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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 23 of 55

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: James Alexander Robertson

Release date: August 6, 2005 [eBook #16451]
                Most recently updated: December 12, 2020

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898 — VOLUME 23 OF 55 ***




Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team







                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                         Volume XXIII, 1629-30



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.








CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXIII


    Preface
    Documents of 1629-30

            Decree regarding mission appointments in the
            Indias. Felipe IV; Madrid, April 6, 1629
            Letter from Manila Dominicans to Felipe
            IV. Diego Duarte, and others; Manila, May 12,
            1629
            Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Niño de Tavora;
            Cavite, August 1, 1629
            Relation of 1629-30. [Unsigned; Manila, July,
            1630]
            Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Niño de Tavora;
            Manila, July 30, and Cavite, August 4, 1630

    History of the Augustinian order in the Filipinas Islands
    (to be concluded). Juan de Medina, O.S.A.; 1630 [but printed
    at Manila, 1893]
    Bibliographical Data





ILLUSTRATIONS


    Monument in Manila to Legazpi and Urdaneta; from a photograph
    in possession of the Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos,
    Valladolid 125
    Map of the Marianas Islands (with large inset of the island of
    Guam); photographic facsimile of Bellin's map in _Historische
    Beschryving der Reizen_ (Amsterdam, 1758), xvii, p. 6; from
    copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society 135
    View of boat of the Ladrone Islands; from engraving in
    _Histoire générale des voyages_ (Paris, 1753) xi, facing
    p. 171; from copy in the library of Wisconsin Historical
    Society 139
    Exterior of Augustinian church and convent, Manila; from
    plate in possession of the Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos,
    Valladolid 205





PREFACE


The present volume contains but few documents relating to current
affairs in 1629-30, the greater part of its space being occupied with
the Augustinian Medina's history of his order in the Philippines to
1630; but the annual reports of the governor present an interesting
view of the colony's affairs at that time. As usual, the colonial
treasury is but slenderly provided with the funds necessary for
carrying on the government, and Tavora proposes expedients for
obtaining these, and for utilizing hitherto neglected resources of
the country. He has to contend with hostility on the part of the
royal officials, and apathy in Mexico as to the welfare of the far
western colony dependent on it. The southern Malays are hostile,
but thus far have been held in check; and threatened hostilities
with Japan have been averted. Medina's history is of course largely
religious; but it contains considerable mention of secular events and
of social and economic conditions. The length of this work obliges
us to synopsize such matter as is of secondary importance, and to
conclude our translation of it in _Vol_. XXIV.

A royal decree (April 6, 1629) commands the provincials of the
religious orders in the Spanish colonies to heed the rights of
the royal patronage in making or changing appointments to mission
posts. The leading Dominican officials in Manila write (May 12,
1629) to the king, informing him that the country is in a ruinous
condition from the piracies of the Dutch, which have also broken
up the trade of the islands. They ask certain favors from the king,
and are sending an envoy to Madrid to discuss their affairs with him.

The annual reports of Governor Tavora (dated August 1, 1629) include
many important matters. As usual, he is embarrassed by lack of funds;
little has been received from Nueva España, and the revenues of
the islands are greatly diminished by the decline in trade. He
is endeavoring to secure what cloves he can from the Moluccas,
and advises that this product be bartered in India, on the royal
account, for supplies needed for the royal magazines in Manila,
which can be done on highly profitable terms. Tavora minimizes the
possible danger to these cargoes from the Dutch enemy at Singapore,
and asks that he be allowed to send cloves thus to India, at such
times as he can collect a sufficient quantity for this purpose;
and that in this matter the treasury officials be not allowed to
interfere. He also proposes that the rations of rice allotted by
the government to its workmen be provided by letting Chinese farmers
cultivate certain unused crown lands; he has even begun to plan for
this undertaking. Tavora recounts certain difficulties that he has
experienced in dealing with the treasury officials at Manila, and asks
for the royal decision. In this connection, he remarks: "The offices
in the Yndias are not worth anything unless one steals." To this letter
are appended the decisions made by the royal fiscal in Spain. He refers
to the royal councils the proposal to trade cloves in India; approves
the farming of crown lands, but is uncertain whether the Mexican
treasury can provide the additional contribution thus made necessary;
advises thorough inspection of the accounts of the probate treasury,
and strict prohibition of the use of those funds by the governors;
objects to accepting pay-warrants in place of cash; and states that
the removal of minor officials in the treasury, and the fees paid to
them, are matters which should be investigated. A later opinion by
the fiscal is to the effect that those minor officials be removed and
appointed, as hitherto, by the treasury officials, not by the governor.

Another letter from Tavora, of the same date, deals with various
matters of administration, relations with other nations, etc. He
again deplores the late arrival of the ships from Nueva España,
and urges that they he sent thence earlier in the season. He has
not waited for them in sending the vessels to Acapulco; and the
latter carry but small cargoes, owing to the unusual lack of Chinese
goods in Manila this year. The citizens desire to send a committee of
their number to Mexico to conduct their trade, in order to thwart the
supposed unfriendly schemes of the Mexican merchants; but the governor
deprecates this proceeding, as dangerous to the best interests of the
islands. It is favored by an old royal decree, which he is putting
into execution; but he considers this so inexpedient that he asks
the royal Council to decide the case. He deprecates the forced loans
that the governors make from the inhabitants, and urges that this be
prevented by having more aid sent from Nueva España. The governor is
endeavoring to have ships built in India, Camboja, and Cochinchina,
to relieve the islands from this burden; he has a prospect of success
in these efforts. The king of Siam who withheld the property of
Spaniards is dead; and his son, in fear of Spanish arms, seeks
friendly relations with Manila. Tavora has endeavored to restore
trade with Japan, and has sent an embassy thither to make amends for
burning the Japanese junk off Siam. Regarding that affair, a sharp
controversy has arisen between Manila and Macan, which is referred
to the home government. Don Fernando de Silva has left the islands,
not without certain difficulties concerning bonds for his residencia,
involving the governor's right of jurisdiction--which Tavora settles
by the decision of common sense. The bridge across the Pasig is nearly
completed, and the cost of it has been met from the general fund of the
Chinese residents, as has also the support of the hospital for their
use. On the arrival of the ships from Nueva España, the governor is
disappointed at receiving so little from the viceroy, and implores
the king for more reliable and permanent aid for the islands. He is
sending artillery to Mexico. To this letter are appended a report of
proceedings in the council convened to discuss relations with Japan,
and various official acts regarding Fernando de Silva's departure
from the islands.

The Jesuit annalist for 1629-30 relates various affairs of war. An
expedition is sent against Jolo; but, their commander being wounded in
an attack, the Spaniards are seized with a panic, and retreat without
accomplishing much. The Malays of Achen attack Malacca, and besiege it
during four months; then help arrives opportunely, in an expedition
headed by the viceroy of India. The enemy are finally defeated, with
loss of all their ships and artillery, and practically all their
men killed or captured. Soon afterward the viceroy is accidentally
drowned, which puts an end to his plans of conquest. The missionaries
in Cochinchina are persecuted by superstitious natives.

The more important events in the colony's affairs for 1630 are related
in Tavora's letters (July 30 and August 4). The Japanese are still
angry at the burning of their junk by the Spaniards, and talk of
attacking the latter in both Formosa and Luzón; accordingly, Tavora
has greatly strengthened the fortifications of Manila. He has sent
the usual relief to Ternate, but finds hostile Dutch ships there,
and more reported as not far away. He mentions the siege of Malaca,
and other exploits of the Portuguese; also the unsuccessful expedition
to Jolo. Affairs in Cagayan are improving, and more of the revolted
Indians are being subdued. In the second letter Tavora recounts his
difficulties with the auditors, who are sending secret despatches to
Spain, commanding the royal officials to pay their salaries regardless
of the governor's orders, endeavoring to rule the Chinese, interfering
in matters which do not concern them, and complaining against the
governor's acts and plans. Tavora recounts these matters in detail,
defending himself against the accusations made by the auditors, and
stating his services to the crown. At the end, he asks permission to
resign his post as governor.

The _Historia_ of Fray Juan de Medina, O.S.A., was written in 1630,
but printed at Manila in 1893. He records the history of his order
in the Philippines up to 1630, adding much interesting information
regarding secular affairs and the condition of the islands and their
people. He begins with a résumé of the discovery and early history
of the archipelago--in the former of which, it will he remembered,
the Augustinian Urdaneta was so prominent. Legazpi's voyage, and his
encounters with the natives, are related at length. Medina describes
the island of Cebú (where the Spaniards first halted), and its
economic and religious condition at the time of his writing. He adds
some information regarding Panay, Negros, and other adjacent islands;
then, resuming his narration, describes the founding by Legazpi of a
city in Cebú, and the purification of the natives. This is at first a
most difficult and vexatious matter, as the natives are faithless to
their promises; but they are finally won over by a chief whose wife,
captured by the Spaniards, is well treated and restored to him. In the
midst of this account Medina injects another, relating how Urdaneta,
sent home by Legazpi with despatches, discovers the return route from
the Philippines to Nueva España; and recounting subsequent events
in the lives of Urdaneta and his companion Aguirre. Friendship with
the natives of Cebú having been established, the Augustinians there
begin to labor in the conversion of the Indians, and a considerable
number of baptisms are conferred. The infant colony is attacked
(at the instigation of the devil) by the Portuguese, but they are
obliged to depart without harming it. The missions thrive apace,
and extend to neighboring islands; and Fray Diego de Herrera goes to
Spain to obtain more laborers for this so promising field. Returning,
he brings tokens of the royal favor to both the missionaries and
Legazpi. That officer concludes to remove his seat of government
to Luzón, especially to secure the valuable Chinese trade, of which
Medina gives some account--not failing to reiterate the stereotyped
complaint that all the silver is being carried to China.

Medina describes with enthusiasm the magnificent bay of Manila, where
the Spaniards enter Luzon; and relates the dealings of the invaders
with the Moros, who are, as usual, perfidious and unreliable. After
a time, however, they are reduced to obedience, largely through the
efforts of the religious who accompany Legazpi. The Augustinians
have a large and handsome convent in Manila, which is described. The
organization of their province of Filipinas is accomplished _pro
tempore_ in 1572, and Diego de Herrera is sent to Spain to secure
their independence and procure more missionaries.

Medina recounts the convents and churches founded in succession by
his order, with some account of the lakes Bombon and Bay, and of the
communities about them. Speaking of the hospitals, he highly commends
the Franciscans who have them in charge. He describes the region
watered by the Pasig River, and the Augustinian convents therein;
and continues his account, in like manner, for Panay and the other
islands in which that order has its missions--throughout furnishing
much valuable, although desultory, information regarding social and
economic conditions.

Recurring to affairs at Manila, he recounts the beginning and growth
of the Chinese trade there, and the unsuccessful attempts of the
early Augustinians to open a mission in China. Legazpi's death
(1572) is a grief and loss to that order. The people of Mindoro,
hearing of Limahon's attack on Manila, rebel, and threaten to kill
the missionaries there; but afterward they release the fathers. The
Moros at Manila also revolt, but are finally pacified.

Various new Augustinians arrive at Manila in 1574 and 1575; but a
great loss befalls them in the following year, in the death of Fray
Diego de Herrera and ten missionaries whom he was bringing to the
islands, their ship being wrecked when near Manila. The Augustinians,
seeing their inability to cultivate so great a mission-field,
invite other orders to come to their aid. Accordingly, the discalced
Franciscans arrive in the islands in 1577, the Jesuits in 1580,
the Dominicans in 1581. Medina enumerates the missions and colleges
conducted by the latter orders, at the same time warmly commending
their educational work and their pious zeal. The Dominicans are in
charge of the Sangleys, of whose sharp dealings with the Spaniards
Medina complains. Among the mission-fields ceded to the Dominicans
by the Augustinians are the provinces of Pangasinán and Cagayan;
in the latter, the natives frequently revolt against the Spaniards.

Medina extols the magnificence of the churches in Manila, and the
liberality displayed by the faithful in adorning them. This is noted
by foreigners who come to the city, notably the Japanese. The converts
of that nation have witnessed nobly their zeal and holy devotion, for
more than nine hundred have been martyred in Japan for the truth. In
1575, two Augustinians go to China with letters from the governor of
the Philippines, hoping to begin a mission in that country. In this
attempt they are not successful, but they return with much information
regarding China, which until then had been mainly a _terra incognita_.

The city of Manila has made steady progress, and the religious orders
are erecting stone buildings for their convents. At first, they had
built their houses of wood, in the native style, which is described
by our writer. Many houses, both within and without the city, are
now built of stone; but the health of the city is not as good as when
the people lived in wooden houses.

In 1578 Fray Agustín de Alburquerque is elected provincial, and
at once begins to extend the missions of his order--especially in
Pampanga, of which province some description is given. This province,
once so populous, has lost many of its men by conscription for the
Spanish forts, being sent away even to Maluco. It is often raided
by the head-hunting tribes of the interior--something which cannot
be checked, especially on account of the heedlessness and lack
of foresight inherent in the character of the Indians. They are
lazy, deficient in public spirit, and have no initiative; what they
accomplish is only under the vigilance and urging of the missionary
or the alcalde-mayor. The Panay convent is near the Spanish fort
at Arevalo, and the fathers have the privilege of treatment by the
surgeon there--"who, without being able to distinguish his right hand,
bleeds and purges, so that in a brief time the sick man is laid in
his grave." The creoles of Nueva España die early, and "do not reach
their majority."

In 1581, Fray Andrés de Aguirre is elected provincial of Filipinas:
his many virtues and achievements are extolled by our writer. Medina
here takes occasion to advocate the policy of gathering the Indians
into reductions and there teaching them the civilized ways of
Europeans. He makes interesting observations on the character
and temperament of the natives; and complains of the opposition
encountered by the missionaries from the Spaniards, "by whose
hands the devil wages warfare against the ministry; consequently
the religious tire themselves out, and the devil reaps what harvest
he wills." But the Spaniards oppress the Indians; and, "if it were
not for the protection of the religious, there would not now be an
Indian, or any settlement." Moreover, it is the religious who are
taming those wild peoples, and reducing them to subjection to the
Spanish crown. All these points are illustrated by anecdotes and
citations from actual experience. Under Aguirre's rule as provincial,
some extensions of missions are made. Among these is Bantayan--since
that time abandoned by the Augustinians, as Medina records, and almost
depopulated by the raids of Moro pirates. An attempt is made to remove
its inhabitants to settlements in Cebú Island; but they refuse to
leave their homes. Medina recounts numerous instances of cruel and
oppressive treatment of the Indians by the Spaniards, and of insolence
and opposition on the part of the latter to the missionaries and their
work. With this, he also urges that the religious be allowed to inflict
punishments upon the natives, when the latter are disobedient or commit
misdeeds. In this argument Medina makes a curious admission, especially
as he writes after missionaries had labored sixty-five years in the
islands--saying of the Indians: "For they detest, as a rule, church
matters--to such an extent, that they would even pay two tributes to
be free from the church. They love their old beliefs and revelries
so strongly that they would lose their souls for them. Without any
fear, how would they attend to their duties?" The missionaries also
desire to break up the native habits of sloth and vagabondage, by
compelling the Indians to live in villages; but many Spaniards oppose
this policy. Medina recounts the difficulties between the friars and
the ecclesiastical authorities, in Bishop Salazar's time, regarding
the religious jurisdiction of the former.

Further extension of missions is made during the provincialate of
Fray Diego de Alvarez (elected in 1584). Each district in which a
mission is introduced or enlarged is described by our writer, who adds
many pertinent and interesting observations on the natives and their
character, their relations with the Spaniards, the affairs of his
order, the progress of the colony, the products of the country, etc.

_The Editors_

December, 1904.





DOCUMENTS OF 1629-1630


    Decree regarding mission appointments in the Indias. Felipe
    IV; April 6, 1629.
    Letter from Manila Dominicans to Felipe IV. Diego Duarte,
    and others; May 12, 1629.
    Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Niño de Tavora; August 1, 1629.
    Relation of 1629-30. [Unsigned; July, 1630.]
    Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Niño de Tavora; July 30 and August
    4, 1630.


_Sources_: Of these documents, the first is obtained from Pastells's
edition of Colin's _Labor evangélica_, iii, p. 686; the fourth,
from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), i, pp. 617-625; and
the remainder from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: All these documents are translated by James
A. Robertson.





Decree Regarding Mission Appointments in the Indias


The King. Inasmuch as I have been informed that--notwithstanding that
it has been ruled and decreed, in virtue of the prerogative of my royal
patronage, that the provincials of the orders in my Western Indias,
whenever they have to propose any religious for the instruction or for
the administration of sacraments, or to remove him who should have
been appointed, shall give notice thereof to my viceroy, president,
Audiencia, or governor, who should have charge of the superior
government of the province, and to the bishop; and that he who may
have been already appointed be not removed until another has been
appointed in his place--for some time past, the said provincials have
been introducing the custom of dismissing and removing the religious
teacher who is stationed at any mission, and appointing another in his
place, solely on their own authority, without giving notice to the said
viceroy, or the persons above mentioned, as they have done on various
occasions. They also claim that if a religious is once approved by the
bishop for a mission, he needs no further approbation for any other
mission to which his provincial may transfer him. If the archbishops
or bishops of the diocese where such a thing occurs try to hinder it,
the provincials base various lawsuits upon that point, whence follow
many injurious and troublesome results. In order to obviate these,
the matter having been discussed and considered by the members of
my Council of the Indias, with their assent and advice I have deemed
it advisable to ordain and order--as by the present I do ordain and
order--that now and henceforth, in regard to the said provincials
removing and appointing the religious of the said missions, they shall
observe and obey what is ordained on that head by the said my royal
patronage, according to what is mentioned in this my decree. They
shall not violate or disobey it in any way; and in addition to it,
whenever they shall have to appoint any religious to the said missions
in their charge--whether because of the promotion of him who serves it,
or by his death, or for any other reason--they shall nominate from
among their religious those who shall appear most suitable for such
mission, upon which their consciences are charged. This nomination
shall be presented before my viceroy, president, or governor (or to
the person who shall exercise the superior government, in my name, of
the province where such mission shall be located), so that from the
three nominated he may select one. This choice shall be sent to the
archbishop or bishop of that diocese, so that the said archbishop or
bishop may make the provision, collation, and canonical institution
of such mission, in accordance with the choice and by virtue of such
presentation. In regard to the pretension made by the said provincials,
namely, that if a religious be once approved for a mission, it must
be understood that that approbation is to answer for all the other
missions to which he may be appointed, I consider it advisable to
declare--as I declare and order by the present--that the religious who
shall have once been examined and approved by the bishop for a mission,
remain examined and approved for all the other missions of the same
language to which he shall be appointed afterward. But if the mission
for which his provincial shall present him be of a different language,
he must be examined and approved anew in it; and, until he shall be
examined and approved, he cannot serve in the mission. I order my
viceroys, presidents, and governors of each and every part of the said
my Indias, on whom falls the execution of the said royal patronage;
and I request and charge the very reverend and the reverend fathers
in Christ, the archbishops and bishops of the Indias--each one of
them in what concerns him--to observe and obey this my decree, and
its contents, exactly and punctually, without permitting or allowing
anything to be done contrary to or in violation of its contents, in
any manner; and that they give notice to all the provincials of the
said orders of this ordinance, so that they may observe it. Given in
Madrid, April six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine.

_I the King_

By order of the king our sovereign:

_Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras_



Letter from Manila Dominicans to Felipe IV


Sire:

Responding to our obligation, as religious of St. Dominic our father,
and as vassals of your Majesty, to advise you of the condition of the
lands of your seigniory, where we now reside in this country of the
Philipinas and the city of Manila (where we are at present assembled
in our provincial chapter and defínitory), we say that this land
is greatly afflicted because these seas are so infested with the
Dutch. The trade with neighboring nations, which was formerly rich
and supported this country, has lost its power. The result of the
Dutch attacks is, that your vassals here have no sea forces, and but
few for land; and those are widely scattered in various presidios of
little importance, that serve no good purpose and cause very great
expense to your royal treasury. At those presidios the soldiers die
in great numbers from the unhealthful climate, insufficient and poor
food, and their own inactivity and vicious lives. We believe that a
small fleet for the sea could be maintained at a much smaller cost;
that will sweep it of enemies, will keep the soldiers contented
and in sufficient numbers (and if they are killed, it will be while
performing their duty, and not for the above reasons); trade would
return to its former condition, and all the injuries that daily befall
this wretched country would cease.

Concerning the condition of our holy order, your officials will
tell your Majesty, for they ought to inform you of everything that
happens here. And although they are, as a rule, not very friendly to
us, because our order is a friend to truth, we leave information of
our affairs to be given through their statements. The report of our
poverty will be given to your Majesty by our religious procurator
of the province, who is at that court. We beseech your Majesty to
hear, believe, and protect him, and despatch his affairs. The royal
officials of Mexico, on account of the expense of these islands,
which is made up from the treasury under their charge, send annually
to our order, at the cost of your royal revenues, flour for the host,
and two arrobas of wine for each priest, with orders that one and
one-half arrobas are to be given here to each one, because of the
waste on the voyage. Since we do not even see any dust from the flour,
nor more than one arroba of the wine, in order to celebrate mass for
a whole year, on account of which mass cannot be said, even on days
of obligation, it is sufficient to propose it in this way, in order
that we may expect the remedy as sure to follow from your Majesty,
whose royal person may our Lord preserve for many years, as we all
your vassals find necessary. From the city of Manila in the Filipinas
Islands, May twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. Your
Majesty's servants and chaplains,


_Fray Diego Duarte_, definitor.
_Fray Joan Luis de Gueti_, definitor.
_Fray Gaspar Cassablanca_, definitor.
_Fray Pedro Martin de Lucenilla_, definitor.


[A copy of the last portion of the above letter regarding the flour
and wine sent from Mexico follows, and is commented upon thus: "Decree
of the Council. Referred to the fiscal, November 8, 1630." "The fiscal
says that what is requested by this portion of the letter appears very
just and advisable; and it will be right and expedient to give strict
orders to the governor of Philipinas to be very careful to relieve
these necessities, and not to allow them to be again represented to
the Council. Madrid, February 8, 1631."]




Letters to Felipe IV from Governor Tavora



Treasury Matters

Sire:

The officials of the royal treasury will give your Majesty a detailed
account of the condition of your treasury in these islands--which
beyond all doubt is very pitiable, because of the smallness of the
relief that has come these last few years from Nueva España, and the
little profit that the islands themselves have produced, because of
the great decrease in commerce. That obliges me to see what measures
will be advisable to increase the revenues and decrease the expenses
of this royal treasury. The other day, I proposed in a meeting of
the treasury, of which I send a copy, what will be seen in that
copy--for whose better understanding, and so that the advisability
of the proposition may be seen in your royal Council, I thought it
fitting to write this section.



_First point of the letter_


Your Majesty has ordered by many decrees that we try to obtain
cloves, from our present possessions in the Malucas, and that they
be cultivated for your royal treasury. In accordance with that
command--although your Majesty's purpose had not been realized
hitherto, either because the governors my predecessors were unable
(which is the most certain thing), or they did not always have the
cloves in the quantities necessary, or because of the corrupt agents
who have been occupied in that business--I have now forty-five bars
[_i.e.,_ bahars] of cloves stored in the magazines; and I judge
that an average of fifty bars per year (rather more than less)
could be obtained without much difficulty. Considering the question
of the cultivation and investment of that quantity, I think that by
no other route can this be better accomplished, or with more gain to
your royal treasury, than by way of Yndia. I base my assertion on the
following argument. Fifty bars of cloves are worth four thousand pesos
in Maluco. If they are traded for clothing such as the Moros wear,
the cost will be one-half less. The carriage from Maluco to Manila
is nothing, for they will be brought in the ships of the usual relief
expedition to those forts. The fifty bars, delivered in this city, are
worth already at least ten thousand pesos. Once laden for India, and
carried at your Majesty's account in your own ship, they will be worth
thirty-five thousand pesos and more when delivered in Goa or Cochin,
as is affirmed by men experienced in this kind of merchandise. Your
Majesty needs many things in your royal magazines which are brought
from the above-named cities, such as saltpetre, iron, anchors, slaves
for the galleys, arms, biscuits, _cayro_, white cloth, and wearing
apparel for convicts. Those articles are bought every year in Manila
from merchants of Yndia, at excessive rates. The thirty-five thousand
pesos resulting from the cloves having been invested, then, in those
articles at Goa or Cochin, and having been brought to Manila on your
Majesty's account and investment, will be worth at the figures now
paid for the said articles, ninety or one hundred thousand pesos. And
even if all this did not rise to so high prices, I am sure that fifty
thousand pesos (which is one-half less than one might consider them
to be worth) will be the return in products to these magazines from
the fifty bars, which will cost four thousand pesos in money at first
cost, as I have said--and if they be bought for the peculiar cloth
of Yndia, two thousand pesos. That would be a very considerable gain
and relief to the royal treasury. [1] [_In the margin_: "Consult with
his Majesty as to what the governor proposes; and say that it has
been judged best, before advising what we think of it, to refer the
matter to his Majesty, so that he may order the council of Portugal
to state their opinion regarding the matter. Having examined it from
all points of view, an opinion will be given."] [2]

The expenses of that voyage will not amount to much, considering
the profit and gain. The expenses for this gain are as follows:
One ship or patache of one hundred and fifty Castilian toneladas,
which, if built in these islands, will cost, when ready to sail,
ten or twelve thousand pesos; eight pieces of bronze artillery,
using balls of twelve and eight libras, which will be worth five
thousand pesos; twenty-five sailors and a like number of musketeers,
with six artillery-men, taken from those who receive the usual pay of
this camp and beach--all married men and under such obligations that
they cannot remain in Yndia, and who when embarked will only receive
an increase in their rations of biscuit, meat, and fish, and some
native wine, all of which amounts to but little; one captain for the
management of the vessel, and master, pilots, boatswains, keeper of
the arms [_guardian_], and steward--who are the officers to whom pay
is assigned. The above, with all the other purchase expenses which I
have given above for this ship, will not amount for the first time to
twenty thousand pesos, together with the four thousand for the value
of the cloves, the total amounting to twenty-four thousand, more or
less. By this method, the so great profits for this treasury will
be made, as above stated--adding the sum received from the freight
charges for goods belonging to private persons, which can be brought
and carried by this ship, and the register and the duties on them,
which will here amount to considerable, and will prove of great relief
for the said expenses.

The danger of this voyage is that of meeting the Dutch at the passage
through the strait of Sincapura, near Malaca, which every year the
Dutch inhabitants of Jacatra belonging to the Company [3] close up,
and with a ship or two of little strength, or a couple of pataches,
await the Portuguese galliots that sail from Macan to Yndia, and from
Yndia to this city. The enemy knows very well that the Portuguese
do not carry force enough to fight, and that on seeing the Dutch
they run ashore and place their persons in safety with their gold,
which is the form in which they chiefly invest their wealth. The
ship which would sail from here would enter by a different channel
than do the Portuguese, as the strait has three entrances. Our ship
will be a swifter one, and will sail better against the wind; and a
Dutch ship will not be able to catch it in two rosaries, and their
pataches will not dare to grapple it because of the defense which
they will encounter. Thus by fighting, without losing their route,
the ship, will reach Malaca, and will make its voyage. On its return,
it will stop first at Malaca, where it will hear news of the enemy. In
case they find that the enemy are in the pass, they can wait in those
forts until the former have retired to their own fort at Jacatra.

Thus far, I have mentioned all the advantages, expenses, and
dangers. What still remains is to petition your Majesty to be pleased
to have this matter considered; and if it appear advisable, to order
that this voyage be made every year or every two years, as the governor
shall deem best, and according to the quantity of cloves on hand and
the opportunity offered by the weather. I petition that there shall
be, in this regard, no opposition from the treasury council, in which,
I have understood, your Majesty has ordered that the governor concur
in the opinion of the majority. That may prove, in this country,
to be a source of considerable trouble; for it might some day happen
that an expedition would be determined to be necessary, in a council
of war, and that the majority of the votes of the treasury council in
which the expenses are voted may not concur, either through want of
capacity in the officials, or through an excess of passion and private
interest--and, in a land so remote, experience teaches that there
are many such. In the report of the meeting that I enclose herewith,
in regard to the above matter of the cloves, I guessed what were the
majority of the opinions beforehand. Doctor Don Albaro de Mesa y Lugo,
neutral or indecisive as he is on all questions of any importance
or difficulty, and especially on those regarding revenue, for fear
lest the auditors be obliged to pay. Licentiate Geronimo de Legaspi,
senior auditor at the time of the council, not satisfied because I have
employed his elder son in a company, tried to have a place given to the
second son also, in another one. Because what he asked was not done,
although I desired to please him, he was displeased. The accountant,
Marten Ruiz de Salazar, has for a long time been offended, because
he was not allowed to take fees from the clerks of the accountancy,
and to exercise absolute authority over accepting and dismissing
them, as in the present case. Hence my proposition was disliked by
them both. Thus may your Majesty see carried out in this case the
same motive that I stated for all the others--namely, that they do
not vote without self-interest or passion. He to whom your Majesty
can and ought to trust most is the person to whom all the government
shall have been charged; and he should be given authority so that
he may, after having heard the opinions of the treasury council,
concur with the party which may seem to him more judicious, even
though it be not the one with the more votes. [_In the margin_:
"Have the fiscal see this again." "The fiscal declares that the form
is laid down by the decrees and ordinances which treat of it, and he
thinks it undesirable to make any innovation. For even though there
happen to be some officials, of those who take part in those meetings,
who are such as here described, it might also happen that there would
be rash governors who might act inconsiderately, and only through
self-will or caprice, and cause great and excessive expenses of the
royal revenues. Consequently, it is preferable that action be taken
by many votes, since in justifiable and even in doubtful cases the
preference of him who governs or presides is always followed. Madrid,
July 11, 1631." "Let the ordinance be kept."]

In case that your Majesty consider it fitting to have this voyage
made in the aforesaid manner, it will be necessary for the decrees to
come in duplicate for the viceroy of Yndia, so that he may grant free
passage for this ship, and that he may give without any opposition the
wares that will have to be bought on your Majesty's account; and so
that no duties be imposed in Goa, Malaca, or any other part of Yndia,
on what may be registered in your Majesty's name. Order must also be
sent to Cochin, so that if any ship should have to be built there
(as the ships cost less there, and last longer than those of these
islands) all assistance and favor may be extended.



_Point 2 of the letter_


The second point discussed in the council is also essential; and if it
be carried out, it will be the greatest relief to the islands, and will
result in great saving for your Majesty. In the rations of rice (which
is the bread of this country) which are furnished in Cavite and other
parts, more than fifty thousand fanegas are consumed annually. This is
imposed on the Indian natives by assessment or allotment, [4] and is
paid at the rate of a peso per fanega. For the last three years the
Chinese, both infidels and Christians, have devoted their efforts
to sowing rice. Consequently, the country has been well supplied,
as the Chinese are better farmers than the Indians. Many citizens
and the convents of the religious orders have given them the loan
of lands and twenty-five pesos per head, so that they might settle
and equip themselves with the necessary implements for farming the
land. The first year the Chinaman pays this sum, and the following
years gives for every hundred brazas of land fifteen or twenty pesos
rent, which is a like number of fanegas of rice. It has seemed to me
expedient that in certain uncultivated lands that rightly remain in
the name of your Majesty in the best region and lands of the islands
(which is near here, in La Laguna de [Bay], five leguas up the river
from Manila), two pieces of land should be appropriated [for this
purpose]. I am assured that these will be sufficient so that two
thousand Sangleys can be established on them; and that your Majesty
will make the profit which the inhabitants and the religious make,
since you can do so with greater advantage and protection to the
farmers than private persons can give. I am also assured that a very
productive agricultural estate can be made, by managing to obtain
from it the cost in one or two years. For the rest of the time the
rent is left free [from debt or other obligation]. For two thousand
Sangleys that will amount to forty thousand fanegas of rice; and,
as it increases with time, it will amount to fifty thousand. That is
as much as these magazines need. [_In the margin_: "Let us be informed
whether any of the expenses of those islands have been reduced." "Bring
the memorandum of the reduction that was made in the year 618."]

The gain that will accrue to your Majesty from that will be to relieve
your Majesty from the expense of fifty thousand pesos, and the Indian
natives from the assessment and allotment of fifty thousand fanegas,
which, as aforesaid, is the greatest relief for the islands, and for
this royal treasury. The risk that will be run of the money that will
be advanced to the Chinese so that they may settle and equip their
farms (in which, although it is given with confidence, there is,
of course, always some risk that some will run away and others will
die), will all, however, be of little importance, in view of the
profits that are seen to result in the estates which the religious
and inhabitants are equipping.

It would be advisable for your Majesty to decree this to be carried out
without any opposition; and that you order the viceroy of Nueva España,
in order to facilitate it, to send five thousand pesos separately, and
in addition [to the usual situado] in order that I may continue with
capital what has been begun without it and (with what I have lent to
the treasury from my own funds) make the experiment and take possession
of the lands, ordering wheat to be sowed in a portion of them. I am
told that it has been shown by experience that wheat bears well. This
undertaking can not be accomplished in one or two years. Your Majesty
holds these islands for many years through the Divine favor, and your
successors as long as the world shall last. Consequently, the future
must be considered, in order that these lands may not remain behind;
but if this be done in all parts, in what pertains to your Majesty's
revenues, the treasury will not remain in so backward a condition as
at present.



_Third point of the letter_


Your Majesty's royal treasury owes to that of the goods of deceased
persons more than forty thousand pesos, as appears from the memorandum
and certification which I enclose herewith. For since the relief which
is sent from Nueva España is so meager, and the expenses here are so
great, the governors my predecessors were obliged to take, by way of
loan, all that sum on different occasions. For the same reason I have
not been able during my term, to repay it, nor do I hope to be able
to do so, unless your Majesty order that sum to be sent from or paid
in Nueva España on a separate account, in consideration of the fact
that it is property of parties who are suffering, and, most of all, the
goods of deceased persons. I give this information to your Majesty, as
to the master and sovereign of it, and for the relief of my conscience.



_Fourth point of the letter_


The office of the notary of government and war which became
vacant by the death of Captain Pedro Alvarez, was put at auction
and adjudged to the heaviest bidder, who was Pedro de Heredia,
governor of Terrenate. He bought it and placed it under charge of
one of his sons. It was knocked down for the value of fifty-four
thousand pesos--ten thousand to be paid on the spot, in reals,
another ten thousand from his pay, and the thirty-four thousand
remaining in the pay-warrants of various persons. It seems to have
been a sale of importance for the services of your Majesty. And in
order to avoid the suits which the secretaries of government have
had with the governors my predecessors, as to whether that office
should include the secretaryship of the permits to the Sangleys and
the inspection of the Chinese ships (which are special commissions
of the governor), and in order to avoid suits with my successors,
I ordered that in the sale of that office it be made a condition that
no more than the office of government secretary be sold; and that this
was understood to be only what the governor should sign in writing;
for in the commissions that the latter should give for those permits
the secretary of the government was not to act as secretary. [_In
the margin_: "As the fiscal says."]

The above is what occurs to me in regard to the increase and efficient
administration of your royal treasury. I shall now declare my opinion
regarding two differences of justice or jurisdiction that have arisen
with the royal officials.



_Fifth point of this letter_


They formerly proposed the clerks whom they employed in their
offices, so that the governor should appoint them at the pay that
was assigned. In consequence of that power that they possessed, the
accountant tried to take it upon himself to dismiss a clerk without any
agreement with his associates, or the consent of the government. In
fact, he abolished the position. I was informed that it was not for
incompetency, or for any failure of which the clerk had been guilty
in his office, but only for the accountant's own private reasons. He
was ordered to return the man to his place, and to have him serve as
before. The accountant alleged with too unmeasured language that he
and his associates had the authority to dismiss the clerks, since they
were the ones who proposed them. I was advised that it would be better
government, in order to avoid the consequences, for the royal officials
not to propose the clerks whom they had to employ in their offices,
except in the memorial of the person who enters it, petitioning that
they give information of his competency. Accordingly, I so provided;
and therefore, so long as the clerks give satisfaction, it must not be
understood that the royal officials can dismiss them without having
information of demerits understood by the government--which is the
agency to dismiss such men, as it was the one to hire them. [_In the
margin_: "Ascertain what the royal officials write; and, if they have
not written, let them report." "Search was made, and all the papers
on the matter collected, together with those sections and letters
which the royal officials have written."]



[_Sixth point of this letter_]


The accountant has also claimed the right to collect certain fees
which this royal Audiencia assigned some years ago, by a sentence of
examination and review, as a tariff to the clerks of the accountancy,
the factor's office, and the treasury. The accountant lately renewed
the suit, and declared in this Audiencia the one which I have resolved
to send to your royal Council with the evidence. The matter is one of
moment, for the clerks who serve carry the weight of the work of the
accountancy; and as they cannot be maintained with the fees of the
tariff, they charge additional fees, which parties give them in order
to facilitate their business. Nor is it possible for the governors to
avoid that; for it is a matter of importance to the parties themselves
to conceal it, for the sake of their business. If the accountant tries
to take those fees from them, the clerks will have a much greater
reason to accept bribes; else they will not expedite the business,
or reduce the great volume of accounts and business that are pending
in this accountancy. Even the commencement of this suit has caused
great trouble, and the clerks have been much disturbed by it. Will
your Majesty be pleased to order the suit to be concluded, and the
decision that is most expedient to be made. [_In the margin_: "Look up
the papers regarding this matter; let it be as the fiscal says." "These
sections were collected with the papers which treat of this matter."]

What is to be said is that the accountant and treasurer are very poor;
and that the offices in the Yndias are not worth anything unless one
steals, and they do not do that. The expenses of their households and
families have been excessive in this city for some little time past,
and consequently, those ministers cannot live decently on their pay. If
there is any means to increase it, will your Majesty order that inquiry
be made in what way this can be done without the royal officials taking
away the perquisites from their clerks. May God preserve the Catholic
royal person of your Majesty, as is necessary to Christendom. Cavite,
August first, 1629. Sire, your Majesty's humble vassal,


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_



[_Addressed_: "To his Majesty. Cavite, 1629."] [_Endorsed_: "Governor
Don Juan Niño de Tavora. Treasury. Seen and decreed in the margin,
July 11. Take it to the fiscal. In the Council, November 23, 630."]



[_The findings of the fiscal_]


1. The fiscal says that he has read this letter. In regard to the
first point, concerning the ship which is to take the cloves, he
thinks that if affairs move with the security and ease which the
governor ascribes to them, the profit is a matter of considerable
moment, and that the governor should be ordered to undertake it. But,
inasmuch as many things enter into that question which pertain to the
Council of War, he requests that the matter be examined and discussed
by them before any resolution be taken. He also thinks that it will
be necessary that a copy of what concerns the Council of Portugal be
given that body, on account of the relations which the execution of
this measure have and may have with Goa, Malaca, and other points of
Eastern Yndia which fall within the demarcation of the said Council.

2. In regard to the second point, concerning the cultivation of the
land, he thinks that it ought to be accepted; for the amount of money
risked is little, and will be spent to establish a known gain. He only
stops to consider that, in order to carry out this measure and the
preceding one, the governor requests further increase in the situado
which is generally given from Mexico to those islands; and he does
not know whether the royal treasury of that city is at present able
to furnish that increase, because of the loss which his Majesty's
incomes have sustained from the inundation [5] and other troubles
which have come upon them, and the heavy burdens of the said treasury.

3. In regard to the third point, concerning what is owed to the fund
of the goods of deceased persons--a sum which exceeds forty thousand
pesos, because the governors have used it on various urgent occasions
that have arisen and have not repaid it--the fiscal recognizes how
just it is that an effort be made to repay and satisfy those funds,
but he finds this unadvisable at present for the royal treasury;
for it is first necessary to liquidate the accounts and investigate
how all that sum was spent, and whether it could have been avoided,
and why the governors have not always made it up from the situado
which has been sent to them all these years. That must depend on the
investigation which shall be made in the inspection which has been
ordered to be made of the governors, auditors, treasuries, and royal
officials of those islands. This point must be set down in writing,
as it is so essential, so that the inspector who shall be appointed
may have it well in hand. After knowing the result and report of the
inspection, orders will be given as to what shall be just in regard
to the payment and integrity of the said fund of the goods of deceased
persons. A royal decree must be despatched, so that this indebtedness
be made no greater in the future, and so that the governors take
upon themselves no authority to make payments out of the said fund;
and such proceeding shall be strictly prohibited to them, as it was
by another decree which was despatched to Piru in regard to this same
matter, and the custom of the viceroys in making payments from the
fund of the goods of deceased persons.

4. In regard to the fourth point, concerning the sale of the office
of [secretary of] government and war, which the governor says he has
sold for fifty-four thousand pesos, the fiscal will place before
the Council what will be advisable for the investigation of this
matter, when the purchaser shall come to ask for the confirmation
of this sale. For the present, what he has to note is that only ten
thousand pesos of the said sum appear to have been in cash; for the
forty-four thousand pesos remaining were received in salary-warrants
which were said to be owing from the treasury to the said purchaser
and to other persons. That mode of payment has many inconveniences,
as has been alleged on other occasions; and order must be given that
it be avoided as much as possible.

5. In regard to the fifth point, no definite measures can be taken
until the accountant and royal officials have been heard, and the
custom ascertained which has been in vogue in appointing and removing
the minor officials of the royal treasury; for in the majority of
cases, it is usually in charge of the royal officials, to say who
shall help them, and they remove or appoint as they deem best. If
there has been or is anything that contradicts this, it is where such
minor officials are paid and are given title by his Majesty.

6. In regard to the sixth and last point, it will be advisable to
look up and collect the acts cited in it; and in the meanwhile the
fiscal thinks that order should be given to pay the fees to the minor
officials, as was declared by the royal Audiencia. Madrid, November
30, 1630.

[A copy of certain sections of the present letter follows (those of
the fifth point) with the decree of the Council and the statement of
the fiscal, all of which is given above. Several of the summaries
of decrees of the Council are dated July 11, 1631. The following
statement, relating to the fifth and sixth points, completes the
document.]

The fiscal, having seen the acts which accompany this section of this
letter, in virtue of a decree of the Council, declares that it should
be ordered to observe the custom that has been followed in Manila in
regard to the appointment of the clerks who serve under the royal
officials; and that there be no such innovation as is attempted by
the governor--by which, besides the petition that shall be given to
the governor by the person who solicits such and such an office, the
royal officials give information as to his ability and competency;
and the governor, having considered his competency, will make the
appointment. For this means to deprive the royal officials of what
they now enjoy and possess, which is even less than their rights in
other parts. Neither does the pretension of the accountant, Martin
Ruiz de Salazar, appear suitable--namely, that he absolutely appoint
his clerks and have authority to remove them; for that is contrary
to the custom and procedure which has always obtained there. It is
sufficient for him to propose them to the governor. It will be well
for the latter to retain that privilege, especially since that royal
official's associates, the treasurer and factor, do not make any
demand regarding this point, although they have the same right. It
will be advisable to write to the accountant that in regard to the
point that he makes concerning the removing of his clerk at will,
he shall go to the governor who appointed him, or to the Audiencia,
where justice will be done in the presence of the parties. In regard
to the laws and acts regarding this that have been referred to the
Council, he thinks that either one of two means can be adopted:
either to order the Audiencia of Manila to take the proper measures,
after having examined the parties, since they are there, and do not
come [here] under summons; or, in case the Council wishes to decide
the matter, that the parties be summoned, so that they may declare
what is advisable for them. For the tariff given by the Audiencia in
the year 599 speaks clearly in favor of the clerks; and since it is
so old and has always been observed, and since this favorable act
was obtained from the Audiencia, the said royal officials cannot
take any resolution within hearing of them. Thus does the fiscal
petition. Madrid, June 9, 1633.





Government Matters


_1. Slowness of the ships which come from Nueva España_

Sire:

In a separate letter sent with this same despatch, I write to your
Majesty of the matters pertaining to war, revenue, the ecclesiastical
estate, and the religious orders, that have arisen in the course of
the year. In the present letter, I shall briefly mention some general
points of the government, for which I take pen in hand today, July
19, before the arrival at this port of Cavite of the ships from Nueva
España, or news that they have entered the islands. Consequently we
(I and all this city) are as anxious as can be imagined, as it is now
so late and the vendavals have already set in with some vehemence. May
God, in His mercy, have pity on us; and will your Majesty be pleased
to urge the viceroy of Nueva España, by ordering him to have the aid
for these islands leave Acapulco at least by the middle of March. By
that the voyage will be made certain; but if it is delayed until
the last of the same month or the first of April, as has been done
these last years, these islands are in evident danger of remaining
without aid, and that would mean their total ruin. [_In the margin_:
"Have him notified accordingly, and advise the governor what orders
have been sent to him."]



_2. Despatch of the ships leaving here this year_


I am despatching these ships before the arrival of the others, to the
very great inconvenience of the entire country. But the trouble would
be greater if the ships sailed out of season, and after the subsidence
of the vendavals, which is their proper monsoon. May God bear them
with safety. They are the two best ships which have sailed from this
place. The flagship was finished recently, and the almiranta is the
same as new, because of the thorough overhauling that was given it
on this beach. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]



_3. Their small cargo, and the lack of trade in this year_


Their cargo is small, because ships from China and Macan have not
entered Manila this year, and those which were laden in the island of
Hermosa have not returned. The reason why the Chinese did not come is
the multitude of pirates of their own nation who have overrun their
coasts; while it is understood that the reason why the ships have not
returned from the island of Hermosa on time is because the vendavals
must have set in earlier than usual. Accordingly, for both reasons
the ships take less merchandise than they could, and what they take
is at advanced prices. Everything has been incredibly dear in Manila
this year; and we could not live here if we did not have the hope of
better conditions and an abundance of all things. [_In the margin_:
"Seen."]



_4. Resolution taken by this city to send eight citizens to the City
of Mexico, so that they may handle their merchandise in accordance
with a royal decree which they have presented for that purpose._


The scarcity in the present year and the small supply of the past
years have given this city occasion to resolve upon an innovation
which we greatly fear will be its total ruin. The city petitioned
me for the execution of a decree of your Majesty given in the year
1593, which has not as yet been given force in what pertains to
the citizens; and that is the matter in which they are causing an
innovation. Your Majesty permits them in that decree to go to sell
their goods in Mexico, or to send them by persons who go in the ships;
but not to send or consign them to citizens of Mexico, unless it he in
the second place and in case of the death of those who take them. As
the profits have been so small these last few years, the citizens of
Manila throw the blame on the efforts of those in Mexico, which they
say are unfriendly. Consequently, they have resolved to send eight
men from this city with goods of those who have consented to commit
these to them; for which, although they pretended that this would
not remain at the will of the owners, I, however, relying upon the
decree, have refused to concede them more than it mentions. The eight
men have orders and instructions to form one single body, and to sell
through one person, and to manage their business by the counsel and
opinion of all, the majority of votes ruling. They are to make all
the necessary efforts in Nueva España for blocking the citizens of
Mexico who are not agents for those in Filipinas, even if it should
be necessary for some of them to go to that court to attain their
purpose. [_In the margin_: "Take it to the fiscal." "It was taken to
him. Answered on a separate paper."]



