And for this last and greatest toil the heaven was his reward.
    You gallant men pursue this way of high renown,
  Why yield you? Overcome the earth, and you the stars shall crown,"


  [164] Literally, "his left hand weighted with the golden metal."

  [165] Lit. "The river Achelous dishonoured in his brow (by the loss of
  his horns) buried his shame-stricken face in his banks."






ANICII MANLII SEVERINI BOETHII

V.C. ET INL. EXCONS. ORD. EX MAG. OFF. PATRICII

PHILOSOPHIAE CONSOLATIONIS

LIBER QVARTVS EXPLICIT

INCIPIT LIBER V.




I.

Dixerat orationisque cursum ad alia quaedam tractanda atque expedienda
uertebat. Tum ego: "Recta quidem," inquam, "exhortatio tuaque prorsus
auctoritate dignissima, sed quod tu dudum de prouidentia quaestionem
pluribus aliis implicitam esse dixisti, re experior. Quaero enim an esse
aliquid omnino et quidnam esse casum arbitrere." Tum illa: "Festino,"
inquit; "debitum promissionis absoluere uiamque tibi qua patriam reueharis
aperire. Haec autem etsi perutilia cognitu tamen a propositi nostri tramite
paulisper auersa sunt, uerendumque est ne deuiis fatigatus ad emetiendum
rectum iter sufficere non possis." "Ne id," inquam, "prorsus uereare. Nam
quietis mihi loco fuerit ea quibus maxime delector agnoscere, simul cum
omne disputationis tuae latus indubitata fide constiterit, nihil de
sequentibus ambigatur." Tum illa: "Morem," inquit, "geram tibi," simulque
sic orsa est: "Si quidem," inquit, "aliquis euentum temerario motu nullaque
causarum conexione productum casum esse definiat, nihil omnino casum esse
confirmo et praeter subiectae rei significationem inanem prorsus uocem esse
decerno. Quis enim coercente in ordinem cuncta deo locus esse ullus
temeritati reliquus potest? Nam nihil ex nihilo exsistere uera sententia
est cui nemo umquam ueterum refragatus est, quamquam id illi non de
operante principio, sed de materiali subiecto hoc omnium de natura rationum
quasi quoddam iecerint fundamentum. At si nullis ex causis aliquid oriatur,
id de nihilo ortum esse uidebitur. Quod si hoc fieri nequit, ne casum
quidem huiusmodi esse possibile est qualem paulo ante definiuimus." "Quid
igitur," inquam, "nihilne est quod uel casus uel fortuitum iure appellari
queat? An est aliquid, tametsi uulgus lateat, cui uocabula ista
conueniant?" "Aristoteles meus id," inquit, "in Physicis et breui et ueri
propinqua ratione definiuit."  "Quonam," inquam "modo?" "Quotiens," ait,
"aliquid cuiuspiam rei gratia geritur aliudque quibusdam de causis quam
quod intendebatur obtingit, casus uocatur, ut si quis colendi agri causa
fodiens humum defossi auri pondus inueniat. Hoc igitur fortuito quidem
creditur accidisse, uerum non de nihilo est; nam proprias causas habet
quarum inprouisus inopinatusque concursus casum uidetur operatus.  Nam nisi
cultor agri humum foderet, nisi eo loci pecuniam suam depositor obruisset,
aurum non esset inuentum. Haec sunt igitur fortuiti causa compendii, quod
ex obuiis sibi et confluentibus causis, non ex gerentis intentione
prouenit. Neque enim uel qui aurum obruit uel qui agrum exercuit ut ea
pecunia reperiretur intendit; sed uti dixi, quo ille obruit hunc fodisse
conuenit atque concurrit. Licet igitur definire casum esse inopinatum ex
confluentibus causis in his quae ob aliquid geruntur euentum; concurrere
uero atque confluere causas facit ordo ille ineuitabili conexione
procedens; qui de prouidentiae fonte descendens cuncta suis locis
temporibusque disponit.






  THE FIFTH BOOK OF BOETHIUS




  I.

  Having said thus, she began to turn her speech to treat and explicate
  certain other questions, when I interrupted her, saying: "Thy
  exhortation is very good, and well-seeming thy authority. But I find it
  true by experience, as thou affirmedst, that the question of Providence
  is entangled with many other. For I desire to know whether thou thinkest
  chance to be anything at all, and what it is." "I make haste," quoth
  she, "to perform my promise, and to show thee the way by which thou
  mayest return to thy country. But these other questions, though they be
  very profitable, yet they are somewhat from our purpose, and it is to be
  feared lest being wearied with digressions thou beest not able to finish
  thy direct journey." "There is no fear of that," quoth I, "for it will
  be a great ease to me to understand those things in which I take great
  delight, and withal, when thy disputation is fenced in on every side
  with sure conviction, there can be no doubt made of anything thou shalt
  infer." "I will," quoth she, "do as thou wouldst me have," and withal
  began in this manner. "If any shall define chance to be an event
  produced by a confused motion, and without connexion of causes, I affirm
  that there is no such thing, and that chance is only an empty voice that
  hath beneath it no real signification. For what place can confusion
  have, since God disposeth all things in due order? For it is a true
  sentence that of nothing cometh nothing, which none of the ancients
  denied, though they held not that principle of the efficient cause, but
  of the material subject, laying it down as in a manner the ground of all
  their reasonings concerning nature. But if anything proceedeth from no
  causes, that will seem to have come from nothing, which if it cannot be,
  neither is it possible there should be any such chance as is defined a
  little before." "What then," quoth I, "is there nothing that can rightly
  be called chance or fortune? Or is there something, though unknown to
  the common sort, to which these names agree?" "My Aristotle," quoth she,
  "in his _Books of Nature_[166] declared this point briefly and very
  near the truth." "How?" quoth I. "When," quoth she, "anything is done
  for some certain cause, and some other thing happeneth for other reasons
  than that which was intended, this is called chance; as if one digging
  his ground with intention to till it, findeth an hidden treasure. This
  is thought to have fallen thus out by fortune, but it is not of nothing,
  for it hath peculiar causes whose unexpected and not foreseen concourse
  seemeth to have brought forth a chance. For unless the husbandman had
  digged up his ground, and unless the other had hidden his money in that
  place, the treasure had not been found. These are therefore the causes
  of this fortunate accident, which proceedeth from the meeting and
  concourse of causes, and not from the intention of the doer. For neither
  he that hid the gold nor he that tilled his ground had any intention
  that the money should be found, but, as I said, it followed and
  concurred that this man should dig up in the place where the other hid.
  Wherefore, we may define chance thus: That it is an unexpected event of
  concurring causes in those things which are done to some end and
  purpose. Now the cause why causes so concur and meet so together, is
  that order proceeding with inevitable connexion, which, descending from
  the fountain of Providence, disposeth all things in their places and
  times.


  [166] _Phys._ ii. 4.




I.

Rupis Achaemeniae scopulis ubi uersa sequentum
  Pectoribus figit spicula pugna fugax,
Tigris et Euphrates uno se fonte resoluunt
  Et mox abiunctis dissociantur aquis.
Si coeant cursumque iterum reuocentur in unum,                            5
  Confluat alterni quod trahit unda uadi;
Conuenient puppes et uulsi flumine trunci
  Mixtaque fortuitos implicet unda modos,
Quos tamen ipsa uagos terrae decliuia casus
  Gurgitis et lapsi defluus ordo regit.                                  10
Sic quae permissis fluitare uidetur habenis
  Fors patitur frenos ipsaque lege meat."




  I.

  In the Achaemenian rocks, where Parthians with their darts
  In their dissembled flight do wound their enemies,
  Tigris from the same head doth with Euphrates rise,
  And forthwith they themselves divide in several parts;
  But if they join again, and them one channel bound,
  Bringing together all that both their waves do bear;
  The ships and trees, whose roots they from the bank do tear,
  Will meet, and they their floods will mingle and confound,
  Yet run this wandering course in places which are low,
  And in these sliding streams a settled law remains.[167]
  So fortune, though it seems to run with careless reins,
  Yet hath it certain rule, and doth in order flow."


  [167] Lit. "Yet all these (apparently) random happenings are governed by
  the shelving ground and the flowing course of the stream as it runs."




II.

"Animaduerto," inquam, "idque, uti tu dicis, ita esse consentio. Sed in hac
haerentium sibi serie causarum estne ulla nostri arbitrii libertas an ipsos
quoque humanorum motus animorum fatalis catena constringit?" "Est," inquit,
"neque enim fuerit ulla rationalis natura quin eidem libertas adsit
arbitrii. Nam quod ratione uti naturaliter potest id habet iudicium quo
quidque discernat; per se igitur fugienda optandaue dinoscit. Quod uero
quis optandum esse iudicat petit; refugit uero quod aestimat esse
fugiendum. Quare quibus in ipsis inest ratio, inest etiam uolendi
nolendique libertas. Sed hanc non in omnibus aequam esse constituo. Nam
supernis diuinisque substantiis et perspicax iudicium et incorrupta
uoluntas et efficax optatorum praesto est potestas. Humanas uero animas
liberiores quidem esse necesse est cum se in mentis diuinae speculatione
conseruant, minus uero cum dilabuntur ad corpora, minusque etiam, cum
terrenis artubus colligantur. Extrema uero est seruitus, cum uitiis deditae
rationis propriae possessione ceciderunt. Nam ubi oculos a summae luce
ueritatis ad inferiora et tenebrosa deiecerint, mox inscitiae nube
caligant, perniciosis turbantur affectibus quibus accedendo consentiendoque
quam inuexere sibi adiuuant seruitutem et sunt quodam modo propria
libertate captiuae. Quae tamen ille ab aeterno cuncta prospiciens
prouidentiae cernit intuitus et suis quaeque meritis praedestinata
disponit.




