The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Lives of the III. Normans, Kings of England: William the First, William the Second, Henrie the First This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: The Lives of the III. Normans, Kings of England: William the First, William the Second, Henrie the First Author: Sir John Hayward Release date: January 7, 2012 [eBook #38513] Language: English Credits: E-text prepared by Mark C. Orton, Steven Gibbs, Rory OConor, *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIVES OF THE III. NORMANS, KINGS OF ENGLAND: WILLIAM THE FIRST, WILLIAM THE SECOND, HENRIE THE FIRST *** E-text prepared by Mark C. Orton, Steven Gibbs, Rory OConor, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) Transcriber's note: Text enclosed between curly brackets was Greek in the original and has been transliterated into Latin characters. [Illustration] THE LIVES OF THE III. NORMANS, _KINGS OF_ ENGLAND: WILLIAM the first. WILLIAM the second. HENRIE the first. Written by I. H. MART. _Improbè facit qui in alieno libro ingeniosus est._ [Illustration] ¶ IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY _R.B._ _ANNO 1613._ [Illustration] TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTIE PRINCE _CHARLES_ _Prince of Wales._ MOST _Illustrious_ PRINCE: Ovr late, too late borne, or too soone _dying Prince, HENRY of famous memorie, your deceased brother, sent for mee, a few monethes before his death. And at my second comming to his presence, among some other speeches, hee complained much of our Histories of England; and that the English Nation, which is inferiour to none in Honourable actions, should be surpassed by all, in leauing the memorie of them to posteritie. For this cause hee blamed the negligence of former ages: as if they were ignorant of their owne deseruings, as if they esteemed themselues vnworthie of their worth._ _I answered, that I conceiued these causes hereof; One, that men of sufficiencie were otherwise employed; either in publicke affaires, or in wrestling with the world, for maintenance or encrease of their priuate estates. Another is, for that men might safely write of others in a tale, but in maner of a History, safely they could not: because, albeit they should write of men long since dead, and whose posteritie is cleane worne out; yet some aliue, finding themselues foule in those vices, which they see obserued, reproued, condemned in others; their guiltinesse maketh them apt to conceiue, that whatsoeuer the words are, the finger pointeth onely at them. The last is, for that the Argument of our English historie hath bene so soiled heretofore by some vnworthie writers, that men of qualitie may esteeme themselues discredited by dealing in it._ _And is not this (said he) an errour in vs, to permit euery man to be a writer of Historie? Is it not an errour to be so curious in other matters, and so carelesse in this? We make choise of the most skilfull workemen to draw or carue the portraiture of our faces, and shall euery artlesse Pensell delineate the disposition of our minds? Our apparell must be wrought by the best Artificers, and no soile must be suffered to fall vpon it: and shall our actions, shall our conditions be described by euery bungling hand? Shall euery filthie finger defile our reputation? Shall our Honour be basely buried in the drosse of rude and absurd writings? Wee are carefull to prouide costly Sepulchers, to preserue our dead liues, to preserue some memorie what wee haue bene: but there is no monument, either so durable, or so largely extending, or so liuely and faire, as that which is framed by a fortunate penne; the memory of the greatest Monuments had long since perished, had it not bene preserued by this meanes._ _To this I added; that I did alwayes conceiue, that we should make our reckoning of three sorts of life: the short life of nature, the long life of fame, and the eternall life of glorie. The life of glorie is so farre esteemed before the other two, as grace is predominant in vs: the life of fame before our naturall life is so farre esteemed, as a generous spirit surmounteth sensualitie; as humane nature ouerruleth brutish disposition. So farre as the noble nature of man hath dominion in our minds, so farre do we contemne, either the incommodities, or dangers, or life of our body, in regard of our reputation and fame. Now seeing this life of fame is both preserued and enlarged chiefly by history; there is no man (I suppose) that will either resist, or not assist, the commendable or at least tolerable writing thereof, but such as are conscious to themselues, either that no good, or that nothing but ill, can bee reported of them. In whom notwithstanding it is an errour to thinke, that any power of the present time, can either extinguish or obscure the memorie of times succeeding. Posteritie will giue to euery man his due: Some ages hereafter will affoord those, who will report vnpartially of all._ _Then he questioned whether I had wrote any part of our English Historie, other then that which had been published; which at that time he had in his hands. I answered, that I had wrote of certaine of our English Kings, by way of a briefe description of their liues: but for historie, I did principally bend, and binde my selfe to the times wherein I should liue; in which my owne obseruations might somewhat direct me: but as well in the one as in the other I had at that time perfected nothing._ _To this he said; that in regard of the honour of the time, hee liked well of the last; but for his owne instruction, he more desired the first: that he desired nothing more then to know the actions of his Auncestours; because hee did so farre esteeme his descent from them, as he approached neere them in honourable endeauours. Hereupon, beautifying his face with a sober smile, he desired mee, that against his returne from the progresse then at hand, I would perfect somewhat of both sorts for him, which he promised amply to requite; and was well knowen to be one who esteemed his word aboue ordinary respects. This stirred in mee, not onely a will, but power to perfourme; so as engaging my duety farre aboue the measure either of my leisure or of my strength, I finished the liues of these three Kings of Norman race, and certaine yeeres of Queene ELIZABETHS Reigne._ _At his returne from the Progresse to his house at S. Iames, these pieces were deliuered vnto him; which hee did not onely courteously, but ioyfully accept. And because this seemed a perfect worke, he expressed a desire that it should be published. Not long after he died; and with him died both my endeauours and my hopes. His death, alasse! hath bound the liues of many vnto death, face to face; being no wayes able, either by forgetfulnesse to couer their griefe, or to diminish it with consideration._ _For in trueth he was a Prince of a most Heroical heart: Free from many vices which sometimes accompanie high estates, full of most amiable and admirable vertues: of whose perfections the world was not worthy. His eyes were full of pleasant modestie; his countenance manly beautifull; in bodie both strongly and delicately made; in behauiour sweetely sober, which gaue grace to whatsoeuer he did. He was of a discerning wit; and for the facultie of his mind, of great capacitie and power, accompanied with equall expedition of will: much foreseeing in his actions, and for passions a commander of himselfe; and of good strength to resist the power of prosperitie. In counsaile he was ripe and measured, in resolution constant, his word euer led by his thought, and followed by his deede. And albeit hee was but yong and his nature forward and free, yet his wisedome reduced both to a true temper of moderation; his desires being neuer aboue his reason, nor his hopes inferiour to his desires. In a word, hee was the most faire fruit of his Progenitours, an excellent ornament of the present age, a true mirrour to posteritie: being so equally both setled to valour, and disposed to goodnesse and Iustice, as hee expressed not onely tokens, but proofes, both of a courage, and of a grauitie and industrie right worthie of his estate._ _Glorious Prince, my loue and duety hath caried me further, then happily is fit for the present purpose: and yet this is but an earnest onely of my earnest affection and zeale to thy Honour. I shall hereafter haue a more proper place to display at large, the goodlinesse of thy shape, the goodnesse of thy nature, the greatnesse of thy minde: all thy perfections, whereby our affections were much enflamed. And euillworthy may he be of any happy hopes, who will not adde one blast of his breath, to make vp the glorious gale of thy fame._ _In the meane time I haue here accomplished his desire in publishing this worke: More to testifie to the world the height of his heart, then for any pleasure I haue to set foorth any thing, to the view of these both captious and vnthankefull times; wherein men will be, not readers onely, but interpreters, but wresters, but corrupters and deprauers of that which they reade; wherein men thinke the reproofe of others, to be the greatest parcell of their owne praise. But how should I expect any better vsage? The Commentaries of Cæsar, neuer disliked before, are esteemed by Lypsius, a dry saplesse piece of writing. The most famous Tacitus is tearmed by Alceate, [1]a thicket of thornes; by Budæus, [2]a most lewd Writer; by Tertullian, [3]an exceeding lyar; by Orosius, [4]a flatterer; then which assuredly he is nothing lesse. I will not expect any better vsage, I will not desire it; I will hereafter esteeme nothing of any worth, which hath not many to detract from it._ _Whatsoeuer this is, I haue presumed to present it to your Highnesse, for these causes following: First, for that it receiued this being from him, who was most dearely esteemed by you; who may be iustly proposed, as an example of vertue, as a guide to glory and fame. Secondly, for that the persons of whom it treateth, are those most worthy Ancestors of yours, who laid the foundation of this English Empire; who were eminent among all the Princes of their times, and happely for many ages after, as well in actions of Peace as of Warre. Lastly, for that I esteeme Histories the fittest subiect for your Highnesse reading: For by diligent perusing the actes of great men, by considering all the circumstances of them, by comparing Counsailes and meanes with euents; a man may seeme to haue liued in all ages, to haue beene present at all enterprises; to be more strongly confirmed in Iudgement, to haue attained a greater experience, then the longest life can possibly affoord._ _But because many errours doe vsually arise, by ignorance of the State wherein we liue; because it is dangerous to frame rules of Policie out of Countreys differing from vs, both in nature, and custome of life, and forme of gouernment; no Histories are so profitable as our owne. In these your Highnesse may see, the noble disposition and delights of your Ancestors; what were their sweete walkes, what their pleasant Chases: how farre they preferred glory, before either pleasure or safetie; how by the braue behauiour of their sword, they hewed honour out of the sides of their enemies. In these you may see, the largenesse, commodities, and strength of this Countrey; the nature of the people, their wealth, pleasure, exercise and trade of life, and what else is worthy of obseruation. Generally, by these you may so furnish your selfe, as not easily to be abused either by weake or deceitfull aduise._ _The Most High preserue and prosper your Highnesse: that as you succeed many excellent Ancestours in blood, so you may exceed them all in Honourable atchieuements._ Your Highnesse most deuoted, I. HAYWARD. [Illustration] THE LIFE OF KING WILLIAM THE FIRST, _Sirnamed Conquerour_. Robert Duke of _Normandie_, the sixth in descent from _Rollo_, riding through _Falais_ a towne in _Normandie_, espied certaine yong persons dauncing neere the way. And as he stayed to view a while the maner of their disport, he fixed his eye especially vpon a certaine damosell named _Arlotte_; of meane birth, a Skinners daughter, who there daunced among the rest. The frame and comely carriage of her body, the naturall beautie and graces of her countenance, the simplicitie of her rurall both behauiour and attire pleased him so well, that the same night he procured her to be brought to his lodging; where he begate of her a sonne, who afterward was named _William_. I will not defile my writing with memory of some lasciuious behauiour which she is reported to haue vsed, at such