5. _Advantages and difficulties in the execution of this decree,
and the ruinous outcome which may be feared from it._


As the execution of this decree, although so old, is a good method
to attain what his Majesty intends and what the monarchy needs, that
but little money of merchants be sent to these islands, I am giving
without any opposition to the citizens of this city what is ordered by
the decree, as will be seen by the acts that have been passed in this
regard which I am sending to that royal Council, in order that it may
understand the matter better, and that it may take the measures which
seem most advisable. The truth is, that I fear lest a violent clash
result from this innovation, between this city and that of Mexico; for
the citizens of the latter place, when they find themselves deprived of
the gains which they had by acting as agents for those of Filipinas,
will render poor service as such to the latter; and further, knowing
that the citizens here are combining against them, that will oblige
them also to combine [against these citizens], in order not to make
the returns this year with any silver. That would be the total ruin
of this colony, because of the small investments and business affairs
of these last years. [_In the margin_: "Take it to the fiscal with
the acts." "They were taken to him. Response on a separate paper."]



_6. That all that has been done in this matter has been with the
approval and assent of the Audiencia, and against my own_.


I never took my pen to sign an act in this matter (upon which all
the Audiencia was unanimous), for they seemed to me the most serious
acts that could arise pro and con in this community. All that I
have executed has been against my own opinion. What I would gladly
have done would be to have four or six alert men to take charge of
the goods of private persons, and have each one administer it as
best he could, without at present trying to oppose the citizens of
Mexico and to deprive them at one stroke of the agencies, and that
would be accomplished gradually. Besides, times becoming better by
buying here cheap, the profits would be greater; and it would be a
good expedient not to send too great a consignment of goods to Nueva
España. That would be, and this city would have, some relief without
so much offense to the City of Mexico, which is of no less importance
to the monarchy than this city. [_In the margin_: "Take it to the
fiscal." "It was referred to him. Response in a separate paper."]



7. _How injurious it is to take loans from the inhabitants of this
city_


The havoc wrought by the loans which the inhabitants are forced to
make to the royal treasury, which is now owing them about two hundred
thousand pesos, is not little. The inhabitants have been unable to
invest that money, and hence the deficiency in what they could have
used in trade has embarrassed them with a like shortage in the profits
that they would have made with this sum. Your Majesty ought to have
this matter remedied by ordering the viceroys of Nueva España to aid
this treasury with the sum asked for here; for surely such procedure
means the total destruction of these few vassals whom your Majesty
has here in this little commonwealth. If that relief be lacking,
the enemy will have but little to do in making themselves masters of
the South Sea. [_In the margin:_ "That this matter is being discussed
very carefully and that it will be thoroughly examined in order to
give a suitable answer."]



_8. The fresh supply of saltpetre which was brought from Yndia by
the efforts of Don Felipe Mascareñas, captain of Cochin_.


Four galliots have come from Yndia with flour and a certain quantity
of saltpetre, of which we were in great need. The captain of Cochin,
Don Felipe de Mascareñas, is the one who has solicited it; and he
aids me very punctually with what I ask from him. I am trying to
have some ships built there for the Nueva España line. I request your
Majesty to thank him, and to encourage him to pay careful attention
to the quick building of the new ships; for this would effect much,
and relieve the islands of one of the greatest burdens that they
endure, namely, the shipyards and shipbuilding. [_In the margin_:
"Let his Majesty be consulted, so that the same be done in such manner
as he prefers." "Consultation was held October 17."]



_9. Embassy sent to the king of Camboja; the building of ships;
and the trade that has been established with him_.


For the same purpose I despatched an embassy this year to the kingdom
of Camboja, in order to ascertain whether it has suitable timber. I
have heard that those who went there have been well received by
the king, and that he is answering me by another embassy composed
of his vassals. They say that he has never done so with anyone
else, and that the building of a ship was already being begun. I am
momentarily expecting a patache which was bought there, in which the
ambassadors are coming. I trust that very many matters for relief for
these islands and saving for your Majesty will be arranged with them
besides the shipbuilding, as well as the advantage which the Catholic
faith may obtain in this commerce. For some Dominican fathers whom
I sent as chaplains for the Spaniards write me that they were very
cordially received by the king, and that the latter had given them
permission to build a church, and to baptize those who wished to
be converted. [_In the margin:_ "Have him advise us of the result,
and approve what he is doing."]



_10. Embassy and trade with the king of Cochinchina_


I also sent a message to the king of Cochinchina, with letters and
presents, in order to establish a factory in his kingdom, both for the
building of ships and for the exporting of iron and other metals--which
can be imported from there at much less cost than what is now incurred
here in the islands. I have already received a reply from the king,
which contains many expressions of desire that what I am trying to do
will be effected; and I am in hopes of accomplishing it this year. [_In
the margin_: "Approve it and tell him to continue these efforts."]



11. _Message to the king of Sian, and the condition in which the
punishment meted out to him last year has placed him_.


As for the king of Sian, I advised your Majesty last year of the
punishment inflicted upon him for his injustice toward the inhabitants
of this city in keeping their goods. After having inflicted the
punishment, I thought it advisable to send him a message through
an experienced person of his kingdom, declaring what was intended
by the expedition of the galleons to his river; and warning him to
give full satisfaction, unless he wished the punishment to proceed
further. The messenger found the king dead, and all the counselors
removed who were in power at the time when the matter occurred,
and the new king so fearful of the arms of your Majesty that he
was afraid to despatch any vessel from his coasts. He has sent the
messenger back to me with letters and presents, in which he begs
for our friendship, and satisfies in words the injustice which his
father committed. However, he does not make any active reparation,
so that I am at present in a condition of continuing the chastisement
or of accepting the reparation and friendship which he asks, as shall
seem to me best for the welfare of these islands. This is a matter
of importance, which I am communicating in order that what is most
expedient may be carried out. [_In the margin_: "That it is well to
continue demanding from him what his father owed."]



_[12.] Despatch sent to Japan in regard to the burning of the junk,
of which advice was sent last year; and the controversy regarding
this which the city of Macan has maintained with me_.


Like efforts have been made to restore the trade with Japon, which
was formerly of great importance to these islands. I sent a despatch
to the governor of Nangasaqui, sending him forty-two Japanese whom
General Don Juan de Alcaraso brought to me from a junk of that
nation--which, as I advised you last year, he burned at the bar of
the river of Sian. I offered them friendship and trade, giving them
to understand that the burning was done without my orders; and that,
if they would have trade and commerce with these islands as before,
I would give satisfaction for the damage in the said burning. This
despatch did not reach Nangasaqui in the time that I supposed, nor as
yet have we heard from it. The news of the said burning having reached
that same city [i.e., Nangasaqui] at a time when the Portuguese were
there with the galliots that make that voyage, trading, with their
merchandise, the Japanese attempted to attack them, and to force them
to pay the value of the merchandise and the junk which were burned;
and it is feared that thereupon they would lay an embargo on the three
galliots. However, as yet we do not know with certainty or assurance,
except that a suit was pending in the court of the king of Japon,
the Portuguese claiming that they could not in justice be forced to
repay the damage which the Castilians had done. Thereupon the city of
Macan earnestly begged me to make satisfaction, and send the value
of the cargo burned and lost in the said junk, in order to silence
the Japanese. Being desirous of gratifying the people of Macan,
and settling the matter, I called an assembly of theologians and
jurists, in which I broached the subject. All agreed that so long as
the Japanese persevered in locking the door to commerce with these
islands, contrary to justice and reason, there should be no talk of
giving satisfaction for the damage inflicted, until advice could
be given to your Majesty--even though it should follow from this,
by a casualty not intended, that the Portuguese with whom the said
Japanese trade should have to pay for the loss. This will be seen more
in detail in the authentic copy of the said council's proceedings,
which I enclose herewith, so that if perchance the city of Macan should
petition your Majesty through the Council of Portugal to have these
damages paid, no decision may be made in the matter until you shall
have seen the motives which we have here for failing to settle it. In
such case, I petition your Majesty also to be pleased to examine,
with this section of this letter, that of another which I wrote in the
past year of 628 in regard to the same matter. It will be considered
that if the damage inflicted has to be paid for, it will fall upon
those who did it. That would be the soldiers of this camp and the
leader under whom they were, namely, the said commander, Don Joan de
Alcarasso, who distinguished themselves greatly in your Majesty's
service in the said expedition of the galleons. [_In the margin_:
"File, and have the fiscal examine it all." "It was all filed and
referred to the fiscal. It is answered on a separate paper."]



_13. Departure of Don Fernando de Silva, and difficulties that arose
in it_


Don Fernando de Silva (who is the person whom I found governing in
these islands when I arrived here), exercising the permission given him
by your Majesty by which he may enjoy for eight years the encomiendas
held here by his wife for two lives, undertook to make his voyage this
year. As I thought that a government permit in writing (as is usual
with others who have not been governors) was unnecessary so that he
might embark, I communicated the matter to the Audiencia in session,
which was of my opinion. But the auditors added that the governor
ought to issue an act by which he should notify your Majesty's fiscal
and the official royal judges that the said Don Fernando was leaving
these islands, and that he thus informed them in case that they had
anything to plead against him. I thought it an unnecessary proceeding,
as the departure of the said Don Fernando de Silva was sufficiently
public; yet, in order to comply with the opinion of the Audiencia,
I issued the said act. The fiscal entered a demand that the said Don
Fernando be commanded to give bonds, for himself and his agents and
servants, to furnish residencia for the time while he had governed
these islands, and to pay the judgment and sentence therein. A copy
of this document was given to the party. He replied that the governor
was not a competent judge of this article of residencia, but only
the royal Council of the Yndias. I thought the same, and so did the
government assessor. I ruled that the fiscal should demand what was
expedient for him from the judge before whom he could and should
appear by right. He appealed from this to the royal Audiencia, which
declared that the governor was a competent judge, and that he ought
to pass judgment upon this article. This matter has been examined and
reviewed, without there having been found any decree of your Majesty
which orders such a thing, or any precedent of a similar case made here
or in Nueva España--not only as far as the governor, captain-general,
and president of the Audiencia is concerned, but even for the officials
of the Audiencia. They, having been promoted to other parts, have
gone without giving their residencia or bonds, so long as that royal
Council does not provide therefor. Consequently, notwithstanding what
the Audiencia declared, I thought it wise not to set such a precedent,
or cause such difficulty to the superior ministers of your Majesty
(who would have them under your eyes, in whatever part they might be),
so that you may order them to pay what they should be sentenced to pay
in their residencia, when your royal Council shall decide that it be
taken. I was obliged to make this decision by the consideration that
it might happen that there might not be left to a governor persons who
are under obligation to him in the country, because he has given to no
one other things than what he has deserved, by which no one considers
himself favored and obliged. And it may be that no one can be found
to go bond for him; and it will not be right that he should have to
remain in the Filipinas on account of not having bonds, if there is
no commission to take his residencia. And this would weigh even more
heavily upon the auditors, who have less power to give favors; and,
when they were promoted by your Majesty, they would be unable to go
to take charge of their places for lack of bonds. Thus they would
remain in this land, exposed to innumerable affronts from those to
whom they had administered justice, which is a thing that your Majesty
ought not to permit to happen to your ministers. Although all these
reasons were sufficient to decide me not to allow this innovation
without a special order from your Majesty, there is, in the present
case of Don Fernando de Silba, another very special consideration,
since he is leaving an encomienda in this country with an income
of four thousand pesos per year. That is the best bond that one
can ask. Consequently, seeing that no detriment was being incurred
in not taking the bonds, I decided the matter by declaring that I
was not judge in this sense. I am sending the copies of the acts to
that royal Council, so that your Majesty may be pleased, after their
examination, to enact what may be considered most fitting, and with
all distinctness, so that there may be no abuses here, and so that
the governors who depart after the entrance of the other governors may
not be harassed. With Don Fernando I have maintained very harmonious
relations during the three years while I kept him here. On the occasion
of this despatch, I have furnished him all the accommodations possible,
assigning him forty toneladas of cargo to carry his goods, household,
and servants. He is a person who is worthy of what favor your Majesty
may show him, and will render excellent service in any employment
that he may hold. [_In the margin_: "Refer it to the fiscal." "It
was referred. Answered on a separate paper."]


_[14.] Erection of the bridge; and how the hospital has been given
the revenue produced by the ferry boat._


The bridge which I began in this city (as I have advised you during
the last few years) is now in such a condition that we can cross by
it. It will be finished in a couple of months without having cost the
citizens or your Majesty a single maravedi. The Sangleys have built it
from their common fund, with which they have been freed from the amount
that the ferry-boat cost them. The latter belonged to the hospital of
the same Sangleys, which is in charge of the Dominican fathers; and
it netted them at least two thousand pesos annually. They maintained
themselves with that sum; and accordingly, so that that hospital,
so necessary for that nation, might not be left without support, it
has seemed best, with the consent of the Audiencia, to assign to the
hospital the same sum of two thousand pesos per year from the common
fund of the same Sangleys, with their consent. Thus will it be done,
and the Sangleys do not pay any ferry rate, but support the hospital,
in which they are treated, from their common fund. Your Majesty is
patron of it as ever, the fathers happy, and the poor well provided
for. [_In the margin_: "File this with what is enacted in the petition
of the Dominican fathers." "This section was filed with a memorial
given by Fray Mateo de Villa." "It is decreed in the memorial and
what is to be answered, here on a separate paper."]



_15. Sickness in Manila this year, and death of the archbishop_


I hope to construct other works this year, if our Lord gives me life,
with which this city will be no less beautified. There has been but
little health in this city and its environs this year, with many
sudden deaths, both of Spaniards and Indian natives and slaves. Among
others has passed away the archbishop Don Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano,
who died on Corpus Christi, as is written at greater length in the
letter touching the ecclesiastical estate. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]



_16. Arrival of the aid and ships from Nueva España_


Just as I reached this point in my letter, and when about to seal it,
I received news that the two ships which sailed for Nueva España last
year for the reënforcement have returned with it; and that they have
made port in different parts of these islands, because the weather did
not allow them to reach this port of Cavite. They left Nueva España
late, and the vendavals set in early. Hence the voyage has been one
of hardships, and it was a great mercy of God that they were able to
make the islands, although not little is the discomfort and not few the
additional expenses that have been incurred because of their inability
to make this port. What I grieve over most is to see the inadequacy of
the aid, which does not reach two hundred and fifty thousand pesos,
while I informed the viceroy that we needed four hundred thousand,
as I wrote last year. Consequently, I again petition your Majesty in
the same terms as in that letter, to be pleased to endow these islands
with the said sum, so that it may not be at the will of the viceroys
of Nueva España to discontinue sending it. This is the chief point,
and on it is based all the government of these islands, so that we
may be able to give a good account of them to your Majesty. [_In the
margin_: "Have what was enacted for this examined." "The enactments
were examined, and filed with this section for the Council. Answered
on a separate paper."]



_17. Aid of artillery sent to the viceroy_


The viceroy of Nueva España asks me for bronze artillery with which
to fortify the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, sending me twenty-four
thousand pesos for the expense of it. Although the ships have arrived
so late that I have had no time to cast it in the quantity and of the
quality that he asks, I am sending him the equivalent [of the money]
in eighteen excellent pieces from what we have already manufactured,
with which I think that that fort will be well defended, and the
viceroy will have the pieces with which to go to succor the fort
if it should be necessary. He tells me that he wishes some of the
artillery which he has asked of me for that purpose. [_In the margin_:
"It is well, and let him execute what the viceroy shall advise him
of in this respect."]

May God preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty
with the increase of kingdoms and states that is necessary to
Christendom. Cavite, August first, 1629. Sire, your Majesty's humble
vassal,


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_


[Appended to this letter are the following documents:]

_Second Council in Regard to the Injuries Committed on the Japanese
Boat Which Was Captured in Sian_


In the city of Manila, on the sixteenth day of the month of January,
one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora,
knight of the Order of Calatrava, comendador of Puerto Llano, member
of the Council of War of the king our sovereign, his governor and
captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of the royal
Audiencia therein, called a meeting of theologians and juries in
order to discuss matters of his Majesty's service, and those touching
cases of conscience and justice. And in the royal buildings and the
palace of the governor's dwelling, in the presence of Licentiate
Marcos Çapata de Galvez, fiscal of the said royal Audiencia; the
reverend fathers, Fray Domingo Gonzalez of the Order of St. Dominic,
commissary of the Holy Office and rector of the college of Sancto
Tomas; Fray Juan de Montemayor, of the Order of St. Augustine, Fathers
Diego de Bobadilla and Francisco Colin of the Society of Jesus of this
city, father Fray Gaspar de Santa Monica, lecturer on theology in the
convent of St. Nicolas of the Order of the discalced Augustinians; and
Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonzalez de Varreda, his Lordship's assessor;
and all being assembled: the lord governor ordered me, the present
government secretary, to read a paper, which his Lordship gave me
for that purpose. I read it, and it was of the following tenor.

"In May of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight, there took
place at the bar of the river of Sian the capture and burning of the
junk from Xapon, caused by our galleons. In July of the same year, it
was decided, at a meeting of four theologians and two jurists which
was called to discuss the matter, that this act had been unjust,
for lack of authority by him who did it; and that, accordingly, the
one who caused the damage was under obligations to make it good to
the Japanese.

"That satisfaction has not been discussed as yet, except that the
king gave liberty to the Japanese who were captured; and they were
made ready to be sent to their country with messages for the governor
of Nangasaqui. These were to the effect that keen regret was felt
over the illegal act recently committed by our galleons; and that
as to the value of the junk and its cargo, order would be given to
make complete reparation, if the Japanese would open commerce with
this city, as was done in former years, and as they now have with the
Portuguese. Of the contrary, in case that the Japanese refuse to open
commerce, nothing was said; nor did it state who was the principal
cause, but gave the order for the damage. No investigation or effort
has been made in regard to reparation, but a reply is being awaited
to the message which was sent to Japon, so that the government might
know what ought to be done and ordered.

"The reason for this suspension or omission on the part of the
government has been because we considered that the king our sovereign
has a legitimate cause to make war on the Japanese on account of
the faith which they so cruelly persecute; and because all who leave
Japon in order to ship goods have to deny the faith before embarking,
at least to outward appearance, and unite with the heathen in order
to persecute the faith. Thus it is believed that these islands have an
especial reason to consider themselves aggrieved by Japon. 1st. Because
the Japanese have prohibited commerce without other reason than the
faith, and that with so great severity that a ship which sailed
secretly from the districts of Arima and Omura for these islands
having put back, and the Japanese ascertaining whither it was bound,
that resulted in the loss of many lives, and in most cruel injuries
to the Christian people there. 2d. Because the Japanese refused to
receive the ambassadors who were sent from here in order to bring
about peace and harmony between these kingdoms. 3d. Because of the
old-time robberies which were made in the time of Taicosama, and
by his order, of the goods of the galleon 'San Phelipe,' which put
in at their coasts because of bad weather--the Japanese martyring
on that occasion the religious of St. Francis who protested against
the injustice; and Taico declaring war against these islands in the
endeavor to make them tributary, and for some years sending a number
of ships to infest, as they did, these coasts; and although peace
was made afterward in the time of Daifu, and commerce was reopened,
still they never gave satisfaction for the wrong committed, nor did we
obtain damages for it. Consequently, as soon as the peace was broken,
on account of Daifu, and because they deprived us of commerce with
them, it appears that they again revived the past insults and that they
are vigorously demanding their right of procuring redress. 4th. Because
from the time when our ships put in at Japon, and the Japanese had news
of the richness of these islands, they have always tried to conquer
them, by endeavoring to get a foothold on the island of Hermosa,
in order to make it a way-station for the conquest of Luzon. That
has caused the governors of Philipinas to make great expenditures
and vast preparations during the past few years; and but recently
it is learned that discussions of this kind are rife in Japon, and
that their reason for not doing it [_i.e._, conquering the islands]
is not the lack of malice but of power.

"For all the above reasons, it was nevertheless doubted whether the
capture and burning of the said junk were unjust, if, now that it
has been done, the king our sovereign could avail himself of these
wrongs as a beginning and part of the compensation; and if those
who govern these islands in the name of his Majesty could remain
firm, and order the person who committed the injury not to give any
satisfaction so long as they make no reparation in Japon--or at least
so long as they do not desist from the aforesaid injuries, by opening
commerce, or in some other manner that may be advantageous to these
islands. In virtue of that doubt the discussion of the question of
satisfaction for the injuries has been neglected until now by the
government. The government has contented itself with the aforesaid
measures of granting liberty and accommodations to the Japanese,
and a message which was sent to the Japanese--to which the reasons
and consequences of state that existed for it obliged us.

"One of these reasons was that one now urged by the correspondence
with Macan, upon whose commerce Japon might perhaps fall in order to
obtain reparation for the injury which this government might inflict
upon them, as we see has been attempted. The city and commandant
of Macan request these islands to make reparation immediately for
the goods, so that the difficulty may not recoil upon them, to the
damage of their goods and of the commerce between Yndia and Japon,
which they declare to be of great importance for the preservation of
Christianity in those islands."

And having finished reading the said paper in the said meeting, his
Lordship requested those present to give him their opinions in regard
to its contents, so that the most advisable measures might be taken
for the service of his Majesty and for the relief of his conscience.

All the said assembly having heard and understood the contents
of the said paper, above incorporated, and conferred regarding it
and what in conscience they ought and could do, voted unanimously
and as one man that the king our sovereign and these islands have
sufficient cause in law to avail themselves of these wrongs which
were committed by our galleons without their orders, and to take
them as a beginning and part of the reparation; and that, so long
as the Japanese did not give satisfaction for the aforesaid wrongs,
the lord governor ought not to order any reparation to be given;
for the right to take reparation, when the party owes it and does
not give it, is plain. In the present case, it is certain that his
Majesty could with justice order the said loss, and even greater,
to be inflicted upon the Japanese, in retaliation for the injuries
committed on the faith and these islands. And since he did not order
it, but it is done, he has an undisputed faculty and right to avail
himself of the wrongs committed. Thus it appears that there is no
doubt that his Majesty's officials are not bound in conscience to
make reparation to those of Japon until his Majesty is advised of
the case, so that we may see whether he wishes to avail himself of,
or to have these islands avail themselves of, his right. In regard
to the mention of the injury that may follow to the inhabitants of
Macan if reparation be not made immediately, as yet we do not know
that the latter have shipped anything; and even if they had, Macan,
in order not to break with Japon, would have to pay the value of this
junk, since that is an incident not reckoned on by Manila, but one
which this city rather tried to obviate by all the means which were
readily feasible, such as giving liberty to the prisoners, sending an
embassy and messages of apology to the Japanese, and pledging immediate
reparation for the injury done to their property, if they would open
trade and make peace with these islands. So long as they do not do
this his Lordship appears to be fulfilling the demands of conscience
by informing his Majesty of what is happening, so that as sovereign
of both states [i.e., Manila and Macan], he may order what is to his
royal service. This is their opinion, and the said father Diego de
Bobadilla said that the opinion does not state anything as to who ought
to make reparation for the said injuries, nor do they consider that;
because it does not pertain to them to give any opinion or judgment
on that point, but only to state who would have authority for doing it.

His Lordship, having seen the above opinions, declared that he was in
accord with them, and that he is doing what is mentioned in them in
the manner which seems to his Lordship best. He affixed his signature,
as did the rest of the said assembly.

_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_
_Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez_
_Fray Domingo de Gonçales_
_Francisco Colin_
_Diego de Bobadilla_
_Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda_

Before me:
_Andres Martin del Arroyo_

Collated with the original records which rest in this government
office. By order of the said lord governor and captain-general,
I drew up this copy, at Manila, June twenty-two, one thousand six
hundred and twenty-nine, [witnesses being] Francisco de Silva and Don
Juan Martin. In testimony of the truth, I seal and sign it officially.

_Andres Martin del Arroyo_, royal secretary.

We, the undersigned notaries, attest that Andres Martin del Arroyo,
by whom these copies appear to be signed and sealed, is a notary of
the king our sovereign, and exercises the office of chief government
and military notary of these islands. The copies and other matters
that pass and have passed before him are given and have been given
entire faith and credit, both in and out of court. Given in Manila,
July three, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine.

_Pedro Muñoz de Herrera_, royal notary.
_Luis de Barrasa_, royal notary.
_Luis de Torres_, royal notary.




_Acts Regarding Departure of Fernando de Silva from the Islands_

_Act by the governor_


In the city of Manila, on the sixteenth of July, one thousand six
hundred and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, knight of the Order
of Calatrava, comendador of Puerto Llano, member of the Council of War
of the king our sovereign, his governor and captain-general of these
Philipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia therein,
declared that, inasmuch as Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the habit
of Santiago, former governor and captain-general of these islands and
president of the royal Audiencia therein, because of the death of Don
Alonso Fajardo de Tença, is to go to Nueva España this present year,
and to take his wife, Doña Maria de Salazar, and his household and
family: therefore he ordered--and he did so order--that if the fiscal
of these islands and the royal officials have anything to plead against
the said Don Fernando de Silva, whereby he should not make his voyage
without any hindrance, they do it within the following day. Thus did
he enact and order, and he signed it.


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_


Before me:


_Andres Martin del Arroyo_



_Notification to and reply of the fiscal_


In Manila, on the seventeenth of July, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-nine, I, the notary, read and announced the act of the
lord governor, contained in another part of this, to Licentiate
Marcos Çapata de Galvez, fiscal of the royal Audiencia of these
islands. Having heard it, he said that what he has to demand is
that the said Don Fernando give bonds to furnish residencia, both for
himself and for his agents and servants, for the time while he governed
these islands; and to pay the amount to which he should be adjudged
and sentenced, and that he leave a person with accepted powers to
give the said residencia. Thus does he request his Lordship to order,
as that is justice. He signed it, and will request it by petition.


_Marcos Capata de Galvez_


Before me:


_Andres Martin del Arroyo_



_Notification to the treasurer_


In Manila, July seventeen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, I,
the notary, announced the act of the lord governor, herein elsewhere
contained, to the treasurer, Juan Ruiz Descalona, official judge of
the royal exchequer in these islands. Having heard it, he declared
that he does not know whether Don Fernando de Silva is indebted to the
royal treasury. If he is not, then he does not know of any reason why,
in what concerns this matter, there should be any obstacle to prevent
his journey. He signed the same.


_Juan Ruiz Descalona_
_Andres Martin del Arroyo_



_Notification to the accountant_

In Manila, July seventeen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine,
I, the secretary, gave notice of the act of the governor and
captain-general, on the preceding leaf, to the accountant, Martin
Ruiz de Salazar, official judge of the royal exchequer in these
islands. He declared that when Don Fernando de Silva was governor he
ordered and commanded some things contrary to the ordinances in regard
to payments which were made from the royal treasury, as he thought
them expedient for his Majesty's service. There is nothing evident
today in the royal accountancy why he should be detained, for this
concerns the residencia which he should give, with the bonds which the
fiscal demands shall, according to law, be furnished in residencias,
to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced. It is well
provided, except, etc. He signed the same.


_Martin Ruiz de Salazar_
_Andres Martin del Arroyo_



_Demand of his Majesty's fiscal_


I, Licentiate Marcos Capata de Galvez, his Majesty's fiscal in
this royal Audiencia, declare that the government secretary, Andres
Martin del Arroyo, notified me of an act of his Lordship, in which he
orders me to plead what there may be to plead against Don Fernando
de Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago, and that the same act be
made known to the royal officials, in consideration of the fact that
he is to make his voyage to Nueva España this year. Since the said
Don Fernando should give his residencia for the time while he was
governor of these islands, it will be advisable for your Lordship
that, if his departure be effected, he shall give good and creditable
bonds to furnish the said residencia for himself and for his agents and
servants, and to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced,
leaving a person with accepted powers who may give it for him. This
being complied with by the royal exchequer, I have nothing else to
require. I request and beseech your Lordship to have the said Don
Fernando give bonds to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and
sentenced in the residencia which he shall furnish and that he leave
a person with, accepted powers to give it when his Majesty orders it,
for all this that I request is justice, etc.


_Licentiate Marcos Capata de Galvez_


_Act_

Cavite, July eighteen, six hundred and twenty-nine. Copy for Don
Fernando de Silva. Thus he [i.e., the governor] enacts, together with
his counselor. At the bottom of this decree are two rubrics, one of
the lord governor and captain-general, and the other of Licentiate
Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda, his counselor.


_Andres Martin_ [_del Arroyo_]


_Petition of Don Fernando de Silva_

I, Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, former
governor and captain-general in these islands and president of his
royal Audiencia for the king our sovereign, in answer to a writ
presented by his Majesty's fiscal, in which he declares that he
has been notified of an act of your Lordship ordering him to plead
against me whatever he might have to plead, in consideration of the
fact that I am about to go to Nueva España; and who demanded that I
be ordered to leave bonds for the sum to which I might be adjudged
and sentenced in the residencia that is to be taken from me, and a
person with accepted powers to furnish my residencia for me when his
Majesty orders it: declare that notwithstanding that the said act could
not be pronounced by your Lordship, nor the said demand made by the
fiscal--which is an innovation that until today has not been made with
any of the governors, or with any other official of his Majesty among
the number of those who must give residencia of their offices when and
before whom the royal pleasure dictates--(for that belongs exclusively
to the royal person and to the supreme Council of the Indias, and to
no other judge or royal minister) yet, without prejudice to my right,
and without attributing to your Lordship greater jurisdiction than what
belongs to your office, because on my part there is no cause to refuse
what the said fiscal demands, and in order to avoid the trouble which
might ensue for me if my voyage were hindered or delayed by opposing
the said demand at a time when the ships are so soon to set sail, I
am ready to give the said bonds, that I will furnish residencia for
all matters in which by law I ought to give it, and that I will pay
the sum to which I may be adjudged and sentenced in the residencia;
and, besides, to leave a person with accepted powers who shall give
my residencia for me when his Majesty orders it. I request and beseech
your Lordship to receive from me the said bonds by the present notary,
for which, etc., and in all justice.


_Don Fernando de Silva_
_Don Juan Fernandez de Ledo_


_Act of the governor_

In the port of Cavite, July twenty-three, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, governor and captain-general
of these islands, having seen this petition of Don Fernando and what
was demanded by the fiscal regarding the bonds to give residencia
for himself and for his servants and agents, for the time while he
was governor and captain-general of these islands and president of
the royal Audiencia therein: declared that the fiscal should plead
what he had to plead in this regard before whom and with what law he
ought and could plead it. Thus did he order, and he signed the same,
with the advice of his counselor, who signed.


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_
_Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonçalez de Barreda_


Before me:


_Andres Martin del Arroyo_


_Notification to his Majesty's fiscal, and his appeal_

In the city of Manila, July twenty-three, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-nine, I, the present secretary, read and announced the act
(which is written on the leaf preceding this) enacted by Don Juan
Niño de Tavora, governor and captain-general of these islands, to
Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez, fiscal of this royal Audiencia,
in his own person. His Grace said that talking with the due respect,
he appeals to the president and auditors of the said royal Audiencia,
and requests the government secretary that, in accordance with the
ordinance, he go to the Audiencia to make a report of this cause. This
was what he gave as his reply, and he affixed his signature thereto,
witnesses being Licentiate Pedro Lopez and Juan de Cañeda, residents
of Manila.


_Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez_

Before me:

_Diego de Torres_, royal notary.



_Summons given to Don Fernando_

In Manila, on the said day, month, and year, I, the undersigned
notary, gave notice and summoned in due form, for the appeal
interposed by the fiscal, and at his request, Don Fernando de Silva,
in his own person. He said that he hears it, and regards himself as
summoned. Witnesses were Captain Don Manuel de Torres and Alférez
Bartolome Gomez, and I attest, the same.

Before me:


_Diego de Torres_, royal notary.



_Act of the royal Audiencia_

In the city of Manila, July twenty-four, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-nine, the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia
and Chancilleria of these Filipinas Islands, having examined these
acts in regard to the demand of his Majesty's fiscal of this said
royal Audiencia--by virtue of which Don Fernando de Silva, knight
of the habit of Santiago, and former governor and captain-general
of these islands and president of this royal Audiencia, should give
bonds to furnish residencia for the time while he exercised the said
duties, for himself and his agents, and to pay the sum to which he
may be adjudged and sentenced in that residencia, leaving a person
with accepted powers to give the said residencia--and the appeal
interposed on the part of the said fiscal from the act enacted by the
governor and captain-general of these islands on the twenty-third of
the present month and year, in which he ordered that the said fiscal
plead in this regard what he had to plead before whom and with the
law that he ought: declared that they returned this cause--and they
did return it--to the said governor, so that as a competent judge,
he might enact what should be just in the matter. By this act they
so enacted, ordered, and decreed. Before me:


_Pedro Muñoz de Herrera_


_Appeal of Don Fernando from the said act_

Most potent Sire:

I, Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, your
former governor and captain-general in these islands, and president
of the royal Audiencia, appeal from the act of the Audiencia of the
twenty-fourth of this month of July, only in regard to their ordering
returned to your governor and captain-general the cause which your
fiscal of this royal Audiencia is prosecuting, by which they order me
to give bonds that I will furnish residencia of the said offices and
pay the sum to which I shall be adjudged and sentenced in it, as I am
about to go to Nueva España. It was declared in the said act that the
said your governor and captain-general was a competent judge to try
the said cause. That said act, only as far as the said declaration
is concerned (and speaking with due respect), must be revoked as a
general rule, and because I am, by having exercised the said offices
of president, governor, and captain-general, immediately subordinate
to your royal person and to your supreme Council of the Indias; and no
other judge or tribunal can take it upon themselves to try anything
pertaining to the residencia of the said offices or to security for
residencia. Thus, until the present time, the said bonds have not been
required in this city for this royal Audiencia or for your governors,
my predecessors in the government, or for your auditors when they
leave these islands to go to Nueva España or to other parts (who ought
also to give residencia for their offices at the will of your royal
Council); they have gone without giving the said bonds. Moreover,
as is proved by this royal decree, of which I present an authorized
copy, attested by three royal notaries, your royal person was pleased
to give me permission authorizing me to make the said voyage, without
condition or obligation of giving the said bonds. The obligation that
your Majesty did not impose in the said permit cannot be imposed
by any of the judges or ministers inferior to the said your royal
Council of the Indias. And accordingly, although the question of the
said bonds might have been discussed with other persons, that cannot
be understood as applying to me; but I must be allowed to make my
voyage freely, without any obstacle being offered, as his Majesty [6]
orders, notwithstanding the contents of my writing of the twenty-third
of this month. For that writing was without prejudice to my right,
and did hot attribute any jurisdiction to the said your governor. I
presented the said writing before receiving the said permission from
his Majesty. Consequently, I petition and beseech your Highness to be
pleased to have the said act revoked, in so far as it concerns the
said declaration, by ordering that it be understood without having
the cause returned to the said your governor and captain-general;
for what I petition is justice, and for it, etc.


_Don Fernando de Silva_
_Doctor Juan Fernandez de Ledo_


_Act of the royal Audiencia, and reply of the fiscal_

In Manila, on the twenty-seventh of July, one thousand six hundred and
twenty-nine, while the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia
and Chancillería of these Filipinas Islands were in session, this
petition was presented, which having been examined they asked for a
copy. The fiscal presented an act which declared that appeal ought
not to be allowed from an act referring back a cause. Consequently,
since this cause has been returned to the lord governor, his Lordship
must decide the chief matter, namely, whether or not to allow the said
bonds to be given. The documents presented are not for this plea,
but for the principal cause before the lord governor. Therefore,
the fiscal, as far as he is concerned, concludes by this plea.


_Licenciate Marcos Çapata de Galvez_

Before me:
_Andres Martin del Arroyo_



_Summons to Don Fernando, and his reply_

In the city of Manila, on July twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-nine, I, the secretary, informed Don Fernando de Silva of
the act herein elsewhere contained. He declared that the appeal which
he has interposed is in regard to declaring the auditors of the royal
Audiencia competent judges of that which the fiscal has demanded
from the governor. He declared that, in regard to this question,
there must be an authoritative statement from the proper source;
and that the appeal must be allowed. On seeing the acts, he regards
himself as summoned. He signed the same.


_Don Fernando de Silva_

Before me:
_Andres Martin del Arroyo_, royal secretary.




_Decree for Don Fernando_

The King. On behalf of you, Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the
Order of Santiago, relation has been made me that you have served in
the states of Flandes, and that you have served in other important
affairs for more than ten years; that, having gone to Nueva España by
the appointment of the marquis of Çerralbo, you served _ad interim_
in the duties of my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas
Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein, because of the
death of Don Alonso Fajardo de Tença; that you did it excellently,
maintaining that community in peace, which was supplied with what was
necessary; and that my royal treasury was but little burdened. When
Don Juan Niño de Tavora arrived to serve me in those offices, he
found the finest fleet of galleons which those islands have had, with
which they could defend themselves from the enemies who infest them;
provision of the metals necessary for casting artillery, and fifty
molds for casting the pieces every two days; and the infantry in good
discipline, clothing in abundance, and the ships for Nueva España ready
to lade. Possession had been taken in my name of the island of Hermosa,
which is eighteen leguas from the mainland of China, in the year six
hundred and twenty-six, by which it will always be safe for the wealth
of that kingdom to pass by there, without the enemy being able to
hinder them (their fortress being very well fortified by nature). You
were married in those islands to Doña Maria de Salazar, granddaughter
of one of the earliest and most prominent conquistadors and settlers
of the islands, and your father-in-law was the first Spaniard born in
the said islands; [7] and, in commemoration of the services which the
aforesaid performed, the encomienda of Butuan and Oton was given to
them, which they enjoyed. I conceded the favor of prolonging to the
said Doña Maria de Salazar, your wife, the same encomienda for one
generation more, by a decree of February twenty-four, six hundred
and twenty-two; and to it shall succeed the person to whom it shall
belong and pertain according to the law of succession. You went to
the said islands solely for the purpose of serving me in the said
duties, and incurred many expenses on the voyage, and enjoyed only
slightly more than one year's salary. You have a desire to continue
in my service, petitioning me that, in order that you may be able to
do so, and in remuneration of the forbears of your wife, I employ you
without the prohibition imposed on absentees, ordering that they may
not enjoy the income from their encomiendas of Indians, preventing
you therefrom; and [that you be allowed] to appoint a representative
[of the encomienda] to the satisfaction of my governor of the said
islands as is the usual custom. The matter having been examined in
my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it proper to give
the present. By it I give permission to you, the said Don Fernando
de Silva, to be absent for the space of eight years from the said
encomienda, together with all your household and goods, in Nueva España
or in any other part where I may employ you, provided that you leave
the representative and all the rest to which you, as an encomendero,
are obliged, to the satisfaction of my governor of the said islands,
to whom and to my royal Audiencia of the said islands, I order no
obstruction to your voyage to be placed. During the said eight years,
which are to run and be reckoned from the day on which you leave
the said islands in order to make your voyage, they shall not take
away from or deprive you of the said Indians; and shall allow you
to enjoy freely the income from them and the other things which you
shall possess in the said islands, notwithstanding any royal orders
or decrees given to the contrary. Such orders and decrees, I do for
this time, and so far as they touch this case, dispense with. Given
in Madrid, October two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven.


_I The King_


By order of the king our sovereign:


_Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras_


I copy this transcript from the original, which was in possession of
the treasurer, Alonso de Santoyo, knight of the Order of Santiago, at
whose request it was drawn. It is a faithful and true copy. Mexico,
March twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. Witnesses
were Hipolito de Santoyo and Geronimo de Marquina, inhabitants of
Mexico. I seal it in testimony of the truth.


_Marcos Leandro_, his Majesty's notary.


We, the undersigned notaries, certify and attest that Marcos Leandro,
by whom this copy appears to be signed and sealed, is a notary of his
Majesty; and as such, entire faith and credit has been and is given to
the writs and other acts which have passed and pass before him, both in
and out of court. In order that it may be apparent, we give the present
in Mexico, March twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine.


_Pedro Gallo_, his Majesty's notary.
_Francisco Gallo_, his Majesty's notary.
_Alonso Cavallero_, his Majesty's notary.


_Act ordering the fulfilment of the royal decree_

In the port of Cavite, July twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and
twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, knight of the Order of Calatrava,
comendador of Puerto Llano, member of his Majesty's Council of War,
his governor and captain-general of these Filipinas Islands, and
president of the royal Audiencia therein, having seen this copy of the
royal decree which his Majesty gave at the petition of Don Fernando de
Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago--who presented himself before
his Lordship in his own behalf, and petitioned that it be observed and
obeyed--and attentive to the fact that the said copy was authorized
by a notary of his Majesty, and attested by three other notaries:
ordered--and he did so order--the contents of the said copy of the
said royal decree to be observed and obeyed; and that the said Don
Fernando avail himself of it, leaving an agent appointed to attend
to the said obligations of the said encomienda. The judges and royal
officials shall note the decree in the books under their charge,
and shall observe and obey it, as is contained therein, in behalf
of the royal treasury. Thus did he enact; and he signed the same,
together with his counselor.


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_
_Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda_
_Andres Martin del Arroyo_


Collated with the copy of the royal and original act from which it was
copied. It is an accurate and exact copy, and agrees with the original,
which was returned on the part of the said Don Fernando de Silva,
in order to take account of it in the royal accountancy. This copy
was made in Manila at his request, July twenty-seven, one thousand
six hundred and twenty-nine; witnesses being Francisco de Silva and
Don Juan Martin, residents of Manila.


_Andres Martin del Arroyo_, royal notary



_Act of the royal Audiencia_

In the city of Manila, July twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-nine, the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and
Cnancillería of these Filipinas Islands having examined these acts in
regard to the demand of his Majesty's fiscal in this royal Audiencia
that Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, former
governor and captain-general and president of this royal Audiencia
of these said islands, give bonds to furnish residencia, for himself
and his agents and servants, for the period while he exercised the
said offices, and to pay the sum to which he should be adjudged and
sentenced, leaving behind a person with accepted powers; and the appeal
interposed by the said Don Fernando de Silva from the act enacted by
this royal Audiencia, on the twenty-fourth of this present month, in
which this cause was returned to the lord governor and captain-general,
so that, as a competent judge, he might enact what might be justice in
it, etc.: declared that, notwithstanding the said appeal, they must
confirm--and they did confirm--the said act of this royal Audiencia,
with the declaration that the said return be, and be understood,
in order that the said lord governor and captain-general may declare
whether or not he [the said Don Fernando] must give bonds to the said
fiscal of his Majesty. Thus they did enact, order, and decree.


Before me:

_Pedro Muñoz de Herrera_



_Act of the governor_

In the port of Cavite, July twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and
twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, governor and captain-general
of these Filipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia
therein; having examined these acts and the demand of the fiscal of
his Majesty concerning Don Fernando de Silva giving bonds to furnish
residencia for the period while he governed these islands, and for
his agents and servants, and to pay the sum to which he should be
adjudged and sentenced; the other things which he has petitioned;
the return of these acts to his Lordship by the royal Audiencia in
an act which they passed at [the reception of] the appeal by the said
Don Fernando de Silva; another act passed by the said royal Audiencia,
that, as a competent judge, the governor should enact what should be
justice in this matter; and the copy of the royal decree presented
before the said royal Audiencia; said that he declared--and he did
declare--that his Lordship was not a competent judge in this cause
to declare or order whether the said Don Fernando should or should
not give the bonds which the said fiscal has demanded for the said
residencia, or for any other thing pertaining to it; and that the
fiscal should plead in this regard what he should have to plead before
whom and with what right he can and ought. Thus did he enact and order,
and he signed the same, by the advice of his counselor.


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_
_Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda_

Before me:

_Andres Martin del Arroyo_

Collated with the original acts, which rest at present in these
archives of the office of government under my charge. This copy is
accurate and exact, according to the originals. At the command of
the said lord governor and captain-general, I ordered to be drawn
and drew this copy, in the port of Cavite, July twenty-eight, one
thousand six hundred and twenty-nine; witnesses being Don Juan Martin
and Francisco de Silva. In testimony of truth, I signed and sealed it.

_Andres Martin del Arroyo_, royal notary.

We, the undersigned notaries, testify that Andres Martin del Arroyo,
by whom this copy appears to be signed and sealed, is a notary of
the king our sovereign, and exercises the office of notary-in-chief
of government and war of these islands. To his copies, acts, and
dispatches, entire faith and credit is and has been given in and
out of court. Given in Cavite, July thirty, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-nine.


_Luis de Torres_, royal notary.
_Pedro de Valdes_, royal notary.
_Augustin de Valenzuela_, notary-public.





Relation of 1629-30

_Relation of events in the Filipinas Islands and other surrounding
regions, from the month of July, 1629, until that of 1630_.


I shall commence the affairs of these islands with the expedition to
Jolo. It is an island of this archipelago, rebellious for years past;
and its natives, who are Mahometans, have made a thousand incursions
against us in these islands, pillaging whenever opportunity arises,
burning villages and churches, and capturing numerous people.

In order to remedy all these evils, Governor Don Juan Niño de Tabora
determined to equip a powerful fleet in order to destroy that enemy and
conquer a stronghold which nature has made in their island--so lofty
and so difficult of approach, that there is no better stone castle;
for the approach to it is by one path, and it has some artillery
which defends it. The people are courageous and warlike. For our
fleet were collected one galley, three brigantines, twelve freight
champaos (which are like small pataches), and about fifty caracoas. The
last named are the usual craft of these islands, and generally have
thirty or forty oars on a side. All these vessels together carried
about four hundred Spaniards and two thousand five hundred Indians,
and they had considerable apparatus and war supplies. It was quite
sufficient for another conquest of greater importance than the one
on which they were going.

All that fleet departed, then, from the port of Dapitan on March
17. Dapitan is the port nearest to the enemy, and the island of Jolo
was reached in [_blank space in the Ventura del Arco MS_.] days. At
dawn our men were landed, and began the ascent to the stronghold. The
master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olaso, who was commander-in-chief of
the fleet, preceded the men. The Joloans defended their stronghold
with valor. They killed some of our men and wounded eight, among them
the master-of-camp himself. He was overthrown, as if dead, and went
rolling down the hill. However, he was not dead, but only wounded,
nothing more. Our men retired on the run, and to speak plainly, such
terror entered into them that they did not dare to attack again. They
skirted the island in their craft, entered the villages, burned,
wrecked, destroyed them, and killed a few people. They brought
back some captives with them whom the Joloans had taken from us. A
violent storm overtook them, which compelled them to weigh anchor,
and they retired stealthily. Thus so powerful a fleet as that was
lost. It was such a fleet that never has one like it been made for
the Yndias in these islands. The Joloan enemy were left triumphant,
and so insolent that we fear that they will make an end of the islands
of the Pintados--which are the nearest ones to them, and which they
infest and pillage with great facility.