  II.

  "I observe it," quoth I, "and I acknowledge it to be as thou sayest. But
  in this rank of coherent causes, have we any free-will, or doth the
  fatal chain fasten also the motions of men's minds?" "We have," quoth
  she, "for there can be no reasonable nature, unless it be endued with
  free-will. For that which naturally hath the use of reason hath also
  judgment by which it can discern of everything by itself, wherefore of
  itself it distinguished betwixt those things which are to be avoided,
  and those which are to be desired. Now every one seeketh for that which
  he thinketh is to be desired, and escheweth that which in his judgment
  is to be avoided. Wherefore, they which have reason in themselves have
  freedom to will and nill. But yet I consider not this equal in all. For
  the supreme and divine substances have both a perspicuous judgment and
  an uncorrupted will, and an effectual power to obtain their desires. But
  the minds of men must needs be more free when they conserve themselves
  in the contemplation of God, and less when they come to their bodies,
  and yet less when they are bound with earthly fetters. But their
  greatest bondage is when, giving themselves to vices, they lose
  possession of their own reason. For, having cast their eyes from the
  light of the sovereign truth to inferior obscurities, forthwith they are
  blinded with the cloud of ignorance, molested with hurtful affections,
  by yielding and consenting to which they increase the bondage which they
  laid upon themselves, and are, after a certain manner, captives by their
  own freedom. Which notwithstanding that foresight of Providence which
  beholdeth all things from eternity, foreseeth, and by predestination
  disposeth of everything by their merits.




II.

[Greek: Pant' ephoran kai pant' epakouein][168]
Puro clarum lumine Phoebum
Melliflui canit oris Homerus:
Qui tamen intima uiscera terrae
Non ualet aut pelagi radiorum                                             5
Infirma perrumpere luce.
Haud sic magni conditor orbis;
Huic ex alto cuncta tuenti
Nulla terrae mole resistunt,
Non nox atris nubibus obstat.                                            10
Quae sint, quae fuerint ueniantque
Vno mentis cernit in ictu;
Quem, quia respicit omnia solus,
Verum possis dicere solem."


[168] disponit [Greek: Pant' ephoron kai pant' epakogon] _sic Peiper et
similiter editores priores. Versum in rectum locum Engelbrecht restituit,
quam quidem emendationem noster interpres uidetur praesensisse._




  II.

    Sweet Homer[169] sings the praise
    Of Phoebus clear and bright,
    And yet his strongest rays
    Cannot with feeble light
    Cast through the secret ways
    Of earth and seas his sight,
  Though 'all lies open to his eyes.'[170]
  But He who did this world devise--

    The earth's vast depths unseen
    From his sight are not free,
    No clouds can stand between,
    He at one time doth see
    What are, and what have been,
    And what shall after be.
  Whom, since he only vieweth all,
  You rightly the true Sun may call."


  [169] Cf. _Il._ iv. 277, _Od._ xii. 323.

  [170] This line renders the Greek with which Boethius begins the poem,
  adapting Homer's phrase "all surveying, all o'erhearing." See the
  critical note on p. 372.




III.

Tum ego: "En," inquam, "difficiliore rursus ambiguitate confundor."
"Quaenam," inquit, "ista est? Iam enim quibus perturbere coniecto."
"Nimium," inquam, "aduersari ac repugnare uidetur praenoscere uniuersa deum
et esse ullum libertatis arbitrium. Nam si cuncta prospicit deus neque
falli ullo modo potest, euenire necesse est quod prouidentia futurum esse
praeuiderit. Quare si ab aeterno non facta hominum modo sed etiam consilia
uoluntatesque praenoscit, nulla erit arbitrii libertas; neque enim uel
factum aliud ullum uel quaelibet exsistere poterit uoluntas nisi quam
nescia falli prouidentia diuina praesenserit. Nam si aliorsum quam prouisae
sunt detorqueri ualent, non iam erit futuri firma praescientia, sed opinio
potius incerta, quod de deo credere nefas iudico. Neque enim illam probo
rationem qua se quidam credunt hunc quaestionis nodum posse dissoluere.
Aiunt enim non ideo quid esse euenturum, quoniam id prouidentia futurum
esse prospexerit, sed e contrario potius, quoniam quid futurum est, id
diuinam prouidentiam latere non posse eoque modo necessarium hoc in
contrariam relabi partem, neque enim necesse esse contingere quae
prouidentur, sed necesse esse quae futura sunt prouideri--quasi uero quae
cuius rei causa sit praescientiane futurorum necessitatis an futurorum
necessitas prouidentiae laboretur, ac non illud demonstrare nitamur, quoquo
modo sese habeat ordo causarum, necessarium esse euentum praescitarum
rerum, etiam si praescientia futuris rebus eueniendi necessitatem non
uideatur inferre. Etenim si quispiam sedeat, opinionem quae eum sedere
coniectat ueram esse necesse est; atque e conuerso rursus, si de quopiam
uera sit opinio quoniam sedet, eum sedere necesse est. In utroque igitur
necessitas inest, in hoc quidem sedendi, at uero in altero ueritatis. Sed
non idcirco quisque sedet quoniam uera est opinio, sed haec potius uera est
quoniam quempiam sedere praecessit. Ita cum causa ueritatis ex altera parte
procedat, inest tamen communis in utraque necessitas.

Similia de prouidentia futurisque rebus ratiocinari patet. Nam etiam si
idcirco quoniam futura sunt, prouidentur, non uero ideo quoniam prouidentur
eueniunt, nihilo minus tamen ab deo uel uentura prouideri uel prouisa
necesse est euenire,[171] quod ad perimendam arbitrii libertatem solum
satis est. Iam uero quam praeposterum est ut aeternae praescientiae
temporalium rerum euentus causa esse dicatur! Quid est autem aliud
arbitrari ideo deum futura quoniam sunt euentura prouidere, quam putare
quae olim acciderunt causam summae illius esse prouidentiae? Ad haec sicuti
cum quid esse scio, id ipsum esse necesse est, ita cum quid futurum noui,
id ipsum futurum esse necesse est. Sic fit igitur ut euentus praescitae rei
nequeat euitari. Postremo si quid aliquis aliorsum atque sese res habet
existimet, id non modo scientia non est, sed est opinio fallax ab scientiae
ueritate longe diuersa. Quare si quid ita futurum est ut eius certus ac
necessarius non sit euentus, id euenturum esse praesciri qui poterit? Sicut
enim scientia ipsa impermixta est falsitati, ita id quod ab ea concipitur
esse aliter atque concipitur nequit. Ea namque causa est cur mendacio
scientia careat, quod se ita rem quamque habere necesse est uti eam sese
habere scientia comprehendit. Quid igitur? Quonam modo deus haec incerta
futura praenoscit? Nam si ineuitabiliter euentura censet quae etiam non
euenire possibile est, fallitur; quod non sentire modo nefas est, sed etiam
uoce proferre. At si ita uti sunt, ita ea futura esse decernit, ut aeque
uel fieri ea uel non fieri posse cognoscat, quae est haec praescientia quae
nihil certum nihil stabile comprehendit? Aut quid hoc refert uaticinio illo
ridiculo Tiresiae?

  Quidquid dicam, aut erit aut non.

Quid etiam diuina prouidentia humana opinione praestiterit; si uti homines
incerta iudicat quorum est incertus euentus? Quod si apud illum rerum
omnium certissimum fontem nihil incerti esse potest, certus eorum est
euentus quae futura firmiter ille praescierit. Quare nulla est humanis
consiliis actionibusque libertas quas diuina mens sine falsitatis errore
cuncta prospiciens ad unum alligat et constringit euentum. Quo semel
recepto quantus occasus humanarum rerum consequatur liquet. Frustra enim
bonis malisque praemia poenaeue proponuntur quae nullus meruit liber ac
uoluntarius motus animorum. Idque omnium uidebitur iniquissimum quod nunc
aequissimum iudicatur uel puniri improbos uel remunerari probos quos ad
alterutrum non propria mittit uoluntas, sed futuri cogit certa necessitas.
Nec uitia igitur nec uirtutes quidquam fuerint, sed omnium meritorum potius
mixta atque indiscreta confusio. Quoque nihil sceleratius excogitari
potest, cum ex prouidentia rerum omnis ordo ducatur nihilque consiliis
liceat humanis, fit ut uitia quoque nostra ad bonorum omnium referantur
auctorem. Igitur nec sperandi aliquid nec deprecandi ulla ratio est. Quid
enim uel speret quisque uel etiam deprecetur, quando optanda omnia series
indeflexa conectit? Auferetur igitur unicum illud inter homines deumque
commercium sperandi scilicet ac deprecandi. Si quidem iustae humilitatis
pretio inaestimabilem uicem diuinae gratiae promeremur, qui solus modus est
quo cum deo colloqui homines posse uideantur illique inaccessae luci prius
quoque quam impetrent ipsa supplicandi ratione coniungi. Quae si recepta
futurorum necessitate nihil uirium habere credantur, quid erit quo summo
illi rerum principi conecti atque adhaerere possimus? Quare necesse erit
humanum genus, uti paulo ante cantabas, dissaeptum atque disiunctum suo
fonte fatiscere.


[171] euenire prouisa _codd. meliores._




  III.