time as the Duke approched to embrace her. And doubtfull it is, whether vpon some speciall note of immodestie in herselfe, or whether vpon hate towards her sonne, the English afterwards adding an aspiration to her name (according to the naturall maner of their pronouncing) termed euery vnchast woman _Harlot_. It is remembred by some, rather seruile then fond in obseruations, who will either finde or frame predictions for euery great action or euent; that his mother before the time of her deliuery had a dreame, that her bowels were extended ouer _Normandie_ and _England_. Also, that at the time of his birth, he fell from his mothers body to the ground; and there filled both his hands with rushes, which had bene cast thicke vpon the floore, and streined them with a very streit gripe. The wiues laughed at large, and soone grew prodigall of idle talke. But the Midwife somewhat more soberly said; That he should not onely hold well his owne, but graspe somewhat from other men. When he was about 9. yeeres of age, his father went vpon deuotion to _Hierusalem_; and in his returne died at the Citie of _Nice_. So _William_ at that age succeeded his father; hauing then very generous and aspiring spirits, both to resist abroad, and to rule at home. Hee was committed to the gouernment of two of his vnckles; and the French King was entreated by his father to take vpon him the protection, both of his person and State. But his vnckles pretended title to his dignitie, by reason of his vnlawfull birth; the King of France also desired much and had often attempted to reduce _Normandie_ to his absolute subiection, as it was before the inuasion of the _Normans_. So as it may seeme he was committed to these Tutors, as a Lambe should be committed to the tutelage of wolues. The onely meanes of his preseruation consisted in a factious Nobilitie, deuided into so many parts, as there were parties: Some contending for possession of the yong Dukes person; others, of his authoritie and power; all of them incompatible to endure either equals, or els superiours: All of them vnited against a common enemie; all deuided among themselues. Here it may be demanded how he being vnlawfully borne, could succeed his father in the dutchie of _Normandie_; his father leauing two brothers borne in lawfull marriage, and much other legitimate kindred behind him. _Will. Malmesburie_[5] and some others haue reported, that albeit hee was borne out of marriage, yet Duke _Robert_ his father did afterwards entertaine his mother for lawfull wife: which by the Law of that Countrey, agreeable in that point to the Ciuill and Canon Lawes, sufficed to make the issue inheritable, although borne before. And further, it was a generall custome at that time in France, that bastards did succeed, euen in dignities of highest condition, no otherwise then children lawfully begotten. _Thierrie_ bastard of _Clouís_, had for his partage with the lawfull children of the same _Clouís_, the Kingdome of _Austrasie_, now called _Lorraine_. _Sigisbert_ bastard of King _Dagobert_ the first, had his part in the Kingdome of France, with _Clouís_ the 12. lawfull sonne to _Dagobert_. _Loys_ and _Carloman_ bastards of King _Loys le Begue_, succeeded after the death of their father. So likewise in _England_, _Alfride_ bastard sonne of _Oswine_, succeeded his brother _Egfride_. So _Adelstane_ the bastard sonne of _Edward_ the elder, succeeded his father, before _Edmund_ and _Eldred_ his yonger brothers; notwithstanding they were lawfully begotten. So _Edmund_, surnamed the _Martyr_, Bastard sonne to King _Edgar_, succeeded him in the state, before _Ethelbred_ his lawfull issue. Afterward, _Harold_ surnamed _Harefoote_, bastard to _Canutus_, succeeded him in the kingdome, before _Hardicanutus_, his lawfull sonne. The like custome hath been obserued in _Spaine_, in _Portugale_, and in diuers other countreys. And it is probable that this vse was grounded vpon often experience, that bastards (as begotten in the highest heate and strength of affection) haue many times been men of excellent proofe, both in courage and in vnderstanding. This was verified[6] in _Hercules_, _Alexander_ the Great, _Romulus_, _Timotheus_, _Brutus_, _Themistocles_, _Arthur_: in _Homer_, _Demosthenes_, _Bion_, _Bartholus_, _Gratian_, _Peter Lumbard_, _Peter Comestor_, _Io. Andreas_, and diuers of most flourishing name: among whom our _Conquerour_ may worthily be ranged. And yet in the third race of the Kings of _France_ a law was made, that bastards should not inherite the Crowne of the Realme. This custome was likewise banished out of _England_, and other countreys of _Europe_. Notwithstanding in _France_, other bastards of great houses were still aduowed. The exercises of this Duke from his verie youth were ingenuous, manly, decent, & such as tended to actiuitie and valure: Hee was of a working minde and vehement spirit, rather ambitious then onely desirous of glory: of a piercing wit, blind in no mans cause, and well sighted in his owne: of a liuely and present courage; neither out of ignorance, or rash estimation of dangers, but out of a true iudgement both of himselfe and of them. In peace he was politicke: In warre valiant and very skilfull, both to espie, and to apprehend, and to follow his aduantages: this valure and skill in militarie affayres, was alwayes seconded with good successe. He was continually accustomed both to the weight and vse of armour, from his very childhood. Oftentimes hee looked death in the face with a braue contempt. He was neuer free from actions of armes; first vpon necessity to defend himselfe, afterwards vpon ambition to offend and disturbe the possessions of others. In his first age he was much infested with rebels in _Normandie_; who often conspired both against his life, and against his dignitie and State; traducing him, as a bastard, as a boy, as borne of a base ignoble woman, as altogether vnworthy to be their Prince. Of these, some he appeased and reconciled vnto him: others he preuented, and dispersed their power before it was collected: others hee encountred in open field, before he had any haire vpon his face; where hee defeated their forces in full battell, then tooke their strongholds, and lastly chased them out of his dominion. And first _Roger Tresnye_, hauing gained exceeding great both fauour and reputation by his seruices against the _Sarasins_ in _Spaine_, made claime to the duchie of _Normandie_; as one lawfully descended from _Rollo_ their first Duke. And albeit many others were before him in title, yet (said he) if they will sit still; if they, either through sloath, which is ill, or through feare, which is worse, will abandone the aduenture, he alone would free the _Normans_ from their infamous subiection. He was followed by many, partly vpon opinion of his right, but chiefly of his valour. But when he brought his cause to the arbitrement of Armes, hee was ouerthrowne in a strong battaile, wherein his claime and his life determined together. After this, _William_ Earle of _Arques_, sonne to _Richard_ the second, and vnckle to Duke _William_, vpon the same pretence declared himselfe against his nephew. And albeit the _Normans_ were heauie to stirre in his fauour, yet hee so wrought with the French King, by assuring him great matters in _Normandie_; that with a mightie armie of his owne people, hee went in person, to place him in possession of that dutchy. The way which the King tooke, led him to a large valley, sandie and full of short bushes and shrubs; troublesome for horsemen either to fight or to march. On either side were rising hils, very thicke set with wood. Here the Armie entred with small aduisement, either for clearing the passage, or for the safetie of their carriages. The Vaward consisted chiefly of battle-axes and pikes. In the right wing were many _Almans_ among the _French_. In the left were many of _Aniou_ and _Poictou_. After these followed the baggage, with an infinite number of scullians, carters and other base drudges attending vpon it. Next came the French King with the maine battaile, consisting for the most part of valiant and worthy Gentlemen, brauely mounted. The lances and men at Armes cloased the Rereward. When they were well entred this valley, the _Normans_ did liuely charge vpon them in head; they deliuered also their deadly shot from the hils on both sides, as thicke as haile. Notwithstanding the Vantgard, casting themselues into a pointed battaile in forme of a wedge, with plaine force of hand made themselues way; and marching in firme and close order through the thickest of their enemies, gained (albeit not without great losse) the top of a hill, and there presently encamped themselues. The like fortune happily might the residue haue had, if they had followed with the like order and courage. But failing herein, the right wing was hewed in pieces: the left wing was broken and beaten vpon the carriages; where ouerbearing and treading downe one an other, they receiued almost as much hurt from themselues, as they did from their enemies. The maine battaile and Rereward aduancing forward to rescue the carriage, were first miserably ouerwhelmed with a storme of arrowes from the hill on both sides: and the gallant horses once galled with that shot, would no more obey or endure their riders; but flinging out, either ouerthrew or disordred all in their way. And the more to encrease the miserie of that day, the dull and light sand which was raised, partly by the feete of horses and men, and partly by violence of the wind, which then blew full in the faces of the _French_, inuolued them all as in a thicke and darke cloud; which depriued them of all foresight and direction in gouerning their affaires. The valiant was nothing discerned from the coward, no difference could be set betweene contriuance and chance: All laboured in one common calamitie, and euery one encreased the feare of his fellow. The _Normans_ hauing well spent their shot, and perceiuing the _French_ in this sort both disordered and dismayed, came downe from the hils where they houered before; and falling to the close stroke of battaile-axe and sword, most cruelly raged in the blood of their enemies. By whom if any sparke of valour was shewen, being at so great disaduantage, it was to no purpose, it was altogether lost; it was so farre from relieuing others, that it was not sufficient to defend themselues. And doubtlesse no thing so much fauoured the state of the _French_ that day, as that the number of the _Normans_ sufficed not to enclose them behind. For then they had bene entrapped as Deere in a toile; then not one of them could haue escaped. But the entrance of the valley remayning open, many fled backe to the plaine ground; tumbling together in such headlong hast, that if the _Normans_ had sharply put vpon them the chase, it is certaine that they had bene extreemely defeated. But the Duke gaue ouer the execution vpon good aduise. For knowing himselfe not to be of force vtterly to vanquish the _French_, he assayed rather by faire forbearance to purchase their friendship. Here the French king assembled his broken companies, and encamped them for that night so well as he could. The ioy of their present escape expelled for the time all other respects. But after a little breathing, their remembrance began to runne vpon the losse of their cariages; whereby they had lost all meanes to refresh themselues. Of their Vaward they made a forelorne reckoning, and the like did the Vaward of them. Many were wounded, all wearied; and the _Normans_ gaue notice by sounding out their instruments of warre, that they were at hand on euery side. The rudest of the Souldiers did boldly vpbraid this infortunitie to the King; one asked him where his Vaward was, where were his wings, where were the residue of his battell, and Rereward. Others called for the cariages, to preserue those in life who had not been slaine. Others demanded if he had any more mouse-traps to leade them into. But most sate heauy and pensiue, scarce accounting themselues among the liuing. The King swallowed downe all with a sad silence, sometimes he dissembled as though he had not heard; sometimes hee would fairely answere; _Good words, good souldiers; haue patience a while, and all will be well_: which was indeede a truer word then he thought it possible to bee when he spake it. In this extremity the King assembled the chiefe of his commanders, to aduise with them what was best to be done. It was generally concluded, that in staying their case was desperate; and dangerous it was to stirre. But here lay the question; whether it was