"A greater force than ever attacked Malaca from Achen--two hundred
and twenty craft; and among them thirty-three were of stupendous size
and resembled galleys with topsails, while others were medium-sized
and smaller; and they carried a force of nineteen thousand men of
the best picked soldiers, who were all ordered not to return alive
without taking Malaca. They disembarked at a river one-half legua
from here. Then they began to march with great trenches, ramparts,
and other devices until they neared the walls. After taking the mount
of San Francisco, they fortified themselves on it, and for the space
of four months they continued to batter the walls of the city. Our
artillery harassed them from the ramparts also although the trenches
and terrepleins did not allow us to do them much harm. They destroyed
all the side of Yben, Bocachina, and San Lorenzo, and did not leave a
house, palm-tree, or church. Then they attempted to pass to the Malaca
side in order to destroy its suburbs, and to attack the walls on all
sides. In order to make use of all their men, they beached all their
ships in the mire of the river. That was their total destruction,
for the reënforcements arrived on October 21, from Yndia, with Nuño
Alvarez Botello--who succeeded in the government to the bishop who was
governing and died; he had thirty-three oared vessels and one thousand
Portuguese soldiers, the flower of the nobility and soldiery of
Yndia. Thereupon the enemy retired to the river where their fleet was
stationed. The governor, without disembarking, took his station in the
entrance, where he cannonaded them for forty-six days with all of his
artillery. He had some very heavy artillery which he had brought from
Yndia, which he fired from some barges that he had built. He harassed
them so greatly with these guns that, although the enemy attacked
him in order to get out, they were unable; and finally surrendered,
or fled to the mountains and forests, one night. A great number of
them remained in our hands, and the others in the hands of the king of
Pan and those of Malay friends who aided us. They abandoned a quantity
of spoils, all their ships, artillery, etc., so that of the nineteen
thousand men there did not remain any who could rightfully carry back
the news. The Portuguese collected three hundred pieces of artillery,
counting large and small, with which the fortress was well supplied,
and artillery was sent to other parts. The versos, falcons, and
arquebuses which they captured were without number. It was a glorious
victory which our Lord gave to this city of Malaca. The neighboring
kings who were subject to Achen immediately resolved to render homage,
by sending their ambassadors." Thus far Father Azevedo. [8]

After having gained the victory against the people of Achen, Nuño
Alvarez Botello determined to remain to winter in the region of the
south. He sent some ships to Java; and with them a large galleon
belonging to the enemy, and the commander and captains who were
captured. He kept twenty-three of his galliots, with seven hundred
picked men, in order to go in pursuit of the Dutch.

He commenced at Humbe, thirty leguas from Malaca, where, the Dutch
have a factory for pepper. There were two Dutch ships at the bar [of
the river] which went out to meet him. The Portuguese attacked the
Dutch ship, which was a very handsome one, and had come from Holanda
the year before. They gave it a volley which fell into a quantity of
cartridges and powder, whereupon the ship blew up, although some of
the Dutch who fell into the water were picked up. Then the Portuguese
assailed the other ship, captured it, and sent it to Malaca. They
saw that there was another large ship in thus mouth of the river,
and attacked that one. The Dutch who were aboard deserted it. The
Portuguese captured the artillery, ammunition, and other things in
the ship, and set it afire.

Learning that there was another ship [up the] river, and that it was
lading pepper, the Portuguese determined to go to capture it. They
entered the river, attacked the ship, and, without their knowing how,
it blew up. As the ship sank, a powerful suction was formed, and drew
after it the Dutch [i.e., one of the captured ones] skiff in which
the commander, Nuño Alvarez Botello, was giving his orders. The brave
gentleman was drowned there, without any one being able to help him;
and with him were also drowned his good intentions, and all that that
fleet expected to do.

In consequence of the persecution of the king of Conchinchina against
the missionaries [9]--because the commerce of Macao had been lacking
for some time, and on account of the great drought that lasted for the
space of fourteen months--Governor Don Juan Niño de Tabora ordered an
embassy to be sent to the Said king, and for that purpose sent Father
Antonio Cardin with some presents. The father reached Turon, and thence
went to Sinao, the court of the king. The king took the presents from
him, but notwithstanding that received him with very ill grace; and,
without conceding him what he asked, made him retire to Macao.

[To the above relation for the years 1629-1630 (which seems to be
merely a synopsis or abstract, and not a copy of the original document)
is appended the following from another and later relation:]

In the years from July, 1630, until that time in 1632, says a relation,
there was great peace, and the Filipinas Islands prospered; for aid
from Holanda failed the Dutch, and their forces were too few to trouble
the Spanish possessions of the archipelago and the Malucas. However
the quiet was disturbed in the province of Caraga, where the Indians
revolted, and assassinated the Spaniards and the Recollect religious
who were instructing them. The leaders of the revolt were punished,
and the Indians gradually subdued.




Letters from Tavora to Felipe IV

_News of the Japon fleet, and of the fortifications which were built
on that occasion, without any expense to your Majesty._


Sire:

I gave your Majesty an account in July of last year, 629, by way of
Nueva España, of the condition in which were war affairs in these
islands; and again in November, by way of Yndia, I added such new
events as had occurred up to that time. What there is to write now is
that we were advised in March of this year, 630, from Macan by the
ship "Trinidad," which sailed thence, that the Japanese were still
angry over the burning of their junk by our men in the port of the
kingdom of Sian in the year 628, as I have written in other letters;
and that they were constructing large fleets to avenge themselves on
our port and fort in the island of Hermosa, and on the city and coasts
of Manila. It was asserted that the Japanese had forty thousand men in
various ships of the Dutch and Portuguese which they had embargoed,
and in a great number of their own vessels. I thought it uncertain
news, because of my knowledge of the nature of the Japanese; yet I
resolved to make use of it to further the fortification of this city
and its environs. I suggested to the Chinese that they perform some
service for his Majesty for the relief of that necessity, from their
communal fund. They gave four thousand pesos, with which, and by means
of other efforts, I built two cavaliers and a bit of covered way with
its ledge of stone, they being built of incorruptible wood, while other
enclosures and preparations were erected in Cavite. With them and with
the fortifications which, as I wrote, were constructed last year on
another similar occasion, this city remains well fortified. And I
trust, with God's help, that when I leave here there will be much
better fortifications, so that the city of Manila and the port of
Cavite may be safer with few soldiers than they were before with
many. On account of the same news, the fortification of the island of
Hermosa was also urged forward. The commandant, Don Juan de Alcaraso,
who has it in charge, writes me that he was in such condition that
he did not fear the Japanese, even though they should come with as
great a force as was reported. The Dutch will be able to cause greater
anxiety if they should return this year to the port of Tanchuy, as
they did last. I am preparing aid, not so much as our people there
ask and need, but in accord with the little aid which has come to me
from Nueva España.

It has been learned from a ship of Chinese which arrived here
afterward, and which sailed by stealth from the kingdom of Japon,
that the imprisoned Portuguese, the Dutch, and their stranded ships
were still detained there, and that there was no movement of the
fleet. [_In the margin_: "Give him thanks for what he has done, and
[tell him] that provision has been made in regard to the junk."]


_Aid for Terrenate_


I sent the usual aid for the forts of Terrenate in the middle of
November this year, as that season is the true monsoon. It was sent
in two ships which had just arrived from Nueva España, together with
a patache. All three vessels were equipped, and carried a sufficient
force, so that they would not have to enter Terrenate by stealth,
or fleeing from the enemy. I was very happy over the despatch,
both for this reason and because I saved the cost and preparation of
the pataches in which this aid is generally taken. God our Lord was
pleased that, while the vessels were at a distance of two leguas from a
port of these islands where they had to lade rice and other products,
they should be struck by a very violent squall, which forced them to
drag all their anchors, and the storm carried them immediately until
they grounded. The flagship ran aground in the sand; but, the masts
having been cut down, it and the patache were put out of danger. The
almiranta grounded on reefs, where it was instantly shivered into
pieces. Its mast fell in such a favorable manner that it could be
used as a bridge by the men, who were all saved by that means. After
the storm was over, there was opportunity to remove the artillery,
the silver, and a goodly portion of the food which the ship was
carrying. Consequently the loss was only of the boat, which was quite
old. The two remaining ones were refitted, and proceeded on their
way. Inasmuch as they could not take all the provisions necessary,
I despatched another patache from this city, but it was also wrecked
on these coasts. The men and provisions were saved, and the wreck was
not due to the fault of those who had charge of the patache, as was
proved by the trial held regarding it. I immediately despatched another
patache--for in the matter of aid I leave no stone unturned--which
performed the voyage. All three vessels have returned from Terrenate,
where they entered at a very convenient season; because a number of our
men having left our forts, by order of Governor Pedro de Heredia, to
effect a junction with the men of Tidore in the town of the Ternatans,
which lies under the guns of the enemy, the latter withdrew to their
forts the ship which was awaiting the relief from us. That relief
entered Terrenate the same day on which the enemy withdrew. After the
silver and food were unladed, it was planned to sally out with the
flagship of the relief fleet, to fight with the enemy's ship; and
this would have been put into execution if two other ships had not
come to their aid that same night, which made a force very superior
to ours. It was reported that there were thirty Dutch ships in the
island of Ambueno, and that half of them were coming to Terrenate
to make a Moro, whom they wished to introduce into the government,
king of the natives; and that the others were coming to the coasts
of China, the island of Hermosa, and perhaps Manila.

That enemy has had very little power in this sea for the last two or
three years. I am now informed by letters that eighteen ships have
come to them from Europa, and that the Javanese have raised the siege
of Jacatra, by which the Dutch will remain more free to annoy us. [_In
the margin_: "[Tell him] that what he says has been noted; and that
he proceed in everything with the prudence that is expected from him."]


_That the convoying of the Chinese fleet by two galleons of this state
is being discussed, as that has been asked by the viceroy of Yndia._


The count of Linnares, who has just arrived to govern Yndia, requests
me to send three galleons to convoy the galliots which are bound from
Macan to Yndia, and which are called "the Chinese fleet," granting
for the expenses certain accommodations in the duties on merchandise
and the freight charges of the same trading fleet. I have discussed
the matter with the auditors, and in the Council of War. Although
it is impossible to do air that the viceroy asks, I am arranging to
have at least two galleons go, as the majority of votes were in favor
of it; and because it fits well with the determination of last year
to send a galleon to Goa for anchors and other supplies which it is
necessary to bring from that place. The principal reason is to oblige
that viceroy thereby to join his galleons with those of this state,
in order to make for once some considerable showing of force against
the enemy. [_In the margin_: "Let it be understood that it is regarded
as certain that the decisions which he shall make will be formed with
the prudence and consideration that are expected from him."]

_Deeds of Nuño Alvarez Botello in Malaca_

Nuño Alvarez Botello had very good fortune against the enemy in
capturing two ships and burning two other large and heavily equipped
ones close to the factory of Jambi, which is near Jacatra. Much
greater luck did he have in raising the siege of Malaca, with the
capture and slaughter of nineteen thousand Moros from Achen who
held the city closely beset. However both events were tempered by
the death of the said captain, as your Majesty is advised through
the Council of Portugal by letters from Malaca, which are enclosed
with this one. [_In the margin:_ "Let account of all this be given
to his Majesty, although a very detailed account of the affair will
be given by the Council of Portugal."]

_Expedition made to the islands of Jolo and Mindanao_

Another sort of enemies whom these islands have are the Moros of
certain kingdoms near them. Those who have been most insolent and
unbridled since my arrival in this government are the inhabitants
of the kingdom of Jolo. For their punishment (in addition to the
punishment inflicted two years ago) a fleet was prepared this year
of three hundred and fifty Spaniards and two thousand five hundred
Indians, under command of Don Lorenço Olasso, master-of-camp of this
army. After a long and troublesome voyage, he arrived late at the
island and chief stronghold where the king lives. They found the
village dismantled, and the king and his chiefs and the majority
of his men retired to a very steep hill which they have fortified
for that purpose. He attacked them at daybreak, confident that their
lack of caution would facilitate his entrance, and that the short time
remaining in which to perform that exploit would suffice. Within a very
short time he gained as far as the crest of the hill, where the stout
enclosure and works of the enemy were. And if, as he himself fought,
there had been others to assist him, he would have entered the place
and captured the king and all his household and chiefs. On the part
of our Spaniards and Indians the necessary spirit was not exerted. The
enemy held the stronghold sufficiently well in their defense, and with
the advantage of location; and did considerable damage to our men with
their artillery, spears, and other missile weapons. On that account
it was deemed better to withdraw the men from the hill and to abandon
the undertaking for the time, and to employ the army in burning the
villages and leveling the fields round about. In doing that there were
many frays with the enemy, and many of the people were killed, so that
it is thought that they are severely punished. The weather did not
allow the enterprise to be carried to a more satisfactory conclusion.

The fleet went from that place to the island of Mindanao, which is
one of the largest islands of this archipelago, while its king is one
of the most powerful enemies that these natives have had. Just now
he is friendly, and the peace was confirmed with the coming of the
master-of-camp, so that I trust that it will last for some years. I
have increased the pay of the officers and private soldiers who
distinguished themselves on that occasion, while I am trying to reduce
that of those who did not, so that it may serve as a warning. [_In
the margin_: "When we learn the resolution which he has taken, let
report of this be made to his Majesty."]

_Reduction of the Cagayan Indians_

Cagayan affairs are in better condition than formerly. Some Indians
have already been reduced to the obedience of your Majesty, and the
others are being pressed to render it. I hope for a good result. May
our Lord give the outcome which He knows to be most desirable. May He
preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty, with increase
of kingdoms and states, as we your vassals desire and as Christendom
needs. Manila, July 30, 1630. Sire, your Majesty's humble vassal,


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_


[_In the margin_: "It is well. Have a copy of this letter sent to
his Majesty, so that he may be informed of everything."]



_Government touching judicial and military matters_

Sire:

After having concluded my despatch, and while awaiting that of the
royal Audiencia in order to sign it (they having before communicated
with me in session concerning the matters of which they were to
write), I learned that the auditors had sealed the letter, and that
they were sending it by a different way, as they did not wish me to
see or sign it. That is a singular innovation; but, in order to avoid
greater disturbances, I undertook, while they were assembled, to tell
them what evil they were doing in trying to make such an innovation,
which was so unsuitable; for I would not hinder them from writing
freely whatever they might judge fitting to the royal service of your
Majesty, nor would I be angry if their opinion were different from
mine. Neither were they to write anything which should be untrue,
and which I could not see; thus would they avoid interrupting by such
innovation the peace and concord with which we had lived during these
four years. I entreated them to comply with the obligations of their
office, namely, to live in harmony with their president, and to write
their opinion with the truth that is required, showing that malice
does not move them but only the desire of right action. [I told them
that] they should do as in previous years, namely, allow me to sign
the letter. I warned them of the disservice which is being done to
your Majesty in the president and auditors not being in accord;
and I protested to them that it was they who were declaring war,
since they were persisting in trying to make me suspect that they
were writing things against me which they did not dare to say to
me. That is the manifestation which they might make in case of any
treachery or knavery on my part. They had little to answer to these
arguments, but for all that they were not willing to regulate their
conduct as they should, but to persevere in their theme. That would
have obliged me to make the demonstration which the case demanded,
had I not considered rather the service of your Majesty than the
action which the vehemence of their passions deserves.

_Attack on the orders of the government, by the auditors commanding the
royal officials to pay them their thirds [of salary], notwithstanding
any order of government_.

2. Jointly with this they made another attack on the government,
namely, to notify the royal officials by an act that they should
immediately pay them their thirds [of salary] notwithstanding any
order that they might have to the contrary, as such was not from your
Majesty. That they said because of the order of the government that
nothing be paid without its decree. That order was given by all my
predecessors, and the auditors themselves ratified it when they were
governing, as will be seen by the enclosed records. I resented this
action, because of their boldness in trying to oppose the orders of
the government, and because of the slight foundation which they had
for it: for never was more owing to them than the third for April,
as the treasury is without a real at this time; and we do not have in
the entire city any place to get the money, and with great difficulty
are we able to get a meager aid for the soldiers and sailors. That
third is paid the auditors in June or July, which is the time when
the silver comes from Nueva España. And now because it arrived about
ten days ago, and their third has not been paid them, because I am
here in Cavite, attending to the despatch of the ships, they were
so impatient that, not having taken the trouble to remind me of
their need so that I might order them paid immediately, they enacted
the act above mentioned--copy of which, together with the reply of
the royal officials, I herewith enclose. Last year they themselves
asked me not to pay them the April third until that for August was
due, as they wished to receive them together. That shows how little
inconvenience follows their not having received it this year in the
month of July. Surely, all these actions are the offspring of their
natures, [and show the] duplicity and deceit with which they are
arming themselves in order to break the peace, perhaps because they
have seen that the inspector who was expected did not come this or
last year, at whose coming I was hoping to have rest. But since he
has not come, it will be necessary for me to do myself what I wished
to have done by the hand of another--namely, to give the auditors to
understand the respect which they ought to have for their governor
and president. This said, I shall now go on to answer the points of
the letter which I have heard from them themselves, and which they
say are the ones which they wrote to your Majesty. In passing, I
shall answer to that Council the chief complaints, which, I suppose,
are the ones that may oppose my method of governing. It is no little
consolation that all of them have to do with points or controversies
of justice, and not defects which transgress my obligations; for it
is those that could give me some pain.

_That it is not advisable that the royal Audiencia carry the burden
of visiting the prison of Tondo and that of the Parián of the Chinese._

3. The first point is in respect to the royal Audiencia petitioning
that it be ordered that they visit the prisons of the village of
Tondo and of the Parián of the Sangleys. This does not appear just;
for although those prisons are near Manila, and inside the district of
the five leguas to which the [jurisdiction of the] Audiencia extends
(which is the argument on which they take their stand), still those
places have their alcaldes-mayor, and are separate jurisdictions, and
it belongs to those officials to make their visitation of prisons as
the Audiencia do in theirs. It is true that the alcaldes-in-ordinary
and those of the court (who are the auditors themselves) arrest in
Tondo and in the Parián by virtue of the five leguas; but they do not
put the prisoners in the prisons of those courts, but in that of the
court, or the prison of this city. The example which they have cited
to me--namely, that the prisons of the suburbs of Mexico are visited
on Saturdays by the auditors--is not well taken in this case; for those
prisons are in charge of the corregidor, and separate, because the city
is large and needs those different prisons. But the prison of Tacubaja,
which is one-half legua or slightly more from the city, is not visited
by the Audiencia, because it has its own alcalde-mayor. And it is
certain that because Sangleys are confined in these prisons of Tondo
and the Parián, the royal Audiencia is claiming the right to visit
them, for all their anxiety is to acquire very full authority over
that people. I have written your Majesty enough on this point. It
would be advisable for your service to have this royal Audiencia
prohibited from trying any cause concerning the Sangleys.

_Causes for accepting the resignation of the reporter of the Audiencia
from his office_.

4. The second point is in regard to their saying that I accepted the
resignation of Licentiate Umaña, reporter of this royal Audiencia,
from his office. It is a fact that the reasons which he gave me for
it obliged me to do so--not so much on account of his lack of health
and eyesight, although he has that, as for the ill-treatment inflicted
upon him by the auditors, without its being possible for me to give him
any relief in it, as I am not always at the meetings. The auditors are
insufferable; and, although this man had served in this capacity for
many years, they finally had him so harassed that they daily sought
numberless excuses by which to avoid coming to the Audiencia. And
inasmuch as it is difficult to struggle all one's life in one thing
which concerns the ordinary despatch of business, I thought it less
inconvenient to accept this resignation. In the meanwhile, until your
Majesty shall provide a remedy, they have been allowed to select
whomever there is in the city. But no one satisfies them; because,
as there is no one who can endure them, there is no lawyer of high
standing who will accept the office.

_That the auditors, are giving malicious information when they say
that the governor prevents a report of the government suits from
being made to the royal Audiencia._

5. The third point is that the auditors complain that I do not allow
any report of the government suits to be made to the Audiencia. As
a sample, they cite an appeal made by the friars of St. Augustine
from the edict, issued at the petition of the city, ordering all the
Sangley shopkeepers to be collected in the Parián. Although that was a
necessary measure, and the royal Audiencia had no right to meddle in
a matter so manifestly belonging to the government as the residence
of the Sangleys in this or in that part yet I am not doing nor did
I do what they say in this matter, about preventing the report to
be made--as will be seen by the acts which I enclose herewith, and
which are cited in the letter on government affairs, which mentions
this point. By those acts will be seen the very opposite of what they
tell me that they have written.

_That those appointed to judicial offices be lawyers_

6. The fourth point is that they say that there are few advocates in
this royal Audiencia, as I always keep them occupied in judicial posts,
which ought to be kept for men of merit. The truth is that there
are not more than five lawyers in all the islands; and that in the
four years while I have governed here I have not occupied in judicial
offices more than two--namely, Doctor Juan Fernandez de Ledo, in the
Parián (which is an office that does not prevent him from exercising
the profession of the law, since he does that in this same city,
and already his term of office is over), and Doctor Luis Arias de
Mora (whom I have only occupied in the office at La Laguna de Bay,
which is three leguas away, and in which I maintain him because
of a petition to that effect from the provincial and religious of
St. Francis, who are the ministers in charge of those missions). They
have assured me that they have not had an alcalde-mayor for many
years who has given more satisfaction in that province. Since La
Laguna, whence are brought the timbers for the shipbuilding at Cavite,
depends greatly on the religious, and without the latter the Indians
would do nothing, and it is important to me to have there a person
of great exactness, so that the cutting and sending of wood may not
cease, and consequently, the building and repair of the ships; and
since there are so few methodical men in this country, when there
is one, I try to retain him in office all the time. In regard to
appointing lawyers to judicial offices, I have made no innovation,
for my predecessors have done the same; and such men can be not less
suitable for those offices than soldiers. Here, Sire, there is very
little for the lawyers to do, and they starve to death. Since they
are citizens and have married in the country, they must be supported,
at least so that the governors may have someone with whom to consult
in regard to the doubts which arise with the auditors. That is the
reason for the ill-will that the latter show toward them.


_Whence arises the opposition of the auditors to the concession of the
winepresses which have been granted to the seminary for orphan boys_.


7. The fifth point is that they talk of the concession of the Sangley
winepresses which have been conceded to the seminary for orphan
boys. For justification of that, I refer to a section of the letter
which I am writing on this matter in the letter regarding government
affairs, and to the papers which are cited in that letter, which are
clear enough. I know that the opposition shown to this is managed by
Licentiate Marcos Çapata, who, as he has but lately been invested with
authority, has been actively engaged in attacking these winepresses,
as he thought that he was performing a great service to the community;
and as it has been made clear that the disadvantages of the matter
are not of the importance that he imagined, he is somewhat piqued. I
beseech your Majesty to consider this point and not to allow any
ill-will to disturb so excellent a work as is the completion of the
seminary for these boys, without any cost to the royal revenues and
without any damage to the community.

_Report on the permission to gamble which is given to the Chinese
during their festival_.

8. The sixth point is that they speak of the permit which is given to
the Sangleys to gamble during the fortnight of their festival. [10]
They allege that it is a pernicious thing for the community. I,
Sire, have been even more strict in this than were my predecessors,
who introduced it at petition of the Sangleys themselves, in order to
keep them quiet and in order to avoid greater troubles, as that nation
is by nature excessively addicted to gambling. It seems conformable
to reason that if they are not permitted to play during the year,
it be conceded to them for their festival, which is the time of their
holidays. Your Majesty has ordered that the infidels be allowed to live
according to their own customs in everything which is not contrary
to natural law, or opposed to the good example of the Christians in
whose land they live. It seems very conformable to law and to good
government to keep these men contented and quiet, and this is being
done. This country cannot get along without infidel Sangleys, for
they are the ones who bring us food from China. Consequently, it is
necessary to allow them to live in their own manner in all things which
are not prejudicial to the faith and to the light of reason. Gaming
is a matter of indifference, and although it is true that, if it be
indulged in to excess, the troubles follow which are experienced in
these Sangleys, yet those troubles are not to be laid to the one who
gives them the permission to indulge reasonably in a diversion. It
is known as a well-ascertained fact that the Sangleys will gamble,
whether with or without license; and that there are not wanting
citizens, and even sons and relatives of auditors, who will shield
them for it. Hence I have considered it as less troublesome to give
them a moderate permission (such as that which is granted to them for
their festival), and to try to prevent the danger of incurring other
and greater troubles by making the Sangleys restless and discontented,
and gaming secretly all the year in the houses or gateways of private
persons. It is true that some friars have preached against this; but I
ordered one of them, who is considered as the most learned, to give me
in writing his reasons for opposing this. Having also consulted with
my confessor and with other theologians, who Were of opinion that this
was not a matter for burdening the conscience (and I do not know why
the auditors should think that the religious who gave this opinion
allowed themselves to be carried away by their desire to natter me,
charging their own consciences in order to save mine), I am rather
persuaded that he who preached the contrary was induced to do so by
his own or another's prejudice in opposition to the government. The
opinions of both sides are in my possession, with full relation of
everything that there is bearing on this subject. If your Majesty wish,
they can be sent you very easily; and I would have done so immediately,
if they had not reminded me of this complaint at so critical a time.


_The foundation for the complaint of the auditors that the governor
does not allow them to visit the provinces._


9. The seventh point. I am advised also that the auditors write
that I do not allow them to go to visit the provinces. I am not
aware that this subject has been discussed in my time. Neither do
I know whether the execution of it would be convenient in districts
where the Indians are so poor and so burdened with repartimientos and
shipyards, the conveyance of food and products, and other things which
are unavoidable in the service of your Majesty. If in addition to all
that, they were to be burdened with the expense of the visit of an
auditor, they would become still more crushed. However, I shall not
shut the door in this matter; and if 1 shall find it necessary for
the service of your Majesty to send some auditor to the provinces,
it shall be done. However, I am quite sure that it will not be very
easy for them to go to the most needy provinces, which are the poorest
and most remote.


_That there is a special book in which to inscribe the opinion of
the Audiencia when appointments are discussed with them_.


10. The eighth point. In regard to the appointments to, the judicial
offices and encomiendas, they say that I discuss them with the royal
Audiencia in accordance with the decree in which your Majesty orders
that, but that their opinions are not written down. Although I am not
aware that the decree orders such a thing--since it only says that
if the auditors are of a contrary opinion, what the governor resolves
shall be done, and they shall advise your Majesty of their opinion--yet
a book has been kept ready, in which to inscribe those opinions. I do
not know that any occasion has arisen where it was necessary, for of
all the propositions which I have made only one has been contradicted
by all the Audiencia, and which I tried to execute, although they
were of the contrary opinion, In the end, I did not execute it,
yielding to their judgment, and thus there was nothing to write.


_The little reason that the auditors have for complaining to the
city of the appointment of admiral, which was given to Captain Diego
Lopez Lobo_.


11. The ninth and last point that they tell me is written in this
letter is, to petition your Majesty to order that, since the posts
of commander and admiral are of the most importance of all that
are provided in these islands, appointments to them be subject to
consultation with the Audiencia. For this, I am told that they take
occasion from the appointment that I have made this year of admiral
in the person of Captain Diego Lopez Lobo--alleging that he is not
a citizen but a foreigner, and that he is interested in the capture
of the Siamese junk, which they say is reported to be valued at more
than three hundred thousand pesos. Commencing with this last, what
they say is outside of all truth, as will appear by the accounts made
by the accountant and adjuster of accounts, Juan Bautista de Çubiaga,
whose certification I enclose herewith. What Captain Diego Lopez Lobo
did was to capture that junk and bring it to Manila, in which he is
so far from having incurred displeasure, that on the contrary, by that
action alone, he merited the place of admiral which is given him; for,
besides having attained what was ordered him, he conducted himself so
honestly in the capture of the vessel that neither for himself nor for
others did he allow anything of importance to be taken--putting aboard
it a trustworthy commander with ten soldiers, who brought the junk as
it was to Manila, without wasting any of the merchandise. Thus did
he obey the order given him that there should be no sack, but that
he should bring it as he had found it, with all fidelity; since it
was not taken as an absolute prize, but by way of reprisal, as I have
written in another letter. In regard to the said Diego Lopez Lobo not
being a Castilian citizen but a Portuguese (which has been the rock of
offense to auditors and citizens, and the motive which has induced the
city to complain to your Majesty), I am not aware that it is a crime
or a demerit to be a Portuguese. Diego Lopez is a son of the second
Lopez Lobo, a nobleman, of the rank that can be easily ascertained in
that Council. He went to East Yndia in the service of your Majesty,
where he lived for ten years. Thence he came to these islands, where I
found him serving worthily with a company of infantry, which had been
given him by Don Fernando de Silva during the year while he governed,
here. During all that year and the four of my government, he has had
his house, and dwelling in Manila, which seems to be sufficient for him
to call himself a citizen. Opportunity lately offered to send him to
that court to discuss the union of the posts and arms of the South Sea,
about which I am writing in a separate letter. As he is a man who had
been under both crowns of Portugal and Castilla, and because of his
rank and good qualities I thought there was no other to whom I could
better trust a matter of so great moment. Imagining that, as it was
a service, for your Majesty, the city would consider it favorably,
I gave him charge of that matter. But since there is no other aim
than self-interest, there are few who yield their own advantage for
the common welfare and the service of your Majesty. Eight or nine
citizens--all encomenderos, the least of whom has four hundred
and fifty-six tributes--without their having killed many Moros,
[a service] for which they ought to claim a post for Castilla,
presented a petition to the city, signed by their names, by which
they asked the city to oppose the said choice. The city accepted
the petition, and sent it to me at my council, with a number of the
decrees of your Majesty, which discuss the matter of appointment
to the posts of commander and admiral--as if I had not seen them,
or looked to see whether the person of Diego Lopez had place among
them. The post of commander was granted to a citizen, the most honored
of the most honored in this city. The post of admiral for the return
voyage (which is an advantageous post) was given to another citizen,
also married in this city, and one of its worthy men. Only the outward
trip has been granted to Diego Lopez, so that he may come before the
eyes of your Majesty more fittingly, since the advantage is not more
than one-half the pay and accommodation of his own post. Eight or nine
citizens who enjoy good incomes (one of them has two or three thousand
pesos), without being better knights or soldiers than Diego Lopez,
complain. It was all contrived by one or two uneasy spirits, simply
to make merits, from vengeance at not having succeeded in obtaining
the office of stewardship of the city, and who claimed to negotiate
for a certain person who was not suitable. Here whatever differs
from and opposes the governor is done with a sinister intention, and
not through zeal for the public welfare. The gist of the petition is
enclosed herewith, in case that the city shall forget to send it. I
petition your Majesty to grant me the favor to have it examined; and
that in consideration of the criticism which they attempt to make
in it on the loyalty and fidelity of the Portuguese nation, and of
the authority which they are attempting to take in what they say,
that they did not willingly oppose the appointment of the captain of
infantry, your Majesty will order that the admonition and punishment
which their boldness deserves be given to them. I have not as yet done
that, in order to avoid greater disturbances at a time when we are
trying to effect a union of Portuguese and Castilian posts and arms
in this South Sea. That union is the only means by which to drive the
enemy from that sea. At a time when many Castilian soldiers have come
to Yndia, and when there are more than two hundred Portuguese soldiers,
alférezes, and captains in the forts of Maluco and Manila, these men
[whom I have mentioned] are ill satisfied, and are sowing schisms among
them all. Will your Majesty have this examined, and furnish the relief
that it requires. And if there be discussion of the matter of pleasing
the auditors in what they petition--namely, that the appointments
to these posts be conferred upon them--it will be better for your
Majesty to order that the posts be given to their sons and brothers,
who are the persons for whom they desire them, although those men do
not have the merits that are requisite for such places. If they had
the merits, it would not be necessary for such men to try to get them.


_Origin of the above complaints and others like them_


12. It is a foregone conclusion, Sire, in the Yndias more than in other
regions, that he who shall govern uprightly will have many rivals;
for those who generally come hither come with the desire to hoard up
riches. That is the cause which draws them from their native place;
but, as wealth is not obtained sometimes as quickly as they would
wish, they become resentful. As it is quite natural for mean people
to attribute more to themselves than they deserve, nothing satisfies
them; and they spend all their time envying what is given to others,
and crying down their services and merits, and complaining of the
government, by murmuring openly against him who has it in charge,
and accusing him with innumerable testimonials. Some of the inferior
officials among those whom your Majesty has in the Yndias do not
avoid doing this. Such men desire that their posts be extended in
authority and profit--in authority not for the honor, for one does not
concern himself about that in the Yndias; but for the profit, which
forms their desire and fixed purpose. For if, perchance, there is a
servant, relative, or follower to whom is not given all that such an
official wishes, and whenever he wishes, and as quickly as he wishes,
the friendship is immediately broken, and the royal service pays for
it, for such a minister no longer is inclined to it, and only tries to
cause it trouble, and to work against whatever the governor proposes.


_Efforts which have been made to quiet complaints_


13. Knowing this by the experience of four years of government,
I have taken all possible measures to regulate as well as possible
these malcontents; but since the limits of my duty to God and to your
Majesty cannot be overstepped, however much I have desired and tried
to please them, I have learned that I am very backward, and that
they are accusing me by innumerable testimonials. I petition your
Majesty to rest assured that I am serving you with great devotion and
with the desire of succeeding in what I owe to my birth. The royal
revenues are spent with great circumspection, as will be seen by
the accounts sent this year to that royal Council. Military affairs
are undertaken after full counsel. My presence in the government is
continuous. The community is quiet. The soldiers are in the best
state of discipline that can be had. The ships are despatched at
the monsoons. The provinces are reënforced at the proper time. The
cloth traded is procured with the help of the neighboring kings,
and of all your agents; and your Majesty keeps them occupied both
in Yndia and in this archipelago. The Indians are less oppressed
than ever, and, as I have written in other years, a great number of
burdens have been taken from them. No Spaniard is found who has been
ill-treated by words. What there has been to allot has been among many,
and all are supported therewith, although discontented. The city has
been fortified and beautified. Finally, I assert that I shall not
secure from the Philipinas by the end of eight years, if God give
me that long life, and your Majesty preserve me in the islands, the
dowry which Doña Madalena brought, although I live (as is a fact)
so moderately. Granting this, I do not know what more remains or
ought to be done.


_Permission asked by the governor to leave the Philipinas_


14. I have written at this length not for fear of someone having
written against me--for to think that no one would do so would be
great arrogance--but only to give account to your Majesty of what
passes here; to ask pardon for my omissions, and that you will not
believe those who are affected by passion; and that you be pleased
to withdraw me hence, as I petitioned you last year. The toil endured
here is vast, and I have now but little strength and health to be able
to endure it, when I have so little success in attaining my loyal
desires. My agents will present memorials in that royal Council, in
which I beg your Majesty for some gratuity and accommodations with
which to leave this exile. I promise myself a very liberal one from
your royal kindness and generosity, in proportion to my services and
those of my ancestors and forbears. May our Lord preserve the Catholic
and royal person of your Majesty, with increase of kingdoms and states,
as is necessary to Christendom. Cavite, August 4, 1630. Sire, your
Majesty's humble vassal,


_Don Juan Niño de Tavora_





Historia de la Orden de S. Agustín de Estas Islas Filipinas

By Fray Juan de Medina, O.S.A., Manila, 1893 [but written in 1630].

_Source_: Translated from a copy of the above work, in the possession
of the Editors.

_Translation_: This document it translated (and in part synopsized)
by James A. Robertson.



History of the Augustinian Order in the Filipinas Islands


_By Fray Juan de Medina, O.S.A._

History of the events of the order of our great father St. Augustine
in these Filipinas Islands, from the time of their discovery and
colonization by the Spaniards, with information regarding memorable
occurrences. Composed by the venerable father, Fray Juan de Medina,
[11] a native of Sevilla, formerly minister to the villages of Ibahay,
Aclán, Dumangas, Passi, and Panay, vicar-provincial of that island,
[12] and prior of the convent of Santo Niño de Cebú. Written by his
own hand in the year 1630. The annals of the religious of the order
of our father St. Augustine in the Filipinas Islands from the time
of their discovery and colonization by the Spaniards by order and
command of Don Felipe II, king and sovereign of the Españas.



Chapter I


[Medina's narrative opens with the expedition of Legazpi, and the
part played therein by the Augustinian Andrés de Urdaneta and his
companions. Felipe II, having determined upon an expedition to
the western islands, "entrusted the matter to the viceroy of Nueva
España, at that time Don Luis de Velasco, a man of so great worth
in all matters, that he has never received adequate praise. The
king gave him in everything ample and most complete authority to
appoint a commander and officials, and to make with them whatever
agreements and covenants seemed most advantageous to him and to the
royal service. They were always to listen to the advice of father Fray
Andrés de Urdaneta.... His Majesty stipulated that Urdaneta should,
at all hazards, be persuaded to undertake the expedition in person,"
taking with him such other religious of the same order as he thought
best. The king wrote to Urdaneta as follows:]

I The King. To the devout father Fray Andrés de Urdaneta, of the Order
of St. Augustine: I have been informed that, while you were a layman,
you accompanied the fleet of Loaysa, and passed through the Strait of
Magallanes and the spice region, where you spent eight years in our
service. And inasmuch as we have just charged Don Luis de Velasco,
our viceroy of that Nueva España, to send two ships to discover the
Western Islands in the direction of the Molucas, and to give them
instructions how to proceed, in accordance with the instructions
given to him; and as, on account of the great store of knowledge that
you are said to possess of the affairs of that land, and since you
understand, as you do, its navigation, and are a good cosmographer,
it would be very conducive to excellent results, both in what relates
to the said navigation, and to the service of our Lord, for you to
accompany the said ships: I, therefore, ask and charge you to accompany
the said ships, and to do what shall be ordered you by the said our
viceroy. Beside the service that you will thus render to our Lord,
I shall be very greatly served, and shall have account taken of this
matter, so that you may receive the favors that offer. Valladolid,
September 24, 1559.


_I The King_
By order of his Majesty:
_Francisco de Eraso_


[Of Urdaneta, father Fray Estéban de Salazar remarks that "his devotion
and sanctity cannot be briefly told, while a book would be required
for his military prowess and deeds." He was the foremost navigator
of the time, and "had added the wind called _huracán_ by sailors to
the compass. The sailors believe that when this wind blows all the
other winds, in number thirty-two, are blowing, and that only one wind
results, with a whirling direction from pole to pole." A brief review
of Urdaneta's life follows. His youth was largely spent in the Italian
wars, and his later years in the South Sea. He accompanied Loaysa's
expedition in 1525. "Joined to his so wide experience was the fact
that he was a man skilled in cosmography and astrology ... and he
was therefore best suited to discover the return passage to Nueva
España from those islands, a thing regarded as very difficult, and
never yet done, although attempted." He had joined the unfortunate
Saavedra expedition at the islands in an attempt to find the return
passage, but they were forced to put back to the Moluccas. Shortly
after his return to Spain, he went again to New Spain, where, in 1542,
"Viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza appointed him general of the fleet"
of the new expedition. "He begged off, as he loved his quiet, ... or,
because he feared for the success of the expedition.... Therefore Ruy
López de Villalobos was appointed in his stead; but his voyage was
very unfortunate. Afterward, tired of the world, and disillusioned of
it, Urdaneta took the habit of our father St. Augustine in the famous
convent of México--where he dedicated himself so thoroughly to matters
of religion and virtue that one would believe that he had been reared
to their observance all the days of his life, so forgetful was he of
what he had seen in the world, as if he had never lived in it. But
when he seemed to be enjoying the greatest quiet and repose, God drew
him from his cell, and placed him in charge of new navigations...."]





Chapters II and III


[Upon the receipt of the king's letters, the viceroy of New Spain,
"with the concurrence of the Audiencia, summoned father Fray
Andrés de Urdaneta, and after having delivered into his own hands
the letter that had come for him from his Majesty, intimated to him
the importance of the expedition and the great spiritual advantages
that would accrue from it." When urged to accept the trust, Urdaneta
responded that he must first communicate with "his superior, who
stood to him in place of God." The consent and order of the latter
was readily obtained, and Urdaneta accepted the expedition "with
so great joy and gladness, that the fire that glowed in his heart
was well shown by his eagerness." In continuation of the project,
"the viceroy took measures to establish a shipyard in Puerto de la
Navidad--one hundred and twenty leguas from the city of Mexico, and
situated in nineteen and one-half degrees north latitude--so that three
or four ships of different burden might be made;" for this expedition
was not only to discover routes, but to colonize and take possession
of the islands. By the advice of Urdaneta, "Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
an illustrious gentleman, and one of great prudence and valor, and
above all, an excellent Christian," was chosen as commander of the
expedition, the viceroy carefully consulting the friar so that a good
choice might be made. [13] In discussing the voyage, Urdaneta "proposed
that they should first go to discover Nueva Guinea. He expressed the
great advantages that would arise from this, the chief being that it
could be the stepping-place to the whole world. Nueva Guinea is near
the equator, and stretches east three hundred leguas and north live
or six degrees. On this account it has been doubted whether it is
mainland, because it extends so far toward the Salomon Islands [14]
or the Straits of Magallanes. However, now that the opposite coast
of Magallanes has been navigated the doubt has been destroyed, and it
has been discovered that it is not a continuation of that land, but an
island surrounded by the water of the South Sea. Father Urdaneta had
discovered this island in company with Alvaro de Saavedra. In the year
of 28, he returned to this land and anchored, when wrecked by terrible
storms that they experienced, which forced them to return. Then they
did not land, but from the coast, the island appeared very pleasant,
and displayed good anchorages and ports. Its inhabitants are black,
tall, robust, and well built in general. Hence, Father Urdaneta thought
it advisable to go to this island first, and make a few entrances,
until they could discover its products, and if it were fertile and
suitable, to colonize it. If it were not suitable, still, some one
of its ports would be of great importance, to serve as a station for
all the other expeditions, which they might wish to make to all the
islands of the archipelago, which are innumerable and nearly all
undiscovered." The viceroy, while not opposing the opinion of the
friar, and even giving him to understand that it would be followed,
at the end gave a different order.]

[For the voyage the Augustinian provincial, with the concurrence of
the other religious, selected the missionaries who were to be "the
foundation stones upon which that church was to be established:"
the prior, Andrés de Urdaneta; Martín Rada, "the most eminent man
in the astrology of that time," who proved of great aid to Urdaneta
in scientific lines; Diego Herrera, who was to spend "all his life
in the Filipinas, with great temporal and spiritual gain, until
at last, he lost his life in the year of 76, when he was drowned;"
Andrés de Aguirre, who was also to spend all the rest of his life
in the islands, making two journeys to Spain in their interest;
Lorenzo Jimenez, "who died while waiting at Puerto de la Navidad
to embark;" and Pedro de Gamboa. When all was about in readiness to
sail, the viceroy Luis de Velasco died. In eulogizing him, Esteban
de Salazar says: "Of his virtue and valor, and his Christian spirit,
we cannot speak in sufficiently fitting terms, for he was the light
and model of all goodness and for all Christian princes. Although he
lived amid the treasures of the Indians so many years, he kept his
soul so noble and so uncorrupted, and his hands so continent, that
he died poor." Notwithstanding the death of the viceroy, preparations
went on. Legazpi, on arriving at port, took inventory of his men, and
found that, counting soldiers, sailors, and servants, they amounted to
more than four hundred. There were two pataches and two galleys. The
flagship was the "San Pedro," of about four hundred tons' burden;
the almiranta was called "San Pablo," and was under command of Mateo
del Sar (_sic_). In this vessel embarked Fathers Diego Herrera and
Pedro de Gamboa; the others sailed in the flagship. "A grandson of the
general, named Felipe de Salcedo, a lad of sixteen, also embarked. He
afterward attained great prominence in the islands, and is therefore
given special mention here." A native, Pedro Pacheco, brought from the
islands on the return of the survivors of the Villalobos expedition,
was also taken as interpreter. The two pataches were in command of
Alonso de Arellano and Juan de la Isla. After Legazpi had given his
instructions to the officers, the fleet set sail November 21, 1564,
the men all having invoked the blessing of God upon their voyage.]



Chapter IV

_Of the voyage made by our religious to the Western Islands_


Great undertakings are wont never to lack their obstacles, which
although they do not fail to unnerve those of feeble intellect, yet
seem to serve only as spurs to the lofty-minded, to make them not
abandon what is undertaken; and these latter show greater courage,
when Fortune shows herself most contrary. And the devil, when he
divines that any work is on foot that may be for the service of the
Lord unless he can hinder it, at the very least manages to impede
it, and does his utmost to render it of none effect. Thus in this
departure, they did not fail to have their misfortunes, but having
conquered these by their courageous souls, they continued their
voyage. For four days had they ploughed the waters of the sea, when
the general thought it best to open his Majesty's despatch and read
the instructions given him, and find the route that he was ordered to
take. The instructions were given him under lock and seal, and he was
ordered not to open them, until he had sailed at least one hundred
leguas. For the opening of the instructions, he had all the men of
account in the fleet assembled; they found that, in accordance with
his Majesty's decree, they were ordered to go straight to the islands,
now called Filipinas. When they were reached, a portion of the army
and the religious were to remain there, while Father Urdaneta, with
the other portion of the fleet, was to return in order to establish
the route, until then unknown, as this was the object and chief
purpose of his Majesty Father Urdaneta was extremely sorry at this,
for he had always been given to understand that his opinion would be
followed on this voyage. But it was certainly considered best by the
Audiencia; for, besides their fulfilling in it his Majesty's will,
they observed that the journey to Nueva Guinea embraced many things,
and Father Urdaneta could not discover so quickly the return voyage
from the Filipinas to Nueva España--and this was the chief aim of
that expedition, and the object of greatest importance that was sought.

After they had understood, then, his Majesty's will, by the
instructions that were read in their presence, all obeyed them as loyal
vassals, and in pursuance thereof, began to lay their course, which
with so certain a beginning as that of obedience and the sacrifice
of their own wills, already promised a prosperous end. They changed
their course, descending to the nineteenth degree, in which lie the
islands of Los Reyes [15] and Corales. [16] From this point they
began to take a direct course to the Filipinas. In order to do this,
an order was issued to steer west by south, and all the fleet was
ordered to do the same, and, as far as possible, not to separate from
the flagship. But should the vessels be separated by any storm, they
were given to understand that they were to follow the said route,
until they made some of the islands of the Filipinas, where they
would all meet. Upon this they again invoked the most sweet name
of Jesus, and sailed with favoring breezes until they reached the
ninth degree; and then the commander again called an assembly to
discuss the voyage. There they took the latitude, and all the pilots
disagreed by as much as a point of the compass, some of them making
it two hundred leguas more than the others; and they could agree on
neither the latitude nor the daily runs.