  Then I complained that I was now in a greater confusion and more
  doubtful difficulty than before. "What is that?" quoth she, "for I
  already conjecture what it is that troubleth thee." "It seemeth," quoth
  I, "to be altogether impossible and repugnant that God foreseeth all
  things, and that there should be any free-will. For if God beholdeth all
  things and cannot be deceived, that must of necessity follow which His
  providence foreseeth to be to come. Wherefore, if from eternity he doth
  not only foreknow the deeds of men, but also their counsels and wills,
  there can be no free-will; for there is not any other deed or will, but
  those which the divine providence, that cannot be deceived, hath
  foreseen. For if things can be drawn aside to any other end than was
  foreknown, there will not be any firm knowledge of that which is to
  come, but rather an uncertain opinion, which in my opinion were impious
  to believe of God. Neither do I allow of that reason with which some
  suppose that they can dissolve the difficulty of this question. For they
  say that nothing is therefore to come to pass because Providence did
  foresee it, but rather contrariwise, because it shall be, it could not
  be unknown to Providence, and in this manner the necessity passes over
  to the other side. For it is not necessary, they argue, that those
  things should happen which are foreseen, but it is necessary that those
  things should be foreseen that are to come--as though our problem were
  this, which of them is the cause of a thing, the foreknowledge of the
  necessity of things to come, or the necessity of the foreknowledge of
  things to come, and we were not trying to prove that, howsoever these
  causes be ordered, the event of the things which are foreknown is
  necessary, even though the foreknowledge seemeth not to confer necessity
  of being upon the things themselves. For if any man sitteth the opinion
  which thinketh so must needs be true, and again on the other side, if
  the opinion that one sitteth be true, he must needs sit. Wherefore,
  there is necessity in both, in the one of sitting and in the other of
  truth. But one sitteth not because the opinion is true, but rather this
  is true because one hath taken his seat. So that though the cause of
  truth proceedeth from one part, yet there is a common necessity in both.

  And the like is to be inferred of Providence and future things. For even
  though they be foreseen because they shall be, yet they do not come to
  pass because they are foreseen, notwithstanding it is necessary that
  either things to come be foreseen by God, or that things foreseen do
  fall out, which alone is sufficient to overthrow free-will. But see how
  preposterous it is that the event of temporal things should be said to
  be the cause of the everlasting foreknowledge! And what else is it to
  think that God doth therefore foresee future things, because they are to
  happen, than to affirm that those things which happened long since, are
  the cause of that sovereign providence? Furthermore, as when I know
  anything to be, it must needs be; so when I know that anything shall be,
  it must needs be to come. And so it followeth that the event of a thing
  foreknown cannot be avoided. Finally, if any man thinketh otherwise than
  the thing is, that is not only no knowledge, but it is a deceitful
  opinion far from the truth of knowledge; wherefore, if anything is to be
  in such sort that the event of it is not certain or necessary, how can
  that be foreknown that it shall happen? For as knowledge is without
  mixture of falsity, so that which is conceived by it cannot be otherwise
  than it is conceived. For this is the cause why knowledge is without
  deceit, because everything must needs be so as the knowledge
  apprehendeth it to be. What then? How doth God foreknow that these
  uncertain things shall be? For if He judgeth that those things shall
  happen inevitably, which it is possible shall not happen, He is
  deceived, which is not only impious to think, but also to speak. But if
  He supposeth that they shall happen in such sort as they are, so that He
  knoweth that they may equally be done and not be done, what
  foreknowledge is this which comprehendeth no certain or stable thing? Or
  in what is this better than that ridiculous prophecy of Tiresias
  "Whatsoever I say shall either be or not be"[172]? or in what shall the
  divine providence exceed human opinion, if, as men, God judgeth those
  things to be uncertain the event of which is doubtful? But if nothing
  can be uncertain to that most certain fountain of all things, the
  occurrence of those things is certain, which He doth certainly know
  shall be. Wherefore there is no freedom in human counsels and actions,
  which the divine mind, foreseeing all things without error or falsehood,
  tieth and bindeth to one event. Which once admitted, it is evident what
  ruin of human affairs will ensue. For in vain are rewards and
  punishments proposed to good and evil, which no free and voluntary
  motion of their minds hath deserved. And that will seem most unjust
  which is now judged most just, that either the wicked should be punished
  or the good rewarded, since their own will leadeth them to neither, but
  they are compelled by the certain necessity of that which is to come. By
  which means virtues and vices shall be nothing, but rather there will
  follow a mixed confusion of all deserts. And--than which there can be
  nothing invented more impious--since that all order of things proceedeth
  from Providence, and human counsels can do nothing, it followeth that
  our vices also shall be referred to the author of goodness. Wherefore
  there is no means left to hope or pray for anything, since an unflexible
  course connecteth all things that can be desired! Wherefore that only
  traffic betwixt God and men of hope and prayer shall be taken away: if
  indeed by the price of just humility we deserve the unestimable benefit
  of God's grace; for this is the only manner by which it seemeth that men
  may talk with God, and by the very manner of supplication be joined to
  that inaccessible light before they obtain anything; which if by the
  admitting the necessity of future things, they be thought to have no
  force, by what shall we be united and cleave to that Sovereign Prince of
  all things? Wherefore mankind must needs (as thou saidest in thy verse a
  little before), being separated and severed from its source, fail and
  fall away.


  [172] Hor. _Sat._ ii. 5. 59.




III.

Quaenam discors foedera rerum
Causa resoluit? Quis tanta deus
Veris statuit bella duobus,
Vt quae carptim singula constent
Eadem nolint mixta iugari?                                                5
An nulla est discordia ueris
Semperque sibi certa cohaerent?
Sed mens caecis obruta membris
Nequit oppressi luminis igne
Rerum tenues noscere nexus.                                              10
Sed cur tanto flagrat amore
Veri tectas reperire notas?
Scitne quod appetit anxia nosse?
Sed quis nota scire laborat?
At si nescit, quid caeca petit?                                          15
Quis enim quidquam nescius optet
Aut quis ualeat nescita sequi?
Quoue inueniat, quisque[173] repertam
Queat ignarus noscere formam?
An cum mentem cerneret altam,                                            20
Pariter summam et singula norat?
Nunc membrorum condita nube
Non in totum est oblita sui
Summamque tenet singula perdens.
Igitur quisquis uera requirit,                                           25
Neutro est habitu; nam neque nouit
Nec penitus tamen omnia nescit,
Sed quam retinens meminit summam
Consulit alte uisa retractans,
Vt seruatis queat oblitas                                                30
           Addere partes."


[173] quisque _codex Bambergensis_ s. xi.: quis _codd. meliores._




  III.

  What cause of discord breaks the bands of love?
  What God between two truths such wars doth move?
  That things which severally well settled be
  Yet joined in one will never friendly prove?
  Or in true things can we no discord see,
  Because all certainties do still agree?
  But our dull soul, covered with members blind,
  Knows not the secret laws which things do bind,
  By the drowned light of her oppressed fire.
  Why then, the hidden notes of things to find,
  Doth she with such a love of truth desire?
  If she knows that which she doth so require,
  Why wisheth she known things to know again?
  If she knows not, why strives she with blind pain?
  Who after things unknown will strive to go?
  Or will such ignorant pursuit maintain?
  How shall she find them out? Or having so,
  How shall she then their forms and natures know?
  Because this soul the highest mind did view,
  Must we needs say that it all nature knew?
  Now she, though clouds of flesh do her debar,
  Forgets not all that was her ancient due,
  But in her mind some general motions are,
  Though not the skill of things particular.
  He that seeks truth in neither course doth fall;
  Not knowing all, nor ignorant of all,
  He marketh general things which he retains,
  And matters seen on high doth back recall,
  And things forgotten to his mind regains,
  And joins them to that part which there remains."




IV.

Tum illa: "Vetus," inquit, "haec est de prouidentia querela Marcoque
Tullio, cum diuinationem distribuit, uehementer agitata tibique ipsi res
diu prorsus multumque quaesita, sed haud quaquam ab ullo uestrum hactenus
satis diligenter ac firmiter expedita. Cuius caliginis causa est, quod
humanae ratiocinationis motus ad diuinae praescientiae simplicitatem non
potest admoueri, quae si ullo modo cogitari queat, nihil prorsus
relinquetur ambigui. Quod ita demum patefacere atque expedire temptabo, si
prius ea quibus moueris expendero. Quaero enim, cur illam soluentium
rationem minus efficacem putes, quae quia praescientiam non esse futuris
rebus causam necessitatis existimat, nihil impediri praescientia arbitrii
libertatem putat. Num enim tu aliunde argumentum futurorum necessitatis
trahis, nisi quod ea quae praesciuntur non euenire non possunt? Si igitur
praenotio nullam futuris rebus adicit necessitatem, quod tu etiam paulo
ante fatebare, quid est quod uoluntarii exitus rerum ad certum cogantur
euentum? Etenim positionis gratia, ut quid consequatur aduertas, statuamus
nullam esse praescientiam. Num igitur quantum ad hoc attinet, quae ex
arbitrio eueniunt ad necessitatem cogantur?" "Minime." "Statuamus iterum
esse, sed nihil rebus necessitatis iniungere; manebit ut opinor eadem
uoluntatis integra atque absoluta libertas.