least dangerous to remoue together, or euery man to shift for himselfe. Whilest this point was in debating, whilest they expected euery minute to be assailed, whilest no man saw any thing but death and despaire; behold, a messenger came from the Duke, not to offer but to desire peace; and to craue protection of the French king, according to the trust which _Robert_ the Dukes father reposed in him. There needed not many words to perswade. Peace was signed, protection assured, in a more ample maner then it was required. Then the messenger with many good words appeased the Kings heauinesse, telling him, that his Vaward was safe, his cariages not touched, and that he should be furnished with horses both for burthen and draught, in stead of those that had been slaine. These words, as a sweete enchantment, rauished the _French_ King with sudden ioy. But when they came to gather vp their baggage, a spectacle both lamentable and loathsome was presented vnto them. The valley couered, and in some places heaped with dead bodies of men and horses: many not once touched with any weapon, lay troden to death, or else stifled with dust and sand: many grieuously wounded, reteined some remainder of life, which they expressed with cries and groanes: many not mortally hurt, were so ouerlaid with the slaine, that they were vnable to free themselues: towards whom it is memorable, what manly both pitie and helpe the _Normans_ did affoord. And so the _French_ King more by courtesie of his enemies, then either by courage or discretion of his owne, returned in reasonable state to _Paris_. Vpon these euents of open hostilitie, _Guy_ Earle of _Burgogne_, who had taken to wife _Alix_, daughter to Duke _Richard_ the second, and Aunt to Duke _William_, conspired with _Nicellus_ president of _Constantine_, _Ranulph_ Vicecount of _Bayon_, _Baimond_, and diuers others, suddenly to surprise the Duke, and slay him in the night. A certaine foole, (nothing regarded for his want of wit) obseruing their preparations, secretly got away, and in the dead of the night came to _Valogne_, where the Duke then lay; no lesse slenderly guarded with men, then the place it selfe was sleight for defence. Here he continued rapping at the gate, and crying out, vntill it was opened, and hee brought to the presence of the Duke. To whom he declared the conspiracie, with circumstances of such moment, that the Duke foorthwith tooke his horse, and posted alone towards _Falais_, an especial place for strength for defence. Presently after his departure the conspirators came to _Valogne_, they beset the house, they enter by force, they search euery corner for the Duke: And finding that the game was start, and on foote, in hote haste they pursued the chase. About breake of day the Dukes horse tired, and he was ignorant of his right way. He was then at a little village called _Rie_, where the chiefe Gentleman of the place was standing at his doore ready to goe abroad. Of him the Duke enquired the next way to _Falais_. The Gentleman knew the Duke, and with all duetie and respect desired to know the cause of his both solitarie and vntimely riding. The Duke would willingly haue passed vnknowne; but perceiuing himselfe to be discouered, declared to him the whole aduenture. Hereupon the Gentleman furnished him with a fresh horse, and sent with him two of his sonnes to conduct him the direct way to _Falais_. No sooner were they out of sight, but the conspirators came, and enquired of the same Gentleman (who still remained at his doore) whether he saw not the Duke that morning: as if, forsooth, they were come to attend him. The Gentleman answered, that he was gone a little before, and therewith offered them his company to ouertake him. But he lead them about another way, vntill the Duke was safely alighted at _Falais_. And thus the more we consider these and the like passages of affaires, the lesse we shall admire either the wisdome, or industry, or any other sufficiencie of man. In actions of weight it is good to employ our best endeuours; but when all is done, he danceth well to whom Fortune doeth pipe. When the conspirators vnderstood that their principall purpose was disappointed, they made themselues so powerfull in the field, that the Duke was enforced to craue ayde of the King of _France_; who not long before was his greatest enemie. The King preferring to his remembrance the late honourable dealing of the Duke, came in person vnto him; by whose countenance and aide the Duke ouerthrew his enemies in a full battell, in the vale of _Dunes_: albeit not without great difficultie, and bold aduenture of his owne person. _Guy de Burgogne_ escaped by flight, and defended himselfe in certaine castles which he had fortified in _Normandie_ for his retreite; but in the end hee rendred both himselfe and them to the Dukes discretion. The Duke not onely pardoned him, but honoured him with a liberall pension; which he did afterward both with valiant and loyall seruice requite. Not long after, the French King had wars against _Ieoffrey Martell_, and Duke _William_ went with a faire companie of Souldiers to his ayde. In this seruice he so wel acquited himselfe, both in iudgement and with hand, that the French King was chiefly directed by him; onely blaming him for too carelesse casting himselfe into the mouth of dangers; imputing that to ostentation, which was but the heate of his courage and age. Oftentimes hee would range from the maine battell with very fewe in his company; either to make discoueries, or to encounter such enemies as could not bee found with greater troupes. Once hee withdrew himselfe onely with foure, and was met with by fifteene of the enemies. The most forward of them he strake from his horse, and brake his thigh with the fall. The residue hee chased foure miles; and most of them being hurt, tooke seuen prisoners. Hereupon _Ieoffrey Martell_ then said of him; that he was at that time the best souldier, and was like to prooue the best commander in the world. And as hee was both fauourable and faithfull towards them who fairely yeelded, so against such as either obstinately or scornefully caried themselues, he was extreamely seuere, or rather cruell. When hee besieged _Alençon_, which the Duke of _Aniou_ had taken from him, the defendants would often crie from the walles, _La pel, La pel_; reproaching him thereby with the birth of his mother. This base insolencie, as it enflamed both his desire and courage to atchieue the enterprise, so did it his fury, to deale sharpely with them when they were subdued; by cutting off their hands and feete; and by other seuerities which were not vsuall. Besides these, some others of his owne blood prouoked _Engelrame_ Earle of _Ponthieu_ to moue against him in armes: but the Duke receiued him with so resolute valour, that the Earle was slaine in the field, and they well chastised who drew him to the enterprise. The _Britaines_ did often feele the force of his victorious armes. Hee had many conflicts with _Ieoffrey Martell_ Earle of _Aniou_, confederate with the Princes of _Britane_, _Aquitaine_, and _Tours_; a man equall vnto him both in power and in skill to command, but in fortune and in force of arme much inferiour. Many excellent atchieuements were performed betweene them; insomuch as their hostilitie seemed onely to bee an emulation in honour. Once the Duke fell into an ambushment addressed for him by the Earle of _Aniou_; wherewith he was so suddenly surprized, that he was almost in the midst of the danger before he thought any danger neere him. An exceeding great both terrour and confusion seazed vpon his souldiers; because the more sudden and vncertaine a perill is, the greater is it alwayes esteemed. Many of his brauest men were slaine; the residue so disordered, or at least shaken, as they began to thinke more of their particular escape, then of the common either safety or glory. When they were thus vpon the point to disband, the Duke rather with rage then courage cried vnto them, _If you loue me not Souldiers, yet for shame follow me; for shame stand by mee; for shame let not any of your friends heare the report, that you ran from mee and left me fighting._ With that he threw himselfe into the thickest throng of his enimies, and denounced those either traitours or cowards who would not follow. This example breathed such braue life into his Souldiers, that they rallied their loose rankes, and in close order seconded him with a resolute charge: encouraging one another, that it was shameful indeede not to fight for him, who so manfully did fight with them. The Duke brandishing his sword like a thunderbolt, dung downe his enemies on euery side; made at Earle _Martell_ in the midst of his battallion, strake him downe, claue his helmet, and cut away one of his eares. This so diuerted the _Aniouans_ to the rescue of their Earle, that they let the other part of the victorie goe. The Earle they recouered againe to horse, and so left the Duke master of the field. Verely, it is almost impossible, that a commander of such courage should haue, either faint or false hearted Souldiers. Now it happened not long before, that _Fulc_ Earle of _Aniou_ hauing drawen _Herbert_ Earle of _Maine_ vnder faire pretenses to _Xantonge_, cast him in prison, from whence he could not be released vntill he had yeelded to certaine conditions, both dishonourable and disaduantageable vnto him. _Hugh_ succeded _Herbert_; from whom _Ieoffrey Martell_ Earle of _Aniou_ tooke the citie of _Maine_, and made himselfe lord of all the countrey. _Hugh_ hauing lost his dominion, left both his title and his quarrell to his sonne _Herbert_: who hauing no issue, appointed Duke _William_ to bee his heire. Hereupon the Duke inuaded _Maine_, and in short time subdued the whole countrey, and built two fortifications for assurance thereof; hauing first sent word to the Earle of _Aniou_, vpon what day the worke should begin. The Earle vsed all diligence and means to impeach the buildings; but hee not onely failed of that purpose, but further lost the countie of _Medune_. Againe, _Henry_ King of _France_ did many other times with great preparation inuade his Countrey; sometimes with purpose to winne vpon him, and sometimes to keepe him from winning vpon others. Vpon a time the King led his troupes ouer the foord of _Dine_; and when halfe his army had passed, the other halfe by reason of the rising of the Sea, was compelled to stay. The Duke apprehending the aduantage, came vpon them with a furious charge, being now deuided from the chiefe of the Armie; and either slew them or tooke them prisoners, in the plaine view of their King. After this they concluded a peace, whereof the conditions were, That the Duke should release such prisoners as he had taken; and that hee should retaine whatsoeuer he had wonne, or afterwards should winne from the Earle of _Aniou_. And yet the King did againe enterprise vpon him, with greater forces then at any time before: But the Duke entertained his Armies with so good order and valoure, that the King gained nothing but losse and dishonour: and the greater his desire was of victorie and reuenge, the more foule did his foiles and failings appeare; which so brake both his courage and heart, that with griefe thereof (as it was conceiued) hee ended his life. And thus during all the time that he was onely Duke of _Normandy_, he was neuer free from action of armes: in all his actions of armes hee was caried with a most rare and perpetuall felicitie. As he grew in yeeres, so did he in thicknesse and fatnesse of body: but so, as it made him neither vnseemely, nor vnseruiceable for the warres; and neuer much exceeding the measure of a comely corpulencie. He was most decent, and therewith terrible in armes. He was stately and maiesticall in his gesture; of a good stature, but in strength admirable: in so much as no man was able to draw his bow, which hee would bend sitting vpon his horse, stretching out the string with his foot. His countenance was warlike and manly as his friends might terme it; but as his enemies said, truculent and fierce. He would often sweare _By Gods resurrection and his brightnesse_: which he commonly pronounced with so furious a face, that hee strooke a terrour into those that were present. His head was bald; his beard alwayes shauen; which fashion being first taken vp by him, was then followed by all the _Normans_. Hee was of a firme and strong constitution for his health; so as he neuer was attached with sicknesse, but that which was the summons of his death: and in his age seemed little to feele the heauie weight and burthen of yeeres. In