Father Urdaneta asserted that the Corales Islands had already been
passed, and that they were farther on their journey. Accordingly he
gave orders to make the tenth degree and sail toward the Arrecifes [17]
and Matalotes [18] Islands, which are very much farther. They sailed
along this course until January 9, when they discovered land. They went
closer to it, and saw a small island, which was seemingly about three
leguas in circumference. It was covered with trees and cocoa-palms,
but as it was surrounded by reefs, they could not anchor at it. They
sailed about the island, and spied a settlement situated among
some palms, and some Indiana on the shore. But they were likewise
unable to anchor there, for, on casting their anchor, they found
more than fifteen brazas of water. Finally a small boat was lowered,
which contained Father Urdaneta, together with the master-of-camp,
Captain Juan de la Isla, and Felipe Salcedo. They reported on their
return that those people were friendly, well disposed, and gentle;
that they had no manner of weapon, either defensive or offensive;
that they were clad in reed mats, very fine and well finished; and
that the island contained many excellent fruits, fish, Castilian fowl,
and millet. They reported also that the Indians were full-bearded. On
this account those islands were called Barbudos. They did not stop at
these islands, or at any of the others that they sighted afterward,
where, certainly, our religious would leave portions of their hearts,
melted with fire and love for their fellow-creatures, to all of whom
they would desire to give a portion of the light that they carried, so
that those peoples might be withdrawn from their dense darkness. But
since now they could do no more, they would commend them to God,
so that by His goodness He might open the door for them which He
was now about to open to the other islands, for those people had
been redeemed no less than the others. In short, they continued to
pass those islands, obedient to the orders that they must not stop
until they should teach Filipinas. At those islands it was better
ordained that the seminary should be established, so that from that
point the light and instruction might spread to the shores of other
islands. Without any doubt, the Filipinas are the best suited for this
purpose, as they are near great China, and not far from Japón, Siam,
and Camboja, while even the land of India is said to be within sight;
and the islands are surrounded by an infinite number of other islands,
inhabited by immense multitudes of people.

The fleet set sail and left those islands of the Barbudos--and now
the route to the Filipinas is very far from them. Next day they
sighted another island, Which seemed of vast extent. But when they
had arrived nearer, they found some small barren islands, stretching
north and south, to which they gave the name Placeres. [19] In the
afternoon another island, upon which lived many birds, was sighted,
and they named it from the birds. From this point they continued,
to discover islands and barren islets, all of them in the latitude
of ten degrees; and they gave various names to them. Here Father
Urdaneta ordered the vessels to ascend to the thirteenth degree, so
that by running westward and turning their course to the southwest,
until they reached twelve and one-half degrees, they might reach
the Filipinas. On Saturday, January 22, the Ladrones Islands were
discovered, so called because their inhabitants are robbers, to as
great an extent as possible. They are very different from the natives
of the other islands, whose goodness is such, that they do not know
what it is to steal. And if I admit that there are many robbers [in
the Filipinas] they have become so since the Spaniards, have governed
them; for the natives learn our bad habits better than our good
ones. Hence they are quite expert in all the vices of the Spaniards,
but dull and ignorant in their virtues. In this is seen the bias of
their disposition, and that they are much more inclined to evil than
to good. Father Urdaneta said mass in these Ladrones Islands, and gave
their inhabitants to understand, as well as he could, the purpose of
his coming, making use likewise of the interpreter Pacheco. Possession
was taken of those islands for the king, our sovereign, with all
the solemnities of law. The natives expressed great satisfaction
with everything; for, as they are by nature robbers, they assured
the Spaniards, in order to commit their depredations better. And not
few were the jests that our Spaniards endured from that people, all
out of respect to the general, who with his goodness, bore it all,
claiming in this wise to win the hearts of those islanders better
than with arms. For if the natives were exasperated they would receive
tardily the blessings that were intended for them.

This island of the Ladrones where the Spaniards anchored is a lofty,
mountainous land, with its coasts fringed with thick cocoa groves,
and other cool and shady trees. The natives of the islands eat rice,
which is the chief food of all the islands. At times, when I consider
how many people use rice as bread, I think that three-fourths of the
world are sustained on this kind of food. These Ladrones Islands number
thirteen, [20] and extend north and south. As they were the first
islands of which the general took possession, his Majesty granted them
to Melchor López de Legaspi, only son of the general, giving him the
title of adelantado. These Indians go naked. Both men and women are
fine sailors and swimmers, for they are accustomed to jump from their
little boats after fish, and to catch and eat them raw. Their boats
are very narrow, and have only a counterweight at the opposite end,
where they carry their sail. The sail is lateen, and woven from palms,
in these craft do they venture forth intrepidly through those seas,
from island to island, so that one would think that they had a treaty
with wind and water. The ships en route to the Filipinas pass through
these islands, at different latitudes at various times. So many boats
go out to meet them, that they quite surround the ships. The natives
try to trade water and the products of their islands for iron, the
substance that they esteem most; but, if they are able to steal the
iron, without giving anything for it, they do so. It is necessary to
aim an arquebus (which they fear greatly) at them in order to get
the article returned. And to induce them to leave the ships free,
there is no better method than to fire the arquebus in the air, the
reverberations of which cause them to hide, fear, and vanish. While
the ship in which I took passage was passing one of the islands,
many small boats came out as usual. Among them came one belonging to
a robust youth, who was coming to look for a Castilian, who had been
his captive, as he desired to see him. This Spaniard, with others
who escaped from the ship "Santa Margarita" (which was wrecked on
those islands), lived among those barbarians, until, by good fortune,
the ships with succor passed there, and they embarked in them. The
Spaniard, who had been the slave of this Indian, was with us. As soon
as the latter saw him, he boarded our vessel fearlessly. And still with
no signs of fear, he went among our men and threw himself into the
arms of the man whom he knew, and who had eaten his bread and lived
in his house. He was quite covered with marks of teeth; and when the
Spaniard, who knew something of their language and customs because of
his stay among them, was asked the reason, he said that that native
had but just been married, and the dowry that he had given was to
receive those bites from his wife without murmuring. In that way do the
women elect and choose their husbands. The native was loaded down with
scissors, knives and iron. With all this load he dived into the water,
and at the moment he was thought to have gone to the bottom, because
of the weight of his load, he reappeared quite at his ease, placed
his load in his little craft, then got in himself, and hoisted his
sail. He himself attended to all the duties of steersman and lookout,
and ploughed those seas as if his craft were a powerful galleon. The
household economy of these, as of the other natives, is uniform, as
will be told later on; so that all appear as if cut out by one pair
of shears--notable indications that they are all lopped from one trunk.



Chapter V

_Of the discovery of these islands_


They continued their voyage toward the west, until the thirteenth of
the above month, on which day land was sighted at eight o'clock in
the morning. That point marks the beginning of the Filipinas Islands,
which name was given to all these islands, in the year 42, by Ruy López
de Villalobos. Anchor was cast in a bay forty-five brazas deep. Then,
at the general's command, the master-of-camp, Father Urdaneta, and
some soldiers with them, landed, and went to see whether the island
contained any town or people with whom they could talk. And although
they brought report of none of this, they found quite sufficient
information next day from some Indians who came to the flagship,
who furnished them with the desired information regarding those
islands. The commander received them kindly, and presented to them
some small trifles, of little value--which, however, they esteemed
highly, as they were novelties and unknown to them before--and they
went away happy. When they were going, they were told that they
could treat for friendship and alliance with the Spaniards without
any fear. Those Indians, drawn to the Spaniards by both the kindly
treatment and the presents given them, talked to their tribesmen. As
a result, the next morning the ships were surrounded by their little
boats, all full of Indians of all ages. Among them were some chiefs,
who told the Spaniards that they wished to draw blood with them, as
a proof of the constancy with which they would keep the friendship
that was to be made with them. This ceremony consists in drawing
some drops of blood, generally from the arms. These drops they mix
together, and afterward mix with a little wine, which is then drunk
by the two or more who bled themselves and who wish to contract the
friendship. The commander rejoiced at this, although he refused to
draw blood himself, reserving that ceremony for the king, or supreme
head of all the islands. Accordingly the master-of-camp drew blood
with them, and then they became seemingly firm friends. The commander
regaled them as well as he was able, and bestowed not less attention
on them. As a result they appeared well pleased, and bound to make
similar returns. They promised to do many favors for the Spaniards
in the future.

Through this care, the islanders continued to frequent the vessels
fearlessly. The commander treated them according to their rank,
and showed himself kind and affectionate to all. He believed that
he could accomplish more for God and his king by that way than by
the din of arms. As soon as the father prior, Fray Andrés Urdaneta,
considered them somewhat quiet and less timorous than at first, he
began, as a true curator of souls, to tell them the chief purpose of
the Spaniards' coming through so wide and vast seas, ploughing the
waters in those vessels of theirs; this he declared to be none other
than to give them light, in order that, issuing from the darkness
of the ignorance in which they had lived for so many years, they
might know the true God, the creator of the universe, and His only
begotten Son--who became man for our redemption and our release from
the slavery of the devil, lived in this world among men, and finally
died, so that by His death we might have life and liberty. He declared
that the imparting of such truths to them was the duty of the fathers
and priests who were in the vessels, who would take nothing else upon
themselves, so that these natives, guided thus by the right way, might
also enjoy salvation. The others, he said, although they were of the
same nation, desired to settle among the natives--not for any evil,
but only to trade in the things of which the natives had abundance;
and at the same time to protect them and defend them from their
enemies, who, envious of their good fortune, might try to make war
upon them. Likewise they would maintain the natives in all peace and
quiet, so that, on this account, the latter might devote themselves
more thoroughly to their occupations, either at home or abroad,
without any fear of harm befalling them from the Spaniards, if they
on their part regarded thoroughly the laws of the friendship that had
been entered upon with so many ceremonies, according to their manner
and custom. In all these negotiations, the Indian Pacheco proved of
great use. Through what was said to him, and from his own experience,
he endeavored to persuade the natives to do what would be so much to
their advantage. The natives showed themselves very well satisfied
at everything, and agreed to everything without any repugnance or
opposition. After this the Spaniards requested the natives to sell them
some food; for they needed food, because of their long voyage. The
natives promised the food generously and willingly. The men in the
fleet waited until next day, believing that the natives would surely
fulfil their promise, since the promise had been made with so many
appearances of affection. The natives came then, but brought no more
than one cock and one egg, and said that they were collecting the
other food in their towns. Now at this the general recognized the
islanders' faithlessness and malice, and that they were entertaining
the Spaniards with words alone, and that they were only awaiting a good
opportunity to work some great mischief. The gallant gentleman bore
it all, in order not to give any grounds for any possible complaints
from the natives. On the other hand, he set about finding a better
port, in order to have it against the occasion already feared by the
tokens observed in those fickle people. To this end he sent Captain
Juan de la Isla to look for a good port. He and his men went to a
bay, where the Indians met them peaceably, and showed signs of a
desire to draw blood with them. But our men dared not trust them, as
they feared some calamity or treachery. One of our gallant youths,
an attendant on the commander, by name Francisco Gómez, declared
his intention to draw blood with them; and without more consent,
suiting the action to the word, he landed, and began to loose his
clothing for the ceremony. But scarcely had he uncovered his breast,
when suddenly an Indian pierced him with a lance, and he fell to the
earth dead. This unlooked for event caused our men great grief. It
confirmed their fears, and showed them how little they could trust to
that faithless race. Our commander was likewise mocked by the Indians,
who seeing that they had enjoyed his presents, and that the Spaniards
were still mild and discussed only the question of concluding the
temporal affairs, now came no longer to the ships, and not one single
Indian appeared. This made the commander somewhat anxious, and his
anxiety was increased by the non-return of the small-boat, and he
feared greatly that some ill-fortune had befallen it. On this account,
he determined to weigh anchor with all the fleet, and coast along
the island in search of ports, rivers, or settlements, and not less,
provisions, of which now they were in sad want. Accordingly they set
sail at nightfall, and next day sighted another bay, which they named
San Pedro, as it was the eve of St. Peter's preaching in Antioch. At
that place one of the chief Indians, nephew of Tandayag, chief of
that island, came to see them. He came, on behalf of his uncle, to
draw blood with the commander. He was received courteously, and the
commander made much of him, and asked him to bring his uncle, with
whom he would draw blood willingly; for it was not reasonable that the
commander of the Castilians, the ambassador of so powerful a sovereign
as the king of España, should draw blood with less than the supreme
ruler of the islands. This argument satisfied the barbarian, and be
declared the commander's remark to be very reasonable. Accordingly
he would have his uncle come, both because the request of _Basal_
was reasonable--_Basal_ was the name given by them to the commander,
and this name is given even now to all the governors, whom they have
called and call Captain Basal (_id est_, "captain-general")--and
also because, as he said, he knew his uncle was very willing to make
peace with the Castilians, and to live under their guardianship and
protection. The commander bestowed generous gifts upon him, and sent
him away very happy. He went away, to all appearances, making them
a thousand promises that the natives would bring them very willingly
all the provisions, and everything that they requested, as alliance
and friendship with the Castilas [i.e., Castilians]--as the natives
called, and still call us--was of great moment to them. But neither
they nor the many others who came fulfilled their word one whit,
so that our men were made to understand that they came only to see
and note what kind of men ours were, their arms, and how they could
rid themselves of them. For they immediately thought that friendship
with the Castilians would be of no use to them, because those who
were then the rulers of the natives would afterward behold themselves
under the yoke, serving as slaves. This they considered more than the
good of the soul, offered to them, to which they paid no attention;
nor did they desire it, as they were content with their _anitos_,
wassails, and innumerable other superstitions that had been handed
down from father to son since time immemorial.

When this was considered by the commander and the religious, the
former, by the advice of the religious, sent Captain Martin Goiti to
explore the river of Tandayag, and to find out, on the way, whether
any good port existed along the coast, where safe anchorage might be
had. He was ordered strictly to do no harm to the Indians. He took
father Fray Diego de Herrera with him. I beg the kind reader to note
that there is no sign of any action, in which, if one of our religious
took part, he did not play the principal role. One is led to think
that the Lord wished them to be the explorers in everything. The
commander had so good an opinion of our religious, that he trusted
to nothing without them, nor had any confidence in the good outcome
of any undertaking without them. He chose, as an excellent Christian,
to attribute all his prosperity to the servants of God, in whom he put
greater trust than in his own strength. For at the end difficulties
are removed more easily by prayers than by human strength; and God
always desires that the glory of things be attributed to Him, as the
one who really does them. He who does not guide himself thus is in
great error. And if, by the same reasoning, one attributes anything
to himself, God makes of no account his intents; so that, whereas he
expected to derive from it honor, he derives disgrace. This I think
the reason of so many lost opportunities, so many ruined fleets, and
the ill-success of other fleets, for perhaps no thought or heed had
been given to God. But it was quite apparent how little confidence our
commander placed in his own honor, since he would allow no action to
be passed over without our religious, in order to attribute it to God,
whose in truth it was. As soon as the commander had despatched the
frigate or patache, [as] the governor, he landed, and took possession
in his Majesty's name. Father Fray Andrés de Aguirre said the first
mass. This taking of possession was observed before a notary, with
all the solemnities requisite and necessary. From that point, the
commander ascended a creek, toward the town of Coyongo He took Father
Urdaneta and Father Aguirre with him to talk to the inhabitants, and to
endeavor to make them peaceful. Arrived in sight of the town he found
that the Indians were hostile. They were drawn up in squares according
to their custom, and by their cries demanded battle. The commander
did not permit any harm to be done them, but tried to inform them,
through his interpreter, of his reason for coming. But it was of no
avail, for the natives answered that the Castilians' words were fair,
but their deeds evil. When the commander found his efforts of no
avail, he went down the creek. The Indians imagined he was fleeing,
and with loud cries followed him. They threw such a shower of stones,
and they were so troublesome, that the commander was obliged to face
about to censure them. He fired a few arquebus shots, but with so
great mildness and moderation that it served only to frighten and
not to kill them, but it was effective.

Captain Martín de Goiti, who, as I have said, went to explore the river
of Tandayag, had no better success with the Indians than the above; for
when he tried to take in water in a river, an Indian came out from the
thicket, and throwing his dart, transfixed a servant of the captain,
so that he died immediately. The frigate advanced, and discovered a
large river, and a large settlement, with many rice-fields, herds of
swine, and Castilian fowls. Thereupon they thought it unnecessary
to make any further explorations. Goiti learned that the town was
called Cabalían, and thereupon returned to inform the commander fully
of his expedition. The latter was much cheered at this, because
of the little result obtained by his efforts in Tandayag, and the
time and presents that he had lost. The commander removed his fleet
to Cabalían. Upon his arrival there, he landed some men, so that,
accompanied by Father Urdaneta, they might offer the inhabitants
peace. Scarcely had the embassy been announced in Cabalían, when the
Indians filled the shore and sea with their _barotos_ [21] and boats;
for they had heard already of the commander's kind treatment, and had
been informed concerning the gifts and presents that he gave. Among
them came a youth, the son of the chief of Cabalían, who came to
draw blood with the commander. He was received courteously, and the
alférez-general, son of the commander, drew blood with him. He said
that when the ruler of that town should come, then the commander
would draw blood with him. That youth, named Camatuan, assented to
everything, for never does the swindler consider that he must pay
or fulfil anything. This visit allowed the people of Cabalían time
to collect all their best possessions and food, which they removed
that night, thus mocking the commander.




Chapter VI

_Continuation of the preceding_


The commander saw that all his good and earnest efforts had been
frustrated, and that the natives of the islands had mocked the
Spaniards openly; because hitherto they had suffered no ill from the
latter, but only the above-mentioned kind treatment and hospitality,
which would have proved sufficient to attract a more unruly race. But
such is the characteristic of this race, which has afflicted and still
afflicts the priests. These people refuse to do anything thoroughly;
and in order to get them to perform what is ordered of them, one must
use the lash and the rattan--whence comes the saying of a holy bishop
of these islands, namely, that on that day when was born the Indian,
next to him was born the rattan, with which the dust was to be beaten
from his back. And if we ministers have experienced this after so
long a period of cultivation and teaching, what must it have been
at the beginning? Accordingly, I am not surprised that the Indians
were so ungrateful to General Miguel López de Legaspi, turned their
backs on all his offers, played such sorry jests on him, and broke
faith immediately--for the Indians do not possess it. And even after
he had participated in their bestial ceremonies of drawing blood
and drinking the blood--a token of constancy among the Indians--the
latter, it was found, failed to observe them just as readily as the
friendship had been confirmed by these customs. The commander began to
suffer almost extreme want, for already he had provisions for but two
days, and was compelled to seek them. Hitherto efforts, such as men
of so generous souls and so desirous of peace could make, had been
made. But the Spaniards saw that they were not advantaged, and that
need was tightening the cords, so that, if they did not look for food
in a different manner, they would doubtless perish at the hands of the
Indians, a thing quite opposed to charity. Hence, it was permitted the
Spaniards, in order to sustain life, to take food by harsh means, since
indeed kind measures did not suffice. Nevertheless, the commander, to
be justified, took counsel with all the others before doing anything
of importance, for he would rather err with the advice of all, than
succeed through his own single action. He called a council of war;
he communicated to all the condition of affairs, and what efforts had
been made with the Indians in order to make firm peace, and to buy from
them with money the food necessary for their sustenance. This, he said,
it was impossible to negotiate with the Indians. Now necessity forced
the Spaniards to get food by severer methods, since the Indians had
repulsed mild measures so obstinately. When the commander stopped
speaking, he ordered every one to express his opinion. Thereupon,
the father prior, Fray Andrés de Urdaneta, arose and spoke first,
as was his custom, because of his experience and his offices, and
because all the Spaniards regarded him as a father, from whom must
originate the remedy. He said that natural law conceded to them the
right to get provisions by the readiest means, in order that that
fleet, which had been constructed for the good of those barbarians,
might not perish. Even if the end of their coming had not been so
great and important to those peoples, it was a well-known wrong
to refuse them the intercourse most natural to men, without the
Spaniards having given any occasion for it. Inasmuch as they were
reduced to the preservation of life itself, they were justified in
taking arms, wherewith to get the sustenance that the Indians had
unjustly withheld from them and refused them for their money. _Quibus
necessarium tunc est bellum_. Therefore, he considered war justifiable,
since by no other way had any remedy been found among those unreasoning
barbarians. But before commencing war, he said, a solemn declaration
of the wrongs should be made, of which the Spaniards would be, in
no manner, guilty, since they had labored so sincerely for peace
and harmony. Father Urdaneta's advice was concurred in unanimously,
as was usual. Accordingly, his advice was followed on this occasion,
as being the sanest and most sensible.

In order to put the decision of the conference into execution,
the governor ordered Martín de Goiti to land with fifty well-armed
soldiers. By means of the interpreter, Pacheco, he was to announce the
articles of peace to the Indians; and declare that, if they did not
accord what was so reasonable to all, then they should prepare for the
war, which, from that moment was proclaimed on them as rebels. The
Indians paid no more heed to this than to all the rest that had
been told them. Thus it was necessary to make use of their arms. The
arquebuses were fired more to scare than to harm the Indians; for, as
soon as those natives heard the report, being so little used to them,
their terror was so great, that, without awaiting more, they abandoned
the shore and village, fled to the hills, and allowed the soldiers
to collect the swine that were found there, and the fowls and rice
that they could carry away. All this was appraised at its just value,
and the money given to the chief's son, whom the commander still kept
with him, in order that he might take it to the village. He was also to
inform the inhabitants that the need of the Spaniards compelled them
to take by force of arms what the Indians refused to sell for money,
and nevertheless after they had been able to accomplish what was seen,
yet they were paying for it, which was a sufficient indication of the
Spaniards' fair and open proceeding, so contrary to what the Indians
had done. He was ordered to return with the reply, notwithstanding its
tenor. Since he was ruler of that village in the absence of his father,
he should reduce the people to obedience, and counsel them to do what
was so thoroughly to their interest. Camutuan, who listened to all of
the above, and seemingly assented to it, took the money and promised
to fulfil his charge with success. But as soon as he left the ship,
he acted just as the others had done; for in their method of acting
all the Indians are cut out by one pair of shears. To a greater or
less degree, all of them are a unit. Whoever has seen one of them,
might well say that he has seen all. The chiefs, by the very fact
of their chieftaincy, should have some better mode of procedure;
yet they are so little better than the others that it can scarcely
be perceived. The commander, who was aware that that matter must
be settled finally with arms, yet did not wish to leave anything
undone. Consequently, to procure the peace justly, he determined to
leave that village of Cabalian and go to another, called Manchagua,
where report said that the first Spaniards had landed. To this end he
despatched the master-of-camp and Father Urdaneta ahead to offer peace
to the chief of that village by means of a present. The commander
went with his fleet from this village to the island of Camiguin,
where he succeeded likewise in finding no people, who but recently
were all to be found. Our men made many other efforts, and even took
as intermediary a Moro factor of the king of Burney, who was there
at that time. The latter said that the governor had captured him in a
battle with the Portuguese. I do not discuss that battle, in order to
consider only the essential thing pertaining to us religious, namely,
the planting of the faith, the fundamental reason for this history. But
in passing, I merely observe that our forces gained many glorious
victories over the Portuguese, for the latter were exceedingly sorry
to have the Castilians for so near neighbors, and tried to drive them
out. Perhaps they were influenced in this by having as neighbors those
who had a better right and reason to the Molucas than themselves. This,
I think, must have been why our Lord favored the Castilians' cause
the more. Perhaps had the Portuguese examined the matter more closely,
they would not have given the Castilians so many occasions for glory,
nor have demanded investigations so greatly to their satisfaction--or
rather, [as it proved,] their loss.

Resuming, then, the thread of my history, I say that this Bornean
youth, who was well versed in affairs of the islands and knew
their chiefs, because of his continual communication with them,
wished to repay the Spaniards for the kind treatment that they had
given him--or rather he wished to obtain their good will, in order
to regain his liberty. He began to treat for peace, and to harmonize
discordant spirits, so that affairs might be meliorated, by reason of
what the Spaniards requested. He assured the islanders of the great
moderation which the Spaniards would exercise toward them, and that
they would commit no wrong or violence. He accomplished this with so
good grace, that he brought the chiefs Sicatuna and Sigala before the
commander. These chiefs drew blood with our men, and made a lasting
peace. But none of these exploits was important, because they found
it all tiresome and inconvenient to continue of one mind.

Already was the season well advanced, and our commander was anxious
about the affairs of Nueva España. He desired to give a good account
there of his expedition, and feared lest, by the delay, they might
doubt his success or care. He was right in correcting this wrong,
because, although no doubts arise where confidence is, yet all
the kingdom was in great suspense; for the patache "San Lúcas,"
which sailed with our fleet, had scarcely gone two hundred leguas
from Puerto de la Navidad, when it maliciously separated from the
others. After pillaging those islands, it returned to Nueva España,
and said that a storm had separated them, and that, without doubt, all
the rest of the fleet was lost. For that reason, then, the commander,
to allay the fears caused in Nueva España by the delay, called a
council, according to his custom. There he proposed the questions
that had arisen concerning that matter, which he himself had already
considered. He besought all to counsel him in this as to what would
be best for their convenience, honor, and reputation, and as to what
means should be taken to fulfil all their commission. The strongest
reason that he adduced was the discovery of the return passage to
Nueva España; and he said that that had been the most potent reason
for the construction of that fleet. In short, the unanimous reply,
given through the mouth of Father Urdaneta, was that it was very proper
to ascertain correctly the return passage, since by it, the kingdoms
of Nueva España and even of España, would be strung together, as they
say. The flagship "San Pedro" was selected for the voyage, as being,
in their opinion, the strongest and best able to resist so new and
unknown seas, as were supposed to exist on the return trip. Meanwhile,
the almiranta "San Pablo" and the patache "San Juan" were to stay among
the islands, although it was judged better to go to the island of Sugbú
[Cebú], where the Spaniards had been several times already, and where
they were known. Also they believed that, if they should experience
any difficulty, they would be justified in making war there, because
of the treachery that its inhabitants had shown to Captain Hernando de
Magallanes--whom they had killed treacherously with many of his men,
at a banquet, where they had been invited in good faith. Besides that,
those Indians had offered themselves for the service of the king of
España, and many were baptized, in the time of the said captain,
who afterward apostatized. This was a very strong and sufficient
foundation, upon which father Fray Andrés de Urdaneta and the others
based the right to make war, in case that the Indians refused to
receive them peacefully, as was their pretense. All approved this
opinion. However, I must note here the strongest reason that they ought
to have alleged, unless they must have neglected and passed it by as
being so well known, in order to find others more constraining. When I
read the various opinions of the doctors regarding our right to make
war on the western Indians, although they are somewhat sufficient,
that which has most real power to quiet the conscience--while those
who opposed it can only be esteemed as rash--is the concession of
Alexander VI which is, in brief, as follows.

[Here follows the portion of the bull of Alexander VI of May 4, 1493,
included in _Et tu tanti negotii ... auctoritate et jurisdictione
facimus, constituimus et deputamus_.] [22]

Since, then, the supreme pontiff says that he can give, and does
really give them, he would be rash who could have any scruples about
the right of our kings to possess these provinces, and the right of
the conquistadors therein to make war, since the latter did it by
order of their kings. For who doubts that the supreme pontiff, who
never was known to be tyrannical or unjust, had not well considered
his powers in order to make this concession? The reasons that could
influence his Holiness are not unknown, but they are rather for the
schools than for this place. The above has been given with the end
of quieting the consciences of the conquistadors, and of sealing the
mouths of the ignorant, since whatever scruples do or can arise in this
matter are settled so completely by Alexander VI's brief. The soldier
has no call to judge or investigate the justification of the war,
as the doctors unanimously agree. It is sufficient that he consider
it as not manifestly unjust, and that he consider his king--as we
all do ours--as so Catholic and so good, that he will war upon no
one without a very just reason. For the justification of a king in
matters of conscience, the declaration of the first rule is sufficient,
namely, the certain knowledge of the Roman pontiff.

Hence, according to the above, the opinions rendered by Father
Urdaneta in two grave councils seem very apropos. But for soldiers,
it is better to take our stand upon this conclusive argument namely,
that those islands belong to our Catholic sovereigns of Castilla and
León, by concession of the pope, and by the reasons that influenced him
therein. Accordingly, the Spaniards may make port wherever they wish,
may request provisions in exchange for their money, may establish
towns and cities, erect redoubts as if in their own land, and make
war on whomever opposes them, as they are unjustly prohibited [by
such opposition] from doing what is right.




Chapter VII

_Of the arrival and landing of the fleet at the island of Sugbú_


Having resolved to follow the advice given, our men set sail, and
directed their course toward the island of Sugbú [i.e., Cebú]. They
anchored there on the twenty-seventh day of the month of April,
day of the glorious martyr St. Vidal, in the year 1565. This day
happened to be also the feast of the resurrection. They honored the
saint as their patron and advocate. His feast is kept every year,
and his day observed. The flag is unfurled with the greatest pomp
possible, but that is little now, because the city of Santísimo Nombre
de Dios, founded there, has greatly declined. A regidor unfurls the
flag. He is assigned therefor by the city, that is, the cabildo, to
whom the city grants his gratuity. On this day, the [image of the]
most sacred child Jesus, which rests in our convent of San Agustín,
is taken out, and carried in procession to the cathedral, after a paper
has been signed, by decree of the justice, that it will be given back
to the same religious. The ecclesiastical and secular cabildos come
to our house to take part in the procession, the prebendaries say
mass, and a religious of our house preaches. After the fulfilment
of these duties, those who carried the most sacred child carry it
back, and the spiritual feast is ended. [23] In the afternoon there
is a bull-fight, as extensive as their means allow--but that, as
I have said, is slight. The island is long and narrow, and extends
north and south. It has but little rice, as the dry seasons there
are generally long. Once it was excellent for cattle, and the herds
multiplied to such an extent that there was no room for them on the
land. The milk was of fine quality, and the cheeses which were made,
and are still made, are the best in the islands, and are esteemed as
such. But the cattle have decreased so much, that the ranches that had
a thousand cows now have but the name of having been there. The best
ranch always was the one that belonged to us, located something like
three-quarters of a legua from the city, for it had about two thousand
cows; but scarcely does it preserve five hundred today. The cause of
this might have been from the Indians not eating beef in the beginning,
and their dogs not disturbing the calves. But now the Indians eat beef,
and the fields are full of unruly dogs, so that between them both,
the cattle are a thing of the past. Only the fathers of the Society,
as in all districts, have the good fortune to preserve their estates,
and maintain their cows in the said city; so that it may be said
that they sustain the city, which nets them not a little gain. The
fields are full also of a weed called _amores secos_, [24] which is
not good for the cattle. Furthermore, the island is barren, for which
reason the Spaniards abandoned it, and established the seat of their
government in the island of Luzón, where at present is located the
city of Manila. The city [of Nombre de Dios] lies in that part where
the vendaval blows, so that the waves and surf are blown against
their houses. Lying in front of and very near to Sugbú is an island
called Magtang, where Captain Magallanes was killed years ago. It
is a low-lying land, and now with so few inhabitants that they do
not reach fifty; but when the Spaniards arrived there was a greater
number. [25] There are two channel-entrances, with one strait between
the two islands. It is not of even width but is narrow in some places,
and wide at others, in accordance with the points and bays between the
islands. One mouth lies toward the brisa, and is deeper and narrower;
the other to the vendaval, shallower, but wider. Hence by this latter
mouth no ship with high freeboard can enter, but they enter by the
other mouth. The port has so deep water right next the shore, that the
ships anchor on the sand. The fort is now located quite near, and is
mounted with excellent artillery. The ships of our Spaniards passed by,
and anchored here. They found many people; for truly the island was
thickly populated, and with the most warlike people of the country,
as has been seen when they have joined with the Spaniards. They have
performed excellent exploits in the service of the Spaniards, and have
aided them in conquering the country. The old inhabitants assert that
when the Spaniards arrived, the town of Sugbú was so populous that its
houses extended from Mandave to San Nicolás, which is, I think, more
than one and one-half leguas by land. Now there are so few inhabitants,
that there are not three hundred tributes in the town of San Nicolás,
which is the town proper of Sugbú. They are separated about one-quarter
legua from the city of the Spaniards. [26] It is the best port of
the island today, and might have been very good, if affairs there had
continued to improve. But as cities are maintained and grow through
trade, and the trade there is in wax, which is of little value,
its citizens are abandoning the city and going to Manila. While the
climate of the latter place is not so good, nor the country so healthy,
they are drawn by the wealth there, and the trade with China, Japón,
Macan, and India--and above all, with Nueva España.

I believe, if a small ship were to leave this city of Santísimo
Nombre de Jesús--which is the second in these islands, because that of
Cáceres in Camarines, and that of Segovia in Cagayán [27] have already
declined--for Nueva España, that, beyond any doubt, the city would
return to its former prosperity. But it does not appear possible,
for the city has no citizens with capital who care to engage in the
building of any vessel. The city has a garrison of one company of seven
hundred soldiers, more or less at times, and other extravagances. It
has an alcalde-mayor, who acts as governor. He is also captain of
the company of the presidio, and usually is supreme chief of all the
Pintados. The latter are so called because all the male Pintados
tattooed their entire bodies with so excellent and well-designed
symmetry, that the best artist in España could learn from them. The
women tattooed the hands. But the proper name of these islands is the
Bisayas. Many tongues are spoken in them, for there are many islands
and many villages, and there is hardly a village that has not its own
dialect. But the chief tongues are the _Boholan_, which is spoken in
Sugbú, and the _Hiligain_, and they are very similar. These islands
have a bishop, whose see is located in the city of Santísimo Nombre de
Jesus. That city has a cabildo with its dignitaries, but in name only,
for it has no income. The bishops have been to blame, because they
have not been very active; for our sovereigns, through their piety,
would have assigned stipends, had these been proposed to them. This
bishopric has a large territory, and, in my opinion, is larger and
more extensive than the archbishopric of Manila. For it includes
the islands of Leyte, Samar, and Ibabao, [28] where the fathers of
the Society are carrying on their missions. This island was formerly
densely inhabited with Indians, but now the population is much less,
as is that of all the other islands. This bishopric includes the
island of Bohol, which is in charge of the same fathers. It can
be seen from the plaza of Sugbú, from which it is slightly more
than three leguas distant. I shall have to speak of it later. This
bishopric includes also the island of Panay, more than fifty leguas
distant, which is in our charge. We have thirteen convents there,
besides two more in the island of Sugbú, and besides the other three
belonging to seculars in the same island of Panay. [29] This island
is the granary of all the islands of this archipelago, and I shall
need to speak of it many times. This bishopric includes the island
of Negros, so called from its many Negrillos. It is bounded on one
side by Sugbú. In short, the islands subject to this bishopric are
almost innumerable. It extends to the great island of Mindanao, which
is said to be larger than that of Manila, [30] and to be inhabited by
an infinite number of people. By our neglect the worship of Mahoma has
gained an entrance there. One would believe that those demons attended
to, and still attend to, those fables of theirs, more than we to our
truths. Many of the islands about Mindanao have the same worship. On
one side are the islands of Cuyo and great Paragua, where abundance of
wax is gathered. War generally prevails in the Pintados. This offers
great danger to those who go there, and more to the religious who go
there most often. And although our fleets have made sallies, I have
never seen them have any luck--either because they did not wish it,
or because the Indians' boats are so light that our caracoas can never
overtake them, the worst people of these islands thus succeeding with
their great depredations. This matter will be referred to later;
for some time past we have lost sight of our men, whom we left
disembarking at Sugbú, armed and ready for whatever might happen.

An Indian named Tupas was the chief of that island. Although all manner
of efforts were made with him, he refused to come to good terms with
the commander. He continued to occasion innumerable delays, while,
on the other hand, he negotiated with his men to arm and oppose the
Spaniards, according to their custom--so that not only would they
defend their country from them, but even finish them all, doing to them
the same thing that their ancestors had done to Magallanes's men. For,
he said, those foreign nations could bring them no advantage, but
would deprive them of their liberty, which they enjoyed as rulers of
the land. Furthermore their _babaylans_, who were their priestesses,
made every effort so that the Spaniards might not set foot on land;
for the devil, with whom they were in accord, seeing that his reign was
about to end, acted with more than usual vigor through his infernal
ministers. But when the Lord is pleased with anything, there is no
effort that can disturb Him. Hence when our commander beheld the
Indians preparing for the defense, and filling the shore with their
lances, darts, campilans, and long shields (which they call _carasag_),
and the sea with their boats--to which they give many names, which
we pass over--although the commander saw all this, still he did not
neglect to announce peace, by means of the father prior, Fray Andrés
de Urdaneta, and by public act of the notary. But it had no better
effect than the preceding efforts. Hence he ordered his artillery to be
discharged, somewhat high, so that he might frighten and startle them,
without doing them any harm. This succeeded as he expected, for those
people, little accustomed to similar reports, immediately abandoned
the shore and sea, fleeing more quickly than they had gathered. Thus
our men landed without any opposition. The Indians are much more nimble
than the Spaniards, and it is very easy for them to run through their
land, while it is difficult for us. Our men were unable to enter and
obviate the danger, for, when the firearms were discharged, they set
fire to some houses. These were burnt, inasmuch as their material is
very inflammable, and with them much food, which, in short, was the
greatest loss, for there was great need of it. Without doubt all the
village would have been burned had not the wind been contrary, and for
the time being favored the other houses, so that they were not burned.

[The eighth chapter of Medina's narrative relates the finding of
the image of the child Jesus, which had been left in the island by a
member of the Magallanes expedition. Our author exults over this find,
which he extols as miraculous, and asserts to be the "greatest relic
... of the islands."]




Chapter IX

_Of the subjection of the Indians of Sugbú to the king of España_


After the above acts, it appears that affairs began to brighten; for
those Indians, after witnessing the kind treatment extended to them,
and seeing that the Spaniards were more affable than they appeared on
the outside, promised very fair reciprocity. The commander endeavored
to ascertain their reason for refusing to the Spaniards provisions
and entrance into their land, so decidedly contrary to the laws of
hospitality. They answered that they were afraid that the Spaniards'
object was to call them to strict account for the death of Magallanes
and his men, and that they had come for no other purpose. They thought
that his mildness toward them was only for the purpose of quieting them
so that he could later take sharp revenge more easily. The commander
believed that they spoke the truth in their reply, and promised to do
them no injury whatever for that crime; for on the one hand that affair
was already forgotten, and, on the other, the Spaniards' intention was
to establish and maintain among them friendly intercourse. Hence, the
first step and measure was not to be vengeance, whereby, necessarily,
the natives would be exasperated. Moreover the commander told them to
bring their chief to him at all hazards, for he wanted to conclude
matters at once, and sign the peace. Thereupon, the Indians went,
but did not heed the request at all; for, as I have remarked before,
this race is generally faithless and obstinate. On the contrary,
the Indians endeavored to do all the harm possible to the Spaniards,
killing them when they found them alone, and attacking them in their
usual rushes, and with outcry and uproar--their peculiar action in
war or attack. When the commander saw that his hopes were in vain,
and that those barbarians had no intention of acting well, he began,
as a good captain, to prepare his camp. He cleared away the palms
from his camp, and intrenched himself carefully, in order that when
the Indians, according to their custom, should attack him, the result
would not be so harmless to themselves that they would not regret
it. The Spaniards then began to make their raids into the land,
collected what food they could find, and captured what Indians they
met. Once they were so fortunate that, besides bringing back to the
flagship quantities of rice, and many swine and fowls, which food
was being despatched with all rapidity, they captured six Indian
women. Among these was one who occupied so commanding a position
that she promised to have Tupas come to the flagship, by means of
her husband, who was one of the foremost chiefs of the island.

At this time, the commander began to be established in the island,
and accordingly desired to discuss the founding of a city there,
to be called Santísimo Nombre de Jesús. He marked out the lines,
assigned homesteads, and began to apportion them to those who were
to remain there. It was all done according to the plan of Father
Urdaneta, who was the chief mover in everything. He marked out a
triangular fort, which was constructed rapidly; for the commander
took charge of one side, the master-of-camp of another, and the other
captains of the third. A site was assigned for the cathedral. Also
a site was given to our order, so large that, of a surety--and I
agree thereto--the liberality of the Christian commander can only be
praised, as well as the zeal of our religious, whereby it appeared
that that must amount to something important some day. They did not
found their house, as one author says, in the house where the most
holy Child was found, for that house was next to the cathedral. There
is a very poor hermitage there today. It must be venerated more
greatly, for as the devotion went on diminishing, so likewise did
the worship. Its roof is of nipa, or palm leaves, which are used as
roofing for houses. The sides are boards, and no care, so far as I
know; is taken to sweep it. Our convent is situated very far from it,
on the shore, which is swept by the vendaval. Between its rock wall
and the shore, which is but a short distance, is to be seen the first
cross erected there by our men. [31] Now it has a stone base, and
it is enough that it has not been destroyed, inasmuch as we take but
little care of antiquities. Although the convent should be the best
and most esteemed in the province, as it is, in short, the ancestral
house that declares very well our antiquity in the islands, it is,
I know not why, the poorest and neediest. It may have been that,
as all the wealth passed to Manila, and the capital of the province
was established there, this other city was neglected; or because,
as the city was declining, so likewise the convent declined. After
the above-mentioned acts, those first conquistadors were ordered
to make a solemn procession. The whole fleet took part in it, and
carried the best ornaments that they could. The most holy Child was
carried in this procession to our house, and placed on an altar as
decently adorned as was possible in that early period. The first mass
of those islands was celebrated there, with more spirit and devotion,
than music and splendor. At its conclusion, all took a vow to celebrate
annually the feast of the finding of that relic--the twenty-eighth of
April, when, as above stated, the feast of St. Vidal is observed. A
fraternity of the Most Sacred Name of Jesus was then established, with
the same rules as that of St. Augustine in the City of Méjico. This
was the beginning of that religious province, this its first stone,
and this the first foundation--which, beyond all doubt, began from
that very moment to promise very great increase. Because of this
rock being hewn out of the mountain of its eternity, it fell to the
earth with so small an appearance to the eyes, that it seemed a mere
pebble. But so great was it in its efficacy, that it has increased
so much, that it became a mountain, which occupied no less a space
than the whole earth. Hence did those holy religious trust that the
foundations of that small stone would increase so much that, within
a short time, they would be extended throughout the islands, and that
the islands would become subject to the worship of the true God; while
everything pertaining to the demon, who held those islanders deceived
with innumerable impurities and indecencies, would be wholly cast out
from them. These deceits were of such a nature, that had it not been
for the feeble intellect of the natives, they would have themselves
withdrawn the latter from their blindness.

In the afternoon of the same day, it appeared that the Lord began to
take account of the service rendered Him; for he brought ambassadors
from the chief, requesting an audience of the commander for the
morrow. The commander consented to receive him, and sent the chief
a white cloth in token of safe conduct, and that he would be immune
from harm. Before Tupas's arrival, the governor--for he was already
given this title--called a council to discuss whether it would be
expedient to grant the natives general pardon for the killing of
Captain Hernando de Magallanes; and whether they should recognize
the king of España as their sovereign, and pay some tribute as
acknowledgment. Our men decided upon the first two, but left the
third for a better occasion, in order not to exasperate those who
were showing signs of obedience. But truly there was little to
scruple over, since, with good reason, it was quite proper that the
Indians should aid somewhat in an expense so great, as it was being
made in their behalf. For up till then four expeditions had been
despatched, and the Spaniards who have come here since then are without
number. Accordingly, since the government is now established, when
the profit accruing from the islands is considered, as well as their
expense to his Majesty, the latter is beyond any doubt the greater;
besides, España is dispossessed of her sons, and the religious orders
of their most illustrious members, who all perish in these islands,
without any hope of their ever quitting mere beginnings and having
any value _per se_. This I consider, beyond all doubt, as the greatest
expense and worthy of consideration; for the mines yield silver and the
forests wood, while España only yields Spaniards. It may give so many,
that it may become barren, and be obliged to rear children outside,
in place of its own. Thus all the foregoing indicates the great zeal
of our sovereigns, and that only the love of souls influences them;
since the expenses of temporal things are so heavy and the profit
nothing. But I hope, through most merciful God, that the spiritual
blessings are so many that not only will they equal but surpass
the expense; so that if from so heavy expenses resulted only the
salvation of even one soul, as says a doctor, our monarchs would be
sufficiently remunerated. But it is quite evident that the souls
saved are innumerable; for had not the Lord His chosen ones here,
He would not have imbued the hearts of our monarchs to persevere in
the discovery of these islands; after their discovery, with their
colonization; and, after their colonization, with their conservation
at so much expense to them. Moreover, the hopes for China and Japón
are very great. In Japón, not only are they hopes, but we already
see that land sprinkled in all parts with the blood of innumerable
martyrs, and as excellent as the primitive church could have. And
with such risk, what harvest can not be awaited? Will it be a slight
glory for our sovereigns, in the future, that God has chosen them as
the instruments to enrich His church with so notable martyrs? Indeed
I think that their Majesties have understood this very well. Thus,
beyond doubt, their fervor will continue to increase, and will
encourage this field, where the Lord gathers so much fruit daily.

Returning now to our subject, I say that, as the third article of the
tributes, while they were irresolute and leaving it for another day,
the chief Tupas was announced. He was so humbled that everything
was concluded to the governor's taste. Tupas made long excuses for
his delay--which were accepted then. But he said that he was quite
decided to make peace with the Castilians, and to serve them with
all his men; since he recognized that, although his were the more
numerous, they were inferior in valor to the Spaniards. The natives
wished from that moment to consider the Spaniards as their seigniors,
and the latter's king as their king. They offered what vassalage was
right in recognition of subjection. Thereupon, they signed the treaty
of peace under the most advantageous conditions. All was done by act of
notary. The governor, in his Majesty's name, gave them a general pardon
for the death of Magallanes and his men. He received them under his
tutelage and protection, not only to protect them from their enemies,
but also to preserve them in peace and justice, as other vassals of
their Majesties are preserved. All the Indians rejoiced greatly at
this, thus showing that the continual fear of their sin had made
them regard so little the courtesies that they had received. They
promised amendment in the future, and called upon time to be witness
of everything. As to the tribute and recognition, they said that the
governor should consider the amount, so that they could deliberate over
it. The governor answered that, for the time being, he would assign no
tribute; and that they should bring what they deemed fitting, since the
Spaniards would be satisfied with little. For that action, he said, was
only to show that they were vassals of that one whom they had verbally
acclaimed as their sovereign. The governor made them many presents,
and showed them all kind treatment; whereupon, they took their leave,
to all appearances quite in harmony. The governor was very happy,
for he thought that, with that labor, which was not of the least,
the undertaking was ended. But that succeeded as the others had done,
for the chief did not return, although the governor had him summoned,
and begged him to comply with the treaty and agreement, which had been
confirmed by so many oaths. But he did not lack excuses to allege. It
was understood fully that, because the Indian never lacks plenty
of lies, all this was only to make time in order to await a more
suitable occasion. Our men dissimulated, for already they were about
to despatch the flagship, for which preparations were going on apace.