Sed praescientia, inquies, tametsi futuris eueniendi necessitas non est,
signum tamen est necessario ea esse uentura. Hoc igitur modo, etiam si
praecognitio non fuisset, necessarios futurorum exitus esse constaret. Omne
etenim signum tantum quid sit ostendit, non uero efficit quod designat.
Quare demonstrandum prius est nihil non ex necessitate contingere, ut
praenotionem signum esse huius necessitatis appareat. Alioquin si haec
nulla est, ne illa quidem eius rei signum poterit esse quae non est. Iam
uero probationem firma ratione subnixam constat non ex signis neque petitis
extrinsecus argumentis sed ex conuenientibus necessariisque causis esse
ducendam. Sed qui fieri potest ut ea non proueniant quae futura esse
prouidentur? Quasi uero nos ea quae prouidentia futura esse praenoscit non
esse euentura credamus ac non illud potius arbitremur, licet eueniant,
nihil tamen ut euenirent sui natura necessitatis habuisse; quod hinc facile
perpendas licebit. Plura etenim dum fiunt subiecta oculis intuemur, ut ea
quae in quadrigis moderandis atque flectendis facere spectantur aurigae
atque ad hunc modum cetera. Num igitur quidquam illorum ita fieri
necessitas ulla compellit?" "Minime. Frustra enim esset artis effectus, si
omnia coacta mouerentur." "Quae igitur cum fiunt carent exsistendi
necessitate, eadem prius quam fiant sine necessitate futura sunt. Quare
sunt quaedam euentura quorum exitus ab omni necessitate sit absolutus. Nam
illud quidem nullum arbitror esse dicturum, quod quae nunc fiunt, prius
quam fierent, euentura non fuerint. Haec igitur etiam praecognita liberos
habent euentus. Nam sicut scientia praesentium rerum nihil his quae fiunt,
ita praescientia futurorum nihil his quae uentura sunt necessitatis
importat. Sed hoc, inquis, ipsum dubitatur, an earum rerum quae necessarios
exitus non habent ulla possit esse praenotio. Dissonare etenim uidentur
putasque si praeuideantur consequi necessitatem, si necessitas desit minime
praesciri nihilque scientia comprehendi posse nisi certum; quod si quae
incerti sunt exitus ea quasi certa prouidentur, opinionis id esse caliginem
non scientiae ueritatem. Aliter enim ac sese res habeat arbitrari ab
integritate scientiae credis esse diuersum. Cuius erroris causa est, quod
omnia quae quisque nouit ex ipsorum tantum ui atque natura cognosci
aestimat quae sciuntur; quod totum contra est Omne enim quod cognoscitur
non secundum sui uim sed secundum cognoscentium potius comprehenditur
facultatem. Nam ut hoc breui liqueat exemplo, eandem corporis rotunditatem
aliter uisus aliter tactus agnoscit. Ille eminus manens totum simul iactis
radiis intuetur; hic uero cohaerens orbi atque coniunctus circa ipsum motus
ambitum rotunditatem partibus comprehendit. Ipsum quoque hominem aliter
sensus, aliter imaginatio, aliter ratio, aliter intellegentia contuetur.
Sensus enim figuram in subiecta materia constitutam, imaginatio uero solam
sine materia iudicat figuram. Ratio uero hanc quoque transcendit speciemque
ipsam quae singularibus inest uniuersali consideratione perpendit.
Intellegentiae uero celsior oculus exsistit; supergressa namque
uniuersitatis ambitum ipsam illam simplicem formam pura mentis acie
contuetur.

In quo illud maxime considerandum est: nam superior comprehendendi uis
amplectitur inferiorem, inferior uero ad superiorem nullo modo consurgit.
Neque enim sensus aliquid extra materiam ualet uel uniuersales species
imaginatio contuetur uel ratio capit simplicem formam, sed intellegentia
quasi desuper spectans concepta forma quae subsunt etiam cuncta diiudicat,
sed eo modo quo formam ipsam, quae nulli alii nota esse poterat,
comprehendit. Nam et rationis uniuersum et imaginationis figuram et
materiale sensibile cognoscit nec ratione utens nec imaginatione nec
sensibus, sed illo uno ictu mentis formaliter, ut ita dicam, cuncta
prospiciens. Ratio quoque cum quid uniuersale respicit, nec imaginatione
nec sensibus utens imaginabilia uel sensibilia comprehendit. Haec est enim
quae conceptionis suae uniuersale ita definiuit: homo est animal bipes
rationale. Quae cum uniuersalis notio sit, tum imaginabilem sensibilemque
esse rem nullus ignorat, quod illa non imaginatione uel sensu sed in
rationali conceptione considerat. Imaginatio quoque tametsi ex sensibus
uisendi formandique figuras sumpsit exordium, sensu tamen absente
sensibilia quaeque conlustrat non sensibili sed imaginaria ratione
iudicandi. Videsne igitur ut in cognoscendo cuncta sua potius facultate
quam eorum quae cognoscuntur utantur? Neque id iniuria; nam cum omne
iudicium iudicantis actus exsistat, necesse est ut suam quisque operam non
ex aliena sed ex propria potestate perficiat.




  IV.

  "This," quoth she, "is an ancient complaint of providence, vehemently
  pursued by Marcus Tullius in his _Distribution of Divination_,[174]
  and a thing which thou thyself hast made great and long search after.
  But hitherto none of you have used sufficient diligence and vigour in
  the explication thereof. The cause of which obscurity is for that the
  motion of human discourse cannot attain to the simplicity of the divine
  knowledge, which if by any means we could conceive, there would not
  remain any doubt at all; which I will endeavour to make manifest and
  plain when I have first explicated that which moveth thee. For I demand
  why thou thinkest their solution unsufficient, who think that free-will
  is not hindered by foreknowledge, because they suppose that
  foreknowledge is not the cause of any necessity in things to come. For
  fetchest thou any proof for the necessity of future things from any
  other principle, but only from this, that those things which are
  foreknown cannot choose but happen? Wherefore if foreknowledge imposeth
  no necessity upon future events, which thou didst grant not long before,
  why should voluntary actions be tied to any certain success? For
  example's sake, that thou mayest see what will follow, let us suppose
  that there were no providence or foresight at all. Would those things
  which proceed from free-will be compelled to any necessity by this
  means?" "No." "Again, let us grant it to be, but that it imposeth no
  necessity upon anything; no doubt the same freedom of will will remain
  whole and absolute.

  But thou wilt say, even though foreknowledge be not a necessity for
  things to happen, yet it is a sign that they shall necessarily come to
  pass. Wherefore now, even if there had been no foreknowledge, the events
  of future things would have been necessary. For all signs only show what
  is, but cause not that which they design. And consequently it must first
  be proved that all things fall out by necessity, that it may appear that
  foreknowledge is a sign of this necessity. For otherwise, if there be no
  necessity, neither can foreknowledge be the sign of that which is not.
  Besides it is manifest that every firm proof must be drawn from
  intrinsical and necessary causes and not from signs and other farfetched
  arguments. But how is it possible those things should not happen which
  are foreseen to be to come? As though we did believe that those things
  will not be which providence hath foreknown and do not rather judge that
  although they happen, yet by their own nature they had no necessity of
  being, which thou mayest easily gather hence. For we see many things
  with our eyes while they are in doing, as those things which the
  coachmen do while they drive and turn their coaches and in like manner
  other things. Now doth necessity compel any of these things to be done
  in this sort?" "No. For in vain should art labour if all things were
  moved by compulsion." "Wherefore, as these things are without necessity
  when they are in doing, so likewise they are to come without necessity
  before they be done. And consequently there are some things to come
  whose event is free from all necessity. For I suppose no man will say
  that those things which are done now were not to come before they were
  done. Wherefore these things even being foreseen come freely to effect.
  For as the knowledge of things present causeth no necessity in things
  which are in doing, so neither the foreknowledge in things to come. But
  thou wilt say: This is the question, whether there can be any
  foreknowledge of those things whose events are not necessary. For these
  things seem opposite, and thou thinkest that, if future things be
  foreseen, there followeth necessity, if there be no necessity, that they
  that are not foreknown, and that nothing can be perfectly known unless
  it be certain. But if uncertain events be foreseen as certain, it is
  manifest that this is the obscurity of opinion and not the truth of
  knowledge. For thou thinkest it to be far from the integrity of
  knowledge to judge otherwise than the thing is. The cause of which error
  is because thou thinkest that all that is known is known only by the
  force and nature of the things themselves, which is altogether
  otherwise. For all that is known is not comprehended according to the
  force which it hath in itself, but rather according to the faculty of
  them which know it. For to explicate it with a brief example: the sight
  and the feeling do diversely discern the same roundness of a die. The
  sight standing aloof beholdeth it altogether by his beams; but the
  feeling united and joined to the orb, being moved about the compass of
  it, comprehendeth the roundness by parts. Likewise sense, imagination,
  reason and understanding do diversely behold a man. For sense looketh
  upon his form as it is placed in matter or subject, the imagination
  discerneth it alone without matter, reason passeth beyond this also and
  considereth universally the species or kind which is in particulars. The
  eye of the understanding is higher yet. For surpassing the compass of
  the whole world it beholdeth with the clear eye of the mind that simple
  form in itself.