his first age he was of a mild and gentle disposition; courteous, bountifull, familiar in conuersation, a professed enemie to all vices. But as in Fortune, as in yeres, so changed he in his behauiour; partly by his continuall following the warres (whereby he was much fleshed in blood) and partly by the inconstant nature of the people ouer whom he ruled: who by often rebellions did not onely exasperate him to some seueritie, but euen constraine him to hold them in with a more stiffe arme. So hee did wring from his subiects very much substance, very much blood; not for that he was by nature either couetous or cruell, but for that his affaires could not otherwise be managed. His great affaires could not be managed without great expence, which drew a necessity of charge vpon the people: neither could the often rebellions of his Subiects be repressed or restrained by any mild and moderate meanes. And generally as in all States and gouernments, seuere discipline hath alwayes bin a true faithfull mother of vertue and valour; so in particular of his _Normans_ he learned by experience, and oftentimes declared this iudgement: That if they were held in bridle, they were most valiant, and almost inuincible; excelling all men both in courage, and in strength, and in honourable desire to vanquish their enemies. But if the reines were layd loose vpon their necke, they were apt to runne into licentiousnes and mischiefe; ready to consume either themselues by riot and sloath, or one another by sedition: prone to innouation and change; as heauily mooued to vndertake dangers, so not to bee trusted vpon occasion. He tooke to wife _Matilde_ daughter to _Baldwin_ Earle of _Flanders_, a man for his wisedome and power, both reuerenced and feared euen of Kings; but because she was his cousin Germane, he was for his marriage excommunicate by his owne vnckle _Mauger_ Archbishop of _Roan_. Hereupon he sued to Pope _Victor_, and obteined of him a dispensation: and afterwards so wrought, that by a prouinciall Councell his vncle _Mauger_ was depriued of his dignitie. But by this meanes both he & his issue were firmely locked in obedience to the Sea of _Rome_; for that vpon the authoritie of that place the validitie of his marriage, and consequently the legitimation of his issue seemed to depend. When he was about 50. yeeres of age, _Edward_ King of _England_ ended his life. This _Edward_ was sonne to _Egelred_ King of _England_, by _Emma_, sister to _Richard_ the second Duke of _Normandie_, who was grandfather to Duke _William_: so as King _Edward_ and Duke _William_ were cousins germane once remoued.[7] At such time as _Egelred_ was first ouercharged with warres by the _Danes_, he sent his wife _Emma_, with two sonnes which she had borne vnto him, _Alphred_ and _Edward_, into _Normandie_ to her brother; where they were enterteined with all honourable vsage for many yeeres. Afterward giuing place to the malice of his Fortune, he passed also into _Normandie_, and left his whole state in the possession and power of _Swanus_ King of _Denmarke_. But after the death of _Swanus_, partly by the aide of the _Normans_, and partly by fauour of his owne people, he recouered his Kingdome, and left the same to his eldest sonne _Edmund_, who either for the tough temper of his courage and strength, or for that he almost alwayes liued in Armes, was surnamed _Ironside_. Hereupon _Canutus_ the sonne of _Swanus_ made sharpe warre, first against _Egelred_, then against _Edmund_: and finally after many varieties of aduenture, but chiefly by the fauour of the Clergie of _England_ (because they had sworne allegiance to his father) spread the wings of his victory ouer the whole Kingdome. He expelled out of the Realme _Edwine_ and _Edward_ the two sonnes of King _Edmund_: of whom _Edwine_ married the Kings daughter of _Hungarie_, but died without issue; _Edward_ was aduanced to the marriage of _Agatha_, daughter to the Emperour _Henry_, and by her had issue two sonnes, _Edmund_ & _Edgar_, and so many daughters, _Margaret_ and _Christine_. The same _Canutus_ tooke _Emma_ to wife, who had bene wife to King _Egelred_; by whom he had a sonne named _Hardicanutus_. After the death of _Canutus_, _Alphred_ the sonne of _Egelred_ came out of _Normandie_, and with fiftie saile landed at _Sandwich_: with purpose to attempt the recouerie of his fathers kingdome. In which enterprise hee receiued not onely encouragement, but good assurance from many of the _English_ Nobilitie. But by Earle _Goodwine_ he was abused and taken; his company slaine, his eyes put out, and then sent to the Ile of _Elie_, where in short time hee ended his life. _Edward_ also arriued at _Hampton_ with 40. ships, but finding the Countrey so farre from receiuing, as they were ready to resist him, he returned into _Normandie_, and attended the further fauour of time. So after _Canutus_ succeeded in _England_, first _Harold_ sirnamed _Harefoot_, bastard sonne to _Canutus_; and after him _Hardicanutus_, sonne to _Canutus_ by _Emma_, mother also to King _Edward_. _Hardicanutus_ being dead, the Nobilitie of the Realme sent into _Normandie_ for _Edward_ to be their King; whereto also he was appointed as some haue written by _Hardicanutus_. But because _Alphred_ his brother vpon the like inuitation had bene traiterously taken and slaine before, _William_ at that time Duke of _Normandie_ would not permit him to depart, vntill he had receiued for pledges of his safety, _Woolnoth_ son to Earle _Goodwine_, and _Hacon_ sonne to _Swaine_, Earle _Goodwins_ eldest sonne. Vpon this assurance he was furnished by the duke his cousin, with all meanes fit both for his enterprise and estate. And so hee passed the Seas, arriued in _England_, and with generall ioy was receiued for King. He tooke to wife _Edith_ the daughter of Earle _Goodwine_; but whether vpon vow of chastitie, or whether vpon impotencie of nature, or whether vpon hatred to her father, or whether vpon suspition against herselfe (for all these causes are alleaged by seuerall writers of those times) he forbore all priuate familiaritie with her. When he was well locked into the chaire of State, Duke _William_ came out of _Normandie_ to see him, to shew his magnificence to the _English_ people; to shew to the _English_, both that he loued their King, and that he was of power to relieue him, in case his necessities should so require. Here, besides honourable enterteinement, besides many rich gifts both to himselfe and to his followers, the King hauing neither hope nor desire of issue, promised him, in regard of his great fauours and deserts, that hee should be his next successour in the Kingdome. And for further assurance thereof, sent him also the like message into _Normandie_, by _Robert_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_. After this _Harold_ sonne to Earle _Goodwine_ passed the Seas into _Normandie_, to deale for the discharge of his brother _Wolnoth_ and _Hacon_ his nephew, who had bene deliuered for hostages to the Duke. In his passage he was much tossed with troublesome weather, and in the end was cast vpon the coast of _Ponthieu_, and there taken by the Earle and committed to prison. But at the request of the Duke of _Normandie_, hee was released with honourable respect, and by the Earle himselfe accompanied to the Duke; who enterteined him with great magnificence at _Roan_. The Duke was then going in Armes against the _Britaines_; in which iourney _Harold_ did accompany him, and shewed himselfe a man, neither rash in vndertaking, nor fearefull in perfourming any seruices of the field. After prosperous returne, the Duke declared to _Harold_, the purpose of King _Edward_ concerning the Dukes succession to this Crowne. _Harold_ did auow the same to be true; and promised to affoord thereto the best furtherance that he could. Hereupon the Duke assembled a Councell at _Boneuill_; where _Harold_ did sweare fidelitie vnto him: and promised likewise by oath, that after the death of King _Edward_, he would keepe the Realme of _England_ to the vse of the Duke: that he would deliuer vnto him the castle of _Douer_, and certaine other pieces of defence, furnished at his owne charge. Hereupon the Duke promised vnto him his daughter in marriage, and with her halfe the Realme of _England_ in name of her dower. He also deliuered to him his nephew _Hacon_; but kept his brother _Wolnoth_ as an hostage, for performance of that which _Harold_ had sworne. In short time after King _Edward_ died, and _Harold_ being generall commander of the forces of the Realme, seized vpon the soueraignetie, and without any accustomed solemnities set the crowne vpon his owne head. The people were nothing curious to examine titles; but as men broken with long bondage, did easily entertaine the first pretender. And yet to _Harold_ they were inclinable enough, as well vpon opinion of his prowesse, as for that hee endeauoured to winne their fauour, partly by abating their grieuous paiments, and partly by increasing the wages of his seruants and Souldiers; generally, by vsing iustice with clemencie and courtesie towards all. About this time a blasing starre appeared and continued the space of seuen dayes;[8] which is commonly taken to portend alteration in States. Of this Comet a certaine Poet, alluding to the baldnesse of the _Norman_, wrote these verses. _Cæsariem Cæsar tibi si natura negauit, Hanc Willielme tibi stella comata dedit._ Duke _William_ sent diuers Ambassadours to _Harold_; first to demaund perfourmance of his oath, afterward to mooue him to some moderate agreement. But ambition, a reasonlesse and restlesse humour, made him obstinate against all offers or inducements of peace. So they prepared to buckle in armes; equall both in courage and in ambitious desires, equall in confidence of their fortune: but _Harold_ was the more aduenturous, _William_ the more aduised man: _Harold_ was more strong in Souldiers, _William_ in Alies and friends. _Harold_ was seated in possession, which in case of a kingdome is oftentimes with facilitie attained, but retained hardly: _William_ pretended the donation of King _Edward_, and that he was neere vnto him in blood by the mothers side. Now there wanted not precedents, both ancient and of later times, that free kingdomes and principalities, not setled by custome in succession of blood, haue been transported euen to strangers by way of guift. _Attalus_ king of _Pergamus_[9] did constitute the people of _Rome_ his heire; by force wherof they made his kingdome a part of their empire. _Nicomedes_ King of _Bithynia_[10] made the people of _Rome_ likewise his heire; whereupon his kingdome was reduced to the forme of a Prouince. So _Alexander_ King of _Egypt_,[11] gaue _Alexandria_ and the kingdome of _Egypt_; and so _Ptolemie_ gaue the kingdome of _Cyrene_ to the same people of _Rome_. _Prasutagus_[12] one of the kings of great _Britaine_, gaue the kingdome of the _Iceni_ to _Cæsar Nero_, and to his daughters. Yea, in the Imperial state of _Rome_, _Augustus_ designed _Tiberius_ to be his successour; and by like appointment _Nero_ became successour to _Claudius_; _Traiane_ to _Nerua_; _Antonius Pius_ to _Adrian_; and _Antoninus_ the Philosopher to another _Antoninus_. When the Emperour _Galba_[13] did openly appoint _Piso_ for his successour, he declared to the people, that the same custome had been obserued by most approued and ancient Princes. _Iugurth_ being adopted by _Mycipsa_,[14] succeeded him in the kingdome of _Numidia_; and that by the iudgement as well of _Mycipsa_ himselfe, as of the Senate and people of _Rome_. The holy histories report that _Salomon_[15] gaue twentie cities to _Hiram_ king of _Tyre_: and if the argument be good from the part to the whole, he might in like sort haue disposed of all his kingdome. Who hath not heard of the donation falsly attributed to _Constantine_ the great, being in trueth the donation of _Lewis_, sirnamed the pious; whereby he gaue to Pope _Paschal_ the citie of _Rome_, and a large territorie adioyning vnto it; the instrument of which gift _Volaterrane_[16] doth recite. So the Ladie _Matild_, daughter to _Roger_ the most famous Prince of _Cicilie_, and wife to king _Conrade_, sonne to _Henrie_[17] the 4. Emperour, gaue the Marquisate of _Apulia_ to the Bishop of _Rome_: which when the Emperour _Otho_ the 4. refused to deliuer, hee was for that cause excommunicate by the Pope. In like sort the countrey of _Daulphin_[18] was giuen by Prince _Vmbert_ to the King of _France_, vpon condition, that the eldest sonne of _France_ should afterward be called _Daulphine_. Lastly, the Dukes first auncestor _Rollo_, receiued the Dukedome of _Normandie_ by donation of _Charles_ King of _France_: And himselfe held the Countie of _Maine_ by donation of Earle _Herebert_, as before it is shewed. And by donation of the King of _Britaine_, _Hengist_ obtained _Kent_; the first kingdome of the English Saxons in _Britaine_. After which time the Countrey was neuer long time free from inuasion: first, by the English and Saxons against the Britaines, afterward by the seuen _Saxon_ kingdomes among themselues, and then lastly by the _Danes_. By meanes whereof the kingdome at that time could not bee setled in any certaine forme of succession by blood, as it hath been since; but was held for the most part in absolute dominion, and did often passe by transaction or gift: and he whose sword could cut best, was alwaies adiudged to haue most right. But of this question more shall hereafter be said, in the beginning of the life of King _William_ the second. Touching his propinquity in blood to King _Edward_ by the mothers side, he enforced it to be a good title: because King _Edward_ not long before had taken succession from _Hardicanutus_, to whom hee was brother by the mothers side. And although King _Edward_ was also descended from the _Saxon_ Kings, yet could not he deriue from them any right: For that _Edgar_ and his sisters were then aliue, descended from _Edmund Ironside_, elder brother to King _Edward_. Hee could haue no true right of succession, but onely from _Hardicanutus_ the _Dane_. So _Pepine_, when he was possessed of the State of _France_, did openly publish, that hee was descended of the blood of _Charles_ the Great, by the mothers side. And albeit the said _Edgar_ was both neerer to King _Edward_ then the Duke of _Normandie_, and also ioyned to him in blood by the fathers side; yet was that no sufficient defence for _Harold_. The vsurped possession of _Harold_[19] could not be defended, by alleaging a better title of a third person. The iniurie which hee did to _Edgar_, could not serue him for a title against any other. These grounds of his pretence, beautified with large amplifications of the benefits which he had done to King _Edward_, he imparted to the Bishop of _Rome_; who at time was reputed the arbitrator of controuersies which did rise betweene princes. And the rather to procure his fauour, and to gaine the countenance of religion to his cause, hee promised to hold the kingdome of _England_ of the Apostolike Sea. Hereupon _Alexander_ then Bishop of _Rome_ allowed his title, and sent vnto him a white hallowed banner, to aduance vpon the prowe of his ship: also an _Agnus Dei_ of gold, and one of S. _Peters_ haires, together with his blessing to begin the enterprise. But now concerning his further proceedings, concerning his victorious both entrance and continuance within the Realme of _England_, two points are worthy to be considered: one, how he being a man of no great either power or dominion, did so suddenly preuaile against a couragious King, possessed of a large and puissant State. The other is, how he so secured his victorie, as not the English, not the Britains, not the Danes, not any other could dispossesse or much disturbe him & his posteritie, from enioying the fayre fruits thereof. And if we giue to either of these their true respects, wee shall find his commendation to consist, not so much in the first, as in the second: because that was effected chiefly by force, this by wisedome only; which as it is most proper to man, so few men doe therein excell. Hee that winneth a State surmounteth onely outward difficulties; but he that assureth the same, trauaileth as well against internall weaknes, as external strength. To attaine a Kingdome is many times a gift of Fortune; but to prouide that it may long time continue firme, is not onely to oppose against humane forces, but against the very malice of Fortune, or rather the power and wrath of time, whereby all things are naturally inclineable to change. For the first then, besides the secret working and will of God, which is the cause of all causes; besides the sinnes of the people, for which (the Prophet saith,) _Kingdomes are transported from one Nation to another_: King _Edward_ not long before made a manifest way for this inuasion and change. For although he was _English_ by birth, yet by reason of his education in _Normandie_, he was altogether become a _Normane_, both in affection and in behauiour of life. So as in imitation of him, the _English_ abandoned the ancient vsages of their Country, and with great affection or affectation rather, conformed themselues to the fashions of _France_.[20] His chiefe acquaintance and familiar friends were no other then _Normans_; towards whom being a milde and soft spirited Prince, he was very bountifull, and almost immoderate in his fauours. These he enriched with great possessions; these he honoured with the highest places both of dignitie and charge. Chiefly he aduanced diuers of them to the best degrees of dignitie in the Church: by whose fauour Duke _William_ afterward was both animated & aided in his exploit. Generally as the whole Clergie of _England_ conceiued a hard opinion of _Harold_; for that vpon the same day wherein King _Edward_ was buried, he set the Crowne vpon his owne head, without Religious Ceremonies, without any solemnities of Coronation: so they durst not for feare of the Popes displeasure, but giue either furtherance or forbearance to the Dukes proceedings; and to abuse the credite which they had with the people, in working their submission to the _Normans_. Now of what strength the Clergie was at that time within the Realme, by this which followeth it may appeare. After that _Harold_ was slaine, _Edwine_ and _Morcar_ Earles of _Northumberland_ and _Marckland_, brothers of great both authoritie and power within the Realme, had induced many of the Nobilitie to declare _Edgar Athelinge_ to be their King: but the Prelates not onely crossed that purpose, but deliuered _Edgar_ the next heire from the _Saxon_ Kings to the pleasure of the Duke. Againe, when the Duke after his great victorie at _Hastings_ aduanced his armie towards _Hartford-shire_; _Fredericke_ Abbot of _S. Albanes_ had caused the woods belonging to his Church to be felled, and the trees to be cast so thicke in the way, that the Duke was compelled to coast about to the castle of _Berkhamstead_. To this place the Abbot vnder Suerties came vnto him; and being demanded wherefore he alone did offer that opposition against him, with a confident countenance he returned answere: that he had done no more then in conscience and by Nature he was bound to doe: and that if the residue of the Clergie had borne the like minde, hee should neuer haue pierced the land so farre. Well, answered the Duke, I know that your Clergie is powerfull indeed; but if I liue and prosper in my affaires, I shall gouerne their greatnesse well ynough. Assuredly, nothing doeth sooner worke the conuersion or subuersion of a State, then that any one sort of Subiects should grow so great, as to be able to ouerrule all the rest. Besides this disposition of the Clergie, diuers of the Nobilitie also did nothing fauour King _Harold_ or his cause: for that he was a manifest vsurper, naked of all true title to the Crowne, pretending onely as borne of the daughter of _Hardicanutus_ the _Dane_. Yea he was infamous both for his iniurie and periurie towards the Duke, and no lesse hatefull for his disloyaltie in former times, in bearing Armes with his father against King _Edward_. Hereupon the Nobilitie of the Realme were broken into factions. Many (of whom his owne brother _Tosto_ was chiefe) inuited _Harold_ King of _Norway_ to inuade; with whom whilest _Harold_ of _England_ was incountring in Armes, the residue drew in Duke _William_ out of _Normandie_. And these also were diuided in respects. Some were caried by particular ends, as being prepared in diuers maner by the _Normane_ before hand: others vpon a greedy and for the most part deceiueable ambition, in hunting after hazard and change: others were led with loue to their Countrey, partly to auoyd the tempest which they saw to gather in clouds against them, and partly to enlarge the Realme both in dominion and strength, by adioyning the Country of _Normandie_ vnto it. In which regard, (because the lesse doeth alwayes accrue to the greater) they thought it more aduantageable to deale with a Prince of an inferiour state, then with a Prince of a state superiour or equal. As for _Edgar Atheling_, the next successour to the Crowne in right of blood, he was not of sufficient age; of a simple wit and slow courage; not gracious to the _English_, as well for his imperfections both in yeeres and nature, as for that he was altogether vnacquainted with the customes and conditions of their Countrey: vnfurnished of forces and reputation, vnfurnished of friends, vnfurnished of all meanes to support his title. So Duke _William_ hauing better right then the one, and more power then the other, did easily cary the prize from both. Now touching the state of his owne strength, albeit _Normandie_ was but little in regard of _England_, yet was it neither feeble nor poore. For the people, by reason of their continuall exercise in Armes, by reason of the weightie warres which they had managed, were well inabled both in courage and skill for all Militarie atchieuements. Their valour also had bene so fauoured by their Fortune, that they were more enriched by spoile, then drawne downe either with losses or with charge. Hereupon when preparation was to be made for the enterprise of _England_, although some disswaded the Duke from embracing the attempt; affirming that it was a vaine thing to streine at that which the hand is not able to conteine, to take more meat then the stomacke can beare; that he who catcheth at matters too great, is in great danger to gripe nothing: Yet did others not onely encourage him by aduise, but enable him by their aide. Among which _William Fitz-Auber_ did furnish 40. ships with men and munition; The Bishop of _Baieux_ likewise 40: the Bishop of _Mans_ 30: and in like sort others, according to the proportion of their estates. And yet he drew not his forces onely out of _Normandie_, but receiued aide from all parts of _France_; answerable not onely to his necessitie, but almost to his desire. _Philip_ King of _France_ at that time was vnder age, and _Baldwine_ Earle of _Flanders_ was gouernour of the Realme; whose daughter the Duke had taken to wife. By his fauour the Duke receiued large supplies from the state of _France_, both in treasure and in men of warre: for countenance whereof it was giuen foorth, that the Duke should hold the Realme of _England_ as hee did the Duchie of _Normandie_, vnder homage to the Crowne of _France_. Hereupon diuers Princes of _France_ did adioyne to his aide; and especially the Duke of _Orleance_, the Earles of _Britaine_, _Aniou_, _Boloigne_, _Ponthieu_, _Neuers_, _Poictou_, _Hiesmes_, _Aumale_, and the Lord of _Tours_. Many other of the Nobilitie and Gentlemen did voluntarily aduenture, both their bodies and whole estates vpon the euent of this enterprise. So greatly had he either by courtesie wonne the loue, or by courage erected the hopes of all men: yea of many who had bin his greatest enemies. With these also the _Emperour Henry_ 4. sent him certaine troupes of Souldiers, commanded by a Prince of _Almaine_. Hee receiued also many promises of fauour from _Swaine_ King of _Denmarke_. And who can assure (for the sequele maketh the coniecture probable) that he held not intelligence with _Harold Harfager_ King of _Norway_, to inuade _England_ with two armies at once. So partly by his owne Subiects, and partly by supply from his Alleys and friends, hee amassed a strong Armie, consisting chiefly of _Normans_, _Flemings_, _French_ and _Britaines_, to the number of fiftie thousand men; and brought them to S. _Valeries_, before which Towne his ships did ride. Here he stayed a certaine time attending the wind, as most writers doe report; but rather as it may be coniectured, to awaite the arriuall of _Harold Harfager_ K. of _Norway_: knowing right well, that the inuasion of _Harold_ of _Norway_ vpon the North parts of the realme, would draw away _Harold_ of _England_ to leaue the coasts towards the South vndefended. During his abode at S. _Valeries_, certaine English espials were taken, whom King _Harold_ had sent to discouer both the purposes and power of the Duke. When they were brought to his presence, with a braue confidence he said vnto them: _Your Lord might well haue spared this charge; hee needed