Chapter X

_How Father Urdaneta discovered the return passage to Nueva España_


Now were preparations for the sailing well advanced, and the season was
already well forward, and the governor had all that was yet lacking
concluded without any delay. He assigned the men for the voyage,
and as commander of the ship "San Pedro," chose his grandson Felipe
de Salcedo, a youth of tender years, but possessed of great courage
and valor. He subordinated him in all things to the advice of Father
Urdaneta; the latter was the one who had been expressly ordered
by his Majesty, to discover the [return] route, hitherto unknown
to everybody. For company and counsel, Father Urdaneta took father
Fray Andrés Aguirre with him. They set sail June 1, 1565. The voyage
was prosperous and better than those made now, which are so full of
hardships and dangers, as will be seen in the proper place. Father
Urdaneta took charge of the ship, for as soon as they had left Súgbú,
the pilot and master of the ship died. Even to this circumstance
can one ascribe its good fortune, as a ship governed by so great
a religious. Setting sail, then, with the vendaval, within a short
time they reached the outside of the channel. The ships sailing from
Manila do not do this, and are much delayed, because they must run
a greater distance within the channel and among more islands. This
is not the least danger of the vessels in sailing from the bay of
Manila. They need the brisa or east wind; but when the shoals of Silay
are reached, they need the vendaval. But, when they sail, they usually
go at the height of the vendaval, and many times the ships encounter
great danger, and lose their anchors, and are even wrecked. This does
not happen in Sugbú. But they leave port with the vendaval, and get
clear of the islands, and in less than twenty hours reach the Spanish
sea. They pursue their course with the same vendaval, which brings
them to the Ladrones Islands. At this point navigation is difficult,
for east winds prevail here, which take vessels going to Nueva España
by the bow. Hence, it is necessary to present the side of the vessel
to their fury, and to look for north winds. Thus they go forging
their way until they reach thirty, thirty-six, or forty degrees,
and one has gone as high as fifty degrees. There northwest and north
winds are generally blowing, and with these they descend to the coast
of Nueva España. In those latitudes great cold is suffered. By the
above account the difficulty of this voyage will be realized, for
in sailing from Sugbú, which lies in twelve degrees, or from Manila,
in thirteen degrees, to Acapulco, in seventeen degrees, a deviation
so disproportional as ascending to thirty-four or forty degrees is
made. On account of this difference in temperatures, very many of
the crew fall sick, die, and endure very great hardship, since the
voyages are necessarily long; hence we can say that they make the
voyage twice over. In passing, will be declared how deserving of
thanks from their state were our religious, and what great service
they performed for their two Majesties--the divine and the human--in
discovering, with so much toil, this course, which had been impossible
hitherto. In addition, not less were their exploits in the islands,
in planting the faith therein. Many religious, moved by their zeal,
have made these journeys two or three times. Many men died on this
voyage, chiefly for lack of proper nourishment. And reason shows how
little they must have taken, since no land would give it to them;
for, at the best, they could then only get fowls, swine, and rice
(which was their chief food) from the Indians. Thus the entire weight
of the voyage was loaded upon the shoulders of our Argonaut, who made
it; and he so carried himself that he shirked no toil, although of an
advanced age. Every day he cast the lead, took observations, and did
everything that seemed advisable for that course. Hence it was God's
will that he reached Puerto de la Navidad on October 3, after a voyage
of four months and three days. On arriving at port, he made the chart,
showing all their routes, winds, points, and capes--so completely,
that even today his chart is followed without any additions. For I
believe that that chart included everything to be comprehended in that
very wide gulf, which is, without doubt, the greatest known. From
there he went to Méjico. His return caused not a little wonder in
that kingdom, and he was considered as an extraordinary man; for he,
invested with the habit, had discovered what so many and so notable
men had failed in, and could not accomplish. It was an undertaking
that God had reserved for our holy order. Father Fray Andrés de
Urdaneta remained but a short time in Méjico, for he found a vessel
about to sail to España, and he took passage thereon, together with
his companion, father Fray Andrés de Aguirre. He arrived in España
safely, where he informed his Majesty fully of all that he had done
in his service, in obedience to his order; and also of the state
of affairs in Filipinas, and the necessity for their succor, if the
undertaking was to be continued. His Majesty granted him audience with
great kindness, and considered himself well served in all that had been
accomplished. He gave orders that father Fray Andrés and his companion
should be supplied with all necessities while they remained at court.

Father Urdaneta settled all matters pertaining to these islands
very carefully and satisfactorily. When everything was concluded,
he requested leave of the members of the Council to return to Nueva
España, where he desired to finish his days in peace. The Council asked
him to wait a while, so that after his Majesty had concluded affairs in
Flandes, with which he was very busy, he could hear him at leisure and
remunerate his great labors. Father Urdaneta replied that his object
in coming to court was only to inform his Majesty of what had been
ordered him, and he was sure that in the services that he had performed
after he became a religious (reward for which he wished from God alone)
he had no other aim than to obey his superiors, and at the same time
to serve his Majesty for the alms and favors that he had granted
to the Augustinian order in the Indias. Finally, they had to grant
him this permission, although first his Majesty granted him audience
very willingly, and showed himself as capable in those matters as in
all others of his kingdom and seigniory. Thereupon, the two fathers,
Fray Andrés de Urdaneta and Fray Andrés de Aguirre, took passage for
Nueva España, where they arrived in good health, after much wandering
and shipwreck. Father Urdaneta lived after this, until June 23, 1568,
when our Lord was pleased to take him, to reward him, as is believed,
with His eternal rest. At his death he was seventy years old, less
some months. He wore the habit for fifteen years, which we believe
were of great merit; for he was ever an austere religious, very poor,
very humble, and beyond belief obedient--things which in heaven he
will have found well gained. Father Fray Andrés de Aguirre, Father
Urdaneta's companion in his wanderings and labors, remained in the
province of Méjico until the year 1580, when he returned to Filipinas,
moved by great and powerful reasons, namely, sentiments of holiness
and the increase of those provinces. He was made provincial, and as
we shall see later, he went again to España, where after negotiating
all that he wished with his Majesty, he returned to Méjico. Here he
despatched all the affairs with which he was charged, and settled
down to a life of rest. But in the year 1593, he thought he was not
employing well in a life of rest the health that God had given him,
and therefore returned to Filipinas, where he served our Lord for
the rest of his days, until he died, to enter upon the joy of eternity.




Chapter XI

_Of what was passing in the Filipinas_


It appears that matters at Sugbú were now running more smoothly, for
that chief, the husband of the Indian princess (whom the governor
ordered to be treated with consideration), collected as much as he
could carry, and came into the governor's presence, to give it to him
in exchange for his wife. The governor, who saw the way opened for a
great stroke, told him that his wife was not a captive, nor did the
Spaniards come with any intention whatever of capturing the people, but
rather to give liberty to those who were captives. There was his wife,
and he could ascertain from her what treatment had been shown her,
and he could take her away at once, together with what he had brought
to ransom her. As soon as that barbarian heard this, he wept for joy,
and threw himself at the governor's feet, which he tried to kiss. He
said that the Castilians were in truth good men, and that the reports
that the Indians had had hitherto were malicious. The people that
acted thus could only have good bowels and a guileless heart--this is
their peculiar mode of expression. His wife was given to him, whereat
he was very happy. They talked so well to the Chief Tupas, that he
came in the morning with a great following of his slaves, friends,
and relatives, the most gallant that could come in his train. All, in
sincerity and without pretense, offered themselves again to the service
of the Castilas [i.e., Castilians], as they called and continue to call
the Spaniards. Three of the fathers remained in the island, namely,
father Fray Martin de Rada, father Fray Diego de Herrera, and father
Fray Pedro de Gamboa. These began, with great assiduity, to study
the language, to endeavor to teach the Indians, and to instruct them
in the holy mysteries of our faith. The Indians listened closely and
attentively to them. He who accomplished most was father Fray Martín
de Rada, who, being a man of great imagination, in a short time laid
up great riches, and made considerable gain among the natives. And,
in fact, when I was in the island of Sugbú in the year 1612, as
a conventual in the convent of the natives, called San Nicolás, I
saw a lexicon there, compiled by father Fray Martín de Rada, which
contained a great number of words. This must have been of no little
aid to those who came afterward. The fathers did not dare baptize
the Indians immediately; for, on the one hand, they feared their
fickleness, since they knew with what ease those who had received
baptism in the time of General Magallanes, had apostatized. Besides,
the fathers did not know what orders would be given them, or whether
they would be commanded to retire. Thus they were very considerate
and circumspect in everything, but did not neglect, for all that,
to labor in the field, in order that they might afterward gather
abundance of fruit.

The religious endeavored to have the children of the most prominent
people come to the convent, or to that house wherein they were living,
in order that they might give them instruction, and teach them to read
and write. Since they were the newest plants, necessarily they would
receive the teaching better, and the new customs would be impressed
more easily upon them than on those already hardened and petrified in
their old customs. The Indians assented readily to this, for already
with their subjection, they felt some indescribable superiority in
the Spaniards which obliged them to regard the latter with fear and
respect. Much more so did they regard the fathers, upon seeing the
reverence with which the captains treated them, who always kissed
their hands on seeing them. This custom has remained even until the
present in the islands. However, they do not kiss the hand, but the
habit or girdle. I suppose that the fathers' modesty would not permit
the captains to kiss the hand, and they substituted therefor the habit
or girdle. Upon the Indians seeing this, they have followed the same
custom. Consequently, as a rule, when an Indian comes to talk to a
father, he kisses the latter's hand. With this instruction that the
fathers continued to give the youth, the Indians were becoming more
harmonized, and began to lose their previous horror of the Spaniards,
and on the other hand, to love them. Most of them begged the fathers
to please make them Christians.

A miracle which happened at that time aided in this. A fire catching
in some of the soldiers' quarters on a holiday (namely, All-Saints'
day of 1566), many houses were burned, among them that in which the
fathers were living. Meanwhile another and larger house was being
built. The religious had erected a bamboo cross at the door of the said
house. The bamboos are very thick in those islands and so plentiful
that they are used for masts and yards for the caracoas; and they
make the best, for they are very strong, of slight weight, and can be
raised and lowered easily. Then the fire breaking out so furiously
had burned more than thirty houses within an incredibly short time,
and among these was ours. The flame enveloped the cross on all sides,
but did not burn it, or even smoke it. When the religious saw the
present marvel, they had the bells rung as a sign of rejoicing. Upon
the Spaniards and Indians coming to see what was the matter, they
looked at it not without great wonder, for wonder was caused by the
fire's so great respect for that cross. From that time the natives
began to have a deeper idea of the mysteries preached to them by the
religious, since they saw the proof of them with their own eyes.

Another miracle almost similar happened in Nueva España, when that
great pirate Franco Draque [i.e., Francis Drake] was coasting those
shores. He was English by nation, but had been reared many years
in España; [32] so that the proverb which says, "Rear a crow, and
it will tear your eye out," might be fulfilled. When this man was
passing through the Strait of Magallanes, and coasting the southern
shores, then much neglected, many were the depredations that he
committed. He set fire to whatever he found, and burned it in his
fury. When he arrived at the coast of Colima [in Peru], there was a
shipyard in one of those ports, where a frigate was being built for
the pearl-fishery. It was already completed below its cabin. Draque
ordered it fired, and such was its material that it was quickly
converted into ashes. Hut a cross which had been raised above the
cabin was uninjured by the fire, as a thing against which flames have
no power. Running through the land and along the coasts, the citizens
of the town of Colima came to the cabin, and among its ashes saw the
cross, clean and shining. This gave them no little consolation, and
they regarded that occurrence as a miracle, namely, that the fire that
had destroyed so great a structure, had reserved only the cross. The
citizens did not keep it, but cut it into splinters, and divided it
among themselves. Although one cannot but praise their zeal in this,
yet it would have been better had they adorned a church with it,
so that the memory of the miracle would last longer.




Chapter XII

_Of several who were baptized_


[The miracle of the cross and the efforts put forth by the fathers bore
fruit, and the natives began to request baptism. The first to receive
the holy sacrament was a niece of Tupas, who was named Isabel. The
ceremony was celebrated with great pomp, "for among the Indians,
no sense is so strong as sight. This is so great a truth that they
regard as nothing any Castilian whom they see abased and ragged. On
the contrary, when they see any Castilian who makes a show, they
immediately call him 'Captain,' and canonize him under this name,
although he does not deserve to be even a soldier. The same is true
in regard to the religious, of which I could say much because of my
experience therein of more than twenty-two years. They esteem the
prior greatly, but his companion very little. They think that the
religious who lives better and has the greater number of servants,
is a great chief. They believe the contrary of him who does not live
with so much ostentation. It happened that a religious was going to
visit the chapels of that district where he lived. He, with the spirit
that he brought from Castilla, intended to commence with the greatest
poverty, so that he took neither bed nor refreshment. An Indian, who
was going along as cook, on considering that, said that that father
was going in that way, because he must be some _bañaga_ in his own
country--that is, low and base by birth. Another time, when the same
religious was going barefoot, like the natives, because of the poor
roads (for there is nothing good in these islands), their edification
was to make a sound like castanets with the mouth, saying that he was a
strong and brave man. Hence arose the saying that I heard from Father
Bernabé de Villalobos, [33] a notable minister of the Bisayas, who
labored many years in the salvation of souls, namely, that if he wished
to ascend to any dignity, although he would endeavor to be as humble
as possible before God, he would show the utmost grandeur outwardly,
so that the natives might recognize the majesty of the dignity by the
exterior. From this also arises their not agreeing to or believing in
anything, unless they see it. Thus in discussing the glory of heaven,
or the pains of hell with them, they reply that if they do not see
it how then can they believe it?" [34] Isabel was married, after her
baptism, to Maestre Andrés, a calker of the fleet. The wedding was
also celebrated with great show. Her son and others of her household
were the next to receive baptism. The Bornean Moro, who served the
Spaniards so well among the islands, was also converted, "a baptism
of great importance ... for this Moro was the key to all the islands,
as he was well known in them all; and so much faith was put in him,
that he was obeyed as little less than king." Mahometanism has secured
a foothold in the islands, and the natives are constant in it as
it does not forbid "stealing or homicide, does not prohibit usury,
hatred, or robbery, nor less does it deprive them of their women,
in which vice they are sunken, and the women no less than the men. So
much are the latter sunken in this vice, that they considered it the
choicest thing, and in their revelries were wont, while singing, to
fit out a caracoa (a medium-sized vessel ten or twelve brazas long)
with those who have been their gallants; and for more verification of
this assertion, the women did not allow any man to have communication
with them unless he had a _sacra_, that is a small jagged wheel,
like the wheel of St. Catherine, with its points blunted. That wheel
was set with a bronze pin, which was thrust through it; for from an
early age the males pierced their privies with these, and by means
of them had communication with the women, as if they were dogs. All
of that has been done away with by the gospel and its ministers,
and they have grieved over it as at death. That would not be taken
from them but rather supported by the Mahometan law. They endeavor
to give themselves with great satiety to the eating of pork and the
drinking of wine, and they stuff themselves from time to time, never
losing an occasion that is offered. Many of those injuries which the
devil was working in the souls of those natives have been remedied;
and I hope, with the help of His Divine Majesty, that the evil seed
will be truly eradicated from these islands with the lapse of time,
so that the seed sown by His ministers may increase and bear a most
plentiful harvest." Our author continues:]

But the enemy of the human race, who recognized his loss, and that
the progress of the diabolical worship of Mahomet, by which he wished
to gain these islands, was shortened by our coming, tried to concoct
a scheme to drive the Spaniards from the islands, since there were
no longer any forces sufficient to drive them out. For although
the islanders were many in number, so great was their horror of the
arquebuses and other firearms, that the very report of these made them
tremble. They did not consider themselves safe from their balls and
fire, even in the deepest woods. Hence what we now hold was subdued
in a short time, of which a thousand years ago not one palmo would
have been gained, but rather lost. Hence in order to succeed in his
designs against us, the devil made use of another nation, as Spanish
as the Castilians, and of equal arms and courage. He contrived that
they should come from Maluco, where they had been for some days,
and with equal forces descend upon the Castilians in Sugbú to drive
them out. They claimed that they found the latter on territory that
was theirs, and belonged to the kingdom of Portugal. Over this matter
there were not a few contests and glorious triumphs, which must be
passed by, for it will be the Lord's will to have them published some
day by him who may write the general history of these islands, so
that so heroic exploits may not remain buried in the abyss of oblivion.

Because of this, our Spaniards found themselves in dire need of all
things. They had few men, and little ammunition, and the land where
the war was carried on was not so well-affected as they wished; for
the temperament of the natives made them incline toward the victor,
and persecute the conquered. But, notwithstanding this, the Spaniards
were so courageous in defending what they already possessed that
they were prepared to give up their lives rather than one palmo of
land. However, the governor, as a good Christian, had the religious
summoned, and requested them to consider the matter, so that when
the truth was known fully, and what justice they had on their side,
they might, with greater courage, defend their cloak from him who
was trying to take it away by violence....

[The fathers deliberated, and Father Rada, who "was not only a very
great theologian, but was the wisest man in the world in mathematics,
geography, astronomy, astrology, and the foretelling of events,"
made a chart on which he showed Alexander VI's line. By this he proved
the islands well within Spain's demarcation. They had also been taken
possession of for Spain by Magallanes. These proofs did not satisfy
the Portuguese, however, and they continued their attempts.]




Chapter XIII

_Of what the religious did in the islands, and how they baptized Tupas_


[During the conflict with the Portuguese, the fathers, as became
spiritual advisers, did their duty, and bore their full part. The
continual illness of Father Gamboa rendered necessary greater activity
on the part of Fathers Herrera and Rada. With great effort they
succeeded in baptizing the chief Tupas, well knowing the effect the
baptism of such a great chief would have upon the other natives, who
were completely in the power of their chiefs. With him was baptized
his son. The effect was immediate, and natives of Cebú and all the
neighboring islands requested baptism. The patache "San Juan" arrived
at the island from New Spain in 1569, with two more religious: Juan de
Alba, [35] who had spent more than thirty-three years in New Spain;
and Alonso Giménez, [36] "who quickly learned the language of these
islands." It was resolved to send one religious to New Spain "to look
after the affairs of the islands, and get colonists for them from the
many workmen in Nueva España." The lot fell to Father Diego de Herrera,
and he set sail, after having been elected as the first provincial of
the Philippines. Medina says: "The intention of the religious is not
known. For they had no order from the most reverend general to create a
provincial, and such an order was necessary. Their object is unknown,
but it is well known that the said father Fray Diego de Herrera was
despatched and arrived at Nueva España, bearing this title." His
mission in New Spain and Spain proved successful, and advantageous to
the islands; and he set sail again for the Philippines with a number
of religious. Of the three religious remaining in the islands, after
Father Herrera's departure--for Father Gamboa had already been sent
back on the "San Lúcas," because of his continual ill-health--Martín
de Rada remained in Cebú, Juan de Alba went to the Alaguer River in
Panay, and Alonso Jiménez to Ibalon. "There, in those ministries,
the religious were learning the language with the greatest assiduity,
in order to be able to preach and confess, and to teach the mysteries
of our faith."]




Chapter XIV

_How our religious went to the island of Luzon, and of other matters
that arose there_


As time passed, it appears that we continued to attain more and more
favorable results in enlarging the Spanish dominion and empire among
the islands, and in extending likewise the name of Christ our Lord,
for the adoration and reverence of those barbarous nations. This year
the return of the father provincial, Fray Diego de Herrera, who had
gone the year before to Nueva España, as above related, and returned
the following year, was made most prosperously, and with incredible
rapidity. It seems that he had put his hand carefully to the work,
which he had already commenced, and desired to see it assume a wider
extent, and to have those fields full of workers. He was exceedingly
well received in Nueva España, and so much caressed, that all were
importunate to embrace him again and again, not being satisfied
with simply embracing him whom they saw visibly as the apostle of
China--the name by which they designated these islands. They promised
him munificent help in advancing the undertaking. On that account was
his return so prompt. He was accompanied by two religious, namely,
father Fray Diego Ordonez [37] and father Fray Diego de Espinar. [38]
He bore the despatches that Father Urdaneta had negotiated. In them,
his Majesty ordered the Filipinas Islands to be colonized, so that,
by that means, the conversion of those races might be advanced better,
which the Augustinian order had already begun, with so much labor,
to secure. And besides the service that was being rendered to our
Lord therein, his Majesty was pleased, and thanked them for the same.

His Majesty sent the title of adelantado to the commander, for himself
and for his heirs, with the warrant for this privilege with pendant
seal. This was extended to the Ladrones Islands, which were the first
that he discovered and took possession of. That clause declares: "Just
as (says his Majesty) our adelantados of the kingdoms of Castilla and
of the Indias enjoy and exercise this title; you shall have all the
honors, concessions, favors, franchises, privileges and exemptions,
preëminences, prerogatives, and immunities, which, as our adelantado,
you should possess and enjoy."

The above is given place here, because, on the one hand, it was
negotiated by our religious; and, on the other, to show ourselves
grateful, to him who loved and protected us in everything. Moreover,
his Majesty sent him leave to apportion the encomiendas among the
deserving, as seemed best to his judgment. The governor was very
grateful for all the favors received from his Majesty. He was not
puffed up, but more than ever devoted to his service; for no fetters
bind the good so tightly as do kindnesses, which are strong shackles,
with which they are held within just limits. _Compedes namque invenit
qui benefacta invenit._ [39]

The adelantado--for so shall we call him now--became more fully and
correctly informed of all the islands; and learned that that of Sugbú
was not adequate, on account of its sterility, to sustain the empire
of the Spaniards. He had been informed also that the island of Luzon,
or that of Manila, would be the best for him in everything; because
of being, on the one hand, the largest of the islands--for it had a
coast of more than two hundred leguas, and was almost four hundred
in circumference--and being on the other, more thickly settled with
people, who would be more prompt to sustain the Spaniards. And above
all it was nearer China, whose trade, it was hoped, would prove of
great advantage, not only for those who might colonize the islands,
but also for all España. For that exceedingly vast kingdom abounds
in whatever can be desired to sustain life, and is such that, since
it has so many people who have no room to live on land, many make
their habitations on the sea in certain small champáns, a sort
of boat, very suitable for them. Nevertheless, the large vessels
with chapas, and those of lesser size, are well nigh innumerable;
and they sail annually to surrounding countries, laden with food
and merchandise. Forty, and upwards, were wont to come to Manila
alone. In the year 1631, although then not [many of them] were coming,
the number amounted to fifty, counting large and small vessels. We
will not mention those that go to Japón; and although, in going there,
they experience very great trouble, still a constant stream of vessels
go thither, for great profits are derived there. These vessels go to
Siam, Camboja, Borney, Maluco, and Macasar. In short, they coast and
go everywhere, and carry iron, quicksilver, silk, rice, pork, gold,
and innumerable other things, without causing any deficiency for
their own sustenance. They carry away all the silver in the world;
and even that of Europa, or its value, is about to cease, for the
Portuguese and other nations, as the English and Hollanders, carry it
to the Sangleys, without a single piece of money, or one real's worth
of silver, leaving their own country. Thus (and I do not deceive
myself in saying it) the kingdom of China is the most powerful in
the world; and we might even call it the world's treasury, since the
silver is imprisoned there, and is given an eternal prison. And if
there were no more silver there than what has been taken from Mexico
during sixty-six years of trade, it could make them most wealthy;
and much more so, inasmuch as the Mexican silver is not the most that
they get, for they take much from other quarters. They are the most
greedy for and affectioned to silver of any race known. They hold it
in the greatest esteem, for they withdraw the gold from their own
country in order to lock up the silver therein. And when they see
silver, they look at it admiringly. I am writing not from hearsay,
but from the sight and experience of many years. Consequently, he who
has any silver, and takes passage with them, is not safe. _Deprædari
ergo desiderat qui thesaurum publice portat in via_. [40] It would
not be bad if they only despoiled him, but they will beat him most
cruelly with clubs, which they use as weapons. Great misfortunes
have happened in these islands, some of which will be recounted in
the proper place. Nevertheless, the Spaniard does not notice that
no one receives any harm [from the Chinaman], except when he opens
the doors to him, and brings him into his house. Besides this they
are excellent merchants, and are very tractable; and in this regard
they are far ahead of the Japanese. The Sangley, or Chinaman (for the
two are one), when he makes any profit in his merchandise, trusts and
waits very accommodatingly. We shall treat of their other customs as
occasion offers. This trade, then, must doubtless have influenced
our adelantado in going to the land nearest it, in addition to his
own comfort, which was found there with advantages. Accordingly, when
he had prepared his fleet of caracoas--the most suitable war-vessel
in the islands--they set sail with them after two o'clock at night,
with oar and sail, taking advantage of the weather. At five in the
afternoon, they reached land and made port, where the men ate, and
took what wood and water were necessary. These boats have bamboo
counter-balances at the side, whereby it appears that they sail
more securely; for the canes, being large and hollow, have great
sustaining power. It has happened that a sea-going caracoa has kept
continually above water during a hurricane, until driven by the waves
upon some island; and, as there are so many islands, they cannot fail
to strike one. The Indians embarked very willingly with the adelantado,
for their greatest pleasure consists in cutting off a head. And they
desired all the others to be subjects, since they were; and that no one
should escape the fire, but that the law should be universal. Besides,
the Bisayans were generally at war with the inhabitants of Manila--who
were now Moros, through contact with Borney, and captured the former,
since they were men of greater valor; and now the Bisayans wished
to prove whether they could use their swords and cutlasses against
them under the protection of Castilla. Father Fray Diego de Herrera
went with the adelantado. He seemed tireless, and wished only at one
stroke to take everything for God, whose zeal moved him.

They arrived, then, at that island, after reducing to their service
on the way, all the islands in their path. These are not few, such
as those of Masbate, Sibuyan or Sigan, Bantong, Romblón, Marinduque,
and Mindoro. The island of Manila is as large as I have already
stated. Access to it is obtained through [a bay with] two entrances,
which are caused by an island between them, called Mariveles. There
is a corregidor there, whose only duty is to set fires on the highest
part of the island. [41] These are seen from Manila, and give notice
of what is passing, in accordance with the signals that the governor
has made or given. A Chinese vessel is signaled by one fire; one
from Macan by two; one from India by three; and one from Castilla by
four. Both entrances are navigable, for both are very deep. Then the
entrance expands into the most beautiful bay that I think the world
possesses; for it is more than forty leguas in circumference. [42]
Anchorage can be found in all parts of it, and its maximum depth is
not over forty brazas. The bottom is sand and mud, without a single
pebble. A marvelous number of rivers and creeks empty into the bay,
which cause the latter to be more frequented. It is so filled with
fish that, although so great a town is fed by them, it never begs alms
outside. When the vendavals blow, the weather is terrific; for they
come from the sea, and the waves sweep in from the sea, and become so
violent that ships cannot navigate without great danger. Since the
vessels are laden in the time of vendaval season, and the distance
from Manila to Cavite--the port--is two leguas eastward, the crossing
is very dangerous during the vendaval, and great misfortunes have
occurred, both to property and to life, without the governors being
able to remedy it--or rather, caring to do so, for they could easily
remedy it. But let us leave their government, which does not concern
us. The settlement, then most flourishing, was located where the city
of Manila is situated, namely, at the mouth of the Pasig River where
it empties into the sea, and on the south side of it. On the north
side is located another settlement, which formerly was very large,
and even now is not small; for what it lacks in Tagáls, it makes
up in Chinese Christians, and those who have settled there. It is
called Tondo, [43] and our convent there is a very handsome building,
being entirely of cut stone. The convent contains the equipage of
the father provincials, who have gone there to live. This seems well
advised, because they do not stay in Manila, nor can they stay there;
and by this method they save themselves innumerable inconveniences
and importunities. Besides, whenever necessary, they can reach
Manila very quickly by taking a boat just outside the court of the
church and descending a salt-water stream; then they cross the Pasig
River--all this in less than one-half hour--and disembark at the
very gate of Santo Domingo. Our adelantado thought rightly that the
conflict with those Moros must cost much blood, as the latter were
aided by many other towns--both along the coast, and up along the
river--which endure unto this day, still as flourishing and numerous
as before. Already these peoples had been informed of events in Sugbú,
of the victory over the Portuguese, and the subjection of the other
islands. It seemed a difficult thing for them to stem the tide, and
to kick against the pricks; and accordingly, they came to regard as
well that which--according as affairs were going, with wind and tide
in favor of the adelantado--they should have considered as ill.

The greatest chiefs of that country then were the old Rajá, Rajá
Solimán, and Lacandola. These men, as they already observed the
pernicious worship of Mahoma, imitated Mahometan names, as well as
their customs. On the part of the Spaniards, their coming thither
and the advantages that the natives could derive therefrom were
proposed. These would not be few, since they would enjoy entire peace,
whereby all their affairs would prosper. _Fiat pax in virtute tua
et abundantia_. [44] The principal thing would be, that they would
be freed from the error of the law under which they were living;
for the only true law, and way of salvation, was the law of the
Christians. That law those religious whom the Spaniards brought there
would teach them. The religious had come with only this object, and
time would prove the truth. All this was very easy for them, but in
what pertains to the changing of the law they found most difficulty;
for they thought that they could attain life eternal by means of the
law under which they were living. The cursed Mahoma made the law,
and ordered his believers not to dispute his law; for he knew that
his lies would immediately be laid open at the first attack. On
the other hand he advised them that each one was saved by his own
law. Therefore, cursed demon, if thus you have advised, how in
spite of torments, do you contrive that your law is received? This
law Mahoma introduced into the world with force and arms. I am not
surprised that these natives were so sorry to leave their religion,
for they were persuaded that there was salvation thereby. But they
preferred to follow Mahoma--homicide, drunkard, incestuous, robber, and
sensual--than Christ, exposed naked on a cross, who preached fasting,
mortification, chastity, penitence, love for one's enemy, and other
virtues. The Borneans who were living in their country offered the
greatest opposition to them, and were persuading them to the contrary,
with the cessation of their cursed religion. But as this was a matter
that could not be concluded in one day, but only gradually, and they
had to be convinced of their errors and superstitions by the true and
forcible arguments of our religion, it was left for the fathers--whose
fasting, abstinence, prayers, and sermons were to cast out that demon,
so strongly fortified in the hearts of those poor wretches. _Hoc genus
(demoniorum) non ejicitur nisi per orationem et jejunium_. [45]

Upon this, those Moros or Tagáls received the peace offered them,
and rendered homage to King Don Felipe, our sovereign--whom may
God keep in His glory--and to his successors, the sovereigns of
España. The adelantado set up the standard for him and in his
name. This was concluded and effected in the year 1571, day of
the glorious St. Andrew, the patron saint of Manila. On that day,
the standard is carried in that city, the capital of the islands,
in the same manner as we related in describing the city of Santísimo
Nombre de Jesús in the island of Sugbú. It is now carried with much
less pomp than formerly, for all things are declining; and as affairs
had their beginning, so they must have their middle and their end,
for they are perishable and finite, and consequently must end.




Chapter XV

_Continuation of the preceding chapter_


Inasmuch as all one's affairs are subject to change, those things which
apparently have greatest stability show, when one least thinks it,
their defects [_muestran la hilaza_] and reveal their mutability. So it
happened here. The adelantado was very happy indeed at the extremely
good outcome of events, and at the peace so fortunately obtained in a
matter, which, in his constant opinion, to buy cheaply had to be at the
cost of much bloodshed. For everything he, as so thorough a servant
of God, rendered thanks to the Lord, whose will governs all things;
and man on his part does but little. But his happiness was of short
duration, for that inconstant race, with the ease already mentioned,
turned about, and tried to employ war in order to relieve themselves
from the yoke that had been placed on their necks--in their opinion
with little wisdom [on their part]; for without testing the ranks of
the foreign enemy they had surrendered their land, where each one is
a lion. In short, they perjured themselves, after having given their
word, by breaking it. But as the Moro keeps no promise, except when
to his own advantage, they made their forts and mounted therein a few
small pieces obtained by exchange from Borney--whence they obtained
these things, as being related by religion. All was already war and
the din thereof, so that, necessarily, the voices of the preachers
were not listened to--although, as they were so fervent, they did not
discontinue performing their duties and efforts with all, and busying
themselves in learning the [native] language. For, although nearly all
the languages resemble one another in construction, yet they have so
many different words that each one must be learned with special care,
so that the native can better understand the father. The Tagál language
is the principal one spoken in the island of Luzón. Father Fray Diego
de Ordóñez learned this language very quickly, and with it obtained
what result those warlike confusions and rumors permitted him. The
aged and holy Fray Juan de Alba, who had previously been stationed
in the river Alaguer, in the island of Panay, had come with father
Fray Diego de Herrera. Although one would think that his advanced
years would excuse him from learning like a child, yet, to the end
that he might serve our Lord, whose work it was, he endeavored to
become young, even making it his duty. And what is more, while the
struggle was in progress, and a general stampede was looked for daily,
he descended to the hostile natives, contrary to the advice of many,
preached to them, taught them, and exhorted them to peace, without
on that account being in any evident danger, for the Lord protected
him as another prophet Elias.

[The religious hold an important position in the colony. In 1571
two vessels bring an increase of six fathers: Alonso de Alvarado,
[46] one of the Villalobos expedition; Gerónimo Marín, [47] who
afterward goes to China, and transacts affairs in Mexico and Spain;
Francisco de Ortega, [48] who dies as bishop of Camarines; Agustín de
Alburquerque, [49] who becomes provincial; Francisco Merino; [50] and
Juan de Orta. [51] All of these die in the islands. The first fruit of
these religious is the old Raja, who is baptized while sick. At his
death he is interred with Christian rites. Father Alvarado, filled
with zeal, fearlessly ascends the Pasig River and preaches in Laguna
de Taguig and Taytay, where he is peaceably received. The Tagáls are
soon convinced of the good intentions and mildness of the Spaniards,
and begin readily to receive the faith. Medina continues:]

Two buildings were being erected in Manila, for the temporal and the
spiritual. The temporal was in the shape of a fort, which was being
built. With such a possession friends feel secure, enemies fear,
and one's strength is increased. How much the spiritual edifice was
growing is seen, since the number of workers was increasing, the
people were becoming more and more capable of understanding what we
were teaching them, and were estimating the inequality between the two
beliefs. Hence it was needful that they should embrace what was good,
and throw away the other as wicked and evil. The fathers kept school
in the convent. They taught the boys to read and reckon. They were
training some of them in the sacristy, teaching them to aid in the
mass; so that, by having nearer at hand what we were teaching them,
they should learn it more easily. All this was necessary in order to
conquer natives, who were so hardened and so much accustomed to evil,
that they regarded everything evil as good. For to such a pass can evil
come, as says the prophet Isaiah: _Væ qui dicitis bonum malum_. [52]
And as the lads returned home every day with something new, which they
told to their fathers and mothers, the result was that they gave the
latter food for reflection, which caused the spark to course through
their hearts; and as the spark was fire, and still more from God, it
must strike deep and work its effect. Thus the number of Christians
continued to increase. And, not less, certain hopes arose that they
would be multiplied daily, and extended through all those nations who
were viewing events in Luzon, as being the greatest island of all,
and with the most warlike inhabitants.

A site had been chosen for the convent, which is today the best in the
city, and the largest and finest; for it comprises an entire square,
equal on each side. It has a vaulted church with its transept. The
body of the church is adorned on each side with chapels. Truly, if
the chapels had been built higher, according to the plan, so that
there might have been a series of windows above, where the light
would enter, it would rank with the fine buildings of España. But
the lack of light is unfortunate for it. It has a very fine stone
cloister, accompanied by its cells. There is a vault underneath
also. All of this work has proved excellent, for although it is in
a place where frequent earthquakes occur, it has suffered no damage
of consequence. [53] Rather, I think that the fathers of the Society,
upon seeing this, have planned to build their church with a vault, and
are correcting in it the faults of ours. Thus it will result in a very
fine building indeed, and just as the affairs of that so distinguished
and holy order are wont to result. The rest is yet to be built, for
now everything is very dear. Since the money is derived from outside
sources, they must be guided by the alms received; but the faithful
assist according to their means--if they have little, with little;
and, as [now] they have not anything, it is a matter of necessity
that they cannot give us even that little. I can only acknowledge
that as we were the first [to enter here], our houses ought to be,
at the end of sixty-six years very strong in this regard. But the
fact is that there is no community in Manila that does [not] excel
us in this; and we remain only with the name [of being well-to-do],
which does us no little harm. For, with the title of powerful ones, no
one remembers us, except to beg from us and take away our lands; and,
as they say in España: "What matters it to me if my father is called
_hogaza_ [i.e., "large loaf of bread"], if I die of hunger?" But,
finally, the little that covetousness influences us will be evident
to all, even if I am not pleased at the abandoning of what belongs
to us lawfully; as says our great father: _Et ideo quanta amplius
rem communem, quam propriam curaveritis, tanto vos amplius proficere
noveritis_. [54] Yet am I glad that in such manner are we so greedy
of the rich patrimony of poverty, and such masters in it, that we
cannot keep anything. For, after all, we are all sons of one father,
of whom it is written that, although he was a bishop, he made no
will at his death, for he had nothing. _Testamentum nullum fecit;
quia unde faceret pauper Christi non habuit_. [55] I made the above
remarks, for later an occasion so apropos may not arise.




Chapter XVI

_Of the assembly held by our religious in these islands, where they
elected a provincial; and of other events._


[With the increase of their numbers, the missionaries felt the need
of electing a provincial. Accordingly a general assembly was called,
and in the early part of May, 1572, Martín de Rada was elected
provincial--"a person of whom we have said so much and of whom we
shall say much, and of whom there is plenty to say; for he was a
subject worthy of all things, and his memory is as green today in
the islands as if he were alive; and his achievements are extolled by
Spaniards and Indians, who hold his sayings as prophecies.... In this
assembly the priests had a vote, for as there were no fixed convents,
and all were participating in the same labor, the responsibility of
voting was divided among them all. The first thing that they discussed
after the election was the despatching of a religious to Nueva España,
and thence to España, to give account of the condition of the province,
and of their ministry; and to request religious for the continuation
of the work, and permission for our most reverend father to divide
the province among them with full authority of proceeding in their
elections and government, as in the other provinces which are not
dependent." Diego de Herrera was chosen for this mission, and left
Manila in the beginning of August, 1572. The new provincial set
vigorously to work, "correcting, if there were aught to be corrected,
anything in those first laborers that gave the lie to the perfection
that they were professing (and in religious any puerility gives the lie
to perfection, just as in a beautiful face any mark shows out, however
small it be). The religious are the face of the community, the most
unblemished of it, and all men are looking at them. Consequently there
must be nothing that gives the lie to it; for, however slight it be, it
must be immediately seen." Convents, churches, and houses, "not costly,
but with the moderation of that time," were erected. Medina continues:]

 ... A convent was established in the town of Taal. There is a lake
 there, generally known as the lake of Bongbong. Its water is salt, and
 so deep that the bottom cannot be reached in some parts. It is about
 forty leguas in circumference, counting in its gulfs and bays. [56]
 Shad are caught there, or rather tunny-fish, which, although not
 like those of España, still approximate to them. The lake empties
 through a river into the sea. When the Spaniards went there, this lake
 swarmed with people. It is twelve or thirteen leguas from Manila. Its
 chief town was this Taal, where the religious were established. Now
 it is the principal convent, and has a stone church, but very
 few people. [57] There lives the alcalde-mayor of La Laguna. And
 there are generally Spaniards there who are making rigging for his
 Majesty. This lake has its islets, especially one opposite Taal,
 which had a volcano, which generally emitted flames. [58] That made
 that ministry unhealthful; for the wind or brisa blew the heat and
 flames into the village so that all that land became parched, and
 the natives had no lands to cultivate....

[To remedy this Father Alburquerque built an altar at the foot of
the volcano; a procession was made thither by all the village, and
mass celebrated. So successful was this that "as yet no more fire or
smoke has been seen, and that island, about four leguas in circuit,
has fields and cows, and the inhabitants of Taal sow and reap their
harvests in their land." Other convents were established at Tanauan,
Lipa, Bauang, and Batangas, the first three with houses, the last
with a house and stone church. "But they have few people, [59] so
that the presence of the Spaniard must be a poison that finishes
them. And this reduces them more than their wars and slaveries did
in their heathenism. Of the volcano of Tlascala is recounted almost
the same thing as of Taal."]

The father provincial settled religious in Laguna de Bay, [60] which
is another lake not less remarkable than the one that we have just
described. Its water is fresh, and it is the largest lake known [in
the islands], for it must be more than fifty leguas in circuit. It has
its islets in the middle, some larger than others. It is exceedingly
stormy, for, as the water has but little density, it is aroused and
disturbed with but little wind, to the danger of those upon it. This
convent is one of our largest. It was the largest settlement [on
the lake]; now it has about one hundred tributes. All the Indian
women make hose, and they are the best that are exported. There are
generally two religious there, for that convent has its visita. The
church is of stone, and is very large, as is the house likewise. About
this lake are many convents of the religious fathers of St. Francis,
which district we assigned to them--although we could have kept it,
and assigned to them a district more remote. But in this is seen our
indifference, for we shared with our guests the best, which are the
districts nearer Manila. This lake has very famous baths of hot water,
one legua from Bay, which are a remedy for many ills. An excellent
hospital is established there, with a house adequate for the religious
who administer it. These religious are Franciscans, and they administer
this hospital, as they do others in the islands, with the charity and
love which might be expected from so holy religious. And although
brothers of St. John of God came to administer the hospitals, and
remained in Manila many days, and even years, the Franciscan fathers
were not willing to give up their infirmaries and hospitals, nor were
the former able to deprive them of these. Therefore, they returned to
Nueva España. And indeed, even if they who have the care of hospitals
as a duty [i.e., the brothers of St. John of God] had charge of these,
I do not see how they could have done it with greater charity, or
more to the universal satisfaction [than have the Franciscans]. This
lake empties by two arms of rivers: one goes to Pasig, our convent;
and the other to Taguig, likewise our convent. Lower down the two
rivers unite. Further increased by the San Mateo, which comes from the
uplands, and has very clear water, they make a very beautiful river
which empties into the sea, after flowing past the walls of Manila. It
is called the Pasig River from the chief village. But in order to drink
of the good water, one must ascend even to the very convent of Pasig,
where the water is found clear. There are many things to see along this
river. For both sides are lined with gardens and summer-houses, more
lived in than even those of Manila, for there is enjoyed the coolness
and freedom which the city does not possess. There are churches up
the river, some with seculars, some with fathers of the Society,
some of St. Francis, and some ours. For two leguas up the river [61]
is our convent of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, which is built of
stone. It is the most frequented house of devotion in the islands,
both by Spaniards and by natives. And it is enough that it has not
ceased to exist, because of the changeableness and fickleness of the
country. We may talk more at length of this holy house.

Religious were established in the convent of Pasig, of which we
have said somewhat already. It is about three leguas from Manila,
and from Guadalupe one legua farther on. Now it has less than one
thousand Indians in charge, and three religious; for it has a most
fatiguing visita, namely, San Mateo, where ordinarily is established
one religious with voting power. [62]

The father provincial established religious in Calumpit, one day's
journey from Manila toward the east (where the Tagál language is
likewise spoken), bordering the province of Pampanga. It is located
on a beautiful river called Quingua, of excellent water, which is used
by all the convents of that district. It was a very densely populated
district, but now it has but few people, for the Indians have not
remained there. [63] It had formerly innumerable _mosquitas_, [64] but
now few; and some sugar plantations, which were started by father Fray
Pedro Mejía, [65] and continued by father Fray Luis Ronquillo. [66]
If care were taken of them, the convent would be supplied with what
is necessary. It is a priorate and has a vote. Its Indians number
about five hundred.

The father provincial likewise established a convent in Lubao, which is
[in] the province of Pampanga. It is a most fertile land, and we might
say that it sustains the country, for it is all rice-fields. Hence
it is said, that at harvest Pampanga is worth little. The convent of
Lubao had many people, and hence they were able to build a church,
which is one of the best in the country. It is all built of brick,
made there; they also built a two-roomed house. It has generally two
religious, with six hundred Indians. [67] All Pampanga is like streets,
for the houses of one town are continued by those of another. One may
go to all its towns without getting in the sun, for now the bamboos,
and now the palms furnish very pleasant shade. From this place one
goes to Guagua, a short legua, past the houses; thence to Betis;
from Betis to Bacolor, the best of the entire province. Of the rest
we shall speak in their turn.

The father provincial established religious in the island of Panay,
which, as it was of the Bisayan language, he was not willing to
abandon. Those islands, although the first to whom the clarion of
the gospel was sounded, have been the ones that have remained most in
ignorance. I am unaware of the cause for this unless it be my sins,
for truly the most flourishing province, in regard to its missions,
has been that of Panay, as will be seen in this work. And yet, they
are as new in matters of our faith, as on the first day. I think
that their living in very remote towns conduces greatly to this,
and in not seeing the religious so frequently as the others do. And
although they have attempted to maintain some [religious] assemblies,
they have not retained them, for the persons who most strenuously
oppose their having assemblies are the encomenderos--because they
fear the diminution of their Indians, more than what they owe as
Christians. I console myself that another tribunal will judge them
with more rigor. But may it please the omnipotent God that human
selfishness be not repaid with eternal punishments; for they become
encomenderos more to deprive the natives of the good of the soul,
than to convert them and protect them in what concerns them so deeply.