  In which that is chiefly to be considered, that the superior force of
  comprehending embraceth the inferior; but the inferior can by no means
  attain to the superior; for the sense hath no force out of matter,
  neither doth the imagination conceive universal species, nor is reason
  capable of the simple form, but the understanding, as it were looking
  downward, having conceived that form, discerneth of all things which are
  under it, but in that sort in which it apprehendeth that form which can
  be known by none of the other. For it knoweth the universality of
  reason, and the figure of imagination, and the materiality of sense,
  neither using reason, nor imagination, nor senses, but as it were
  formally beholding all things with that one twinkling of the mind.
  Likewise reason, when it considereth any universality, comprehendeth
  both imagination and sensible things without the use of either
  imagination or senses. For she defineth the universality of her conceit
  thus: Man is a reasonable, two-footed, living creature, which being an
  universal knowledge, no man is ignorant that it is an imaginable and
  sensible thing, which she considereth by a reasonable conceiving and not
  by imagination or sense. Imagination also, although it began by the
  senses of seeing and forming figures, yet when sense is absent it
  beholdeth sensible things, not after a sensible, but after an imaginary
  manner of knowledge. Seest thou now how all these in knowing do rather
  use their own force and faculty than the force of those things which are
  known? Nor undeservedly; for since all judgment is the act of him who
  judgeth, it is necessary that every one should perfect his operation by
  his own power and not by the force of any other.


  [174] _De diuin_, ii.




IV.

Quondam porticus attulit
Obscuros nimium senes
Qui sensus et imagines
E corporibus extimis
Credant mentibus imprimi,                                                 5
Vt quondam celeri stilo
Mos est aequore paginae,
Quae nullas habeat notas,
Pressas figere litteras.
Sed mens si propriis uigens                                              10
Nihil motibus explicat,
Sed tantum patiens iacet
Notis subdita corporum
Cassasque in speculi uicem
Rerum reddit imagines,                                                   15
Vnde haec sic animis uiget
Cernens omnia notio?
Quae uis singula perspicit
Aut quae cognita diuidit?
Quae diuisa recolligit                                                   20
Alternumque legens iter
Nunc summis caput inserit,
Nunc decedit in infima,
Tum sese referens sibi
Veris falsa redarguit?                                                   25
Haec est efficiens magis
Longe causa potentior
Quam quae materiae modo
Impressas patitur notas.
Praecedit tamen excitans                                                 30
Ac uires animi mouens
Viuo in corpore passio.
Cum uel lux oculos ferit
Vel uox auribus instrepit,
Tum mentis uigor excitus                                                 35
Quas intus species tenet
Ad motus similes uocans
Notis applicat exteris
Introrsumque reconditis
Formis miscet imagines.                                                  40




  IV.

  Cloudy old prophets of the Porch[175] once taught
  That sense and shape presented to the thought
    From outward objects their impression take,
  As when upon a paper smooth and plain
  On which as yet no marks of ink have lain
    We with a nimble pen do letters make.
  But if our minds to nothing can apply
  Their proper motions, but do patient lie
    Subject to forms which do from bodies flow,
  As a glass renders empty[176] shapes of things,
  Who then can show from whence that motion springs
    By force of which the mind all things doth know?
  Or by what skill are several things espied?
  And being known what power doth them divide,
    And thus divided doth again unite,
  And with a various journey oft aspires
  To highest things, and oft again retires
    To basest, nothing being out of sight,
  And when she back unto herself doth move,
  Doth all the falsehoods by the truth reprove?
    This vigour needs must be an active cause,
  And with more powerful forces must be deckt,
  Than that which from those forms, that do reflect
    From outward matter, all her virtue draws.
  And yet in living bodies passion's might
  Doth go before, whose office is to incite,
    And the first motions in the mind to make.
  As when the light unto our eyes appears,
  Or some loud voice is sounded in our ears,
    Then doth the strength of the dull mind awake
  Those phantasies which she retains within;
  She stirreth up such notions to begin,
    Whose objects with their natures best agree,
  And thus applying them to outward things,
  She joins the external shapes which thence she brings
    With forms which in herself included be.


  [175] The Porch, _i.e._ the Painted Porch ([Greek: stoa poikilae]) at
  Athens, the great hall adorned with frescoes of the battle of Marathon,
  which served as lecture-room to Zeno, the founder of the Stoic sect.

  [176] Cf. Quin potius noscas rerum simulacra uagari
            Multa modis multis nulla ui cassaque sensu.

  "But rather you are to know that idols or things wander about many in
  number in many ways, of no force, powerless to excite sense."--Lucr. iv.
  127, 128 (trans. Munro).




V.

Quod si in corporibus sentiendis, quamuis afficiant instrumenta sensuum
forinsecus obiectae qualitates animique agentis uigorem passio corporis
antecedat quae in se actum mentis prouocet excitetque interim quiescentes
intrinsecus formas, si in sentiendis, inquam, corporibus animus non
passione insignitur, sed ex sua ui subiectam corpori iudicat passionem,
quanto magis ea quae cunctis corporum affectionibus absoluta sunt, in
discernendo non obiecta extrinsecus sequuntur, sed actum suae mentis
expediunt? Hac itaque ratione multiplices cognitiones diuersis ac
differentibus cessere substantiis. Sensus enim solus cunctis aliis
cognitionibus destitutus immobilibus animantibus cessit quales sunt conchae
maris quaeque alia saxis haerentia nutriuntur, imaginatio uero mobilibus
beluis quibus iam inesse fugiendi appetendiue aliquis uidetur affectus,
ratio uero humani tantum generis est sicut intellegentia sola diuini. Quo
fit ut ea notitia ceteris praestet quae suapte natura non modo proprium sed
ceterarum quoque notitiarum subiecta cognoscit. Quid igitur, si
ratiocinationi sensus imaginatioque refragentur, nihil esse illud
uniuersale dicentes quod sese intueri ratio putet? Quod enim sensibile uel
imaginabile est, id uniuersum esse non posse; aut igitur rationis uerum
esse iudicium nec quidquam esse sensibile, aut quoniam sibi notum sit plura
sensibus et imaginationi esse subiecta, inanem conceptionem esse rationis
quae quod sensibile sit ac singulare quasi quiddam uniuersale consideret.
Ad haec, si ratio contra respondeat se quidem et quod sensibile et quod
imaginabile sit in uniuersitatis ratione conspicere, illa uero ad
uniuersitatis cognitionem adspirare non posse, quoniam eorum notio
corporales figuras non possit excedere, de rerum uero cognitione firmiori
potius perfectiorique iudicio esse credendum, in huiusmodi igitur lite nos
quibus tam ratiocinandi quam imaginandi etiam sentiendique uis inest nonne
rationis potius causam probaremus? Simile est quod humana ratio diuinam
intellegentiam futura, nisi ut ipsa cognoscit, non putat intueri. Nam ita
disseris: Si qua certos ac necessarios habere non uideantur euentus, ea
certo euentura praesciri nequeunt. Harum igitur rerum nulla est
praescientia, quam si etiam in his esse credamus, nihil erit quod non ex
necessitate proueniat. Si igitur uti rationis participes sumus ita diuinae
iudicium mentis habere possemus, sicut imaginationem sensumque rationi
cedere oportere iudicauimus, sic diuinae sese menti humanam submittere
rationem iustissimum censeremus. Quare in illius summae intellegentiae
cacumen, si possumus, erigamur; illic enim ratio uidebit quod in se non
potest intueri, id autem est, quonam modo etiam quae certos exitus non
habent, certa tamen uideat ac definita praenotio neque id sit opinio sed
summae potius scientiae nullis terminis inclusa simplicitas.




  V.

  And if in sentient bodies, although the qualities of outward objects do
  move the organs of sense, and the passion of the body goeth before the
  vigour of the active mind, provoking her action to itself and exciting
  the inward forms which before lay quiet; if, I say, in perceiving these
  corporal objects the mind taketh not her impression from passion, but by
  her own force judgeth of the passion itself, which is objected to the
  body; how much more do those powers exercise the action of their mind
  and not only follow the outward objects in their judgment, which are
  free from all affections of the body? Wherefore in this sort have
  diverse and different substances knowledges of many kinds. For only
  sense destitute of all other means of knowledge is in those living
  creatures which are unmovable, as some shell-fish and other which stick
  to stones and so are nourished; and imagination in movable beasts who
  seem to have some power to covet and fly. But reason belongeth only to
  mankind, as understanding to things divine. So that that knowledge is
  most excellent which of itself doth not only know her own object, but
  also those which belong to others. What then, if sense and imagination
  repugn to discourse and reason, affirming that universality to be
  nothing which reason thinketh herself to see? For that cannot be
  universal, they argue, which is either sensible or imaginable; wherefore
  either the judgment of reason must be true and nothing at all sensible,
  or because they know that many things are subject to the senses and
  imagination, the conceit of reason is vain, which considereth that which
  is sensible and singular as if it were universal. Moreover if reason
  should answer that she beholdeth in her universality all that which is
  sensible or imaginable, but they cannot aspire to the knowledge of
  universality, because their knowledge cannot surpass corporal figures
  and shapes, and that we must give more credit to the firmer and more
  perfect judgment about the knowledge of things, in this contention
  should not we, who have the power of discoursing as well as of
  imagination and sense, rather take reason's part? The very like
  happeneth when human reason doth not think that the divine understanding
  doth behold future things otherwise than she herself doth. For thus thou
  arguest: If any things seem not to have certain and necessary events,
  they cannot be certainly foreknown to be to come. Wherefore there is no
  foreknowledge of these things, and if we think that there is any, there
  shall be nothing which happeneth not of necessity. If, therefore, as we
  are endued with reason, we could likewise have the judgment proper to
  the divine mind, as we have judged that imagination and sense must yield
  to reason, so likewise we would think it most reasonable and just that
  human reason should submit herself to the divine mind. Wherefore let us
  be lifted up as much as we can to that height of the highest mind; for
  there reason shall see that which she cannot behold in herself. And that
  is, how a certain and definite foreknowledge seeth even those things
  which have no certain issue, and that this is no opinion, but rather the
  simplicity of the highest knowledge enclosed within no bounds.




V.