not to haue cast away his cost to vnderstand that by your industrie and faith, which my owne presence shall manifest vnto him; more certainly, more shortly then he doth expect. Goe your wayes, goe tell him from me, If he find me not before the end of this yeere, in the place where hee supposeth that hee may most safely set his foote, let him neuer feare danger from mee whilest hee liue._ Many _Normans_ disliked this open dealing of the Duke: preferring to his iudgement the valour and experience of King _Harold_; the greatnesse of his treasure; the number and goodnes of his men; but especially his strong Nauie, and expert Saylers; accustomed both to the fights and dangers of the Sea, more then any other people in the world. To these the Duke turned, and sayd: _I am glad to heare this opinion run, both of his prowesse and of his power; the greater shall our glory bee in preuailing against him. But I see right well that I haue small cause to feare his discouery of our strength, when you, who are so neere vnto mee, discerne so little. Rest your selues vpon the Iustice of your cause and foresight of your Commaunder. Who hath lesse then hee, who can iustly tearme nothing his owne? I know more of his weakenesse, then euer he shall know of my strength, vntill he feele it. Performe you your parts like men, and he shall neuer be able to disappoint either my assurance, or your hopes._ Now _Harold_ King of _England_ had prepared a fleet to resist the inuasion of the duke of _Normandie_: but by reason of his long stay at S. _Valeries_, speeches did spread, whether by error or subornation, yea, assured aduertisement was sent out of _Flanders_, that he had for that yeere abandoned his enterprise. In the meane time _Harold Harfager_ King of _Norway_, then whom no man was esteemed more valiant, hauing assured both intelligence and aide out of _England_, arriued in the mouth of _Humber_: and from thence drawing vp against the streame of the riuer _Owse_, landed at a place called _Richhall_. Here he Marshalled his Armie, and marched foorth into the Countrey: and when hee came neere vnto _Yorke_, he was encountred by the _English_, led by _Edwine_ and _Morchar_ the principall commanders of all those quarters. The fight was furious, but in the end the _English_ were ouerthrowne, and with a great slaughter chased into _Yorke_. Vpon aduertisement hereof, _Harold_ King of _England_ caried all his forces against _Harfager_. His readinesse was such, and such his expedition, that the fifth day after the fight before mentioned he gaue him battell againe; wherein _Harold Harfager_ was slaine, and so was _Tosto_ the King of _Englands_ brother: _Tosto_ by an vncertaine enemie, but _Harfager_ by the hand of _Harold_ of _England_. Their armie also was routed, and with a bloody execution pursued, so long as day and furie did last. Here a certaine Souldier of _Norway_ was most famous almost for a miracle of manhood. He had been appointed with certaine others, to guard the passage at _Stamford_ bridge. The residue vpon approach of the English forsooke their charge; but hee alone stepped to the foote of the Bridge, and with his Battle-axe sustained the shocke of the whole armie; slew aboue fourty assailants, and defended both the passage and himselfe, vntill an English Souldier went vnder the Bridge, and through a hole thereof thrust him into the bodie with a Launce. If this victory of King _Harold_ had been so wisely vsed as it was valiantly wonne, he should haue neglected the spoyle, and returned with the like celeritie wherewith he came. But hee gaue discontentment to his Souldiers, in abridging their expectation for free sharing the spoile; and hauing lost many in that conflict, he retired to _Yorke_, and there stayed; as well to reforme the state of the Countrey, greatly disordered by meanes of these warres, as also both to refresh and repaire his armie. In the meane time the Duke of _Normandie_ receiuing intelligence, that the Sea-coasts were left naked of defence, loosed from S. _Valeries_ with three hundred, or, as some writers report, 896, or, as one _Norman_ writer affirmes, with more then one thousand saile: and hauing a gentle gale, arriued at _Pemsey_ in _Sussex_, vpon the 28. of September. The ship wherein the Duke was caried is said, (as if it had runne for the garland of victory) to haue outstripped the rest so farre, that the sailers were enforced to strike saile, and hull before the winde to haue their companie. When hee first stepped vpon the shoare, one of his feete slipped a little. The Duke to recouer himselfe stepped more strongly with the other foote, and sunke into the sand somewhat deepe. One of his Souldiers espying this, sayd merrily vnto him: _You had almost fallen my Lord, but you haue well maintained your standing, and haue now taken deepe and firme footing in the soyle of_ England. _The presage is good, and hereupon I salute you King._ The Duke laughed; and the souldiers, with whom superstition doth strongly worke, were much confirmed in courage by the ieast. When he had landed his forces, he fortified a piece of ground with strong trenches, and discharged all his ships; leauing to his souldiers no hope to saue themselues, but by onely by victory. After this he published the causes of his comming in armes, namely: 1 To chalenge the kingdome of _England_, giuen to him by his cousin King _Edward_, the last lawfull possessor at that time thereof. 2 To reuenge the death of his cousin _Alfred_, brother to the same K. _Edward_, and of the _Normans_, who did accompanie him into _England_; no lesse cruelly then deceitfully slaine by Earle _Goodwin_ and his adherents. 3 To reuenge the iniurie done vnto _Robert_ Archbishop of Canterburie; who by the practise (as it was then giuen foorth) of _Harold_, had been exiled in the life time of King _Edward_. This last article was added either to please the Pope, or generally in fauour of the Cleargie: to whom the example grew then intollerable, that an Archbishop should bee once questioned by any other then by themselues. So the Duke, leauing his fortification furnished with competent forces to assure the place, as wel for a retreit, as for daily landing of fresh supplies, marched forward to _Hastings_; and there raised another fortresse, and planted likewise a garison therein. And in all places he restrained his Souldiers, either from spoyling or harming the Countrey people, for feare that thereby they would fall into disorder: but giuing forth, that it were crueltie to spoile them, who in short time should be his Subiects. Here the Duke, because he would not either aduenture or trust his Souldiers, went foorth in person to discouer the Countrey, with 15. horsemen in his company, and no more. His returne was on foote, by reason of the euill qualitied wayes: and when _Fitz-Osberne_ who went with him, was ouerwearied with the weight of his armour, the Duke eased him by bearing his helmet vpon his shoulder. This action may seeme of slender regard; but yet did gaine him, both fauour and dutie among his Souldiers. K. _Harold_ hearing of these approches, hasted by great iourneyes towards _London_; sending his messengers to all places, both to encourage and entreate the people to draw together for their common defence. Here he mustered his Souldiers; and albeit hee found that his forces were much impaired by his late battaile against _Harfager_, yet he gathered an able armie, countenanced and commanded by diuers of the Nobilitie, which resorted vnto him from many parts of the Realme. The Duke in the meane time sent a messenger vnto him, who demanded the Kingdome in so stout maner, that he was at the point to haue bene euill entreated by the King. Againe the King sent his messenger to the Duke, forbidding him with loftie language, to make any stay within that Countrey; but to returne againe no lesse speedily, then rashly he had entred. The Duke betweene mirth and scorne returned answere; That as he came not vpon his entreaty, so at his command he would not depart. But (said he) _I am not come to word with your King, I am come to fight, and am desirous to fight: I will be ready to fight with him, albeit I had but 10000. such men as I haue brought 60000._ K. _Harold_ spent little time, lost none (vnlesse happely that which hee might haue taken more) both in appointing and ordering his Armie. And when he was ready to take the field, his mother entreated him, first moderately, then with words of passion and with teares, that he would not aduenture his person to the battaile. Her importunitie was admired the more, for that it was both without any apparant cause, and not vsuall in former times. But _Harold_ with vndaunted countenance and heart, conducted his Armie into _Sussex_, and encamped within seuen miles of the _Normans_: who thereupon approched so neere to the _English_, that the one Armie was within view of the other. First, espials were sent on both sides, to discouer the state and condition of their enemies. They who were sent from the English made a large report, both of the number, and appointment, and discipline of the _Normans_. Whereupon _Girth_, yonger brother to King _Harold_ presented him with aduise, not to play his whole State at a cast; not to bee so caried with desire of victory, as not to awaite the time to attaine it: that it is proper to Inuaders presently to fight, because they are then in the very pride and flourish of their strength; but the assailed should rather delay battell, rather obserue only and attend their enemies, cut off their reliefe, vexe them with incommodities, weary them, and weare them out by degrees: that it could not be long before the Dukes armie, being in a strange Countrey, would be reduced to necessities; it could not bee long but by reason it consisted of diuers nations, it would draw into disorder: that it was proper to an armie compounded of different people, to be almost inuincible at the first, whilest all contend to excell or at least to equal other in braue performance; but if they be aduisedly endured, they will easily fall into disorders, and lastly of themselues dissolue. _Or if_ (sayd he) _you resolue to fight, yet because you are sworne to the Duke, you shall doe well to withdraw your presence; to imploy your authoritie in mustering a new armie, to bee readie to receiue him with fresh forces. And if you please to commit the charge of this incounter vnto me, I will not faile to expresse, both the loue of a brother, and the care and courage of a Commander. For as I am not obliged to the Duke by oath, so shall I either preuaile with the better cause, or with the quieter conscience die._ Both these counsailes were reiected by _Harold_: The first out of a violent vehemencie of these Northerne nations, who doe commonly esteeme delay of battell a deiected cowardise, a base and seruile deflouring of time; but to beare through their designes at once, they account a point of honourable courage. The second he esteemed both shamefull to his reputation, and hurtfull to the state of his affaires. For what honour had he gained by his former victories, if when he came to the greatest pinch of danger, hee should fearefully shrinke backe? with what heart should the Souldiers fight, when they haue not his presence for whom they fight? when they haue not their Generall an eye witnesse of their performance? when they want his sight, his encouragement, his example to enflame them to valour? The presence of the Prince is worth many thousands of ordinarie Souldiers: The ordinary Souldier wil vndertake both labour and danger for no other respects so much, as by the presence of the Prince. And therefore he did greatly extenuate the worth of the _Normans_, terming them a company of Priests; because their fashion was to shaue their faces: But whatsoeuer they were, as he had (hee said) digested in his minde the hardest euents of battell; so either the infamie or suspicion of cowardise in no case hee would incurre. Hee resolued not to ouerliue so great dishonour; he resolued to set vp as his last rest, his Crowne, and Kingdome; and life withall. And thus oftentimes Fortune dealeth with men, as Executioners doe with condemned persons; she will first blindfold, and then dispatch them. After this the _Norman_ sent a Monke to offer the choise of these conditions to _Harold_; Either to relinquish his kingdome vpon certaine conditions; or to hold it vnder homage to the Duke; or to try their cause by single combate; or to submit it to the iudgement of the Pope, according to the Lawes of _Normandy_ or of _England_, which he would. Againe, some conditions were propounded