The island of Panay is more than sixty leguas [68] south of Manila. The
same star stands over the bar of its principal river, the Panay, as
at Manila. Its other river, the Alaguer, is on the other coast. Both
have about the same amount of water, but the Panay flows more slowly,
and hence can be ascended more readily. It is also deeper, so that
fragatas can enter over its bar at full tide, for it has about one and
one-half brazas of depth. At low tide, not even the small vessels can
enter. It is two leguas from the bar to the town. The convent is very
large. With its visitas, it has in charge more than one thousand two
hundred Indians. The alcalde-mayor of that jurisdiction lives there. As
a rule, there are many Spaniards there; for at that port are collected
the vessels for the relief expedition to Maluco. Thence goods are
transported in champans to Ilong-ilong, where the port is located, and
where the vessels are laden. There are more than one hundred Chinese
married to native women in this town, and their number is increasing
daily, so that I think they will end by peopling the country. I, being
twice prior of this convent, learned somewhat of the Chinese language,
in order to be able to minister to them; for to do so in Spanish, or
in the language of the land, is the same as ministering to Spaniards
in Greek. The river banks above are lined with palm groves, and with
villages that are thinly inhabited because of the laziness of the
alcaldes-mayor. The latter imagine that, when their offices are given
to them, it is only that they may get money. They only take heed of
that, and prove rather a drawback than an aid to the ministry. About
two days' journey up the river, and on a branch flowing into the Panay,
is the convent of Mambúsao [69], a very flourishing house. Don Fray
Pedro de Agurto, first bishop of Sugbú, and a member of our order,
gave this to the order. He was one of the most learned and holy men
of all the Indias. Afterwards he will be glorified, for he is the
brightest jewel in this history, and has most honored the habit in
these islands. He was a creole of Nueva España, and one of whom all
those fathers can be proud. Ascending the river inland in Panay,
and leaving on the right Mandruga and Mambúsao, one reaches the
convent of Dumalág, after a few days' journey, more or less. It is
a very important convent, for it ministers to more than one thousand
Indians. There are two religious in each of these convents, prior and
assistant. Before arriving at the convent of Dumalág, the convent of
Dumárao, a very important house, has its river on the left. All of
these convents have their churches and houses finished--although in
wood, for it is not convenient to build them of other materials. Those
crossing to the coast of Otóng, where the port and fort are located,
pass through this district. They use a hammock [as their bed]; they
walk inland a matter of two good leguas. Then they stop in a visita
of Passi called Batobato. Thence they descend the river--or go by
land, if the water is low--to the town of Passi, which is located in
the middle of the island, with the most beautiful and suitable site
imaginable. It enjoys balmy winds, excellent water, less dense woods,
and less rain, so that one would believe it a different region. This
convent has a stone church, and has charge of about two thousand
tributes. The king grants it a stipend for three religious, and since
this had to be, as it were, the Escorial, not only of the islands,
but also of the country, it has been so unfortunate that scarcely
has a work been finished than it immediately is burned. I cannot say
in what this convent has suffered most, and that from the time when
they left their old site and moved to their present location. This so
constant work is the reason for this district not having more than two
thousand Indians, and I wonder that it has them. The river of Alaguer
[70] flows past the convent gates. By this one descends, leaving on
the right and inland the priorate of Laglág; [71] and still lower and
also inland and on the same side, that of Baong; [72] and reaches the
convent of Dumangas, which we call Alaguer. Thither went father Fray
Juan de Alba--as the reader will remember--and from that house all
the above were administered until they were made priorates. The bar
of this river is about two leguas from the town. Now the convent is
finished, but can sustain only one religious. The port and the fleet
have destroyed it; for these are the best people of the Bisayas. The
river, although like that of Panay, can not have much depth because of
its rapid current, nor can the tide ascend for any distance, however,
small boats enter it. These two rivers have one source. The Panay runs
northward, and this of Alaguer toward the vendaval. If one wishes,
he may cross hence, between this island and Himalos, [73] to Salog
(Jaro), a convent of the order, which was also assigned to it by
Bishop Agurto. It has in charge about one thousand Indians, but the
number is much lessened by the conscriptions of the port, which is
one-half legua from that town. From that place, following the coast,
one goes to the convent of Otóng, the chief convent of this island,
because it is near the village of Arévalo--once important, but now of
no account. The alcalde-mayor and overseer-general of the Malucos lives
there. Otóng lies about one and one-half leguas from the port. One may
reach it either by the beach, or by a salt-water creek which flows
through the village (and even to the very gates of our convent),
and then makes a turn, leaving the village an island. About two
leguas along the coast lies the convent of Tigbauang, which belongs
to our order. Today it is in charge of more than eight hundred
Indians. The capital is very small, for it enjoys the conscriptions
of Ilong-ilong. A matter of a short legua farther on is the convent of
Guimbal. Of it, one may philosophize as in the case of Tigbauang. The
latter has Hantic [74] as a visita, which was formerly one of the
best priorates, but often destroyed by men from Camucón, Solog, and
Mindanao, as it is quite outside the Spanish pale. It is more than
twenty leguas from its capital, and is visited with great hardship
and danger. Now since, without thinking, we have related all that is
to be known of the island of Panay, let us return to Manila; for I
think that something awaits us there.




Chapter XVII

_Of how our religious tried to go to great China_


During this time two Chinese junks or champans came to Manila to
trade. These people, as they are so fond of silver, scented what
was to enter their country through this medium. Hence they began the
richest and most opulent trade known. Were the Spaniards less hasty,
surely the trade would have resulted more cheaply, and the Chinese
would not have done with them as they wished. In the beginning the
articles traded were very cheap, and extravagant fortunes were made
in Méjico. Now, however, it makes such inroads on the capital, that
loss on the cost has often occurred in Méjico. But then, who can
remedy this? These Indians or Chinese are generally called Sangleys,
not because they call themselves Chinese or Sangleys, for they have
been and are surprised at the two names. They are called Sangleys,
because when they came to Manila, and the people saw men of so strange
appearance, with hair like that of women--and of which they take most
especial care, more even than of their faces and bodies--and done up
on the head very nicely, and with a most peculiar headdress, their
long garments, their ample and long drawers reaching to the feet, and
all their other apparel in keeping, which seemingly belong to women
rather than men, they asked the latter who they were. The answer was
"Sangley" (or "merchant"); as one would say, "We are merchants." They
were canonized with this name, and it has proved permanent, and hence
they are now called by no other name. The name China must have been
given by the Portuguese. Their own name is Songsua. [75]

[A short description of China and its people follows. The fathers
no sooner saw the Chinese traders, than they were filled with zeal
for the conversion of the country. But they were unsuccessful in
persuading the traders to embark them on their vessels. A letter
written by Legazpi to one of the Chinese viceroys, and accompanied
by a present, also failed of effect, for neither was delivered. Thus
China remained a closed door for the time being.]




Chapter XVIII

_Of the part played by our religious in the siege of Manila by Limahón,
a great Sangley pirate, and of the latter's flight and destruction._


The month of August, 1572, was, beyond doubt, a sad one throughout
the Filipinas Islands; for, in that month the Lord was pleased to
take to Himself Adelantado Miguel López de Legaspi, by whose valor
and prudence these islands had been won, and increased with the
advantages that were seen. For in his eight years of governorship he
did not begin anything that did not have a prosperous conclusion--well
known to arise from his zeal and Christianity and his firmness and
forbearance. Hence he was, with reason, loved by his own men, and
feared and respected by foreigners. Thus, by merely the renown of his
name in the islands, no one, however brave he might be, dared to exert
himself as a leader. During his life, all promised themselves that that
work commenced by him would attain the ends suitable to beginnings
so distinguished. But at his death everything remained, as it were,
in a torpid condition; for indeed it seemed to the enemy impossible
that that man who had conquered theme had died, or that so great
valor had passed away so soon. But, truly, those who grieved and wept
most were our religious, for they knew what they were losing in his
loss, and how matters of religious instruction would be put backward,
which by his valor were extending and widening the territories of the
church. And their grief was greater because they were surrounded on
all sides by enemies, and were in a city without walls, or other fort
than that of the bodies and good courage of the soldiers But soldiers
are wont to lose their courage when they have no level head to guide
them and face the danger. The adelantado was buried, in fine, in the
convent of St. Augustine in Manila, his bones being deposited there,
until his disposition of them was carried out. Father Fray Martín de
Rada, who lived there then as provincial, conducted his obsequies. He
preached a long sermon on his many virtues, in which it is certain
that one cannot say that love of his benefactor moved him, but zeal
that vices should be eradicated.

After the next year, 73, his obsequies were preached in our convent
in Méjico. There Master Fray Melchor de los Reyes preached with the
vigor that might be expected from so erudite a man. He satisfied the
audience and not less our duty and thankfulness. And certainly we in
this convent ought to feel very thankful toward him [i.e., Legazpi]
and for the blessings and advantages acquired through him by the
order of our father St. Augustine.

The treasurer, Guido de Lavezares, entered into the government by
virtue of a royal decree in the islands (although a secret one), in
which his Majesty ordered that in case of the death of the adelantado
they should be governed by Mateo de Saus--who had gone to the islands
with the title of master-of-camp; and in case of the death of this
second, the treasurer should enter into the governorship, with the
title of governor and captain-general. He did so, thus fulfilling
his Majesty's decree; and he had so great Christianity and prudence,
that one would believe that he had inherited the spirit and zeal of
the dead governor.

[Here follows a very brief account of the descent on Manila by Limahon,
who is forced to retire to Pangasinán--Medina says Cagayán. There the
pirates published news that the Spaniards had all been killed. Medina
continues:]

Those who hastened to believe this were the Indians of Mindoro,
who are also something like the Moros. This island is more than
twenty leguas from Manila on one side; on the other it is so near
that there are but two or three leguas to cross, namely, by way
of Batangas. The island is very large, and very well covered with
mountains; and it has beautiful rivers and a plentiful supply of
fish, and above all, of wax. It has a corregidor, and is more than
one hundred leguas in circuit. It has two benefices, in which live
beneficed seculars. One is called Bacoy, and the other Nauhang. They
have about six and seven hundred Indians respectively. Services are
held in the Tagál speech. But there are here, further, some Indians
whiter than the Tagáls, who live in troops in the mountains. They are
the ancient inhabitants of the country, and it is they who gather the
great abundance of wax which is yielded there. I said that there was a
benefice of them, namely, of the people called Mangyan. [76] They are
very good, and if they were instructed and taught, it would be easy
to reduce them to settlements and missions. But no one attempts to do
any work in the Lord's service. Especially do these Mangyanes fear the
sea. They pay no tribute. They fear lest the Spaniards take them to man
their ships. They go naked; and deliver the wax to the Tagáls, which
the latter pay as tribute, and give as their share. More than three
hundred quintals of wax yearly must be obtained in this island. This
mission, then, was first in our charge, and at the time of the pirate
Limahon's descent upon Manila, that island was a priorate. Its prior
was father Fray Francisco de Ortega, and his companion was father
Fray Diego Mójica. [77] As soon as those Moros heard, then, of the
result at Manila, they threw off the yoke, attacked the fathers,
seized them, and talked of killing them. However, they forbore to
kill the fathers immediately--I know not for what reason, since the
Moros were setting out to execute that resolve.

[The governor, hearing of the imprisonment of the fathers, sent
for them, but they had already been released. The Moros of Manila,
instigated by Borneans, took occasion to revolt at this time, choosing
as their two leaders Lacandola and Rajá Solimán. "Seeing this, father
Fray Gerónimo Marín determined to go to the other side of the river and
talk to those chiefs concerning the cause of their rising, so that,
if there were complaints, as cannot fail to arise among soldiers,
they might be remedied." Quiet was finally restored in this quarter,
the greatest difficulty being found with Rajá Solimán, who "did not act
fairly in whatever the Spaniards were concerned, nor did he regard them
with friendly eyes." The governor proclaimed a religious procession
in honor of the fortunate termination of the affair with Limahon. It
was held January 2, 1575, at which time was founded a brotherhood of
St. Andrew. In the year 1574 three more Augustinian religious had
arrived, namely, Diego de Mójica, Alonso Gutiérrez, [78] and Juan
Gallegos. [79] Also in 1575 came three others, Francisco  Manrique,
[80] Sebastián de Molina, [81] and Alonso Heredero. [82]]




Chapter XIX

_Of other events, and when the other religious entered into the
islands_


[In these early years a disaster befalls the Augustinians, and somewhat
dashes their hopes. This is the death of Diego de Herrera with ten
priests who are coming, six from Spain and four from Mexico, to augment
the missionary efforts. Of the thirty-six priests obtained by Herrera
on his mission to Spain, but six set sail for the Philippines. The
four from Mexico who join them are: Francisco Martínez, of the chair
of writing in the University of Mexico, an excellent Greek and Latin
student, who had been prior of the Augustinian convent in Lima, Lésmes
de Santiago, an ascetic, and formerly a successful merchant; Francisco
Bello; and Francisco de Arévalo. The shipwreck is quite near Manila
and is due "to the carelessness of the pilot--and I think that this is
the first ship that has suffered shipwreck on coming from Méjico." The
loss of Herrera is felt keenly, for he was an enthusiastic and zealous
worker. "The loss of this ship was felt keenly in the islands, for it
bore heavy reënforcements of troops, money, and other things needed
in the new land, which lacked everything. But above all they were
anxious because they were surrounded on all sides by enemies, and
had but few troops, and these were scattered in many districts. But
those who grieved most were Ours...." Medina continues:]

The religious discussed the matter, and seeing the great abundance of
the harvest, and that they were unable to attend to everything, they
thought that it was not right to enjoy this field alone, but that the
other orders should come to aid them. For they recognized that there
was work for all, and that, if the door of China and Japón was opened,
those from España would seem but few to them. Besides, there was
enough in the islands wherewith to occupy themselves. Therefore, they
wrote to the father-provincial of Nueva España--at that time Maestro
Veracruz, a man of the letters and holy life that is known--asking him
to take the matter up with the viceroy. [83] He favored this plan,
chiefly because in it was evidenced the great liberality of Ours,
in not keeping the bread, which the Lord had given them, but dividing
it with love with their other companions; and this fraternal spirit
of the orders is a good thing. This example was given us by the holy
apostles, who, after casting that net in which they caught so many fish
that they could not pull it in because of so great weight, immediately
_annuerunt sociis_. They called and signaled to their companions to
come to their aid, in order that they might enjoy their good fortune
and drag the net to shore and obtain the fish. The viceroy of Nueva
España discussed the matter, in the interests of all the orders--for
the viceroy was father of them. He wrote to his Majesty, so that
the discalced fathers of the order of our father St. Francis, with
whom our religious shared the cape, went to the islands in the year
1577. And Ours even gave them of the best, which they themselves had
pacified, namely, Camarines, Laguna de Bay, and many convents about
Manila. There they began to preach, to establish contents, and to
administer, with the greatest fervor. They have increased so much
that now they have many convents, that contain excellent linguists,
and grand servants of the Lord, and have notable martyrs--of which,
God willing, we shall see somewhat later.

Later, in the year 1580, the fathers of the Society of Jesus came to
the islands. Therein they have made much gain, as it is well known
that they have done wherever they dwell, by teaching human as well
as divine letters to the youth, and at the same time giving them the
mild food of virtue--which enters very well along with the teaching
of letters, of which a long and settled experience has been had. They
have the university in Manila, very notable in its members, which has
filled the islands with learned men. It is in no respect defective; but
is excellent in everything. And although all do not join the church,
knowledge does not at all tarnish a captain's reputation; rather, it
is enamel upon gold. For he who has the most alert understanding enters
and goes out better on occasions, and gives in public the better reason
for what is proposed. Besides, those born in the islands grow up with
but little knowledge of the Castilian language, both on account of the
habits of the country, and because they are always arm in arm with the
blacks, who talk a jargon of tongues--which is neither their own, for
they have lost that, nor that of the natives, nor of the Spaniards, but
a smattering of each one; those coming from España do not understand
them. Therefore, it is needful that the youth should have some means
of losing that corrupt speech, and of relearning that of their parents,
so that they may afterward be able to shine in public without shame.

The fathers of the Society have many places of ministry, and daily
are extending their labors. They have a little about Manila, but more
in the Bisayas; for they have charge of the island of Samar, that of
Leyte, that of Ibabao, and that of Bohol. [84] Now they have a convent
in the very island of Mindanao, where they have performed great deeds
among the Subanes. They have missions in many other districts, the
Indians of which are very tractable and well instructed, as I shall
be able to relate here; for they are excellent in everything. And as
the fathers are usually influential in secular affairs, they obtain
what they see to be important for their good management, all of which
is needed to induce these stiff-necked people to accept salvation.

They have remarkable Bisayan linguists. And although they printed
Belarmino [85] in that tongue, I think it was at more cost than
gain; for to imagine that the Indian will buy a book is a ridiculous
notion. And even if he had it, he would be too lazy to read it. This
is the reason why so little has been printed in all the languages
of these regions. Perhaps with the lapse of time they will lose the
ancient vices, and become fonder of the truth.

In the next year, 1581, several religious of his order went to the
islands with Bishop Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the order of our father
St. Dominic, and first bishop of these islands. They established
themselves in Manila with so great observance and vigor, that, in
the opinion of all, this province is the most holy and austere known,
and is considered as such. Those who come from España do not recognize
it--not because there is a lack of observance there, but because the
habit here is most severe; and since the country is so unsuitable
for austerity, necessarily that is a cause for keen regret, and those
who wear the habit are wont to wear a hair-shirt perpetually. These
most religious fathers have charge of the Sangleys, for whom they
have had finished linguists, and they do not lack such now. They
have built so fine a wooden church in the Parián of Manila--that is,
the alcaicería, where the Sangleys have their shops--that it might
be sightly even in España, and in it the Sangleys have generously
assisted. [86] For they had a common fund for current expenses, and
they amass in it yearly about twenty thousand pesos. Each Sangley,
pagan or Christian, pays, if he wear a cue, three reals of four to
the peso, in two payments. For this fund there are Spanish collectors
with a sufficient salary. What I regret is that, in all these cunning
devices to obtain their money, and the exaction of these contributions,
the money is taken from the Spaniards, as the Sangleys are their
creditors. And the Sangley himself says when they collect it, "I do
not pay this, but the Castilian." For since we get our food, clothing
and shoes through them, and it is necessary that everything come from
the hand of the Sangleys, therefore they avenge themselves very well,
by putting up prices on everything, and shortening measures, so that
the loss is greater than is realized. Watchful Spaniards do not fail
to take note of this, and they grieve over it; but they endure it,
for the communal fund, or the tribute, or the other things are not
demanded of them--as if in what they buy, or order to be made, they
did not pay double. When I came to the islands in the year 1610, when
not so much was exacted from the Sangleys, there was a large bale of
paper of eighty large sheets, from each one of which six small sheets
were made, so that there were four hundred and eighty sheets. This
could be bought for three or four reals. But after the contributions
were levied on them, I saw and bought these large bales of paper, of
but fifty large sheets, and from each one could be cut no more than
four small sheets; and they cost three pesos. They could not have so
high a price in España. I bought a small piece of linen of fourteen
or fifteen varas for four reals. Now they measure by varas, and it
is very cheap at one real per vara. And thus in everything else, this
appears now, whether the Sangley, the Spaniard or the Chinese pays the
trickery. But it is a singular thing, how poorly the Spaniard governs
himself. Wherever he halts, immediately all prices go up; and even
when he is able to get food gratis, he clothes himself and obtains his
food at excessive rates, because of his lack of consideration or his
heedlessness. And when he happens to bethink himself, it is too late.

The Dominican fathers have another station of married Sangleys, near
Manila, and adjoining Tondo, so close that their houses and those of
Tondo are contiguous. This station belonged to us, but we generously
gave it to them, so that they might agree to make a compact in regard
to the celebration of the feast of Corpus Christi. [87] We ourselves
celebrated it on the Sunday that came after the principal feast,
when the cathedral celebrates it, with great solemnity. The fathers
of our father St. Dominic came and entered their suit. Journeys
were made to and from Roma at great expense. At the end, it was
decided that the festival should be celebrated _ad invicem_ [i.e.,
"in turn"], one year in one place and the next year in the other,
in the following manner. When it should be celebrated in Santo
Domingo, we were to perform the services at the altar; and when it
was celebrated at our house, in the same way they should perform the
service. Let them consider that it was important whether to celebrate
the feast immediately on the following Monday. Some things on which
we lay particular stress have no importance whatever; and, regarding
some that we ought to lay stress on, we allow them to stand without
any care whatever. This is well known and a trite saying in our holy
order. But it is a matter of greater importance to that convent
than to ours that the feast should be celebrated today rather
than tomorrow. The Dominican fathers have built in the convent a
very strong stone church, which would be considered substantial in
España. One has only to cross the bridge over the river to go from
this church to their church in the Parián. A short distance farther,
and also near there, they possess the hospital for sick Sangleys. But
I maintain that but few are treated there, for these nations would
rather be left to die in their own houses, with their relatives,
than to regain their health in the hospital. Besides the Sangleys
have very excellent physicians among themselves, even better than
those from España--I mean those in Manila, who serve rather to take
money and to bury people than for any other purpose, and gain their
experience at the very dear cost of the Spaniards.

Furthermore, the Dominican fathers have the province of Pangasinán,
which belonged to us. But recently we gave them the town of Lingayén,
the best one of that province. Likewise they have the province of
Cagayán, the most distant part of the island, which contains the
city of Nueva Segovia (which consists of the name merely). There is
an alcalde-mayor and a commander, who is also captain of the troops
in the presidio established there. These inhabitants of Cagayán are
warlike. Daily they rise and burn convents and churches and kill
some of the religious. The Dominicans have many convents for here is
their stronghold. And indeed up the river (as they say), which is the
best and largest of the island--and where those who understand it
thoroughly say that the city of Manila ought to be--are remarkable
lands and nations as yet unconquered. The fathers have worked here,
and are working, with great zest, and suffer innumerable inconveniences
for the good of those souls. Hope of greater fruits is very bright. In
order to reach this province, those going by land cross our province
of llocos, which lies between Cagayán and Pangasinán, of which we
must make mention later. This illustrious order has had in Manila
men prominent in letters and religion. They are a mirror in life and
morals, and revered in life as heavenly men. And in Japon, although
they were the last in the Lord's vineyard, they have not been last
in gains and labors, for they have had very saintly martyrs. They
have a college in Manila also, where they teach Latin, the arts,
and theology, and that college is likewise a university. Thus
behold Manila, founded but yesterday, with two universities; and
I am not surprised that, notwithstanding that it is the colony of
the Spaniards, and the desire of so many nations, the more it has
of that the more it needs. For from here must emanate the light that
will lighten all this archipelago. When these peoples are converted,
they will lack ministers, so great is the latitude discovered in
this hemisphere. May our Lord be pleased to aid them and to aid us,
so that our labors may bear light, his Majesty be reverenced worthily,
and the devil be banished from the hearts of these people.

In the above colleges, a number of students receive instruction, and
are sustained free of charge. The portion of the others who enter,
amounting, I believe, to one hundred pesos, is paid. Their results
are excellent. The liberality of those who haver come to Manila is
discernible in everything; for in works of charity they have given and
are giving very much, although those with wealth are very few. And
really the magnificence of all the churches and temples astonishes
me. All are finished and wonderfully adorned with jewels and silver
ornaments, without there being any building for which there is not
more than enough; and silver ornaments for the front of the altar are
seen in many churches of Manila. Indeed when those who have done this
are considered attentively they have made the expense once for all;
for by means of the silver, hangings which soon are destroyed and
damaged by the dampness in these islands, are done away with, But
the silver, when somewhat tarnished, regains its former luster, and
even more, by cleaning it. The work of the Society may be extolled
in all España. All this appears good, so that when the foreigners
return to their countries, after having finished their trading,
and sold their merchandise, they should take with them the news
of our temples; and that through the grandeur and majesty of the
temples, they may recognize the grandeur and majesty of Him who is
thus worshiped in this country. And this is one thing at which the
nations are most astonished, and especially the Japanese. They look
at the temples with great curiosity. This nation has also been tested
in Christianity. For up to today they have given to the church an
innumerable number of martyrs, both men and women, all notable. This
I have heard declared by the archdean Alonso Garcia, in the reports
made in Manila by order of his Holiness in the year 1631. In them
were described more than nine hundred martyrs, all notable, besides
the rest, of whom no knowledge could be had. Nearly all the orders
have Japanese priests, and they are excellent subjects; our order has
three. Two, Fray Miguel and Fray León, are holy men. The third has
not resulted so, although he is rather an interpreter and one well
grounded in everything. But until life is ended we may not praise
or condemn one. _Ante mortem non laudes hominem quemquam; lauda post
mortem, honorifica post consumationem_. [88]




Chapters XX-XXII


[These chapters deal almost entirely with Chinese affairs, and the
part played by the Augustinians in the first Spanish embassy sent
to China; their return; and the ill-success of the second embassy to
that country.]


[At length the attempts of the Augustinians to go to China bear fruit,
and on June 21, 1575, Martin de Rada and Jerónimo Marín set sail for
the great empire. The opportunity comes through the defeat and siege
of the pirate Limahon. The Chinese captain Dumón braves the laws
forbidding the entrance of foreigners into China, and conveys the
missionaries to that country--whither they go rather in the light
of emissaries of the government than as religious workers; for the
governor, Guido de Lavezares, gave them three letters, one for the
Chinese emperor, another for the viceroy of the province of Fo-Kien,
and the third for the governor of Chin-Cheu. They are well received and
borne through a portion of the land in state. They receive audience,
and later a banquet, from the governor of the city of Chin-Cheu,
to whom they deliver the letter from the Spanish governor.] [89]

[At Oc-Kin, the viceroy grants the fathers cordial and dignified
audience. At the request of the former the fathers present him
with a paper in which they state their object and desire, namely,
the preaching of the gospel. The viceroy requests a book of the
Christian law, whereupon he is presented with a breviary, as the
fathers have no other book with them. After hearing an exposition
of the Christian doctrine, the viceroy dismisses the Augustinians,
loading them with rich presents. Three captains are ordered to see
them safely to Manila. To the letter of the Spanish governor, the
viceroy replied as follows:]


_Letter from the kingdom of Tangbin in the province of Oc-Kin, from
the royal house_

I received a letter, to which this is the reply, from the governor
in the fort of Manila. To thee, who art born of heaven. Although
we differ among ourselves, we are children of one father and of one
mother. Therefore we love and regard you as friends and brothers. And
likewise have we friendship with the Lóquios, a foreign people, who
come as friends to this province of Oc-Kin every three years. They,
in token of friendship, bring us some products of their country,
which this country does not produce. Here we present to them other
things unknown to their own country. Therefore shalt thou know that
we protect and esteem greatly the foreigners who come hither.

We have ordered the fathers and Castilians to be supplied with all
necessaries, so that they might lack nothing. For if they should
lack anything, we would be grieved and ashamed. And besides this,
we have offered and given them some things, all of which is placed
in a memorandum. The ten vessels that are going to your shores are
furnished with all necessaries, so that you shall not have any trouble
in giving them what they shall peradventure ask of you. The captains
and sailors, and the rest of the crew, are paid for ten months.

We have written to the king the extent of our information, so that he
may know what is passing. We would like the fathers to remain here,
and more, until we shall hear and see the king's reply. But as the
voyages are long, namely, three months to go and three to return,
we thought that you would grieve over their absence. Therefore, we
return them to you and send with them a small present. All the present
is in charge and keeping of my captain. If any of it be lacking, he
will be punished. Given in the year of the king the lion Huicbanlic
[i.e., Wanleh].

[After a stay of thirty-five days in Oc-Kin, the fathers, still
accompanied by the two soldiers, Loarca and Sarmiento, set out on
their return, being banqueted and feasted at all the cities on their
way. They set sail for Manila September 14, and arrived there, "part
of them October 28, and the others November 1. When they arrived they
found a new governor, for Doctor Francisco de Sande had reached the
islands in the month of August of the year 1575, with his Majesty's
appointment as governor of those islands." The present to the governor
is delivered to Lavezares. "Among the rich things brought, the greatest
was that brought by father Fray Martín de Rada, and a thing of great
importance and value in those times--namely, a description of the
great kingdom of China, its provinces, its boundaries, its religion,
its wealth, its civilization, its amusements, and everything that
human curiosity is desirous of knowing, of which until then there was
no account. This was the account caused to be printed by father Fray
Jerónimo Román, of our order, in the second edition of his _Repúblicas
del mundo_, which was published by Bishop Fray Pedro de Mendoza,
[90] in his book on that kingdom."]

[On the return trip of the Chinese captains, a second embassy of
priests, Agustín de Alburquerque and Martín de Rada, accompany
them. But the captains are dissatisfied with the presents received;
and this, together with the news of the escape of Limahon, determines
them to abandon the fathers. Accordingly the latter are left destitute
in the country of the hostile Zambales, but fortunately make their
way back to Manila, where they are welcomed with rejoicing. Somewhat
later (1580) an embassy of three priests is appointed by the king of
Spain, consisting of the Augustinians Juan Gonzáles de Mendoza--then
bishop of Popayán, Perú, and later bishop of Lípari, in the kingdom of
Naples--Francisco de Ortega, and Jerónimo Marín, to go to China. The
avowed object of the embassy is to open the door to commerce, and
carry the faith to China. The first remains in Spain. The advice of
Marín is followed and the embassy is not sent.]





Chapter XXIII

_Of the election, in the islands, of father Fray Agustín de
Alburquerque_


It appears that now the provinces of Filipinas were gathering greater
strength, for, while they were being colonized, the increasing trade
and the relations with Méjico were excellent; the religious were
increasing, in the temporal and spiritual, throughout the province,
which was obtaining many and good laborers; and convents were being
built. That of Manila and that of Santísimo Nombre de Jesús, in
particular, were laying their foundations, in order to erect stone
buildings; for, however strong wooden supports may be, yet with the
lapse of time they finally decay and become useless. This does not
happen so quickly with what is made of stone, which lasts much longer
and opposes the inclemencies of the weather.

At first we used to make our houses in the manner of the inhabitants
of the country themselves; for, in short, they know more of their
climate, as they have more experience therein, and God gave them
more adequate knowledge of the products of the islands, so that they
might make use of them. The islands are by nature very damp. If one
digs down two palmos he finds water. Therefore, humanly speaking,
it is impossible to make cellars as in España, or to live upon the
ground, because it would play havoc with one. For this mother nature
provided these Indians with certain woods, so large and hard that,
after planting them in the earth, the Indians build their houses upon
them, at a height of one and one-half, two, or three brazas. These
timbers or columns are called _harigues_, and the wood is that called
_tugás_. [91] These timbers having been placed, as I say, upright in
the earth, and having the space of more than a braza beneath them,
form the columns of the edifice, and upon them the natives build. We
have all made use of this method of building in these islands. We
have built fine houses and churches from these woods--for which,
inasmuch as many villages assist in the building, the largest columns
and those of known goodness are sought, which last many years. In
conformity with this, while I was building a house in the town
of Dumangas, on the Alaguer River, a very large house was there,
belonging to an encomendero living there, one Ruy López de Arellano,
a native of Constantina. This man died, and the house being already
half fallen, I was having it taken down, in order to make some use
of it, before time should finish its destruction, and the river bear
it away, which was very rapidly being done. I took down from it one
column, in particular, which the Indians assured me had been brought
there more than thirty years before by the Indians up the river. I
affirm that at the ground line it was eaten in about a finger's length
around. All the rest was in perfect condition. And I observed that the
part that had been under ground was in much better condition. There
are other columns left as inheritances from father to children,
and to grandchildren, upon which many houses have been built. The
walls, which are called _dingding_, are made of excellent timber. The
walls of the Indians' houses are made of bamboo, inasmuch as they are
poorer. The roof is made of palm-leaf, called _nipa_. Instead of nails,
the natives use certain strong ligaments, made from flexible roots,
called _bejuco_ [i.e., rattan], where we use nails. These houses,
then, are considered more healthy; for as it is usually very hot in
the islands, these houses are much more cool, and the winds blow
through them with greater ease. When Manila had wooden houses, it
was more healthy. But now they have taken to making stone edifices,
and those not of stone are rare. Stone is also being used to build
outside of Manila, and already there are many houses and churches of
that material. If one considers this closely, even though economy
be not considered, necessity was bound to impose this. For there
could be no woods to furnish so many columns, and the dragging of
them thither would be very costly. Hence, by collecting money, which
is easier for the natives, they summon Chinese, who do what work is
desired; and, if it is wished, they paint the building. Therefore,
because of the aforesaid reasons, our convent at Manila was begun
in stone. It is now, as I have remarked, the best in the islands;
and daily it is being made more notable by further work.

The fathers held a chapter meeting in 1578, and peaceably and quietly
cast their votes for father Fray Agustín de Alburquerque, a man of
whom we have already said sufficient of his occupations, virtue, zeal,
and prudence. As soon as he beheld himself invested with the ermine,
he gave his attention to everything possible, looking after both the
spiritual good of the province--the principal thing--and the temporal,
extending and spreading the province. He established religious in
Bulacán, and that place is now one of the principal and more desirable
convents. It has an excellent stone house and church, and about six
hundred tributes. [92] It is about six leguas north of Manila. It
has usually two religious. The Tagál language is spoken there. The
alcalde-mayor of that jurisdiction, which has about four thousand
Indians, lives in Bulacán. All the Manila religious extol the Indians
of this town as the most tractable and most attached to the church.

He established religious in Candava also. This is the last convent
in Pampanga, and formerly was most flourishing, although now it in
very dilapidated. Near it is a beautiful and copious river, [93]
which divides into many branches as it approaches the sea, and all
these branches empty into Manila Bay. Hence one may go to all these
convents both by sea and by the estuaries, without sail. Therefore,
one can go and come without depending on the weather. It has now about
six hundred Indians. [94] It is one and one-half day's journey from
Manila. Two religious live there. It has a very fine wooden house,
and the church is built of the same material.

Religious were firmly established in Macabebe. This is, in my opinion,
the finest priorate of all Pampanga, and the chief one. It lies on
a branch of the Candava River, as above stated; and in the middle
of the road has a very good wooden house and church. Three religious
lived there generally, for it had more than one thousand three hundred
Indians. A visita called Minalampara was taken away from it, which
is a vicariate. With that the said town of Macabebe was left with
about one thousand Indians. [95] Two religious live there generally.

All this Pampanga country is swampy. For such is the condition of the
rivers, that the people have their conduits, and, when they need water
let it in. This is the reason for the vast quantity of rice there. This
province has abundance of cocoa-palms, and many bananas. The soil is
very favorable for any trees that one might choose to plant there. When
the religious arrived there, that province had many inhabitants. Now,
although it lacks that great number of former years, yet it is not
depopulated. [96] The people there have accepted Christianity more
readily than all others of the islands. They have more to do with
the Spaniards than the others, and try to imitate them as far as
possible. But the more they try to do that, the more do they show
their texture as Indians. Very many people have been conscripted from
this district, and I wonder that a man is left. For the governors send
soldiers from here to Maluco, Sugbú, Octóng, and Caragán, where a fort
has been built and is guarded by the men of Pampanga. And although they
do more work than the Spanish soldiers, they receive no pay, their food
is scarce, and they are ill treated. And yet it can be said of these
Indians (and a strange thing it is), that although they are treated so
harshly, it is not known that a single one has deserted to the Dutch
in Maluco, where they suffer more than in their own country. Many of
the other Indians go and come. When these soldiers leave Pampanga,
they present a fine appearance, for the villages come to their aid,
each with a certain sum, for their uniforms. All this is due to the
teaching of the religious of our father St. Augustine, whose flock
these Indians are, and the children of their teaching.

Besides the above religious, the provincial established others in a
settlement in the village of Bacolor, which is the best village not
only of Pampanga, but of all the islands; for it has more than one
thousand Indians under the bell [i.e., "who are Christians"]. It is
about one and one-half days' journey from Manila by sea and creeks, as
in the case of the others. It has the best meadow-land in the islands,
and it all produces rice abundantly. It is irrigated, as was remarked
above of the others. It has a celebrated church with its crucifix,
which is entirely built of stone and brick. The house is made of stone
also. The inhabitants are the richest and best-clothed of all Pampanga,
and have the most prominent of the chiefs. When the supply of religious
is good, there are always three in this village, and there have even
been at times four or five; for besides the stipend paid by his Majesty
(who owns this encomienda), it has its own chaplaincies, founded by
the said inhabitants of Pampanga. It also has its own altar fund,
which, although not very important as yet, will yield something for
the support of those in charge there. All the territory of Pampanga
is surrounded by mountains where dwell Zambales and Negrillos, who
descend to the villages for the purpose of head-hunting; for there is
nothing so much to their taste as this. A people without abiding-place
or house cannot be punished. They rest at night where they choose;
and sustain themselves on roots and what game they bring down with
their bows. The children, as they are raised with this milk, and as
they are given suck of human blood, die by pouring out their own blood.

Many misfortunes occur yearly, and we have only the pain of not being
able to remedy them. And although the Indians know this, they do not,
on that account, watch more carefully or have greater vigilance over
themselves. On the contrary they proceed with so great abandon that
one marvels. If they are censured, they answer: "What can we do,
since there is nothing besides the will of God?" The same thing
happens in regard to the crocodiles. Although the people see that
the crocodiles seize them daily, they proceed with the same abandon;
notwithstanding that, with but little toil, they could remedy this,
by catching them or by making some enclosed bathing places in the
rivers. But they neglect to do this, either through laziness, or in
order not to toil for another's gain. For they say: "What is given me
by another, or by the village?" Under no circumstance do they unite
in doing anything for the common good, unless the alcalde-mayor or
the father orders it. Finally, it is necessary that the father govern
and rule [even] those most enlightened and civilized. Hereabout it
is said that the village is such as is the prior. If the prior makes
them assist, they do so. If he leaves them they are overcome by their
laziness. They forget what has been taught them, with the ease to which
they accommodate themselves. They learn with ease everything evil,
without a master; but for the good, one master is not sufficient
for each Indian. For they are greatly given to following their
inclination, which causes great grief to the ministers. [97] But
not all men can be saints; and, since the Lord gave them no greater
talent, He desires them to be saved with what they have. _Homines,
et jumenta salvabis, Domine._ [98] All of these convents are located
within the archbishopric of Manila.

The father provincial went further, and established religious in
the island of Panay. The reader may remember the description that
we gave of it, and which he will find in the next to the last place
to the convent of Tigbauan; for there the provincial established
resident religious. This convent has been in many different hands;
for at first, as appears, we had it in charge, and then the seculars
had it. The fathers of the Society followed the latter, after which
a Portuguese secular had charge of it for a considerable time. He,
in order to relieve his burden, exchanged it for another district of
the order called Ibahay, which was the first priorate given me in these
islands by the order, and in my opinion better than Tigbauan. The only
thing which made it troublesome were five islands which had visitas
that belonged to it, where it had all that was needed. The order has
held it for some time, and it is not so good as others. It is a royal
encomienda. The village of Arévalo is situated near by. Therefore,
whenever the religious are sick, there is never lack there in the
presidio of a surgeon, who, without being able to distinguish his
right hand, bleeds and purges, so that in a brief time the sick
man is laid in his grave; and a religious or a Spaniard is worth a
great deal in this country. Daily our number is lessening, for the
country furnishes but little help. It cannot be compared to Nueva
España, which has enough inhabitants for itself, and to spare. Nothing
increases here, or succeeds. The creoles do not reach their majority,
and death comes upon them unseasonably. [99]




Chapter XXIV

_Of the chapter held in the islands, in which was elected the fourth
provincial, our father Fray Andrés de Aguirre._


When the time came, as ordained by our rules, namely, April
22, 1581, the fathers who were now in greater number, and as
as we have related, had a greater number of missionaries and
convents--assembled. Peacefully and harmoniously they cast their votes
for father Fray Andrés de Aguirre--of whom one may not say little,
and, if we say much, it will grow wearisome, and we shall never fill
the measure of his deserts. Let the religious who reads this remember
the mention which we have given this servant of God, and he will find
that father to have taken part in the most important things recounted
in this history; for he will see how he was one of the six who first
came to this country in the adelantado's following, November 23,
1564. He will find this father the associate of Father Urdaneta, when
the latter discovered the return passage to Nueva España. He will see
him at the court, together with the aforesaid [Urdaneta], informing
King Felipe II about events in Filipinas, and of the fortunes of that
fleet, which we have related. Although he returned to Méjico with the
same Father Urdaneta, and stayed there many years, yet, thinking that
he was ill employing the health which our Lord gave him, and that his
person would be more useful in the country which he had discovered for
the honor of God, and thus renewed in courage and spirit, he determined
to return to Filipinas. For that purpose he petitioned the father
provincial of Méjico to aid him on that journey with some religious,
who were the jewels of greatest value that he could take. His request
was conceded, and those religious were such that truly this province
of Filipinas owes what luster it possesses to them. For as they
were all excellent persons for the ministry, and came from a place,
namely, Méjico, where so great care and solicitude was the rule,
they tried to reduce this province to the fashion of that one, by
settling the Indians, gathering them together, and making them observe
civilized laws. And I am very certain that that is the difficulty
of christianizing these islands. If the desired gain in the harvests
is not seen today, it is because there has been no firmness in that
plan; but the natives are allowed to live in their small settlements,
whither the religious goes but seldom, and the Indians cannot see what
is preached to them put into practice. I have said somewhat on this
subject previously, and whenever opportunity occurs, I shall again
discuss it, as it is very dose to my heart. Besides, it was, and is,
better for the Castilians themselves to have the Indians living in
communities; for in matters requiring despatch, they have the latter
close at hand, and keep them more tamed, and richer in what concerns
their advantage. "But," I ask, "what difference is there between the
Zambales of these islands, and the Chinese? Are the former not, like
the latter, rational beings? If then they agree in the chief thing,
which is excellency, how do they differ so much in the manner of
living? Why do some have an organized state, and others not?" And if
this so brave people settle in communities and bind themselves with
laws and government, they will in time lose that natural haughtiness
and adopt different customs. For if animals incapable of reason are
domesticated by human intercourse and lose their fierceness, men
capable of reason will do it much more. The negroes furnish us with
an example of this. Although they appear a race that seems the scum of
the world--so wild [100] when they are brought, that they even appear
more bestial than the beasts themselves--yet, after intercourse with
a civilized people, they learn at last to act like human beings. Now
how much better would the Indians of these islands do this, in whom
has been found much capacity for whatever we have tried to teach
them! Those only who are unwilling do not learn--through laziness,
and because they see what little gain they derive from it. Who will
doubt that some of them make excellent scribes, so that even the
Castilians are children compared to them. Some are excellent singers,
and there are choruses of musicians in Manila who would be notable
in España. For one to become an excellent tailor, all that is needed
is for him to see the work. They make very good carpenters; and this
trade is not taught them, but they only have to see it. For in what
pertains to _agibilibus_ [101] they are better than we, for they are
more phlegmatic. The Indian women have more capacity, and learn easily
to use the needle, when they see it, thus they are more skilful than
the Spanish women reared here; therefore the articles of handiwork that
have been exported from these islands are numberless. And all these
Indian women live where there are religious, which is quite different
from the visitas, with which there is no comparison. [102] The women
of the visitas tremble before a religious. When the religious talks to
them in the church or elsewhere, they do not understand him. They are
thoughtless beings, and seem even more heedless than beasts. I shall
prove this proposition. While I was visiting the Sibuyan Islands,
I was trying to confess those people, who, although truly many of
them were Christians, had never been confessed, perhaps because no
more could be done with them. I performed all my duties in order
to persuade a people so rustic and rude, and without sense, to make
confession. At that time an honorable Spaniard, one Alonso de Barco,
who was married to a native woman of Panay, went to those islands to
collect his tributes. He was walking through the church court when I
was hearing confessions. I had sent away one of the chief Indian women,
because she did not pay attention or answer questions, and had told
her to meditate thoroughly over her sins and return later. She went
out and the Spaniard asked her if she had confessed. She replied that
she had not, because the father had asked her how many feet a hog had,
and she had been unable to answer me. The Spaniard laughed heartily,
and, upon my coming out, told me about it. Whereupon I crossed myself
many times, at seeing that the people were so thoughtless there, and
that she should have understood me so ridiculously. Those who live
where the father is stationed are not so, but even the little children
come to the convent and are assembled. And in matters of the soul--the
chief thing--they go to confession; and in truth I would rather confess
a hundred Indians in the Filipinas, of those thus rendered fluent,
than one Spaniard. The Indian women confess remarkably well, and with
many tears, and take communion with devotion. They give account of
themselves, respect the father, and recognize his courtesy. Who has
not experienced this? The Spaniards understand it all, but when an
effort is made to settle the Indians in villages, all the Spaniards
resist the religious as if the latter were taking something from
their pockets. And surely, as I am advised, the greatest warfare
that the devil wages against the ministry is by the hands of the
Spaniards, so that all those who should favor this cause are opposed
to it. Consequently, the religious tire themselves out, and the devil
reaps what harvest he wills. All the evil is laid to our door, and the
good the Spaniards attribute to themselves. If the Indian flees and
the encomienda is deserted, it is the fault of the religious. But if
it increases, it is due to the alcalde-mayor, the encomendero, and
the collector. This is a thing so beyond reason, that truth itself
cries out. If it were not for the protection of the religious, there
would not now be an Indian, or any settlement. The Indians understand
this fact very well, as will be seen by the statement of one of them.

The bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Pedro de Soria, collected
those Indians together, by order of his Majesty, and told them of
the advantages of the Spanish monarchy, and how beneficial it would
be for them to have Don Felipe, the king of the Spaniards, as their
king, who would protect them peacefully and with justice. The chiefs
answered not a word to this. Thereupon, the bishop spoke again and
asked them whether they had understood the words he had spoken to
them, and if they would answer. Thereupon a clownish Indian arose and
said: "We answer that we wish the king of España to be our king and
sovereign, for he has sent Castilians to us, who are freeing us from
the tyranny and domination of our chiefs, as well as fathers who aid
us against the same Castilians and protect us from them." Further,
suppose that it were possible to make the religious withdraw, so that
their ministries should cease; within a few days their lack would he
bewailed, to the greatest extent possible. But this fact is true, that
while one enjoys a blessing, it is not esteemed, nor is any thought
given to a present virtue. However, let it be lacking, we feel that
lack immediately, and we seek alter it enviously. As says Horace:
_virtutem incolumen odimus, sublatam ex oculis quærimus invidi_. [103]
Spaniards may ask me: "Who has pacified the country? Who domesticated
the Indians, so that one can go through the whole country with more
safety than by the highways of España? For there neither the machine
of justice, nor the severe punishments, nor the grave penalties secure
any safety. Nor do the lofty houses, nor their tightly barred doors
at all prevent the evils committed by the thief and murderer; for all
is open to the execution of their desires. Here one sleeps with the
door open, with entire safety, and just as if many legions of soldiers
were watching it." And in fact, I do not recall ever having locked
a door during my ministry. [104] I ask then, whence proceeds this
except from the religious, who are gradually taming these peoples as
fathers, and teaching them for temporal interests also? It there were
no religious, how could the tributes be entirely collected? For the
tributes seemed to be only what the chiefs chose to give, without its
being possible by any severity to make them give more. This is proved,
because in the encomienda of Dapitan, a district of Mindanao, although
tribute was paid to Diego de Ledesma, son of one of the conquistadors,
it amounted to nothing, all told being no more than the value of forty
pesos. But at the end of one year after it was given to the fathers
of the Society, tribute was collected from more than one thousand
Indians. For, as we have, during the course of the year, made them
resort [to church], the chief cannot afterward conceal any of them.