Quam uariis terras animalia permeant figuris!
Namque alia extento sunt corpore pulueremque uerrunt
Continuumque trahunt ui pectoris incitata sulcum
Sunt quibus alarum leuitas uaga uerberetque uentos
Et liquido longi spatia aetheris enatet uolatu,                           5
Haec pressisse solo uestigia gressibusque gaudent
Vel uirides campos transmittere uel subire siluas.
Quae uariis uideas licet omnia discrepare formis,
Prona tamen facies hebetes ualet ingrauare sensus.
Vnica gens hominum celsum leuat altius cacumen                           10
Atque leuis recto stat corpore despicitque terras.
Haec nisi terrenus male desipis, admonet figura,
Qui recto caelum uultu petis exserisque frontem,
In sublime feras animum quoque, ne grauata pessum
Inferior sidat mens corpore celsius leuata.                              15




  V.

  What several figures things that live upon the earth do keep!
  Some have their bodies stretched in length by which the dust they sweep
  And do continual furrows make while on their breasts they creep.
  Some lightly soaring up on high with wings the wind do smite
  And through the longest airy space pass with an easy flight.
  Some by their paces to imprint the ground with steps delight,
  Which through the pleasant fields do pass or to the woods do go,
  Whose several forms though to our eyes they do a difference show,
  Yet by their looks cast down on earth their senses heavy grow.
  Men only with more stately shape to higher objects rise,
  Who with erected bodies stand and do the earth despise.
  These figures warn (if baser thoughts blind not thine earthly eyes)
  That thou who with an upright face dost look upon the sky,
  Shouldst also raise thy mind aloft, lest while thou bearest high
  Thine earthly head, thy soul opprest beneath thy body lie.




VI.

Quoniam igitur, uti paulo ante monstratum est, omne quod scitur non ex sua
sed ex conprehendentium natura cognoscitur, intueamur nunc quantum fas est,
quis sit diuinae substantiae status, ut quaenam etiam scientia eius sit,
possimus agnoscere. Deum igitur aeternum esse cunctorum ratione degentium
commune iudicium est. Quid sit igitur aeternitas consideremus; haec enim
nobis naturam pariter diuinam scientiamque patefacit. Aeternitas igitur est
interminabilis uitae tota simul et perfecta possessio, quod ex collatione
temporalium clarius liquet. Nam quidquid uiuit in tempore id praesens a
praeteritis in futura procedit nihilque est in tempore constitutum quod
totum uitae suae spatium pariter possit amplecti. Sed crastinum quidem
nondum adprehendit; hesternum uero iam perdidit; in hodierna quoque uita
non amplius uiuitis quam in illo mobili transitorioque momento. Quod igitur
temporis patitur condicionem, licet illud, sicuti de mundo censuit
Aristoteles, nec coeperit umquam esse nec desinat uitaque eius cum temporis
infinitate tendatur, nondum tamen tale est ut aeternum esse iure credatur.
Non enim totum simul infinitae licet uitae spatium comprehendit atque
complectitur, sed futura nondum transacta iam non habet. Quod igitur
interminabilis uitae plenitudinem totam pariter comprehendit ac possidet,
cui neque futuri quidquam absit nec praeteriti fluxerit, id aeternum esse
iure perhibetur, idque necesse est et sui compos praesens sibi semper
adsistere et infinitatem mobilis temporis habere praesentem. Vnde non recte
quidam, qui cum audiunt uisum Platoni mundum hunc nec habuisse initium
temporis nec habiturum esse defectum, hoc modo conditori conditum mundum
fieri coaeternum putant. Aliud est enim per interminabilem duci uitam, quod
mundo Plato tribuit, aliud interminabilis uitae totam pariter complexum
esse praesentiam, quod diuinae mentis proprium esse manifestum est. Neque
deus conditis rebus antiquior uideri debet temporis quantitate sed
simplicis potius proprietate naturae. Hunc enim uitae immobilis
praesentarium statum infinitus ille temporalium rerum motus imitatur cumque
eum effingere atque aequare non possit, ex immobilitate deficit in motum,
ex simplicitate praesentiae decrescit in infinitam futuri ac praeteriti
quantitatem; et cum totam pariter uitae suae plenitudinem nequeat
possidere, hoc ipso quod aliquo modo numquam esse desinit; illud quod
implere atque exprimere non potest, aliquatenus uidetur aemulari alligans
se ad qualemcumque praesentiam huius exigui uolucrisque momenti, quae,
quoniam manentis illius praesentiae quandam gestat imaginem, quibuscumque
contigerit id praestat ut esse uideantur. Quoniam uero manere non potuit,
infinitum temporis iter arripuit eoque modo factum est ut continuaret eundo
uitam cuius plenitudinem complecti non ualuit permanendo. Itaque si digna
rebus nomina uelimus imponere, Platonem sequentes deum quidem aeternum,
mundum uero dicamus esse perpetuum. Quoniam igitur omne iudicium secundum
sui naturam quae sibi subiecta sunt comprehendit, est autem deo semper
aeternus ac praesentarius status; scientia quoque eius omnem temporis
supergressa motionem in suae manet simplicitate praesentiae infinitaque
praeteriti ac futuri spatia complectens omnia quasi iam gerantur in sua
simplici cognitione considerat. Itaque si praesentiam pensare uelis qua
cuncta dinoscit, non esse praescientiam quasi futuri sed scientiam numquam
deficientis instantiae rectius aestimabis; unde non praeuidentia sed
prouidentia potius dicitur, quod porro ab rebus infimis constituta quasi ab
excelso rerum cacumine cuncta prospiciat. Quid igitur postulas ut
necessaria fiant quae diuino lumine lustrentur, cum ne homines quidem
necessaria faciant esse quae uideant? Num enim quae praesentia cernis,
aliquam eis necessitatem tuus addit intuitus?" "Minime." "Atqui si est
diuini humanique praesentis digna collatio, uti uos uestro hoc temporario
praesenti quaedam uidetis, ita ille omnia suo cernit aeterno. Quare haec
diuina praenotio naturam rerum proprietatemque non mutat taliaque apud se
praesentia spectat qualia in tempore olim futura prouenient. Nec rerum
iudicia confundit unoque suae mentis intuitu tam necessarie quam non
necessarie uentura dinoscit; sicuti uos cum pariter ambulare in terra
hominem et oriri in caelo solem uidetis, quamquam simul utrumque conspectum
tamen discernitis et hoc uoluntarium illud esse necessarium iudicatis, ita
igitur cuncta despiciens diuinus intuitus qualitatem rerum minime perturbat
apud se quidem praesentium, ad condicionem uero temporis futurarum. Quo fit
ut hoc non sit opinio sed ueritate potius nixa cognitio, cum exstaturum
quid esse cognoscit quod idem exsistendi necessitate carere non nesciat.
Hic si dicas quod euenturum deus uidet id non euenire non posse, quod autem
non potest non euenire id ex necessitate contingere, meque ad hoc nomen
necessitatis adstringas; fatebor rem quidem solidissimae ueritatis sed cui
uix aliquis nisi diuini speculator accesserit. Respondebo namque idem
futurum, cum ad diuinam notionem refertur, necessarium, cum uero in sua
natura perpenditur, liberum prorsus atque absolutum uideri. Duae sunt
etenim necessitates, simplex una, ueluti quod necesse est omnes homines
esse mortales, altera condicionis, ut si aliquem ambulare scias, eum
ambulare necesse est; quod enim quisque nouit, id esse aliter ac notum est
nequit, sed haec condicio minime secum illam simplicem trahit. Hanc enim
necessitatem non propria facit natura sed condicionis adiectio; nulla enim
necessitas cogit incedere uoluntate gradientem, quamuis eum tum cum
graditur incedere necessarium sit. Eodem igitur modo, si quid prouidentia
praesens uidet, id esse necesse est, tametsi nullam naturae habeat
necessitatem. Atqui deus ea futura quae ex arbitrii libertate proueniunt
praesentia contuetur. Haec igitur ad intuitum relata diuinum necessaria
fiant per condicionem diuinae notionis; per se uero considerata ab absoluta
naturae suae libertate non desinunt. Fient igitur procul dubio cuncta quae
futura deus esse praenoscit, sed eorum quaedam de libero proficiscuntur
arbitrio; quae quamuis eueniant, exsistendo tamen naturam propriam non
amittunt, qua priusquam fierent etiam non euenire potuissent. Quid igitur
refert non esse necessaria, cum propter diuinae scientiae condicionem modis
omnibus necessitatis instar eueniet? Hoc scilicet quod ea quae paulo ante
proposui, sol oriens et gradiens homo. Quae dum fiunt, non fieri non
possunt; eorum tamen unum prius quoque quam fieret, necesse erat exsistere,
alterum uero minime. Ita etiam quae praesentia deus habet, dubio procul
exsistent, sed eorum hoc quidem de rerum necessitate descendit, illud uero
de potestate facientium. Haud igitur iniuria diximus haec si ad diuinam
notitiam referantur necessaria, si per se considerentur necessitatis esse
nexibus absoluta; sicuti omne quod sensibus patet, si ad rationem referas,
uniuersale est, si ad se ipsa respicias, singulare. 'Sed si in mea,'
inquies, 'potestate situm est mutare propositum, euacuabo prouidentiam, cum
quae illa praenoscit forte mutauero.' Respondebo: propositum te quidem tuum
posse deflectere, sed quoniam et id te posse et an facias quoue conuertas
praesens prouidentiae ueritas intuetur, diuinam te praescientiam non posse
uitare, sicuti praesentis oculi effugere non possis intuitum, quamuis te in
uarias actiones libera uoluntate conuerteris. Quid igitur inquies? Ex meane
dispositione scientia diuina mutabitur, ut cum ego nunc hoc nunc aliud
uelim, illa quoque noscendi uices alternare uideatur? Minime. Omne namque
futurum diuinus praecurrit intuitus et ad praesentiam propriae cognitionis
retorquet ac reuocat nec alternat, ut aestimas, nunc hoc nunc illud
praenoscendi uice, sed uno ictu mutationes tuas manens praeuenit atque
complectitur. Quam comprehendendi omnia uisendique praesentiam non ex
futurarum prouentu rerum, sed ex propria deus simplicitate sortitus est. Ex
quo illud quoque resoluitur quod paulo ante posuisti indignum esse, si
scientiae dei causam futura nostra praestare dicantur. Haec enim scientiae
uis praesentaria notione cuncta complectens rebus modum omnibus ipsa
constituit, nihil uero posterioribus debet. Quae cum ita sint, manet
intemerata mortalibus arbitrii libertas nec iniquae leges solutis omni
necessitate uoluntatibus praemia poenasque proponunt. Manet etiam spectator
desuper cunctorum praescius deus uisionisque eius praesens semper
aeternitas cum nostrorum actuum futura qualitate concurrit bonis praemia
malis supplicia dispensans. Nec frustra sunt in deo positae spes precesque;
quae cum rectae sunt, inefficaces esse non possunt. Auersamini igitur
uitia, colite uirtutes, ad rectas spes animum subleuate, humiles preces in
excelsa porrigite. Magna uobis est, si dissimulare non uultis, necessitas
indicta probitatis, cum ante oculos agitis iudicis cuncta cernentis."