from K. _Harold_ to the Duke: But their thoughts were so lifted vp both with pride and confidence, by reason of their former victories, that no moderate ouerture could take place: and so they appointed the day following, which was the 14. of October, to determine their quarrell by sentence of the sword. This happened to be the birth day of K. _Harold_, which for that cause by a superstitious errour, he coniectured would be prosperous vnto him. The night before the battaile for diuers respects was vnquiet. The _English_ spent the time in feasting and drinking, and made the aire ring with showtings and songs: the _Normans_ were more soberly silent, and busied themselues much in deuotion; being rather still then quiet, not so much watchful as not able to sleepe. At the first appearance of the day, the King and the Duke were ready in Armes, encouraging their Souldiers, and ordering them in their arrayes; in whose eyes it seemed that courage did sparckle, and that in their face and gesture victorie did sit. The Duke put certaine reliques about his necke, vpon which King _Harold_ had sworne vnto him. It is reported that when he armed, the backe of his Curasses was placed before by errour of him that put it on: some would haue bin dismayed hereat, but the Duke smiled, and said; Assuredly this day my Fortune will turne, I shall either be a King, or nothing before night. The _English_ were knit in one maine body on foot; whereof the first rancks consisted of _Kentishmen_ (who by an ancient custome did challenge the honour of that place,) the next were filled with _Londoners_; then followed the other _English_. Their chiefe weapons were pole-axe, sword and dart, with a large target for their defence. They were paled in front with paueises in such wise, that it was thought impossible for the enemie to breake them. The King stood on foot by his Standard, with two of his brothers, _Girth_ and _Leofwine_; as well to relieue from thence all parts that should happen to be distressed, as also to manifest to the Souldiers, that they reteined no thought of escaping by flight. On the other side, the _Normans_ were diuided into three battailes: The first was conducted by _Roger Montgomerie_, and _William Fitz-Osborne_; it consisted of horsemen of _Aniou_, _Maine_ and _Britaine_, commanded by a _Britaine_ named _Fergent_; It caried the Banner which the Pope had sent. The middle battaile consisting of Souldiers out of _Germanie_ and _Poictou_, was led by _Geoffrye Martell_, and a Prince of _Almaine_. The Duke himselfe closed the last battaile, with the strength of his _Normans_ and the flowre of his Nobilitie. The Archers were diuided into wings, and also dispersed by bands through all the three battails. Thus were both sides set vpon a bloody bargaine; ambition, hope, anger, hate, enflaming them to valour. The duke edged his Souldiers, by declaring vnto them the noble Acts of their ancesters, the late admirable atchieuement of their fellow _Normans_ in subduing the Kingdome of _Sicill_, their owne braue exploits vnder him; by shewing them all that pleasant and plentifull Countrey, as the purchase of their prowesse, as the gaine and reward of their aduenture: by putting them in minde, that they were in a Countrey both hostile & vnknowne, before them the sword, the vast Ocean behind, no place of retreit, no surety but in valour and in victory; so as they who would not contend for glory, were vpon necessitie to fight for their liues: Lastly, by assuring them, that as he was the first in aduise, so would he be the foremost in aduenture, being fully resolued either to vanquish, or to die. The King encouraged his men, by presenting to their remembrance, the miseries which they susteined not long before, vnder the oppression of the _Danes_; which whether they were againe to endure, or neuer to feare, it lieth (said he) in the issue of this field. The King had the aduantage both for number of men, and for their large able bodies; The Duke both in Armes, (especially in regard of the Bow and arrowes,) and in experience and skill of Armes; both equall in courage; both confident alike in the fauour of Fortune, which had alwayes crowned their courage with victory. And now by affronting of both the Armies, the plots and labours of many moneths, were reduced to the hazard of a few houres. The _Normans_ marched with a song of the valiant acts of _Rowland_, esteeming nothing of perill in regard of the glory of their aduenture. When they approched neere their enemies, they saluted them first with a storme of Arrowes: _Robert Fitz Beaumonte_ a yong Gentleman of _Normandie_, beginning the fight from the right Wing. This maner of fight as it was new, so was it most terrible to the _English_, so were they least prouided to auoyd it. First, they opened their rancks, to make way for the Arrowes to fall; but when that auoydance did nothing auaile, they cloased againe, and couered themselues with their Targets, ioyned together in maner of a pendhouse; encouraging one another, to hast forward, to leape lustily to hand-strokes, and to scoure their swords in the entrailes of their enemies. Then the Duke commanded his horsemen to charge: but the _English_ receiued them vpon the points of their weapons, with so liuely courage, in so firme and stiffe order, that the ouerthrow of many of the foremost, did teach their followers to aduenture themselues with better aduise. Hereupon they shifted into wings, and made way for the footmen to come forward. Then did both armies ioyne in a horrible shocke, with Pole-axes, & the Prince of weapons the sword: maintaining the fight with so manlike furie, as if it had bene a battaile of Giants, rather then of men. And so they continued the greatest part of that day, in close and furious fight; blow for blow, wound for wound, death for death; their feet steadie, their hands diligent, their eyes watchfull, their hearts resolute; neither their aduisement dazeled by fiercenesse, nor their fiercenesse any thing abated by aduisement. In the meane time the horsemen gaue many sharpe charges, but were alwayes beaten backe with disaduantage. The greatest annoyance came from the Archers; whose shot showred among the _English_ so thicke, as they seemed to haue the enemy in the middest of their Armie. Their armour was not sufficiently either compleate or of proofe to defend them, but euery hand, euery finger breadth vnarmed, was almost an assured place for a deepe, and many times a deadly wound. Thus whilest the front was maintained in good condition, many thousands were beaten downe behind; whose death was not so grieuous vnto them, as the maner of their death, in the middest of their friends, without an enemie at hand, vpon whom they might shew some valour, and worke some reuenge. This maner of fight would soone haue determined aswell the hopes as the feares of both sides, had not the targets of English been very seruiceable vnto them; Had not King _Harold_ also with a liuely and constant resolution, performed the part, not onely of a skilfull commander, by directing, encouraging, prouiding, relieuing; but of a valiant Souldier by vsing his weapon, to the excellent example of his Souldiers. In places of greatest danger hee was alwayes present; repayring the decayes, reforming the disorders, and encouraging his company, that in doing as men, whether they preuailed, or whether they perished, their labour was alwayes gloriously employed. So they knit strongly together, and stood in close and thicke array, as if they had been but one body: not onely bearing the brunt of their enemies, but making such an impression vpon their squadron, that the great bodie began to shake. The Duke aduentured in person so farre, moued no lesse by his naturall magnanimitie, then by glory of the enterprise, that besides his often alighting to fight on foote, two, or (as some report) three horses were slaine vnder him. And hauing a body both able by nature, and by vse hardened to endure trauaile, hee exacted the greater seruice of his Souldiers: commending the forward, blaming the slow, and crying out (according to his nature) with vehement gesture and voice vnto all; that it was a shame for them who had been victorious against all men with whom they dealt, to be so long held by the _English_ in delay of victory. So partly by his authoritie, and partly by his example, he retained his Souldiers, and imposed vpon them the fayrest necessitie of courage; whilest euery man contended to win a good opinion of their Prince. Then the fight entred into a new fitte of heate; nothing lesse feared then death, the greatnesse of danger making both sides the more resolute: and they who could not approach to strike with the hand, were heard to encourage their fellowes by speach, to pursue the victory, to pursue their glory, not to turne to their owne both destruction and disgrace. The clashing of armour, the iustling of bodies, the resounding of blowes, was the fairest part of this bloody medley: but the grislinesse of wounds, the hideous fals and groanes of the dying, all the field defiled with dust, blood, broken armour, mangled bodies, represented Terrour in her foulest forme. Neuer was furie better gouerned; neuer game of death better played. The more they fought the better they fought; the more they smarted, the lesse they regarded smart. At the last, when the Duke perceiued that the _English_ could not be broken by strength of arme, he gaue direction that his men should retire and giue ground; not loosely, not disorderly, as in a fearefull and confused haste, but aduisedly and for aduantage; keeping the front of their squadron firme and close, without disbanding one foote in array. Nothing was more hurtfull to the _English_, being of a franke and noble spirit, then that their violent inclination caried them too fast into hope of victory. For, feeling their enemies to yeeld vnder their hand, they did rashly follow those who were not hasty to flee: And in the heate of their pursuit, vpon a false conceit of victory, loosed and disordered their rankes, thinking then of nothing but of executing the chase. The _Normans_ espying the aduantage to be ripe, made a stiffe stand, redoubled vpon the _English_, and pressing on with a furie equall to their fauourable fortune, with a cruell butchery brake into them. On the other side it is scarce credible with what strength both of courage and hand the _English_ euen in despight of death, sustained themselues in this disorder; drawing into small squadrons, and beating downe their enemies on euery hand, being resolued to sell their liues with their place. But a mischiefe is no mischiefe, if it comes alone. Besides this disaduantage of disarray, the shot of the _Normans_, did continually beate vpon the _English_ with a grieuous execution. Among other King _Harold_ about the closing of the euening, as he was busie in sustaining his armie, both with voyce and with hand, was strooke with an arrow through the left eye into his braines, of which wound hee presently died. His two brothers, _Girth_ and _Leofwine_ were also slaine, and also most of the nobilitie that were present: So long as the King stood, they stood stoutly, both with him, and for him, and by him: his directions supported them, his braue behauiour breathed fresh boldnesse and life into them. But his death was a deadly stabbe to their courage; vpon report of his death, they began to wauer in resolution, whether to trust to the force of their armes, or to commend their safetie to their good footemanship. In this incertainty many were slaine: Many retired in reasonable order to a rising ground, whither they were closely followed by the _Normans_; but the _English_ hauing gotten aduantage of the place, and drawing courage out of despaire, with a bloody charge did driue them downe. Count _Eustachius_ supposing fresh forces to be arriued, fled away with fiftie Souldiers in his company; and meeting with the Duke, rounded him secretly in his eare, that if hee went any further hee was vndone. Whilest he was thus speaking, hee was strooke betweene the shoulder with so violent a blowe, that he fell downe as dead, and voided much blood at his nose and mouth. In this conflict many of the noblest _Normans_ were slaine, which mooued the Duke to make a strong ordered stand, giuing libertie therby for those _English_ to retire. Others fled through a watery channell, the passages whereof were well knowen vnto them: and when the _Normans_ did more sharpely then aduisedly pursue, the place being shadowed partly with Sedges and Reedes, and partly with the night, they were either stifled in the waters, or