Truly, when I see the duties that we are performing, and at so great
danger (for we are the object of the watchfulness and censure of
the governors and all the people of the country), if we undertake
to defend the Indians, they say that we are usurping the royal
jurisdiction--just as if we were not serving his Majesty the king,
our sovereign, with all our strength. If we make agreements with them
as fathers, in order that their suits may not last ten years, they
say that we are playing the justice. If we try to prevent offenses
to the Lord, they say that we are interested in the matter. If we
restrain the heavy trading, they say that it is to profit more. And
truly, we might say that _spectaculum facti sumus mundi, angelis et
hominibus_. [105] If love of God and our neighbor did not guide us,
of a truth there would be opportunity for some one to say "_Pereat
dies in qua natus sum, et nox in qua dictum est, 'conceptus est
homo?'_." [106] For the accusations and misrepresentations in vogue
concerning the religious are innumerable. [107] I knew a venerable
old man, by name Fray Juan de Villamayor, [108] whose head and beard
contained not one single black hair. He was prior in Aclán, where
some Spaniards of evil life then resided; and because he tried to put
an end to the offenses to the Lord, one of the Spaniards defied him,
and laying his hand upon his sword, said to him: "Come down here, my
poor little father, and I shall tell you who you are." The religious
answered him very humbly, and bade him farewell, saying that what he
was doing was in the service of the community. He said that he would
talk with him later, when he had recovered from his anger.

While father Fray Lúcas de la Reina, who was one of the foremost
religious in the Bisayan province--a fine linguist, and one who added
much to the sacristies, and was very discerning in things pertaining
to the altar--was prior in the same village, he heard that a wretched
mestizo woman in his district was leading a dissolute life; for on that
occasion the encomendero Don Agustín Flores was there. This man came
at the head of a number of blinded and unruly Spaniards. The religious
had the woman seized and placed in a private house. A mestizo brother
of hers grieved so sorely over this that, trusting in the favor of
the encomendero, he tried to kill the religious. For while the said
father was standing at the church door after the _Salve_ on a Saturday,
surrounded by Spaniards, the mestizo came in at one side, and struck
at him with a dagger. The father warded it off, and protected himself
from it with his hands, without a Spaniard offering to aid him. A
lay brother, named Fray Andrés García, [109] was coming toward the
convent; he was making a small flat-bottomed boat [_chatilla_] there
for the house at Manila. He was truly a religious of great virtue
and example. He had formerly been a soldier in Flandes and Italia,
and was one of the chosen men sent to Ginebra [i.e., Geneva] by
Felipe IV, to carry despatches to the duke of Saboya [i.e., Savoy],
the king's brother-in-law, who was trying to take that rebellious
city. As soon as father Fray Lúcas spied the brother, he cried out
and begged for aid. Fray Andres hastened to him, and although now
a man well along in years, he had not forgotten the vigor of his
youth. And in such manner did he comport himself, that those Castilians
went away. The mestizo was punished, and the father was healed. The
religious have suffered, and still suffer, innumerable things like
the above, for making those Indians sincere Christians, for teaching
them civilization, and for serving your Majesty in pacifying the
country for you. Eight religious, who accompanied father Fray Andrés
de Aguirre hither, began this work. Although that father returned to
the Filipinas Islands simply to aid Ours in the work here, and to die
in the country discovered by him, yet the province, finding that its
affairs, past and present, were known to him, elected him provincial;
he was therefore constrained to bend his shoulders to receive that
load--which is not light, to one who knows it.

This chapter named many other places as priorates, which, although
under administration, were only visited, and had been waiting until
there should be religious [to place in charge of them]; as religious
were obtained from time to time, the convents were being supplied--not
only with those coming from España, but with those professing in
Manila. For in this manner the natives could be ministered to more
readily, and the religious would fulfil their duties better; and
their responsibility was very heavy.

Religious were established in Pangasinán. 1 have referred to this
before, and mentioned that this province is in possession of the
most religious fathers of our father St. Dominic (who keep it in
a very flourishing condition), by reason of the cession of it that
we made. Finally it has many excellent convents, built by those who
administer them so carefully.

Religious were established in the island of Bantayan, located between
the island of Panay and that of Sugbú, but farther from that of
Panay. However, if one wishes to go to the island of Sugbú without
sailing in the open sea, he may coast from islet to islet, although
the distance across is not greater than one or one and one-half
leguas. These Bantayan islets are numerous, and are all low and very
small. The largest is the above-named one. When Ours acquired it, it
had many inhabitants, all of very pleasing appearance, and tall and
well-built. But now it is almost depopulated by the ceaseless invasions
from Mindanao and Jológ. [110] We abandoned this convent (which had a
thousand Indians) years ago, in order not to be changing from place
to place. This island is the mother of fish, [111] and those that
are caught in their season at these islets are innumerable. They are
taken in boats among the islands. After we abandoned it, the island was
given over to beneficed seculars. Although they have done their duty as
zealous men, they have been unable to do more, because of being exposed
to great risks. The above-named enemies have made great slaughter in
these islands, and have taken even a greater number of captives. For
these people have no abiding-place; and, however quickly the news
arrives at Sugbú, when help comes the enemy has already left. For,
although the distance across is not more than three or four leguas,
and even two in parts, the help, as it must travel by sea, must go
far--namely, twenty-five leguas. Lately, in the year 1628, men from
Jológ did very great damage in that island. Admiral Don Cristóbal de
Lugo was governing at Sugbú as lieutenant-governor. He could have
sent men, since he had news of the enemy in time. The chanter Juan
Muñiscripo, beneficed clergyman of the island, and another secular
(who had been expelled from the Society), by name Alonso de Campos,
and six Spaniards--who, it is known, fulfilled their duty--were in
the island. But finally, as they lacked all necessary ammunition,
they had to retire and take to hiding, and seek new locations. By
God's mercy they were not captured, but the people of the island who
were captured and killed numbered more than one hundred and fifty. The
attempt has been made to withdraw the Indians thence, and settle them
on the mainland of Sugbú, which is more suitable in every respect;
but the attempt has failed, for the Indians would rather die there
than to have a thousand comforts elsewhere. These islands contain
many cocoa-palms, but no water or rice. The water comes from wells,
and is very bad. The incumbent of the benefice has now built a small
fort; but I believe in my soul that, when the Indian catches sight
of the enemy, he will abandon it instantly.

This island has a village called Hilingigay, which it is said was
the source of all the Bisayan Indians who have peopled these shores,
and whose language resembles that of Hilingigay. The Indians remember
quite well when they were under our tutelage and teaching, and desire
to return to it. For they assert that since we have left them they have
not passed one good day. They talk in this vein because always the past
was better. That benefice has now about four hundred Indians. They pay
tribute to the king, and belong to the bishopric of Sugbú, being of
its jurisdiction in secular matters as well. It is more than seventy
leguas from Manila to Bantayan to the south.

The father provincial established religious in Jaro, on the coast
of the island of Sugbú, a place at present called Carcar. It has
in charge more than one thousand two hundred Indians. It has been
visited at times from San Nicolás, and at others from the house of
Nombre de Jesús of the Spaniards. But it seemed best at this time for
it to have a prior with assistants, because of the conveniences which
were found there, which are not few--and much more [are they to be
considered] in the case of the ministry. It is about six leguas from
the city of Nombre de Jesús, and more than twenty from the end of
the district. The distance can be made in four hours, with the brisa.

The provincial established religious in Hantic [112] on the opposite
coast of Panay. It was an excellent village. The holy martyr Melo
[113] was prior of it. Now it is fallen back because we left it;
and we have taken it once more. It has about three hundred Indians,
and is a visita of Guimbal, which is one legua from Tigbauan, and
more than fifty from Manila.

Resident religious were established in Aclán, on the island of Panay,
on the coast that looks toward Manila, which is more than fifty
leguas away. This is the best convent of the island. The provincial
thought best to change it for another which is inland from the river
of Panay, called Barbarán, a village of people possessed by the
devil. The exchange was effected, and it happened that the secular
who was there, died as soon as he reached Aclán, and that the first
religious established in Barbarán also died very soon, the one being
but little behind the other. I have never believed in this changing
of districts, for since all are of Indians, the betterment is slight,
while the damage suffered by the ministry, which is the chief thing,
is vast. I omit to mention other and no less damages that exist,
which are not for this place, as they do not concern us.

The father provincial established religious in Batangas, which is more
than twenty leguas' distance from Manila. It has a stone church and
house, although these are much dilapidated from the weather. It was
a great district, but now it is much less because of the men drafted
for Manila. It has about six hundred Indians as tributarios. Two
religious live there generally. Service is performed in the Tagál
tongue. We have mentioned this convent in our description of the
lake of Bongbong or Taal, which is the nearest convent to Batangas,
from which it is even distant only one day's journey; the road passes
through certain most excellent meadows, resembling those of España;
where one may rear an immense number of cattle. The Indians through
all this district, which they call the Comintan, make use of domestic
cattle on which they travel and carry their loads. The language used
there is much like the Bisayan, for one can cross from this town of
Batangas, which is located on a very beautiful bay, to the Bisayas
with great ease during the brisas. This district belongs to the
archbishopric of Manila.

Moreover, the provincial established a convent in Malolos. This
place lies two leguas by land from Bulacán, and there is an excellent
highway. From Manila it lies little less than one day's journey. This
village has greatly decreased; it has about three hundred Indians. It
is a priorate and has a vote, but has only one religious. It has a
wooden house, and has never had one of stone. [114]

The father provincial established religious in Agonoy, where Tagál
is spoken. It is on the way to Pampanga, on a branch of that river
called Candaba. It is a very large priorate, for it has more than one
thousand rich and influential Indians. Three religious live there. It
is quite near to Macabebe and Calumpit, for one can ascend to either
place by the river in two hours. This town is not farther from Manila
than one day's journey. A quantity of wine is made there from a tree
that grows in its marshes, called palm or nipa. The house is wooden
and very poor. [115]

Moreover, the father provincial established religious in México,
a town of Pampanga. It receives its name from its great abundance
of water. A great quantity of rice is produced there, and it has a
fine plain. The house and church are of stone. It has about three
hundred tributes. [116]. It is a priorate and has a vote, and one or
two religious generally live there. This town is quite exposed to
the inroads of the Negrillos and Zambales, and there are continual
misfortunes of murders, and it is quite common to find headless
bodies in the field. It belongs to the archbishopric of Manila, and
lies more than one day's journey from the city, either by sea or creek.




Chapter XXV

_Of the great oppositions suffered by the province in that time_


[However, in these early days, even, peace and quiet are not for
the religious; and they find their work hindered and even opposed
by encomenderos and other Spaniards who work much evil against them,
and turn the natives against them. Our author mentions certain cases,
for the entire truth of which he vouches, which show the manner in
which some Spaniards act.]

It happened while I was prior of Passi in the Bisayas, an encomienda
belonging to his Majesty, that some Indians had been drafted from
that district to man a fleet which was being built. Some of the poor
wretches, on the return from the expedition, desirous of returning to
their homes--seeing that after so long an absence they were detained
for other private works, now by this Spaniard and now by that one, who
seized them--fled. For the Indian acts without counsel, as he lacks
understanding. Very often, after having worked one month, and when,
within one or two days, they would be exchanged, they run away--thus
giving occasion to seek and punish them, and losing their wages,
and abandoning the axes with which they were working. It appeared
to a gentleman who was chief commander and lieutenant-governor in
Ylong-ylong, a port of Panay, an infringement of his rights that the
Indians should flee. Therefore, he sent two soldiers to look for them,
at the cost of the poor wretches. They came to the place where I was,
and told me why they came. I replied to them that they could look for
them immediately. They seized the governor, [117] and wandered for
three days amid the hills and valleys, stupidly, as if the Indians
would appear; for not only those Indians, but the peaceful ones had
abandoned their houses, and fled to the mountains. They returned,
worn out after three days, without a single Indian. The Spaniard who
acted as leader put the wretched governor, holding in his hands his
Majesty's rod of justice, in the stocks; and there he beat him at
his pleasure, now with a club, and now with his dagger. Thereupon
the Indian began to cry out so loudly that I heard his cries in the
convent. As 1 was about to go down, his relatives with tears informed
me of what was being done. I went alone to the government house, for my
companion was on a visit, this being the eve of the feast of the Holy
Spirit in 1623. I began to ascend and to reprimand the soldier and to
tell him that he had no authority to put that governor in the stocks,
nor to maltreat him. Then the soldier pointed his sword at my breast,
and gave me a very impudent message from the commandant. Among other
things, he told me that he would send for me and bind me with double
shackles. I laughed, brushed aside the sword, went to the stocks,
and took my Indian, all covered with his own blood, and so ill-used
that even yet he knows no well day, but is constantly ailing and
dispirited, and in a bed. Next morning, they took the governor
away, saying that the commandant would condemn him to the galleys,
as if he were the cause of the Indians fleeing. Fearful of the case,
I went down the river, and talked with the commandant. After talking
with him, he returned the Indian to me. Since then 1 have received
innumerable favors from him there, which I shall not name, as they
are not of interest. Nevertheless, the Indian spent more than six
taels of gold, or more than forty granos, in the journey. Let this
true account and fact be considered, and who serves his Majesty, who
protects the Indians, to what we religious are exposed, and what we
endure in the fulfilment of our duties, and in the preservation of the
country--which the Spaniards themselves are inciting to hostilities
by such oppressions. The soldier was not commended, but neither did
the commandant punish him. Within a short time he died, without his
hopes being obtained, and as they are wont to die here. May God in
His goodness have pity on his soul.

While I was prior in Santísimo Nombre de Jesús (the chief house of
the province in the olden days), and while the chief commandant and
lieutenant-governor was another gentleman whom I shall not name
because of his influence, the latter struck a religious, whom I
had there as the head preacher, between the eyes. In order to take
away all opportunities for trouble, and that the commandant with
his influence might cause none to the order--for whatever such an
official wishes to do here, he does--I allowed the religious to go
to the convent of Cárcar. It was necessary for this religious to go
to San Nicolás, on that saint's day, to preach, and he did so. As
soon as he arrived, clad in his black habit, in all the propriety
of an Augustinian religious, he went to the house of the foremost
man of the city, both in position and wealth, and his wife, who were
regarded most highly by the people, one of whose children had been
baptized by the religious. He requested this man to give him the little
loaves that the latter had been asked to make. The commandant heard
of his arrival, and immediately sent two soldiers and an adjutant
to seize him, and drag him with them, although he had retired. The
commandant had prepared a champan and shackles to send the religious
to Manila. I was advised of his arrest. I set out and went to tell
Bishop Don Fray Pedro de Arce, who was at that time in his house,
of the matter. He went out in his chair, followed him to the city
and we found the religious surrounded by soldiers, who immediately
opened the door and went away. We went to the convent, where the
bishop began to write. Two seculars, who defended this action, and
by whose authority the commandant did this, prevented the commandant
from being excommunicated. Finally, in a meeting of the orders, the
commandant was declared excommunicated. But the governor of Filipinas,
Don Juan Niño de Tabora, who should have punished the commandant,
neglected to do so. In this he did not imitate Don Juan de Silva,
who, when a similar case happened, summoned the alcalde-mayor who was
in llocos, took from him his office, and deprived him of all rights,
although he was pardoned by having had the express order of the bishop
of that province. But what men neglect to punish the Lord does not
forget to punish. He ordered a change of fortune after certain days,
so that the same governor, Don Juan Niño de Tabora, did not like this
gentleman. Accordingly, following the dictates of his conscience,
he made the latter leave Manila, under pretext of going to pacify an
encomienda that he had given him. Finally, things became so linked
together, that the above-mentioned man took refuge in our convent, for
he had not found a kindly reception in any other. There dispossessed
of his encomienda, which had been taken from him, he suffered for one
year, what that same gentleman knows; until that, with the arrival
at these islands of the inspector Don Francisco de Rojas, he left
the cloister--saying that he had not sinned against king, governor,
or state; but that, if he suffered, it was for his misconduct toward
our order in Sugbú. I might write thousands of things concerning
these events, where, as in the above, one might see the gain made
by the religious, and at what cost to them, as said Christ: _Eritis
odio omnibus propter nomen meum_. [118] Consequently, I cannot quite
understand how the Spaniards should desire us in these ministries,
so that, by our attending to our obligations, they could take pleasure
therein. This people whom we have in charge are rustic, uncivilized,
lawless, and have no more system of action than the will of their
chiefs. Now, then, how can these people become Christians, unless
they are gathered together, and restrained; and if the religious,
as fathers and masters, do not punish them? And if a father has the
well-known jurisdiction over his son--and this jurisdiction is extended
much more in the case of a master--why do we not have something for
these two titles? For if the Indians have no fear or respect for the
religious, of what advantage is our stay here? And how can we compel
those already christianized to fulfil their duties, if the Indian feels
that the father can not punish him? For they detest, as a rule, church
matters--to such an extent, that they would even pay two tributes to
be free from the church. They love their old beliefs and revelries so
strongly that they would lose their souls for them. Without any fear,
how would they attend to their duties? The extensive kingdom of China
is more densely populated than any other that is known, and there is
the greatest poverty among the common people, who are given to theft,
murder, and innumerable other sins. Yet it is the most peaceful kingdom
known and has no gallows or execution, but [they are restrained] by
means only of their fear of the bamboo with which they are beaten. Now
if the Indian lack this fear, who can bring him to reason? The Indians
are daily growing worse, for they are losing fear. Daily utterances
are made against the religious that they cannot punish them, and
should not do it. This reacts against the Spaniards themselves, for,
once aroused, the Indians will rebel when least expected; and they
know already how to wield a sword and use an arquebus.

It is quite true that the religious do not mix in things of importance
belonging to other tribunals, and the fathers provincial are careful
to advise them on this matter; but the opposition to them in their
ministry is the cause of the devil and his work. Some persons,
under the pretext of piety, try to destroy the religious, saying
that the Indians are free, and protected in their liberty, and that
their liberty must not be taken away, but that they may wander as
they will. For the aim of the fathers is to have the Indians live in
villages. All this means harm to the Indian, for he is naturally lazy
and a friend of sloth. If he is allowed, he wanders about aimlessly
like a vagabond without working; and, at tribute-paying time, he
has not the wherewithal to pay. He begs a loan of the tribute, and
thus he becomes a slave. This would not happen, were he forced to
perform the work from which he flees. Thus in not allowing him to
become a vagabond, his own good is sought. We know well that there
are constables in España who arrest and search out the idle. Is that
contrary to the liberty in which we are born? Certainly not, for
idleness is the mother of all the vices, as St. Gregory insinuates,
when he names it as the chief cause of the destruction of Sodom:
_fuit iniquitas sororis tutu superbia, abundantia et otium._ [119]
Then, how can what is not opposed to liberty in España be opposed to
liberty here in a country which rears so remarkable natives? Therefore
for his own good much care must be taken of the Indian. What the
Indian should be, he would become with the knowledge of the priors,
so that they may make him settle down, and perform the work that is
to make him a Christian, support him, pay his tribute, and make him
a man of reason and judgment. [120]

Besides this war waged on us by the secular element, that which was
most feared and dangerous, and caused the religious most anxiety, was
the spiritual war. This arose from the zeal of the bishop of Manila,
Don Domingo de Salazar, the first bishop of this city a man of vast
knowledge on all subjects, and who was not ignorant of the privileges
of the mendicant orders in the administration of the natives. He was
bishop in Manila, and thought that he ought not to allow the religious
so much freedom in the office that they were administering. He tried to
restrict them in many ways, and refused to concede much. The religious,
however, did not do less than to answer by pointing to the bulls of
the supreme pontiffs (called forth many times at the instance of the
Catholic sovereigns of España), and other _motus proprios_--all made
for the furtherance of good administration, and that the faith might
be propagated throughout the new kingdoms of their domains. The bishop
denied to the ministers everything pertaining to jurisdiction and
power; for he imagined that we could not grant dispensation in that
second degree for marriages, or exercise any judicial act of those
which recently--that is, ordinarily--they exercise over the newly
converted. This occasioned a great contention, and even scandal; for as
the country was new, and there was no other learning than that of his
Lordship--which doubtless was very great, and authorized by his dignity
and person--and that of our fathers, some said "yes," and others "no,"
some that they could, others that they could not. Thus everything
was in confusion, not only among Ours, but throughout the islands.

The father provincial was like a drowning man in this matter, and was
obliged to give attention to so grave a necessity as the present. As he
could devise no remedy here, he resolved to go to España, in order to
settle the whole matter. The bishop, who wished only to do the proper
thing, was glad of the voyage. He wrote some letters to religious of
the province of Méjico, whom he thoroughly trusted and believed in. He
set his doubts before them, and the arguments on which he grounded his
position, in order that the controversy might be settled amicably;
and that the province of Méjico, as the mother of this province,
might correct what his Lordship considered as excesses.

The father provincial left Manila and reached Nueva España. He left
his vicar in the Filipinas, namely father Fray Francisco Manrique. He
pursued his voyage, and reached España in safety, where he despatched
his business very favorably--both in the Roman court, where Gregory
XIII was governing the Church of God; and in the court of España,
where he obtained very favorable decrees from his Majesty, Felipe
II, our king and sovereign. The latter approved everything that our
religious had done in the churches of those kingdoms and seigniories
of his. He granted many other favors and gifts, so that they might
prosecute the undertaking with greater resolution, and by the self-same
methods that had been used theretofore. While these matters were being
negotiated at court, the religious of this province, [121] conferring
upon the articles upon which the bishop and Ours disagreed, wrote to
the bishop letters of complete submission, in which they begged him to
moderate his anger, and await the decision that would soon arrive from
España with other decisions approving what had until then been done by
the religious, and encouraging them to go forward in the defense of
truth. The most learned Master Veracruz, as the father and protector
of the ministry, and defense of the privileges held by the religious,
wrote so learned a letter to the bishop, that it proved sufficient
to calm him. Later, that letter served as a primer for the ministers,
and a protection against the difficulties that arose. Of so much value
has been the opinion of this great man, and of all his writings. [122]
In conclusion, I will say that father Fray Andrés de Aguirre returned
from España, whereupon those hurricanes which had been aroused were
laid. But he reached Méjico so broken from the journey that he did not
dare to go immediately to the Filipinas. However he sent the promised
news of what had been enacted concerning it, which was given a glad
reception. Thereupon, our fathers, like men who had reached land after
a great and severe storm, commenced to breathe. They gave thanks to
the Lord that He had not forgotten them. Thanks were given likewise
to his Majesty Felipe II; for by so many favors and privileges they
were able to prosecute the works that had been undertaken, and to
place their shoulders to works much greater for his service. This
was not alone for the good of the Augustinian order, but for that of
all the other orders; for if one order suffered shipwreck, all must
do the same, as all were in the same boat, directed by the same helm
in the same direction, and under the same winds.

[Father Aguirre returned to the islands in 1593, where he was received
with joy. He died as was his wish, in the islands "which he loved
greatly, as he was one of the founders of that province."]





Chapter XXVI

_Of the chapter held in the Filipinas Islands, and as will be told
later, of the first election of our father Fray Diego de Alvarez._
[123]


The year 1584 came, at which time father Fray Andrés de Aguirre
had finished his term as provincial, as aforesaid; and the time had
come to give the province, according to the orders and rulings of our
regulations, a new head, who should take charge of the affairs of the
province, both in spiritual and temporal matters, with new strength,
and new energy and resolution. I do not deceive myself in comparing
the action of the chapter to that of retiling; for they act as one
who, when he perceives that his house is leaking, tries to remedy
that by putting on new tiles, which oppose the rain and wind with
new vigor and thoroughness, and keep the house free from leaks,
which at the last would utterly ruin it. In the same manner, the
superiors of the order, after the completion of their three years of
service in the office, would beyond any doubt be tired and liable to
yield more easily to any dispensation in the rigor of the observance,
so that gradually the edifice would be undermined--as the Holy Ghost
tells us, _qui spernit modica, paulatim decidet_. [124] Therefore in
order to avoid such troubles, which are so full of peril to the order,
our rules provide that new superiors be elected, who may carry out
the rigor of our laws with new resolution, new zeal, and new force,
and who should restore and suspend whatever time and opportunity
has relaxed somewhat, taking away the opportunity for evil custom
and abuses. Thus, desirous in this chapter of advance throughout the
province, the capitular fathers set their eves on father Fray Diego
de Alvarez, a man of learning and judgment, and of blameless life. Of
such a man did the province have need, so that with the quiet that it
had already negotiated at the cost of the anxiety, care, and diligence
of father Fray Andrés de Aguirre, the new provincial might continue
what his predecessor had so happily commenced. Thus, then, the whole
chapter having turned their attention to the good of the province,
many things were settled in it; and the province began to spread,
and new priorates were assigned from the visitas of the order (which
were numerous and very widely scattered), so that by this means the
Indians could be better instructed and greater care taken of them. The
experience has shown us that they are a race with whom one cannot be
neglectful; and if it were possible to assign one religious to each
Indian, so that the latter might not lose sight of him, even this,
I believe would be insufficient. For scarcely has one left them
for any short space of time, when they return to their natural way
of life--just like the bow which, when strung, is bent; but, when
unstrung, at once straightens and regains its former position.

In this chapter religious were established in the village of Bantay,
of the province of Ilocos, near the town of Fernandina, which now
exists only in name. [125] It is fifty leguas from Manila. It has
now an excellent wooden house and church. It belongs to the bishopric
of Cagayán, and the bishop of that province usually lives there. It
has two resident religious, and has more than one thousand Indians
in charge. The chapter placed a religious in the village of Purao,
[126] the first village in the province of Ilocos after leaving the
province of Pangasinán. This village belongs to the bishopric of
Cagayán, and is a district of about one thousand Indians, although it
is unhealthful. Two religious live there usually. It is fifty-four
leguas from Manila. One can go to the province of Ilocos either by
sea or by land, although the highway is very dangerous. One always
goes with an escort of armed Indians, for many Zambales wander through
those mountains, whence they descend to hunt heads. When there is no
resistance offered by arquebuses, of which they are in deadly fear,
they obtain heads very easily.

This chapter established religious in Vigan, or the village of
Fernandina, near Bantay. There lives the bishop, to whom this
town has been given for his dwelling, and so that he may place
there what seculars he wishes. It is the best town in Ilocos,
although it has suffered its setbacks from fires, which have caused
much damage. The residence of the alcalde-mayor of this province is
here. This province is better than all the others, because the Ilocans
lead all the other Indians in being clean and heat, and in having
large settlements. However, that is due to the earlier religious,
who settled them in villages, and the people have remained settled
so thoroughly. Had the like been done in the other provinces, the
religious would not suffer so greatly. This province has thirteen
priorates in all, only four of which, or rather five, have a
vote. [127] The Indians are all Christians, and are the humblest and
most tractable known. The entire province lies along the coast, and has
fine rivers, which descend from the mountains. When the north winds
blow, the province is considered very unhealthful. It produces rice
in abundance, and all the native fruits, besides some of Castilla,
such as oranges, grapes, figs, etc. The houses are all built of
wood, and therefore liable to many fires, so that scarcely a year
passes when some convent does not burn. Now they have begun to roof
the houses with stone, that is, tile. This was begun by father Fray
Francisco de Mercado, [128] who has often been prior of Ilaoag--which
has more than one thousand five hundred Indians--and at other times
vicar-provincial of the same province. [129]

This province is considered to have a great advantage over the others;
for when the Chinese arrive late, and cannot anchor or go to Manila,
they enter some port or river of Ilocos. On that account this province
is well supplied with necessaries, at very reasonable prices. Traders
are wont to go there from Manila in order to buy, and then take their
purchases to Manila with the north wind or brisa. Ships from Macau
and India are accustomed also to anchor in these ports, this depending
upon what time they come and all this is of advantage to this district.

A great quantity of gold has been, and is, obtained from the province;
not that the province yields it, but the Igorrotes bring it down
from the mountains. They are light-complexioned Indians, but more
unconquerable than what we have said of Zambales and Negrillos. When
peaceful they bring down gold, which they extract there from their
mines; and they exchange it for cattle, which those along the coast
own. They trade also for abnormally large and completely white
swine--never have I seen them of such size in España. They also take
away blankets, which the people in Ilocos make of excellent quality,
from cotton, which is produced in abundance. But when the Igorrotes
are hostile, the same is suffered as at Pampanga, and even more. For
then those mountaineers come down to hunt heads, in which they take
great pride. This is a remarkable inclination of all these Indians,
for they are all bloodthirsty. Ours labored much in this province,
as will be seen.

The father provincial established religious for the second time in
the districts near Passi in Bisayas. We have said enough of this in
its place, and I refer to that.

Likewise the fathers of the definitorio established resident fathers
in Malate. This is only one short half-legua from Manila, and consists
of but one street, along which are three parish churches. The first is
Santiago [130] and is built of stone. It is excellent, and was ordered
to be built by Don Juan de Silva, governor of these islands. All the
Spaniards who live outside the city of Manila--who, I believe, number
more than those who live within--attend this church. These Spaniards
are all poor folk, and married to native, mestiza, or negro women. Many
are sailors; and some are in the islands only temporarily, engaged in
their petty trading, and because they can live more comfortably in
this country, and there is less heat, as it is open and free. This
suburb contains some stone houses, and some summer gardens. Farther
on is Ermita, which ministers to Tagál Indians, who number about four
hundred. [131] It has a stone church and the house of the beneficed
priest. It belonged to us first; but some time ago it was given to
the bishops of Manila, in order that they might have a house outside
the city, where they might refresh and recreate themselves. [132]
It is called Nuestra Señora de Guia. It has an image to which great
devotion is paid. When the ships from Castilla fail to come, and are
delayed, then they take out the image and carry it to the cathedral,
and a novena is performed in order that the Virgin may bring these
ships. Thus many times the ships have arrived at that time. At other
times it has happened that, after the novena, they have no news of
the vessels and they wish to return the Virgin, but the weather has
been such that it was impossible; but at that time news of the vessels
would arrive, which is the most joyful news for all the islands. For
if the vessels fail to come, in even one year, all are left without
help or shelter. [133]

Further on in the same street is this convent of ours at Malate. It
has a stone church and house, sufficient for one religious, who lives
there and has in charge two hundred Indians. [134] The image, "Nuestra
Señora de los Remedios," has been highly reverenced. All the Indians
of these towns are traders, and their chief source of wealth is in the
voyages to Cavite. For there, at any time, they find a boat all ready,
which takes them to Cavite in a very short time. Very rarely is any of
these boats ever lost; for the Indians understand them perfectly, and
are wont to venture on the sea even with the waves running sky-high.

Religious were established in Tanauan, situated in the lake of
Taal. It was a very fine town, rich and densely populated, but now
it is thoroughly impoverished. It has a wooden house and church,
and Ours minister to about seven hundred Indians. [135] The people
are Tagáls. As one goes thither from Manila, he descends a truly
frightful hill for more than one legua. The convent lies on the
lake shore, and on the brow of the same land or slope. Tanauan lies
eleven or twelve leguas from Manila, and belongs to the latter's
bishopric. In it is Comintan, where many cotton hose are made. The
inhabitants are healthier and more clever than the others. Champans
(which are Sangley boats) enter this lake through the Taal River, by
which the lake empties into the sea; for the Chinese go everywhere,
and there is no islet, however devoid of profit it be, where they do
not go. If they can obtain nothing else at any islet they get wood;
and if that is lacking, yet they find on the coast material from
which they make lime. This they take to Manila, and it is not the
least expensive thing.

A convent and religious were established in Lipa, which is located on
this lake, four leguas from the convent of Tanauan, of which I have
just spoken. This convent has at present about four hundred Indians. It
has one religious, and the place formerly was densely populated. But
already I have mentioned how this lake region has retrograded. Many
Indians have been taken thence to Cavite, and but very few return;
for they remain in that neighborhood, fleeing from work. There are
a very fine new house and church there, which are built of wood and
better than those of Tanauan.

Religious were established in San Pablo in the mountains, [136]
which is fourteen leguas from Manila by way of Laguna de Bay--ten to
the Bay, and four to this convent. It was nothing until father Fray
Hernando Cabrera [137]--of the province of Andalucía, and a son of the
house at Cordova--went there, who was prior in that convent for many
years. Although neither its house nor its churches of stone, yet they
are of wood, and the best and finest in the province--particularly the
church, with its reredoses and paintings of the saints of the order,
so handsomely made that there is nothing finer in the islands. It
is feared, and with good reason, that since it is built of wood,
it will last but a short time, and that all that expense and beauty
will be wasted. The Indians were settled as if they were Spaniards,
and their village was laid out with its squares and so excellent
houses that it was good only to behold it. But as soon as the father
left there, all that order vanished; for all which does not tend
to keep the Indians in their fields and in the mountains makes them
dissatisfied. The father established so good a stock farm that the
Manila convent had to go there, and obtain from it five hundred head
of cattle; these were placed on the old stock farm, which no longer
had any cattle. He adorned the sacristy of the said village with so
much silver that no cathedral in España had an equal amount, for it
had abundance of every kind. As soon as this religious left there,
the convent of Manila took a notable ornament from it, which cost
it more than eight hundred granos. With this the house at Manila is
adorned during the most solemn feasts, both within and without the
house. The father did many things in other places, until his death
at sea, during a voyage to España in 1629. The province will always
mourn the death of this religious, for, besides his having done most
to increase it, he was the best Tagál interpreter. This, together
with his exceeding great renown in secular affairs, and his not less
observance in matters affecting his order, was a quality that would
make him esteemed in any community. He left this province to go to
take shelter in España. There was no provincial who would restrain
him; for of these religious there are some who had to be restrained,
since out of many crews not many men excel. He died at sea; and
it was well understood that God did not choose to leave him here,
but without doubt would take him to give him the reward of his many
labors and of his devotion. This convent has more than one thousand
Indians, and three religious--a very small number. Sometimes there
are two religious, the number depending upon the poverty or ease of
the time. A quantity of fruit grows in this place. The water is bad,
and therefore the religious are looking for better. Cattle draw the
fruit from here to Bay, where small Sangley and Japanese champans
are found. These buy the fruit to resell it in Manila; for all the
fruit and buyo used in the city of Manila comes from this Laguna,
as I believe I have already mentioned. Amid these heights are many
fresh-water lakes, and others of salt water, one-half legua in circuit
or more. Others are less but so deep that bottom cannot be found. They
are secrets of the Author of nature.




Chapter XXVII

_Which treats of the chapter of this province in which father Fray
Diego Muñóz [138] was elected_


In the year 1587, the chapter was held in Manila. It was the first one
held according to the new rules received and ordered to be observed
in the general chapter held at Rome in 1581, when our very reverend
Tadeo Perusino, a man of great learning, notable for his sanctity,
and one of great skill in the government and management of grave
matters (as was declared by his Excellency Cardinal Jacobo Sabelio,
on this same occasion), was elected [general of the order] for the
second time. This work [i.e., the new rules] had been commenced
in 1575 at another general chapter, at which this illustrious man
was elected also. There all the provinces warned him of the need for
rules, for they had very few or none, and that, therefore, he should
ordain in this respect what he should consider most advisable; and
that they should order them to be printed. They also declared that it
was necessary to correct them, and make them conform with the holy
canons of the Council of Trent, and with certain new determinations
and rules of the most holy pontiffs, adding various other things
in harmony with the times, for with time everything changes. The
chapter having referred this matter to out most reverend father, his
Paternity consulted all the father provincials and learned men of all
the provinces, and finished the work with so great success that it
was quite concluded and approved by the year 1580, by the assistance
therein of his Excellency Cardinal Jacobo Sabelio, most beneficent
protector of our holy order. The latter presented these rules to his
Holiness Gregory XIII, so that he might amend and correct them as our
supreme head and shepherd. His Holiness committed them to two most
erudite cardinals, Alciato and Justiniano--the first doctor in both
laws, and the second a very great theologian, who had governed the
order of our father St. Dominic most worthily as its general. These
illustrious men having examined and approved them, his Holiness
deigned to bless them; and, as I think, that means that he approved
them without adding to them greater force than they possessed, as
they are the orders of our general chapters. That is the ceremony that
his Holiness is wont to display with provincial councils. Hence they
are authorized, but with no greater force than that given them by the
Council. For if he would positively approve the rules and order them
to be observed, then they would have the force of apostolic rules. The
fifth part of the said rules, which treats of degrees, was not received
by the Spanish provinces, who dissembled with it. The generals have
heard that, and not only have they not said anything about it, but
have even neglected it, so that the fifth part is now not binding.

In what pertains to the visitors, they are elected in the province,
and have a vote in the provincial and intermediary chapters. But our
most reverend father generals have dispensed with their making visits
the third year, on account of the inconveniences that have been found
to result from the visit.

Therefore, according to these new rules, the fathers assembled
in the Manila convent, and cast their votes for father Fray Diego
Muñóz, although he had not reached the age of thirty years. That
was a sufficient argument for his ability, since his so great lack
of years was dispensed with, and since a province which was founded
with so great devotion chose to select a man so young. But in truth,
he was a person of so excellent erudition and rare virtue that that
dignity was the least thing that he merited. His election was very
well-received, and his person was judged to be very suitable for
the office. He was a son of the house of Méjico; and that fortunate
house has been one of great learning and virtue, as is proved by its
numberless illustrious sons who have gone forth from it.

He came to the islands at the completion of his studies, eager for
the salvation of souls, and thinking that there were many laborers
for Nueva España and a lack of them for these islands. In the islands,
he so conducted himself, during the period of his residence in them,
that he was always ascending to higher planes, until he became
provincial. In that office he showed himself no less devoted than
previously to whatever arose for the welfare of his order, which was
not little. Nor did he show a halting courage in it, as will be told
in due season. He was commissary of the Holy Office in the islands,
which he administered with the greatest of prudence and wisdom,
and not less to the satisfaction of the inquisitors.

He, also, added to the luster of the province by founding new
convents. Among them was that of Apalit, in Pampanga. Apalit is
located on the river of Candaba (of which we have before spoken),
very near to Macabebe. It had many Indians formerly, but now it has
very few, scarcely three hundred, I believe. [139] This house has
no vote. One religious, who is sufficient, generally lives there;
he can confess himself at the many convents near by, reached both by
water and by land.

At this time Father Quiñones, [140] a son of the house at Méjico,
died among the Tagáls. The Indians cannot forget his life, for his
penances and mortifications were great, and he is commonly regarded as
a saint. He worked hard in his ministry, and gave the Indians excellent
instruction. He compiled a grammar and lexicon of the Tagál language,
and he was the first one to give the rules of the Tagál mode of speech,
so that the mysteries of our redemption could be declared better to
the Indians by one talking their language perfectly. He was learned,
and graduated in both laws; but he did not preach because of an
impediment in his speech, which was somewhat stammering....

[It is related that what was considered his body was found in 1634
[141] to be in perfect preservation. Father Muñóz died while still
a young man.]




Chapter XXVIII

_Of the election of our fathet Fray Juan de Valderrama_


When the time for the election came, namely, May 22, 1590, all the
capitulars, who were now coming from all parts, assembled. They came
from the Bisayas in their caracoas, and from llocos, some by land
and some by sea, for the election. Those among the Tagáls and in
Pampanga were living nearer, and accordingly, without being absent
over Lent from their missions, they came at the critical moment and
entered Manila at the time set by our rules. Finally, all assembled,
and considered and consulted in regard to the person most suitable,
in their opinion, for the good and welfare of the province. That, to my
way of thinking, is what the religious always take by the horns, as men
who place the common welfare before the spiritual (or rather, private)
good. Finally, they thought that father Fray Juan de Henao (or rather,
Valderrama) was the man most suitable for that occasion. Accordingly,
they elected him, and his election was a most fortunate event, for
he was very religious and very devoted to his institution. Hence he
governed with great prudence and devotion.

During his term some new priorates were established, which seemed
advisable for the good government and administration of the
Indians. Among them was that of Arayat, located in the farthest
corner of Pampanga. It had a goodly population at the beginning,
but now the population has dwindled to less than one hundred Indians;
[142] for on one side the Zambales, and on the other the conscriptions,
have been consuming them, as is seen at present in other districts. He
also established religious and visited the provinces very carefully,
and provided in all things quite in accordance with the obligation
of our calling.

At this time happened a wonderful miracle in the province of llocos,
whose memory endures unto today. It was as follows. Among the religious
who were going to Filipinas quite ordinarily, in great numbers, went
father Fray Pedro de la Cruz, [143] to whom our Lord gave much of His
spirit, and who was called commonly "the Apostle of the Filipinas;"
and for him the Lord worked many wonderful miracles. The province of
Pangasinan--which as we said above we gave to the religious fathers
of our father St. Dominic (perhaps from this fact, the latter have
taken occasion to write that he was their religious; but the trick
matters not; only it is not right to take him from those to whom he
belongs, for the stones which shine with more luster in religion are
those in whom our Lord shows more of His piety and mercy)--fell to
this religious and holy man. This servant of God, then, being in a
village of that province called Bagnotan, saw an Indian woman carrying
a baby, to whom she had but recently given birth. The religious was
doubtless moved by the spirit of heaven in his question. The Indian
woman answered that she was taking the baby to bury it alive, for it
had been born blind. When he asked her for her reason, she said that
they had the custom of immediately burying alive any child born who
was incapable of serving its parents, for in such case the latter had
no interest or hope in its living. For it was an arduous task to give
them being, to bear them in travail, to rear them through childhood and
support them all their lives, since such children could not requite
so many benefits. No arguments availed to persuade the Indian woman
of the contrary, until the holy man made an agreement with her,
namely, that she should give him the child, and that he would rear
her and support her as his own daughter. With this agreement, the
mother gave the child to Father Pedro de la Cruz, and he entered his
convent with his new daughter. He got a woman to nurse her at the
price of four reals per month, and then with his right as father,
set about baptizing her. He did so, and it was our Lord's pleasure,
for the credit of His servant, the value of holy baptism, and His own
glory, and likewise so that that devilish custom should cease, that,
as soon as the infant received the water of holy baptism, she gained
her sight, although she had indeed been born blind....




Chapter XXIX

_Of the second election of our father Fray Diego Alvarez_


Father Fray Diego de Alvarez left so good an estimation of himself
during the three years of his service as provincial, and governed
with so great prudence, that so great a desire for his rule was
aroused that, upon the arrival of the time assigned by our rules,
the fathers did not wish to make any new trials of conditions which,
although in appearance good, afterwards are found deceitful. They
had had experience of the prudence of father Fray Diego Alvarez, and
accordingly reelected him so that they might enjoy him for the second
time; for in truth he had been a father to them. Hence he was elected
unanimously, May 6, 1593. His election was very favorably received in
the islands, for he was always much loved by his own and by others;
and he always showed great judgment, preserving the province during
his two trienniums in that flower and rigor of devotion which it had
at first, and also glorifying the province with the new inauguration
of houses and convents.

He established a religious in Pototan, a village then ruined; [144]
and that village, as it was so small, was united, above Suagui,
with another called Baong. [145] Accordingly, a church was built
there. This convent of Baong had more than one thousand Indians, and
was a well-known place for recreation; but now, although it endures, it
has but six hundred Indians. As it is remote from trade, and situated
inland, residence there is regarded as exile. It is one day's journey
from Dumangás, and its river empties into that of Alaguer.

This chapter also established religious in Sibucao, a matter of one
legua from the Suagui River, up the river Alaguer. The road also
turned from Dumangás by ascending the river, although by land the
journey is shorter. This convent was very well located here, for,
in short, it is within sight of so gloomy [146] a river, and very
convenient for the religious. Afterward the fathers thought that they
were acting wisely in moving the convent one-half day's journey inland
to a village called Laglag, very inconvenient for the religious. But
indeed it is apparent how the fathers of former days sought rather
the comfort of the natives than their own convenience; accordingly,
wherever they found the most people, there they went. This convent
has more than one thousand Indians, and two religious live there
ordinarily. It is one of the good convents of the province of Bisayas,
and has a wooden church. [147]

The bishop of Sugbú, Don Fray Pedro de Agurto, bestowed the district
of Salog upon the province, as I have said before. It is very near
the port and fort of Ilong-ilong. It is an excellent port, and has
now been improved through becoming the property of his Majesty. This
convent has more than one thousand Indians in charge, and generally
has two religious. Its chief center is on the coast, or rather,
near the coast, on a fine river, and its visitas are inland.

Religious were established also in the village of Octóng, one of
the chief villages of the Bisayas. That convent has a vote, and is
in charge of more than one thousand two hundred Indians. [148] It
is one-eighth legua from the village of Arévalo. This village was
well inhabited, and the people spread along that coast. The Dutch
burned it once, as well as the convents of Salog and Tigbauan; but
it was rebuilt, better than ever. In regard to the people along the
coast, they have diminished greatly, for the ravages [of pirates]
on that coast are frightful. I cannot understand how the Indians
can endure so much, for they have too much toil--now with the little
fleet that defends their coast, now with the ships sent to Ternate,
whose boats are laded and provisioned in that port. Two religious
live in that convent, which is adorned with considerable silver and
many ornaments. The people are intelligent, as they are reared with
Castilians. The convent is situated in the Sugbú bishopric.

Religious were established in Potol, [149] the first point on Panay
Island coming from Manila. That convent enjoys an exceedingly large
stipend, for its jurisdiction extends very far. It has as visitas the
five islands mentioned previously, and all those coasts. Thus it had
more than two thousand Indians. Later fleeing from their enemies,
more came to the island, four leguas up the river of Ibahay. The
river is so long that it has an ascent of as many more leguas. This
was my first priorate in 1611, when it was yet good. That year came
three severe hurricanes--called _báguios_--which ruined the country,
and laid low the church and house, which was very large and fine. I
rebuilt it. Afterward our Father Barona [150] exchanged it for that
of Tigbauan. The bishop of Sugbú made two benefices of that district,
and two beneficiaries reside there at present. But the natives always
remember the first religious that they had, for what is known first
is liked more--but not because they have ceased to be tended with
good devotion.

During this three years, priorates were established in many convents
in llocos, as in that of Tagudin. That convent suffers greatly from
the Igorrotes, and on that account is almost depopulated. [151]
A priorate was established in Candón, an important priorate of that
province and the best, although without a vote. It ministers to more
than one thousand five hundred Indians. [152] Another was established
in Nalbacán, a priorate with a vote, although it has been greatly
exhausted by the burning of the church and convent. Batac also is an
excellent priorate, and now is one of those that have a vote and are
more esteemed. Resident religious were established in Dinglao, [153]
which is an excellent vicariate. Religious were placed in Bauang. All
these convents belong to the bishopric of Nueva Segovia or Cagayán,
as above stated.