  VI.

  Seeing, therefore, as hath been showed, all that is known is not
  comprehended by its own nature but by the power of him which
  comprehendeth it, let us see now, as much as we may, what is the state
  of the divine substance that we may also know what His knowledge is.
  Wherefore it is the common judgment of all that live by reason that God
  is everlasting, and therefore let us consider what eternity is. For this
  declareth unto us both the divine nature and knowledge. Eternity
  therefore is a perfect possession altogether of an endless life, which
  is more manifest by the comparison of temporal things, for whatsoever
  liveth in time, that being present proceedeth from times past to times
  to come, and there is nothing placed in time which can embrace all the
  space of its life at once. But it hath not yet attained to-morrow and
  hath lost yesterday. And you live no more in this day's life than in
  that movable and transitory moment. Wherefore, whatsoever suffereth the
  condition of time, although, as Aristotle thought of the world, it never
  began nor were ever to end, and its life did endure with infinite time,
  yet it is not such that it ought to be called everlasting. For it doth
  not comprehend and embrace all the space of its life together, though
  that life be infinite, but it hath not the future time which is yet to
  come. That then which comprehendeth and possesseth the whole fulness of
  an endless life together, to which neither any part to come is absent,
  nor of that which is past hath escaped, is worthy to be accounted
  everlasting, and this is necessary, that being no possession in itself,
  it may always be present to itself, and have an infinity of movable time
  present to it. Wherefore they are deceived who, hearing that Plato
  thought that this world had neither beginning of time nor should ever
  have any end, think that by this means the created world should be
  coeternal with the Creator. For it is one thing to be carried through an
  endless life, which Plato attributed to the world, another thing to
  embrace the whole presence of an endless life together, which is
  manifestly proper to the divine mind. Neither ought God to seem more
  ancient than the things created, by the quantity of time, but rather by
  the simplicity of His divine nature. For that infinite motion of
  temporal things imitateth the present state of the unmovable life, and
  since it cannot express nor equal it, it falleth from immobility to
  motion, and from the simplicity of presence, it decreaseth to an
  infinite quantity of future and past, and since it cannot possess
  together all the fulness of its life, by never leaving to be in some
  sort, it seemeth to emulate in part that which it cannot fully obtain
  and express, tying itself to this small presence of this short and swift
  moment, which because it carrieth a certain image of that abiding
  presence, whosoever hath it, seemeth to be. But because it could not
  stay it undertook an infinite journey of time, and so it came to pass
  that it continued that life by going whose plenitude it could not
  comprehend by staying. Wherefore, if we will give things their right
  names, following Plato, let us say that God is everlasting and the world
  perpetual. Wherefore, since every judgment comprehendeth those things
  which are subject unto it, according to its own nature, and God hath
  always an everlasting and present state, His knowledge also surpassing
  all motions of time, remaineth in the simplicity of His presence, and
  comprehending the infinite spaces of that which is past and to come,
  considereth all things in His simple knowledge as though they were now
  in doing. So that, if thou wilt weigh His foreknowledge with which He
  discerneth all things, thou wilt more rightly esteem it to be the
  knowledge of a never fading instant than a foreknowledge as of a thing
  to come. For which cause it is not called praevidence or foresight, but
  rather providence, because, placed far from inferior things, it
  overlooketh all things, as it were, from the highest top of things. Why,
  therefore, wilt thou have those things necessary which are illustrated
  by the divine light, since that not even men make not those things
  necessary which they see? For doth thy sight impose any necessity upon
  those things which thou seest present?" "No." "But the present instant
  of men may well be compared to that of God in this: that as you see some
  things in your temporal instant, so He beholdeth all things in His
  eternal present. Wherefore this divine foreknowledge doth not change the
  nature and propriety of things, and it beholdeth them such in His
  presence as they will after come to be, neither doth He confound the
  judgment of things, and with one sight of His mind He discerneth as well
  those things which shall happen necessarily as otherwise. As you, when
  at one time you see a man walking upon the earth and the sun rising in
  heaven, although they be both seen at once, yet you discern and judge
  that the one is voluntary, and the other necessary, so likewise the
  divine sight beholding all things disturbeth not the quality of things
  which to Him are present, but in respect of time are yet to come. And so
  this is not an opinion but rather a knowledge grounded upon truth, when
  He knoweth that such a thing shall be, which likewise He is not ignorant
  that it hath no necessity of being. Here if thou sayest that cannot
  choose but happen which God seeth shall happen, and that which cannot
  choose but happen, must be of necessity, and so tiest me to this name of
  necessity, I will grant that it is a most solid truth, but whereof
  scarce any but a contemplator of divinity is capable. For I will answer
  that the same thing is necessary when it is referred to the Divine
  knowledge; but when it is weighed in its own nature that it seemeth
  altogether free and absolute. For there be two necessities: the one
  simple, as that it is necessary for all men to be mortal; the other
  conditional, as if thou knowest that any man walketh, he must needs
  walk. For what a man knoweth cannot be otherwise than it is known. But
  this conditional draweth not with it that simple or absolute necessity.
  For this is not caused by the nature of the thing, but by the adding a
  condition. For no necessity maketh him to go that goeth of his own
  accord, although it be necessary that he goeth while he goeth. In like
  manner, if providence seeth anything present, that must needs be,
  although it hath no necessity of nature. But God beholdeth those future
  things, which proceed from free-will, present. These things, therefore,
  being referred to the divine sight are necessary by the condition of the
  divine knowledge, and, considered by themselves, they lose not absolute
  freedom of their own nature. Wherefore doubtless all those things come
  to pass which God foreknoweth shall come, but some of them proceed from
  free-will, which though they come to pass, yet do not, by coining into
  being, lose, since before they came to pass, they might also not have
  happened. But what importeth it that they are not necessary, since that
  by reason of the condition of the divine knowledge they come to pass in
  all respects as if they were necessary? It hath the same import as those
  things which I proposed a little before--the sun rising and the man
  going. While they are in doing, they cannot choose but be in doing; yet
  one of them was necessarily to be before it was, and the other not.
  Likewise those things which God hath present, will have doubtless a
  being, but some of them proceed from the necessity of things, other from
  the power of the doers. And therefore we said not without cause that
  these, if they be referred to God's knowledge, are necessary; and if
  they be considered by themselves, they are free from the bonds of
  necessity. As whatsoever is manifest to senses, if thou referrest it to
  reason, is universal; if thou considerest the things themselves, it is
  singular or particular. But thou wilt say, 'If it is in my power to
  change my purpose, shall I frustrate providence if I chance to alter
  those things which she foreknoweth?' I answer that thou mayest indeed
  change thy purpose, but because the truth of providence, being present,
  seeth that thou canst do so, and whether thou wilt do so or no, and what
  thou purposest anew, thou canst not avoid the divine foreknowledge, even
  as thou canst not avoid the sight of an eye which is present, although
  thou turnest thyself to divers actions by thy free-will.

  But yet thou wilt inquire whether God's knowledge shall be changed by
  thy disposition, so that when thou wilt now one thing, and now another,
  it should also seem to have divers knowledges. No. For God's sight
  preventeth all that is to come and recalleth and draweth it to the
  presence of His own knowledge; neither doth He vary, as thou imaginest,
  now knowing one thing and now another, but in one instant without moving
  preventeth and comprehendeth thy mutations. Which presence of
  comprehending and seeing all things, God hath not by the event of future
  things but by His own simplicity. By which that doubt is also resolved
  which thou didst put a little before, that it is an unworthy thing that
  our future actions should be said to cause the knowledge of God. For
  this force of the divine knowledge comprehending all things with a
  present notion appointeth to everything its measure and receiveth
  nothing from ensuing accidents. All which being so, the free-will of
  mortal men remaineth unviolated, neither are the laws unjust which
  propose punishments and rewards to our wills, which are free from all
  necessity. There remaineth also a beholder of all things which is God,
  who foreseeth all things, and the eternity of His vision, which is
  always present, concurreth with the future quality of our actions,
  distributing rewards to the good and punishments to the evil. Neither do
  we in vain put our hope in God or pray to Him; for if we do this well
  and as we ought, we shall not lose our labour or be without effect.
  Wherefore fly vices, embrace virtues, possess your minds with worthy
  hopes, offer up humble prayers to your highest Prince. There is, if you
  will not dissemble, a great necessity of doing well imposed upon you,
  since you live in the sight of your Judge, who beholdeth all things."