In the island of Manila, that is, in the archbishopric of Manila,
religious were established, in Caruyan and Quingua. Now these last
two are vicariates, and do not have one thousand Indians.

The religious living in them can scarcely support himself. [154]


                                                (_To be concluded._)






Bibliographical Data


The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla:

1. _Letter from Manila Dominicans._--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de
Filipinas; años de 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43."

2. _Letters from Juan Niño de Tavora,_ 1629.--"Simancas--Secular;
cartas y espedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo;
Audiencia de Filipinas; años de 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."

3. _Letters from Juan Niño de Tavora,_ 1630.--The same as No. 2.

The following document is obtained from Pastells's edition of Colin's
_Labor evangélica_:

4. _Decree regarding missions._--In vol. iii, p. 686.

The following document is taken from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer
library):

5. _Relation of 1629-30._--In vol. i, pp. 617-625.

6. Medina's _Historia de la orden de S. Agustin_ is partly translated
in full, partly synopsized, from a copy of the printed work in the
possession of the Editors.






NOTES

[1] See _Vol_. xxii, p. 128.

[2] See, _post_, the statements of the fiscal at Madrid regarding
the various points of this letter. His examination was made and his
opinions noted before the decrees of the Council were given.

[3] Referring to the Dutch East India Company, formed by the
consolidation (1602) of the various trading companies in the Orient,
by the States-General of Holland. This was for many years one of
the richest and most successful of the world's great commercial
associations; but in the eighteenth century its condition became one of
decline. When Holland and Belgium were conquered by France, in 1795,
the Dutch East India Company was practically abolished. Thereafter,
until 1808, the Dutch Indias were administered by a committee of the
States-General, and in the latter year their government was formally
vested in the Dutch nation, which has from that time retained it.

[4] Spanish _vandala_: a Filipino word, signifying a forcible
assessment on the natives for government supplies--_i.e.,_ a
repartimiento; see explanation in Retana's _Zúñiga_, ii, p. 532*. For
later and different use of the word, see Zúñiga's text (_ut supra_),
i, p. 325.

[5] Alluding to the floods which, as often in former years, had
recently inundated a part of the valley in which lies the City
of Mexico. In 1627 heavy rains caused the bursting of the dams
that confined the Quauhtitlan River, and parts of the city were
overflowed. The same experience was repeated in 1629, but to such
an extent that the entire city was under water, in most places more
than five feet deep. It was more than four years before the city was
freed from this calamity, and not until 1634 was this accomplished for
the valley, by a series of earthquake shocks. See Bancroft's account
of these floods, and the drainage works undertaken to prevent them,
in his _Hist. Mexico_, iii, pp. 7-11, 85-91.

[6] The petition here addresses the governor instead of the king.

[7] See _Vol_. VIII, pp. 127, 133, where the encomiendas of Butuan
and Oton are mentioned as held by Doña Lucía de Loarca. This would
indicate that Silva's wife was a granddaughter of Miguel de Loarca,
and that her father was a son of the latter.

[8] The above matter in quotation marks, as appears from a footnote
in the Ventura del Arco MS., is taken from a letter written by Father
Manuel Azevedo, rector of Manila, May 3,1630. Evidently "Manila" is
an error for "Malaca," and the letter was probably written to Manila,
and the above section embodied in the relation written from that place.

[9] See account of the establishment of this mission, in _Vol_. XVIII,
p. 213.

[10] The festival here mentioned would seem, from its length, to
mean the two feasts observed by the Chinese in the first month of
the year--New Year's and the "feast of lanterns." See accounts of
these and other feasts in Williams's _Middle Kingdom_, ii, pp. 76-84;
and Winterbotham's _Chinese Empire_, ii, pp. 49, 50, 138-142.

[11] Fray Juan de Medina was born at Sevilla, and entered the
Augustinian convent of that city. On reaching the Philippines he was
assigned to the Bisayan group, and was known to those natives by
the name of "the apostle of Panay." A zealous worker, he was wont
on feast days to preach to his flock in three languages--Bisayan,
Chinese, and Spanish. He was minister at Laglag in 1613, at Mambúsao
in 1615, at Dumangas in 1618, at Panay in 1619, and at Passi in 1623;
prior of the convent at Cebú in 1626; and definitor in 1629. After
twenty years of missionary labors, being soul-tormented, he asked and
secured reluctant permission to return to Spain; but the exigencies
of the weather prevented the ship from making its voyage. Three years
later he obtained permission to make the same voyage, but died at sea
(1635). Diaz, in his _Conquistas_, says that Medina composed many
things in aid of his missionary work; but only the present history
and four volumes of manuscript sermons in the Panayana language are
known with certainty. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, pp. 83-85; and Pardo
de Tavera's _Biblioteca Filipina_, p. 255.

[12] The island of Panay, in which is a village of the same name. The
Augustinian missionaries began their labors in this island in 1572,
at Otón (or Ogtóng). Their first establishment in the archipelago was
at Cebú (1565). Dumangas mission was begun in 1578; Aclán, in 1581;
Passi, in 1593; Ibahay, in 1611. All these are in Panay. See list of
convents and villages founded by the Augustinians in the Philippines,
from 1565 to 1880, at the end of Medina's _Historia_, pp. 481-488.

[13] The monument of Legazpi and Urdaneta presented in this volume
was the work of the sculptor, Agustín Querol, and of the architect,
Luis María Cabello. On the front and rear of the pedestal are the
arms of Manila and Spain. On one side are allegorical representations
of the sea and, valor for Legazpi, and on the other the emblems
of science for Urdaneta. The pedestal ends above in a border upon
which are the names of Magallanes, Elcano, Jofré de Loaisa, and
Villalobos. This monument is due to Señor Gutiérrez de la Vega,
who initiated a public subscription during the last years of the
Spanish regime for a monument to the two discoverers. As it arrived at
Manila where Spanish authority in the islands was tottering or ended,
it was placed in position by the Americans. See "España y América,"
(Augustinian review), for April, 1903, pp. 479-485.

[14] See _Vol_. XV, p. 102, note 66.

[15] Western group of the Carolinas. They were called Los Reyes,
because they were discovered on the sixth of January, when the festival
of the holy kings is celebrated.--_Miguel Coco, O.S.A._

Fray Miguel Coco--born at Zamora in 1860, and a resident in the
Philippines during 1881-95--was editor of Medina's _Historia_, on which
he made copious annotations. Many of these we reproduce or synopsize,
in English translation, all of which are signed by his name.

[16] The Corales (or Coral), San Estéban, or Jardines Islands are
now the northern Carolinas.--_Coco_.

[17] Now the Palaos.--_Coco_.

[18] For the name of this latter island, see _Vol_. II, p. 68. The
Spanish editor of Medina, in referring to San Agustin's _Conquistas_
(p. 26), where the name of this island is discussed, says wrongly
that the name was given by the Legazpi expedition. It is one of the
western Carolinas.

[19] In hydrography the name _placeres_ is given to the layer of sand
in stagnant water or alluvion which usually has particles of gold. The
Placeres are in die western part of the Carolinas. See San Agustin's
_Conquistas_, p. 67, and Montero y Vidal's _El archipiélago filipino_
(Madrid, 1886), pp. 443-499.--_Coco_.

[20] The largest of the Marianas or Ladrone Islands is Guam, which
was ceded to the United States by Spain in 1898. The remaining twelve
smaller islands of the group were transferred to Germany by Spain.

[21] Retana (_Estadismo,_ ii, p. 512*) says that the _baroto_ is now
a boat dug out of a single log, sometimes of more than eighty feet
in length. They are used principally for the lading and discharging
of vessels, and are native craft of Cebú and neighboring islands. See
_U.S. Gazetteer of Philippine Islands_ (Washington, 1902).

[22] See _Vol_. I, pp. 105-111, for the English translation of
this bull. The translation of the portion quoted occupies parts of
pp. 108, 109.

[23] This image is not now carried to the Cathedral on St. Vidal's
day. It is carried in procession, however, on the second Sunday
succeeding Epiphany when the Church celebrates the feast of the sweet
name of Jesus. Until the end of Spain's domination of the islands
the banner of Castile was also carried in this procession.--_Coco_.

[24] Literally "barren loves," the _Chrysopopogon acicutatus_
(Trin.). It is described by Delgado (_Historia,_ p. 744) as a brake
that is found quite commonly in the fields, and has small ears that
bear a kind of very small millet, like that called _vallico_ in Spain,
which grows among the wheat. It has a rough mildew that sticks to
the clothes and penetrates them, which the Spaniards call _amores
secos_. It is especially abundant where there are cattle; and when
these are grazing, the plants penetrate their eyes, even blinding
them because they grow so thickly, and they must be withdrawn with
the fingers.

[25] Charts of the villages of Opong and Córdoba in the island of
Mactan, made about 1893, showed that the island possessed 15,060
inhabitants.--_Coco_.

Bulletin No. 1, of _Census of the Philippine Islands_: 1903,
"Population of the Philippines" (issued by the Bureau of the Census,
of the Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, 1904), gives
the present population of Mactán, which is in the province of Cebú,
as 17,540, all civilized.

The Philippine Islands are divided into provinces or _comandancias,_
the latter meaning military district, and in which civil government
has not yet been established. The province or comandancia is divided
into municipalities and _barrios_. That barrio or ward in which
the municipal government is located is called the _población_ or
_centro_. The census of the various municipalities has been returned
for each barrio. See Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra_.

[26] Cebú and San Nicolás are now two independent towns. The census
of the latter, about 1893, showed 20,498 inhabitants.--_Coco_.

The population of the island of Cebú, according to the census of
1903 (see Bulletin No. I, _ut supra_), was 592,247; of the city of
Cebú, 31,079; or, if the closer-built part of this municipality,
which may properly be regarded as the city of Cebú, be considered,
its population is 18,330.

The steady increase in the total population of the Philippines, as
shown by various reports and sources, more or less authoritative
and trustworthy, is seen in the following figures. At the time
of the discovery by Magallanes in 1521, the total population is
supposed to have numbered about 500,000. In 382 years, according to
the census report of 1903, the population (now 7,635,426, slightly
more than the 1900 census of New York State) has multiplied fifteen
times. The increase during the past century was 1.5 per cent. Of
the present population, 6,987,686 are civilized or partly so, and
647,740 are wild and uncivilized, although they have some knowledge
of domestic arts. Of this latter number about 23,000 are Negritos,
who are supposed to be the aborigines of the archipelago. Sources
(ecclesiastical and governmental) give the census for various years
as follows; they cannot all be taken as definite, although some are
approximately so:


        1735      837,182
        1799    1,522,224
        1805    1,741,234
        1812    1,933,331
        1815    2,502,994
        1817    2,062,805
        1818    2,026,230
        1827    2,593,287
        1833    3,153,290
        1840    3,096,031
        1845    3,434,007
        1850    3,800,163
        1862    4,734,533
        1870    4,698,477
        1876    5,567,685
        1879    5,817,268
        1887    5,984,727
        1891    6,101,682
        1896    6,261,339


That guesswork has figured to some extent in these figures is evident;
but as a whole they represent tolerably well the growth of the
islands. The figures for 1903 are to be relied on. See Bulletin No. 1,
_ut supra_, and _U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_, pp. 25-31.

[27] The episcopal residence is now in Vigan, Ilocos Sur, where it
was removed in 1755 from Lal-lo, Cagayán.--_Coco_.

[28] The island now known as Samar was formerly called Samar in the
south, and Ibabao in the north.--_Coco_.

[29] The island of Panay has at present one hundred villages,
scattered through the three provinces of Iloilo, Capiz, and Antique,
and the two districts of Concepción and Aclán--with a population in
1893 of about 790,772 people, of whom the Augustinians had in charge
561,158.--_Coco_.

The "Bulletin" above cited gives Panay (which comprises parts of
Antique, Capiz, and Iloilo provinces) 743,646 people, of whom 14,933
are wild.

[30] This is a fact if the figures of the _U.S. Gazetteer of
the Philippine Islands_ are correct. Those figures show that the
mainland of Luzon contains 43,075 square miles and that of Mindanao
45,559. While these numbers may not yet be taken as authoritative
they may be regarded as approximate until actual and scientific
surveys are made. Algué's _Atlas_ follows the generally accepted
though perhaps erroneous idea that Luzon is the larger of the two,
its figures being 47,238 and 36,237 square miles, respectively.

[31] This cross is still preserved. It was enclosed in an octagonal
temple by the Augustinians in the time of the Augustinian bishop of
Cebú, Fray Santos Marañón, in order to preserve it from the weather,
and from the natives, who, regarding it as miraculous, were accustomed
to take splinters from it as relics. The foundation of the enclosure
is of stone, and it has a grated window which permits passers-by to
see the cross. The latter is wooden, not stone, as Montero y Vidal
states in his _Historia general_, i, p. 17. This is the identical
cross erected by Magallanes in 1521.--_Coco_.

[32] This statement is an error. Drake's first trip to Spain was made
to the Biscayan coast in 1564, and was only for the voyage. See Julian
Corbett's _Sir Francis Drake_. (London, 1890).

[33] Fray Bernabé Villalobos was born in León, and professed in
the Augustinian convent of San Felipe el Real. He went to the
Philippines in 1590, where he had charge of missions in Halaud
(1591), Panay (1593), and Otón (1596). He was twice prior of Manila
(1602 and 1613), twice of Cebú (1606 and 1618), and definitor (1616),
and later labored in the Tagál missions. His death occurred at Manila
in 1646. See Perez's _Catálogo_, p. 41.

[34] Compare the materialism of the North American Indians, in
Cleveland reissue of _Jesuit Relations_, viii, p. 119; xx, p. 71; 1,
p. 289.

[35] Fray Juan de Alva was born of an illustrious family in Segovia,
and professed in the Augustinian convent at Toledo in 1514. In 1535
he went to Mexico, where he labored for thirty-three years. At the age
of seventy-two he went to the Philippines, landing at Cebú in 1569. He
labored successfully in Panay, and founded the church of Dumangas. In
1572 he was elected first prior of the convent of Manila and definitor,
after which (1575) he began the foundation of Pásig. He became rector
provincial of the Philippines in 1576, and died at Manila, September
17, 1577. See Perez's _Catálogo_, p. 8.

[36] Fray Alonso Jiménez was a native of Málaga, and took his vows in
the Augustinian convent at Mexico in 1558. He accompanied Juan de Alva
to the Philippines, where he voted in the first provincial chapter. He
was the first missionary to the islands of Masbate, Leyte, Samar,
and Burias. Thence he went to Ibalon in the province of Camarines,
where he resided several years, and made many excursions into Albay and
Sorsogón. He was prior of Cebú in 1575. Endowed with great facility
in learning languages, he became known as the first linguist of the
islands. His death occurred in August, 1577, at the Cebú convent. He
composed a catechism in the Bicol language. See Pérez's _Catálogo_,
p. 9.

[37] Fray Diego Ordóñez Vivar was a native of Guadalajara in Nueva
Galicia, and professed in the convent of Mexico in 1557. Arriving at
the Philippines in 1570 he became the first missionary to Bulacán in
1572, provincial secretary in 1580 and 1584, minister at Hagonoy in
1582 and 1587, procurator-general in 1583, and minister at Tendo in
1594 and 1599. He died in Pampanga in 1603. Agustín Maria, O.S.A.,
in his _Osario Venerable_ (still unpublished) says that Ordónez was
in Japan and was an eye-witness of the martyrdom of the Franciscans
in 1596. See Perez's _Catálogo_, pp. 9, 10.

[38] Fray Diego de Espinar was born in Toledo and entered a convent
in Castilla. Almost immediately upon his arrival at Cebú (1570)
he was assigned to the region about Laguna de Bay. He was the first
missionary at Bonbón (1575), Mindoro (1578), Parañaque (1580), and
Candaba (1581). He took part in the first diocesan council celebrated
by Bishop Salazar; and in 1587 went to Macao, where he lived until
1596. While returning to Manila in the latter year he was wrecked and
drowned between Mindanao and Borneo (1597). He had been definitor in
1581. See Perez's _Catálogo_, p. 10.

[39] "For he finds shackles who finds kindnesses."

[40] St. Gregory, _Homil. II in Evangelia_.--_Coco_. Englished, this
reads: "Therefore, he desires to plunder him who carries a public
treasure along the street."

[41] This islet is today called Corregidor. The name Mariveles is
applied to the mountain ridge in the southern part of Bataan Province,
whose brow forms, with Corregidor, one of the entrances to Manila
Bay. It is a great pity that Corregidor is not well fortified,
in case of war with a foreigner, as it is a very strategic point,
and the key to the port and city of Manila.--_Coco_.

[42] Buzeta and Bravo, _Diccionario Geográfico_, say that Manila Bay
is thirty-three leguas in circumference, and has a maximum depth of
thirty-five brazas.

Manila Bay is one of the finest bays in the world and by far the best
in the Far East. It will accommodate all the fleets of the world. Its
greatest dimensions are from Tubutubu Island in the estuary of Orani,
bay of Pampanga, in the northwest angle of the shore of the greater
bay, to Las Piñas, thirty-five miles, near the boundary between
Cavite and Rizal; and from the delta of the river Grande Pampanga,
on the shores of Bulacán in the northeast, to Corregidor Island,
southwest, thirty-one miles. It is one hundred and twenty miles in
circumference. Five of the important rivers of the archipelago empty
into it. See _U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_, p. 186.

[43] Tondo now contains 39,043 civilized inhabitants. It is the
most northerly and populous district along the bay shore above the
Pásig. Its inhabitants are largely engaged in the tobacco and cigar
industries, and in fishing, weaving, and gardening for the Manila
market. See Bulletin No. 1 of the Census Bureau, and _U.S. Gazetteer
of the Philippine Islands_, p. 188.

[44] Psalms cxxi, 7.--_Coco_.

[45] Matthew xvii, 20.--_Coco_.

[46] See _Vol_. VI, p. 115, note 27.

[47] See _Vol_. VI, p. 88, note 22.

[48] See _Vol_. IX, p. 95, note 18.

[49] Fray Agustín de Alburquerque was a native of Castilla, and
professed at the convent of Salamanca. Batangas became the theater
of his missionary labors in the islands. He was definitor in 1572,
prior of Tondo in 1575, and prior provincial in 1578, renouncing
to the Franciscans during his term the _omnimoda_ ecclesiastical
jurisdiction. He tried to sell himself as a slave, in order that he
might introduce Christianity into China. He is the author of the
first or second Tagál grammar, the Franciscans claiming that the
first was written by Fray Juan de Plasencia. He died in 1580. See
Pérez's _Catálogo_, pp. 13, 14.

[50] Fray Francisco Merino took his vows in the Augustinian province of
Castilla. After his arrival in the islands he labored in the province
of Iloílo until his death. Although he was proposed as one of the
associates of Father Rada on the latter's memorable journey to China in
1576, Jerónimo Marín went in his stead; while he himself accompanied
Juan de Salcedo and Pedro Chaves on the Camarines expedition. He died
in 1581. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 14.

[51] Fray Juan de Orta, born in Moguer, in the province of Huelva,
professed in the convent of Mexico in 1558. He was a novice under
Urdaneta. Shortly after his arrival at the islands, he learned the
Bicol language, in which he evangelized with great success. A number
of villages founded by him were later handed over to the care of the
Franciscans. In 1575 he returned to Manila to help the prior there,
where he worked zealously, having in charge also until his death (in
Manila on Palm Sunday, 1577) the village of Parañaque. See Pérez's
_Catálogo_, p. 12.

[52] Isaiah v, 20.--_Coco_.

[53] This edifice is still in existence. It is the only one with a
stone vault which has been constructed in the archipelago. It resisted
with but little damage the series of most severe earthquakes which
devastated Manila so frequently. The earthquake of 1880 split one
of its towers, which the fathers of the convent afterward ordered
to be pulled down. The church is the most capacious and beautiful
in Manila, in spite of these circumstances. Its architect was the
Augustinian lay-brother Fray Antonio Herrara, nephew or son of the
famous architect who built the Escorial.--_Coco_.

[54] _In reg_., chapter viii. This is in English: "And therefore,
the more fully that you shall watch over a common possession than
your own, so much the more fully shall you learn how to progress."

[55] St. Poss, in his life of St. Augustine [_Vita S. Augustini_],
chapter xxix. Englished the above quotation is, "He made no will,
for, as he was a pauper in Christ, he had nothing."

[56] The _U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_ (p. 374) says that
the lake of Bonbón or Taal is second in importance among the lakes
of Luzón. Its circumference is seventy-five miles, being seventeen
miles from north to south and twelve and one-half miles from east to
west: It reaches a depth of one hundred and six fathoms very near
shore. The crater of the volcano of Taal in its center supplies
quantities of sulphur.

[57] The last parochial census (before 1893) gave Taal 32,908
inhabitants, and says that from it was formed the village of Lemery,
which has 16,738 inhabitants.--_Coco_.

Bulletin No. 1 (_ut supra_) gives the present civilized population of
Taal as 17,525. The chief industries of the people are agriculture,
herding, fishing, and the coast trade. Lemery has 11,150 civilized
inhabitants.

[58] For a late discussion of the volcanoes of the Philippines, see
Bulletin No. 3 of _The Census of the Philippine Islands_, "Volcanoes
and Seismic Centers," published by the Department of Commerce and
Labor, Bureau of the Census (Washington, 1904).

[59] Today (1893) Tanauan has 21,363 inhabitants; Lipa, 40,031;
Bauang, 39,275; and Batangas, 35,156.--_Coco_.

The Bulletin's figures give Tanauan 18,263 civilized inhabitants;
Lipa, 37,934; Bauang, 39,094; and Batangas, 33,131.

[60] This lake has a coast-line of 108 miles, and its two greatest
diameters are respectively 32 and 28 miles. Fifteen rivers empty into
it. See _U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands._

[61] The original reads: "_porque dos Iglesias_," which we have
regarded as a misprint for "_porque dos leguas_."

[62] The original is "_de voto_." Perhaps Medina means that the
religious at this visita had the right of voting at the election of
the provincial.--_Coco_.

[63] Calumpit has now (1893) 15,024 inhabitants.--_Coco_.

Bulletin No. 1 (_ut supra_) gives the present civilized population
of Calumpit as 13,897.

[64] A small bird, native to the island of Cerdeña, whose nest is
utilized by the cuckoo. The context, however, suggests that the
word may be a misprint for _mezquitas_, referring to the mezquit
(_Algarobia_) of Nueva España--the writer meaning that along the
Quiñgua valley were numerous thickets of some shrub resembling the
mezquit. The river is now fringed with clumps of prickly bamboo. It
is also possible that _mosquitas_ is simply a misprint for _mosquitos_
("mosquitoes").

[65] Fray Pedro Mejia was born in La Mancha, and professed in the
Augustinian convent at Valladolid. He became prior of Guadalupe in
1621, and later definitor and visitor. He was minister at Narvacan
in 1611 and of the Tagál villages of Calumpit, Bauan, and Guiguinto
until his death in 1659. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 94.

[66] Fray Luis Ronquillo, nephew of Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo, was
born in the city of Arevalo (Spain), in the province of Avila. He was
lecturer in theology, master, and prior of the convent of Arenas. He
went to the Philippines in 1624, where he became preacher in 1626,
definitor-general in 1628, prior of Manila and master of novitiates in
1638, prior of Tondo and Malate, and definitor of the province in 1632;
and was at the missions of Calumpit (1629), Bay (1635), Bulacán (1641),
and Pásig (1642). He died at Manila in 1644. See Pérez's _Catálogo_,
p. 102.

[67] The census prior to 1893 gave Lubao 20,568 inhabitants.--_Coco_.

Its present civilized population according to Bulletin No. 1 (_ut
supra_) is 19,063.

[68] Doubtless a mistake of the author, for Manila is about three
hundred and twenty miles from Iloílo.--_Coco_.

[69] Today (1893) administered by seculars, to whom the Augustinians
ceded it.--_Coco_.

[70] Today Halaud.--_Coco_.

[71] Dueñas.--_Coco_.

[72] Dingle.--_Coco_.

[73] The island of Guimarás, today (1893) in charge of
seculars.--_Coco_.

[74] The present province of Antique.--_Coco_.

[75] The Chinese call their country Song-Song.--_Coco_.

[76] "_Manguianes._--The heathen, unaffiliated natives inhabiting the
interior of Mindoro, Romblon, and Tablas. Manguian (forest people)
is a collective, name of different languages and races. According to
R. Jordana, the Manguianes of Mindoro are divided into four branches,
one of which, Bukil or Buquel, is a bastard race of Negritos, while a
second in external appearance reminds one of Chinese Mestizos, and on
that account it is to be regarded as a Mongoloid type. The other two
are pure Malay." (Blumentritt's "Native Tribes of the Philippines,"
in _Smithsonian Report,_ 1899, p. 541.)

Colin says (_Labor evangélica,_ lib. i, cap. iv, sec. 30) that the
tribes dwelling at the headwaters of the rivers in the various islands
are known by almost as many different names--among these, as Zambales,
Manguianes, etc. "It is understood that they are mestizos of the
other tribes, the savage and the civilized; and that for this reason
they rank between those two classes of peoples in color, dress, and
customs." He also describes their habits and mode of life (cap. vi,
sec. 52), and says of them: "They are a simple, honest, temperate
people," and adds that, up to the time of writing his book, they
had not been christianized, "save some six hundred in the district
and visitas of Nauhan, who received baptism during the few years in
which the Society of Jesus had charge of them."

Murillo Velarde, S.J., states in his _Historia de Philipinas_ (Manila,
1749), fol. 52, that "in 1631 the cura of Mindoro, who was a secular
priest, ceded that ministry to the Society;... the superior lived at
Nauhan in Mindoro, and Ours undertook to preach to and convert the
Manguianes, heathen Indians of that island." On fol. 63, verso, and
folio 64 he gives some account of these labors, and of the customs
of these people, under the date 1633.

Sawyer (_Inhabitants of the Philippines,_ p. 206) describes the
Manguianes as "probably a hybrid Negrito-Visaya race." He mentions
three varieties of these people, of whom "those residing near the
western coast are much whiter, with lighter hair and full beards;"
those of the southern part show evident signs of Chinese blood;
and those in the center are darker and less intelligent. He praises
the morality and honesty of the Manguianes, as also does Worcester
(_Philippine Islands,_ p. 413).

[77] Fray Diego Mójica was born of noble parents in a Castilian town,
and took the Augustinian habit in Salamanca. After living for some
years in Mexico, he went (1573) to the Philippines, where he was sent
to Mindoro. He was the first prior of the Convent of Santa Maria de
Gracia in 1575; twice definitor; minister of Tondo and Batangas;
prior of Pásig in 1578; preacher and confessor to the Spaniards
in 1580; president of the provincial chapter in 1581. He died in
1584. Extremely modest by nature, he never sought or wished preferment.

[78] Fray Alonso Gutiérrez professed in the province of Castilla, and
was a conventual in Cebú in 1573. He ministered to Halaud and Otón
successively in 1576 and 1577; was preacher and confessor in 1581;
minister at Parañaque in 1584, at Tabucao in 1584, at Pásig in 1586,
and at Tondo in 1587. In the last-named year he was definitor and
lecturer, and in 1590 president of the chapter, dying at Manila in
1605. See Perez's _Catálogo,_ p. 15.

[79] Fray Juan Gallegos took his vows at the convent at Mexico
about 1566. Upon his arrival at the islands, he became a conventual
at Lubao. He was first minister to Bay in 1578, and to Tabucao in
1581. He died while definitor, at the end of 1581. _Ibid_., p. 15.

[80] Fray Francisco Manrique professed at Valladolid, and on his
arrival at the islands relieved Father Rada (September 11, 1575) of
the ministry at Otón. He was afterward definitor and missionary at
Lubao (1576); rector provincial in 1577; first minister to Candaba in
1579; prior of Manila, 1575, 1578, 1581, and 1584; definitor, 1581;
vicar-provincial, 1582; and first prior of Macao, 1587. His death
must have occurred in 1588, as his name does not appear after that
in the provincial records. _Ibid_. p. 16.

[81] Fray Sebastián Molina, after his arrival at the islands, became
first minister to Macabebe in 1575. He died in September of the
following year. _Ibid_., p. 16.

[82] Fray Alonso Heredero was an austere religious, and was three
times minister at Macabebe (1576, 1578, and 1581). He was definitor
and minister at Calumpit in 1584, and again definitor and minister
at Méjico in 1590. He died in the latter town in 1591. _Ibid_., p. 16.

[83] The viceroy of Nueva España at this time was Martin Enriquez de
Almansa; he arrived in the City of Mexico November 5, 1568, and held
his office until October, 1580, when he was succeeded by the Condé
de la Coruña.

[84] The Franciscans were in charge of these islands in 1893.--_Coco_.

[85] The "Christian Doctrine" of Cardinal Bellarmino; see _Vol_. XVII,
p. 70, and note.

[86] Only the name of Parián remains today; and of the church not
even the ruins.--_Coco_.

[87] San Agustín (_Conquistas_ p. 381) says that the Augustinian
mission to the Chinese was established in the Tondo convent in 1581,
and placed under the special charge of Fray Diego Muñoz. Later a suit
arose between the Augustinians and Dominicans (_Conquistas_, p. 533)
as to the administration of the Chinese at Baybay. It was settled in
1612, on condition of the two orders celebrating alternately Corpus
Christi day.

[88] Ecclesiastes xi, 30.--_Coco_.

[89] See Gonzalez de Mendoza's _Historia de la gran China_ (1586),
for a relation of this journey. Part of it may be found in _Vol_. VI
of this series, pp. 114-125.

[90] This is evidently the _Historia de la gran China_ by Gonzalez
de Mendoza.

[91] In Tagál, _molave_.--_Coco_.

[92] Bulacán in the census preceding 1893 had a population of
13,659.--_Coco_.

Bulletin No. 1 gives Bulacán 11,589 civilized inhabitants.

[93] The Rio Grande of Pampanga.

[94] In 1893, the inhabitants numbered 15,156, with a convent and
church of solid masonry.--_Coco_.

Bulletin No. 1 makes the present civilized population 11,783.

[95] In 1893 Macabebe had 19,801 inhabitants, and a stone church
and convent.--_Coco_.

The civilized population now (see Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra_)
is 14,405.

[96] The population of the province of Pampanga is reported for
five different years as follows: 1818, 106,381; 1840, 152,232;
1850, 156,272; 1870, 203,137 (these four including Tárlac); 1887,
223,902. The estimate of the _U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine
Islands_, from which these numbers are taken, figures a population
of 223,922 for 1901. Bulletin No. 1 (_ut supra_) reports 223,754 for
1903, of whom 222,656 are civilized, and 1,098 wild.

[97] The attitude of the great Augustinian Philippine writer, San
Agustín, and in general the friars of the last century of the Spanish
regime, toward the native is well shown in the following note by the
Spanish editor, Father Coco: "The Indians have not changed in this
regard. Since they have not lost their disposition they preserve
with it their vices. If the father does not interest himself in the
regulation of bridges, roads, the maintenance of the children at
school, etc., nothing useful is done. In this interest and zeal, the
father must not relax one instant, for the very moment in which the
vigilance of the father rests, little by little all the good that he
has done in the village disappears. The greater number of the Ilocan
plains are crossed by irrigation canals, brought to completion by the
initiative of the fathers, and preserved until now by the watchfulness
of the same persons. All this, as is natural, brings endless troubles
and not small sorrow to the parish priest."

[98] Psalms xxxv, 7.--_Coco_.

[99] The author might have added something more, namely, that from
the little that is enjoyed from the Spanish race, it is becoming so
degenerate in the course of time that it is losing completely even the
characteristic traces of its origin. It is giving the "leap backward,"
as we say here in common parlance.--_Coco_.

[100] The original is _bozales_, which is a term applied to negroes
lately imported, or to inhabitants of the less polished provinces of
Spain, newly arrived in Madrid.

[101] Dative of _agibilis_, a late Latin word coined from _agere_;
meaning "what can be done or accomplished."

[102] _Visitas_ in the Philippines are the distant suburbs of a
village. They generally have their chapel and patron saint, and
the chapel is called _visita_. The term has been extended to the
suburbs. Many of the _visitas_ are distant from the mother village
four or six hours by horse, along impassable roads which cause great
annoyances to the parish priests.--_Coco_.

[103] Odes, book iv, 24, 11. 30, 31. William Coutts in his translation
of Horace (New York and Bombay, 1898) renders this passage as follows:
"We hate virtue when safe amongst us, but seek for it when removed
from our eyes, envious alike."

[104] Still today [1893], thanks to God, one may sleep in the convents
with doors unlocked, without the slightest fear. However, now they
are generally locked in the province of Manila.--_Coco_.

[105] Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians iv, 9.--_Coco_.

[106] Job iii, 3.

[107] Much more might be said about these points, which Father Medina
treats with as much skill as delicacy.... Not to go into certain
details, wearisome beyond measure, I shall only say, that even now
were it not for the direct intervention of the Spanish priest in
the collection of the cedula or tribute, the treasury would lose
some hundreds of thousands of pesos. Many are the parish priests,
especially in the Bisayas, who oblige the heads of barangay to deliver
at the convent the result of the collection; for if they did not do so,
not one-half of what the town should furnish would be deposited in the
royal treasury. While the writer of these lines was in a certain town
of Iloílo a few years ago, the parish priest had in his convent the
sum of 15,000 pesos, belonging to the collection of the tribute. He
petitioned the corresponding authority for an armed force to conduct
the revenues of the state safely to the royal treasury. That authority
considered it suitable to answer him that it was not part of the
duty of the military force to act as a custodian for the conveyance
of the state revenue....--_Coco_.

[108] Fray Juan de Villamayor took his vows in the Augustinian convent
of Toledo, and was conventual and prior of Halaud in 1590 and 1593
respectively. He ministered at Aclán in 1596, at Jaro in 1598, at
Sibucao in 1599, at Potól in 1603, and finally at Aclán, 1605-1608,
where he died the latter year. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 38.

[109] The lay brother Fray Andrés Garcia was assistant for some years
at the mission at Aclán. He died in 1623. See Pérez's _Catálogo_,
p. 75.

[110] The island of Bantayan (province of Cebú) has now a population
of 18,325, all civilized. See Bulletin No. I, _ut supra._

[111] And of pearls.--_Coco_.

[112] Antique; in 1893 it was a province with twenty-one
villages and a population of 119,322, under the charge of sixteen
Augustinians.--_Coco_.

Its present population is 134,166, of whom 131,245 are civilized and
2,921 wild. The reports of population for several other years are as
follows: 1818, 50,597; 1840, 48,333; 1850, 84,570; 1870, 108,855;
1887, 115,434. See Bulletin No. 1 (_ut supra_) and _U.S. Gazetteer
of the Philippine Islands._

[113] Father Fray Nicolás Melo, or Moran, Portuguese by birth, and
the lay-brother Fray Nicolás de San Agustín, a Japanese, were sent
on an important commission to Europe in 1597. They went to Malacca,
and thence to Goa--where, not finding facilities to embark, they
determined to make the journey by land. They journeyed toward Persia,
in company with other Augustinian religious, who were going to our
missions in that empire. Thence they went to Moscow, where Father
Melo comforted the persecuted Catholics (to whom he administered
the holy sacraments), and tried to convert the Calvinist heretics,
for which reason they were imprisoned and suffered penalties without
number. When they reached Nisna, near the Caspian Sea, brother Fray
Nicolás de San Agustín was beheaded on the thirtieth of November,
1611, for refusing to apostatize from the holy Catholic faith. Father
Nicolás Melo was burned alive in Astrakán, together with Princess
Bárbara Noski, a tertiary of our order, on the first of November,
1616.--_Coco_.

Father Melo was born of a noble family in Corinchán, Portugal. Going
to Mexico at an early age, he took the Augustinian habit in the
convent of Puebla de los Angeles, June 28, 1578. After becoming a
priest he went to the Philippines, where he learned the Tagál and
Bisayan tongues, and ministered at Aclán, Cagayancilo, Batangas,
and Tanauan. See Pérez's _Catálogo,_ p. 27.

The lay-brother, Fray Nicolás de San Agustín, a Japanese, converted
by the above, professed in the Manila convent in 1594. Ibid., p. 69.

[114] In 1893 Malolos had 14,635 inhabitants, without reckoning
the villages of Barasoaín and Santa Isabel, with 9,442 and 7,174
inhabitants respectively. The three villages, especially Malolos,
had at the above date beautiful churches and convents of solid
masonry.--_Coco_.

The present civilized population of Malolos (see Bulletin No. 1, _ut
supra_) is 12,575; Barasoaín, 8,047; and of Santa Isabel, 6,403. The
first named is the capital of Bulacán province.

[115] Now (1893) the parish of Hagonoy has in charge 19,755 people,
and has a very large stone church and convent.--_Coco_.

Its present civilized population (see Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra_)
is 21,304.

[116] This town had 16,867 inhabitants in 1893.--_Coco_. It now has
13,469 civilized inhabitants according to the latest census. See
Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra._

[117] _Pedáneo_ or _gobernadorcilio_, as he is called in the
country.--_Coco_.

[118] Matthew x, 22.--_Coco_.

[119] "The iniquity of thy sister was pride, abundance, and sloth."

[120] In regard to what is mentioned of the character and nature of
the Indian, all the authors, native and foreign, whom I have read are
unanimous in this, with the exception of Father Delgado, S.J., who for
reasons unknown to me, although not difficult to infer, dissents from
the others. See the attempt at refutation (!) which the above father,
with more good will than success, has tried to make of the so well
known letter of Father Gaspar de San Agustín--a letter which in my
opinion should never have been published (as in fact it was published
in the first volume of this "Biblioteca," p. 273, _et seq._). No
Spaniard or foreigner who has lived for some time in the islands
and has had intercourse with the natives will agree with what Father
Delgado asserts, but which is so opposed to the facts. To speak truly
is not to offend, but to depart from the truth is injustice; and in the
present case, he who writes thus would merit another epithet.--_Coco_.

The letter mentioned in the preceding paragraph will be published
later in this series.

[121] That is, the vicar-provincial and definitors, who governed
the province.--_Coco_.

[122] This letter is given in full by Gaspar de San Agustín in his
_Conquistas_, pp. 395-409.--_Coco_.

This was the father master, Fray Alonso de la Vera-Cruz, one of those
in Mexico to whom the bishop wrote. See San Agustín, _ut supra_,
p. 395.

[123] Fray Diego Alvarez was master of novices in the Manila convent
in 1580, and minister at Taal in 1581, and at Bulacán in 1582. He
was elected prior provincial in 1584, and definitor and minister at
Taguig in the provincial chapter of 1587. In 1590 he took charge of
the Manila priorate and was elected provincial for the second time
in 1593. He died in the convent of San Pablo in Manila, in 1601. See
Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 20.

[124] Ecclesiasticus xix, 1.

[125] The city of Vigan is not now [1893] in so poor a state as Father
Medina says. It is well inhabited, and presents a good appearance,
having many stone edifices.--_Coco_.

It is the capital of the province of Ilocos Sur, and has a civilized
population of 14,945 (See _U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_
and Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra_); and from its position on the railroad
from Manila it is a town of importance.

[126] Now [1893] called Balaoang, and with 8,260 inhabitants.--_Coco_.

Balaoang is now in the province of La Unión, and has a civilized
population of 10,008. See _ut supra._

[127] In 1893 the three provinces of La Unión and South and North
Ilocos had, in the lowlands, forty-two villages with a total population
of 349,205; and in the mountains fifteen missions in Abra, Lepanto,
and Benguet, with a population of 43,044, or a total of 392,249. All
were under charge of the Augustinians.--_Coco_.

Ilocos Norte now contains 178,995 (2,210 wild) inhabitants, Ilocos
Sur, 187,411 (13,611 wild); and La Unión, 137,839 (10,050 wild). The
province of Abra contains 51,860 (14,037 wild) inhabitants; Benguet,
22,745 (21,828 wild); and Lepanto-Bontoc, 72,750 (70,283 wild). See
Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra_.

[128] Fray Francisco Mercado took his vows in the Manila convent in
1611. He was a missionary at Laoag (1614, 1626, 1635) and Batác (1620,
1641), provisor of the bishop of Nueva Segovia (1623), and definitor
(1632). He gave generous alms to the province from his own funds,
showing special favor to the convents of Guadalupe and Bantay. In
the latter he acquired a fine estate, with the intention of building
a hospital for the Ilocan friars; and at that convent he collected
a good library, which was later removed to Manila. He died at Batác
in 1642. See Perez's _Catálogo_, p. 194.

[129] "Ilaoag" is the capital of the province of Ilocos Norte and
is today called Laoag. It has a civilised population of 34,454. See
_U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_, and Bulletin No. 1,
_ut supra_.

[130] It does not exist now. Its demolition was ordered by the general
government, after Manila was evacuated by the English, who used it
as a fort, as they likewise did the convent of the Recollects, in
the siege of Manila in 1763.--_Coco_.

[131] Ermita has a present population of 12,246. It is the seat of the
observatory of Manila, and of the normal school. See Bulletin No. 1,
_ut supra_; and _U.S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_, p. 189.

[132] Now [1893] this is in charge of the Recollects.--_Coco_.

[133] Spanish, _ni hay padre para hijo, ni hijo para padre_--"there
is neither father for child, nor child for father."

[134] Now [1893] there are 1,805 inhabitants; and the village
of Pineda, with 8,196 inhabitants, was separated from it. The
Virgin de los Remedios [i.e., "of the remedies"] is still highly
reverenced.--_Coco_.

Malate has now (see Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra_) a population of 8,855.

[135] In 1893 Tanauan had a fine stone church with three naves and
a convent.--_Coco_.

See _ante_, note 58.

[136] The Order ceded it to the Franciscans.--Coco.

[137] Fray Hernando Cabrera took his vows at Cordova in 1601. Upon
going to the Philippines he filled the following positions: sub-prior
at Manila, 1609; missionary at Batangas, 1611; at Taal, 1613; at
Parañaque, 1614; at San Pablo de los Montes, 1618, 1626, and 1629,
where his efforts resulted in an excellent and well equipped church
and convent; definitor, examiner, and definitor-general. He died at
sea in 1630, while on his way to Nueva España. See Perez's _Catálogo_,
pp. 78, 79.

[138] Fray Diego Muñóz was born in the town of Zafra, of the province
of Badajoz, and took his vows in the Augustinian convent of Mexico
in 1571. He was renowned for both his learning and his virtues,
and on his arrival at the Philippines in 1578 was given the chair
of sacred theology in the convent of San Pablo at Manila. He was the
first commissary of the Holy Inquisition in the islands; missionary
at Pásig and Malolos in 1580 and 1584 respectively, and of the Tondo
Sangleys in 1581; definitor in 1584; provincial in 1587, when it was
necessary to obtain dispensation from Rome, as he had not reached the
required age. During his term as provincial the regulations of the
order were received, and the present Manila convent begun. He died
in 1594, leaving sermons in Castilian and Tagál, one volume each. See
Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 22.

[139] The last census before 1893 gave Apalit 11,563
inhabitants.--_Coco_.

Bulletin No. 1 (_ut supra_) shows the present civilized population
to be 12,206.

[140] Fray Juan Quiñones was born at Sevilla about 1551 of a
noble family. He studied in the university of Mexico, and took the
habit in that city in 1575. He went to the Philippines in 1577,
where he threw himself fervently into the missionary work. In 1578
he was named minister to Bay and extended his efforts to Taal and
Pásig. He was definitor in 1581 and 1587; prior of Manila in 1586,
and vicar-provincial in 1587, dying that same year at the convent of
San Pablo in Manila. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 19.

[141] This is the date of the text, and if true, the date of the
title-page (1630) must be either a misprint or an equivocation on the
part of the author. Or this instance and the several others similar
to it may have been added by Medina to his manuscript after he had
completed it to the date of the title-page; or they may be due to a
later hand.

[142] In 1893 there were 12,858 inhabitants.--_Coco_. The present
civilized population of Aráyat is 12,904. See Bulletin No. 1,
_ut supra._

[143] Information regarding this father is very slight. He was admitted
as confessor to the Spaniards, as appears by an Augustinian record of
November 12, 1602 after having been examined, and having presented
his licenses to confess, which had been given him in Goa. In 1604,
he returned to be approved. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 185.

[144] In 1893, one of the best towns in Iloílo, with a population
of 15,842.--_Coco_.

Bulletin No. 1 (_ut supra_) gives the civilized population for 1903
as 20,964.

[145] Now Dingle, and not connected with Pototan. It has a population
of 9,769.--_Coco_.

Also in Iloílo province and with a present civilized population of
12,129. See Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra._

[146] Spanish, _lamentado_; thus in printed text, but this word seems
of dubious accuracy.

[147] It now has [1893] a beautiful stone church, and a population
of 5,281. Its modern name is Dueñas.--_Coco_.

Also situated in the province of Iloílo, with a present civilized
population of 6,700. See Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra._

[148] This is a very important town in Iloílo. In 1893 it had 15,151
inhabitants. It had a beautiful stone church, built very high, and
in the form of a Greek cross, crowned with a fine cupola.--_Coco_.

Its present civilized population is 14,464. See Bulletin No. 1,
_ut supra._

[149] Ibahay in the district of Aclán, of Cápiz Province--_Coco_.

[150] This is Fray Alonso Baraona, a native of Quintanario, in the
province of Burgos. He took his vows in the convent of that city in
1596. He became prior of Santo Niño in 1607, and was missionary at
Dumangás in 1608, Batan in 1609, Jaro in 1610, Aclán in 1613, and
Passi in 1614. He was definitor and prior provincial in 1617, and
missionary at Bay in 1633. His death occurred in 1626. See Pérez's
_Catálogo_, p. 77.

[151] In 1893 it had 7,623 inhabitants.--_Coco_.

The civilized population in 1903 was 8,503. It is in the province of
llocos Sur. See Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra._

[152] In 1893, a parish chart showed 12,180 inhabitants.--_Coco_.

Also in llocos Sur, and with a civilized population of 18,828. See
Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra._

[153] Dingras with 11,113 inhabitants in 1893.--_Coco_.

The present civilized population is 15,792. This village is situated
in the province of Ilocos Norte. Narvacán (the Nalbacán of the text),
in Ilocos Sur, has a present civilized population of 19,575. See
Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra_.

[154] Caruya or Caruyan, now Bigaa was in 1893 a parish, as was
also Quingua, in the province of Bulacán. They had populations in
1893 of 7,108 and 7,787 respectively, and good stone churches and
convents.--_Coco_.

These two villages have present civilized populations of 8,000 and
7,229, respectively. See Bulletin No. 1, _ut supra._








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