SYMMACHI VERSVS

Fortunae et uirtutis opus, Seuerine Boethi,
  E patria pulsus non tua per scelera,
Tandem ignotus habes qui te colat, ut tua uirtus
  Vt tua fortuna promeruitque [Greek: sophos].
Post obitum dant fata locum, post fata superstes
  Vxoris propriae te quoque fama colit.






EPIGRAM BY SYMMACHUS[177]

Boethius! model of all weal and worth,
Unjustly from thy country driven forth,
Thy fame, unfamed at last, yet one shall praise,
One voice the cry of approbation raise;
What life denied, through death kind heaven giveth;
Thine honour in thy wife's for ever liveth.


[177] This epigram was found by Barth in a Merseburg codex, and first
printed in his _Adversaria_ (1624). If genuine (and the faithful
reproduction the error SYMMACHIVS for SYMMACHI VS or VR, i.e. VERSVS, is in
its favour), the author may be either the son or the father-in-law of
Boethius. Some readers may prefer to rank this poem with the epitaph on
Elpis, the supposititious first wife of Boethius, on whom see Obbarius, _De
cons._ p. xii. At any rate it is as old as the times of Hrabanus Maurus,
who imitated it in a poem also first published by Barth. See Peiper,
_Cons._ p. xxxviiii.






INDEX

Aaron.
Abel.
Abraham.
abstraction.
academical studies.
Achaemenian rocks.
Achelous.
Achilles, statue of.
Adam.
[Greek: aeides, to].
Aemilius Paulus.
_aequiuocus_.
_aeternitas_.
Agamemnon, _see_ Atrides.
age, the former.
Agrippina.
Albinus.
Alcibiades.
Alexander Aphrod..
allegorical method.
Anaxagoras.
Anaxarchus.
angels.
Antaeus.
Antoninus (Caracalla).
Apollodorus.
Apuleius.
Arcturus.
Arians
Aristotle,
  on nature;
  _De physicis_;
  _Protrepticus_;
Arius.
Atrides.
Augustine, St.
Auster.

Bacchus.
baptism.
Basil, informer.
Being.
Boethius,
  life;
  the first scholastic;
  an independent philosopher;
  his philosophic ambition;
  his achievement;
  a Christian;
  perhaps a martyr;
  son-in-law of Symmachus;
  his wife;
  his sons;
  early training;
  youthful poetry;
  premature old age;
  his learning;
  his library;
  his lofty position;
  his principles;
  the champion of the oppressed;
  of the Senate;
  his accusers;
  his accusation;
  sentence.
Boötes.
Boreas.
Brutus.
Busiris.

Cacus.
Caesar, _see_ Gaius.
Campania.
Canius.
Cassiodorus.
categories, the ten.
Catholic Church,
  faith;
  religion.
Catholics.
Cato.
Catullus.
Caucasus.
Centaurs.
Cerberus.
Ceres.
Chremes.
Christ,
  advent of;
  baptism;
  life and death;
  resurrection and ascension;
  nature;
  person;
  divinity;
  humanity;
  Perfect Man and Perfect God.
Christian faith,
  religion.
Cicero,
  _De diuinatione_;
  _Tusc_.
Circe.
Claudian.
Claudianus, Mamertus,
  _coemptio_.
Conigastus,
_consistere_,
_Consolation of Philosophy_,
  method and object.
consulate.
corollary, see _porisma_.
Corus.
Crab.
Croesus.
Cyclops.
Cynthia.
Cyprian, informer.
Cyrus.

Dante.
David.
Decoratus.
demons.
Devil.
dialectic.
difference.
Diogenes Laertius.
Dionysius.
divine nature, eternal,
  substance.
divinity of Christ, _see_ Christ,
_diuisio_.
Dorset, Countess of.

[Greek: Eisagogae], Porphyry's.
Eleatic studies.
elements.
Elpis.
_Enneades_.
Epicureans.
Epicurus.
_esse_.
_essentia_.
eternity.
Etna.
Euphrates.
Euripides.
Euripus.
Eurus.
Eutyches.
Eutychian error.
Eutychians.
Evander.
Eve.
evil is nothing.

Fabricius.
Fame.
fatal order.
Fate.
fire, nature of.
Flood.
form.
Fortune.
free-will.
Furies.

Gaius Caesar (Caligula).
Gaudentius.
geometricians.
Germanicus.
Giants.
Gilbert de la Porrée.
Glory.
God, categories applied to,
  without difference;
  is what He is;
  is Pure Form;
  is [Greek: ousia, ousiosis, huphistasthai];
  One;
  Triune;
  is good;
  goodness;
  happiness;
  everlasting;
  omnipresent;
  just;
  omnipotent;
  incomprehensible;
  one Father;
  true Sun;
  Creator;
  Ruler;
  Mover;
  Judge;
  sees all things;
  foresees all things;
  His knowledge;
  His providence;
  cannot do evil;
  wills only good;
  prayer to Him not vain.
good, the prime.
good, all seek.
goodness is happiness, is God.
grace.
Greek.

Happiness is God.
Hauréau.
_Hebdomads_.
Hecuba.
Hercules.
heresy, see Arius, Eutyches, Nestorius, Sabellians.
Hermus.
Herodotus.
Hesperus.
Holder.
Homer.
Horace.
human nature, humanity of Christ, _see_ Christ.
humanity.

Iamblichus.
_id quod est_.
_id quod est esse_.
Indus.
_instrumentum_.
Isaac.
Ishmael.
Ixion.

Jacob.
Jerusalem.
Jesus.
Jews.
Iohannes Scottus.
John the Deacon.
Jordan.
Joshua.
Judah.

Kanius, _see_ Canius.
[Greek: kata parathesin].

Latin.
lethargy.
Livy.
Lucan.
Lucifer.
Lucretius.
Lybia.
Lybian lions.
Lydians.
Lynceus.

Macedonius. _see_ Aemilius Paulus.
Macrobius.
Mary, the Blessed Virgin,.
mathematical method.
mathematics.
matter.
Medea.
Mercury.
Moses.
Muses.
music,
  Boethius on.

Nature,
  phenomenal;
  nature;
  nature of plants.
Neoplatonism.
Neritius, son of, _see_ Ulysses.
Nero.
Nestorius.
Nicocreon.
Nicomachus.
_nihilo, ex_..
Noah.
Nonius.
Notus.
number.

[Greek: oion epei].
[Greek: onos luras].
Opilio.
Orpheus.
[Greek: ousia].
[Greek: ousiosis].
[Greek: ousiosthai].

[Greek: PI].
_Palatini canes_.
Papinianus.
Parmenides.
Parthiaus.
Paulinus.
Paulus, see Aemilius Paulus.
Pelagius.
Perses.
_persona_.
Person defined.
Pharaoh.
Philosophy,
  appearance of;
  character;
  function;
  power.
Phoebe.
Phoebus.
physics.
Plato,
  and Boethius;
  and S. Thomas;
  and the Academy;
  his muse;
  Reminiscence;
  quoted or referred to, _Gorg._;
  _Tim_;
  _Meno_;
  _Phaedo_;
  _Rep_.
Plotinus.
Plurality.
Pluto.
Polyphemus.
Porch.
_porisma_.
Porphyry.
praetorship.
praevidence.
predicaments, _see_ categories.
Providence.
Ptolemy.
purgation.
Pythagoras.

Ravenna.
realism.
Red Sea.
_reductio ad absurdum_.
Regulus.
relation, category of.
religion, the Christian.
Resurrection.
rhetoric.
Roman liberty,
  republic.
Rusticiana.

Sabellians.
Sackville, Thomas.
_sacrilegium_.
saints.
Saturn.
Saul.
scripture.
_sempiternitas_.
senate.
Seneca.
Simon.
Sinai.
Sirius.
Socrates.
Son, the, _see_ Trinity.
Soranus.
Spartianus.
Spirit, Holy, _see_ Trinity,
  procession of;
  a substance.
statue of Achilles.
Stoics.
Stymphalian birds.
_subsisistentia, subsistere_.
substance, divine.
_substantia, substare_.
Suetonius.
sun, _see_ Phoebus.
Symmachus, Q. Aurel.,
  Q. Aur. Memmius;
  Boethius;
  Pope.
Syrtes.

Tacitus.
Tantalus.
Tertullian.
Testament, Old and New.
[Greek: THETA].
Theodoric.
Theology.
Thomas, St.
Thorie, J.
Thrace.
Thule.
Tigris.
_Timaeus_, see Plato.
Tiresias.
Tityus.
triangie.
Triguilla.
Trinity,
  the unity of;
  cannot be substantially predicated of God.

[Greek: ulae, apoios].
Ulysses.
unity.
unity of Trinity.
[Greek: upostasis].
[Greek: upostaenai].
Usener.
_ut quia_.
[Greek: uphistasthai].

_UEL = et_.
Verona.
Vesuvius.
_uia media_.
Virgil.
_uirtus_.

Will, _see_ free-will.
Wulf, H. de.

Zeno.
Zephyrus.


THE END







*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEOLOGICAL TRACTATES AND THE CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.