easily destroyed by the _English_, and that in so great numbers, that the place was filled vp with dead bodies. The residue scattered in smaller companies, and had their flight fauoured by increasing darkenesse: the enemie not aduenturing to follow, both in a strange Countrey, and in the night. Earle _Edwine_ and Earle _Morchar_, brothers of approoued both courage and faith, did great seruice at that time, in collecting these dispersed Troupes, and leading them in some fashion to _London_. Duke _William_ surprised with Ioy, gaue publike charge for a solemne thanksgiuing to God. Then he erected his pauilion in the middest of the field, among the thickest of those bodies whom death had made to lie quietly together. There he passed the residue of that night; and the next morning mustered his souldiers, buried those that were slaine, and gaue libertie to the _English_ to do the like. The bodie of King _Harold_ could not be knowen by his face, it was so deformed by death, and by his wound; by his armour and by certaine markes vpon his body it was knowen. As it lay vpon the ground, a _Norman_ Souldier did strike it into the legge with his sword: for which vnmanly acte he was cassed by the Duke with open disgrace. It was caried into the Dukes Pauilion, vnder the custodie of _William Mallet_. And when his mother made suite for it to bee buried, the Duke denied it at the first; affirming, that buriall was not fit for him, whose ambition was the cause of so many Funerals. The mother, besides her lamentations and teares, offered for it (as one _Norman_ writer affirmes) the weight thereof in gold. But the Duke, with a manly compassion gaue it freely; as holding it dishonourable both to value the bodie of a King, and make sale of a slaine enemie. So his body was buried by his mother at _Waltham Crosse_ within the monasterie which hee had founded. Verely there was nothing to be blamed in him, but that his courage could not stoupe to be lower then a King. I haue been the more long in describing this battel, for that I esteem it the most memorable and best executed that euer was fought within this land: as well for skilfull direction, as for couragious performance, and also for the greatnesse of the euent. The fight continued with very great both constancie of courage, and variety of fortune, from seuen of the clocke in the morning vntill night. Of the _Normans_ were slaine 6000 and more, besides those that were drowned and beaten downe in the water. The slaughter of the _English_ is vncertainely reported, but certainely it was farre greater then that of the _Normans_. Certaine also that their death was most honourable and faire, not any one basely abandoning the fielde; not any one yeelding to bee taken prisoner. And yet one circumstance more I hold fit to bee obserued; that this victory was gotten onely by the meanes of the bow and arrow: The vse whereof was by the _Normans_ first brought into this land. Afterward the _English_ being trained to that fight, did thereby chiefly maintaine themselues with honourable aduantage, against all nations with whom they did contend in armes; being generally reputed the best shot in the world. But of late yeeres it hath bene altogether layed aside, and in stead thereof the harquebuze and calliuer are brought into vse: yet not without contradiction of many expert men of Armes; who albeit they doe not reiect the vse of these small pieces, yet doe they preferre the Bow before them. First, for that in a reasonable distance, it is of greater both certainty and force. Secondly, for that it dischargeth faster. Thirdly, for that more men may discharge therewith at once: for onely the first rancke dischargeth the piece, neither hurt they any but those that are in front; but with the bow 10. or 12. rancks may discharge together, and will annoy so many ranckes of the enemies. Lastly, for that the arrow doeth strike more parts of the body: for in that it hurteth by discent; (and not onely point blancke like the bullet) there is no part of the body but it may strike; from the crowne of the head, euen to the nayling of the foot to the ground. Hereupon it followeth, that the arrowes falling so thicke as haile vpon the bodies of men, as lesse fearefull of their flesh, so more slenderly armed then in former times, must necessarily worke most dangerous effects. Besides these generall respects in many particular seruices and times, the vse of the Bow is of greatest aduantage. If some defence lye before the enemy, the arrow may strike where the bullet cannot. Foule weather may much hinder the discharge of the piece, but it is no great impediment to the shot of the Bow. A horse strooke with a bullet if the wound be not mortall, may performe good seruice; but if an arrow be fastened in his flesh, the continuall stirring thereof, occasioned by the motion of himselfe, will enforce him to cast off all command, and either beare downe or disorder those that are neere. But the cracke of the piece (will some man say) doeth strike a terrour into the enemie. True, if they bee such as neuer heard the like noise before. But a little vse wil extinguish these terrours: to men, yea to beasts acquainted with these cracks, they worke a weake impression of feare. And if it be true which all men of action doe hold, that the eye in all battailes is first ouercome, then against men equally accustomed to both, the sight of the arrow is more auaileable to victorie then the cracke of the piece. Assuredly, the Duke before the battaile encouraged his men, for that they should deale with enemies who had no shot. But I will leaue this point to be determined by more discerning iudgements, and happily by further experience in these affaires, and returne againe to my principall purpose. The next day after the victorie the Duke returned to _Hastings_, about seuen miles from the place of the encounter, partly to refresh his Armie, and partly to settle in aduise and order for his further prosecution. First, he dispatched messengers to signifie his successe to his friends abroad; to the Pope he sent King _Harolds_ Standerd, which represented a man fighting, wrought curiously with golde and precious stones. Afterwards placing a strong garrison at _Hastings_, he conducted his Armie towards _London_: not the direct way, but coasted about through part of _Kent_, through _Sussex_, _Surrey_, _Hampshire_ and _Barkeshire_: the wayes where hee passed being as free from resistance, as his thoughts were from change. At _Wallingford_ he passed ouer the _Thames_; and then marched forward through _Oxford-shire_, _Buckingham-shire_, and _Hartford-shire_, vntill he came to the Castle at _Berkhamstead_. In this passage many of his Souldiers languished and died of the Fluxe. And whether it were vpon licentiousnesse after the late victorie, or whether for want of necessary prouision, or whether to strike a terrour into the _English_, or whether to leaue no danger at his backe, he permitted the sword to range at large, to harrie freely, to defile many places with ruine and blood. In the meane time the _English_ Lords assembled at _London_, to aduise vpon their common affaires; but the varietie of opinions was the chiefe impediment to the present seruice; the danger being more important, then the counsaile resolute, or the confidence assured. The Nobilitie enclined to declare _Edgar_ grandchild to _Edmund Ironside_, to be their King: and with these the _Londoners_ wholy went. But those of the Clergie were of opinion (some vpon particular respects, all vpon feare to displease the Pope) to yeeld to the storme and streame of the present time, to yeeld to the mightie Arme of GOD; that their forces being prostrated, their hopes feeble and forlorne, they must be content not to be constrained; they must not prouoke the Victor too farre; against whose forces and felicities, time gaue them not power to oppose. This deliberation held so long, that all the time of action was spent. For the Duke approched so neere the Citie, that many preferring their safetie before other respects, withdrew themselues and went vnto him. Hereupon the residue dissolued: and _Alfred_ Archb. of _Yorke_, _Wolstane_ Bishop of _Worcester_, _Wilfire_ B. of _Hereford_, and many other Prelates of the Realme went vnto the Duke at _Berkhamstead_; accompanied with _Edgar_, Earle _Edwine_, Earle _Morchar_, and diuers others of the Nobilitie: who gaue pledges for their allegiance, and were thereupon receiued to subiection and fauour. The Duke presently dispatched to _London_, was receiued with many declarations of ioy, the lesser in heart, the fairer in appearance, and vpon _Christmas day_ next following was crowned King. Now the meanes whereby this victory was[21] assured, were the very same whereby it was atchieued; euen by a stiffe and rigorous hand. For whosoeuer supposeth that a State atteined by force, can be reteined by milder meanes, he shall find himselfe disappointed of his hopes. A people newly subdued by force, will so long remaine in obedience, as they finde themselues not of force to resist. And first he endeauoured either to preuent or appease all forren warres, especially against the _Danes_, who were then chiefly feared in _England_, as well in regard of their former victories, as for that they pretended title to the Crowne. And herein two things did especially fauour his affaires. One, for that the _Normans_ were in some sort allied to the _Danes_; being the progenie of those _Noruegians_ and _Danes_, which vnder the conduct and fortune of _Rollo_ inuaded _France_, & after many great atchieuements, seated in _Normandie_. The other was, for that after the death of _Canutus_, the state of _Denmarke_ was much infeebled by diuision. For the _Noruegians_ set vp _Magnus_ the sonne of _Olaus_ for their King; but the _Danes_ acknowledged _Canutus_ the third of that name: by meanes whereof that puissant empire did languish in consumption of it selfe, and could not be dangerous to any neighbour Countrey. Yet ceased they not for many yeeres, to continue claime to the Crowne of _England_: But King _William_ had purchased many sure and secret friends in that diseased state, wherein all publike affaires were set to sale; especially he vsed the authoritie of _Adelbert_, Archbishop of _Hamburgh_, either to crosse all counsaile of hostilitie against him, or else to delay, and thereby to delude the enterprise, or lastly so to manage the action, that it should not worke any dangerous effect. After the death of _Swaine_, _Canutus_ prepared a Nauie of one thousand saile for inuasion of _England_; and was aided with sixe hundred more by _Robert le Frizon_, whose daughter hee had taken to wife. But either for want, or else by negligence, or happily of purpose, this Nauie continued, partly in preparation, and partly in a readinesse, the space of two yeeres, and then the voyage was layd aside. The cause was attributed to contrarietie of winds; but the contrariety of wils was the truest impediment. Likewise _Swaine_ had furnished against _England_ a Nauie of 200. sayle, commanded by Earle _Osborne_ his brother. Another fleete of 200. saile was set foorth vnder the charge of Earle _Hacon_: But King _William_ so corrupted them both, that the one departed out of the Realme without performing any great exploit, the other neuer would arriue. Also out of these confusions in _England_, _Malcolme_ King of Scots, did take his opportunitie for action. Hee receiued into protection many _English_, who either for feare, or for discontentment, forsooke their Countrey; of whom many families in _Scotland_ are descended, and namely these; _Lindsey_, _Vaus_, _Ramsey_, _Louell_, _Towbris_, _Sandlands_, _Bissart_, _Sowlis_, _Wardlaw_, _Maxwell_, with diuers others. Hee entertained into his Court _Edgar Atheling_; and tooke his sister _Margaret_ to wife. He possessed himselfe of a great part of _Cumberland_, and of _Northumberland_; wherewith the people were well content, for that hee was their Earles sisters sonne. Hereupon King _William_ sent against him, first, _Roger_ a _Norman_, who was traiterously slaine by his owne Souldiers, then _Gospatrick_, Earle of _Gloucester_: These did onely represse the enemie, but were not able to finish the warre fully. Lastly, hee went himselfe with a mighty armie into _Scotland_, where hee made wide waste, and in _Lothiam_ found King _Malcolme_, prepared both in force and resolution to entertaine him with battell. The great armie of King _William_, their faire furniture and order, their sudden comming, but especially their firme countenance and readinesse to fight, much daunted the _Scots_: whereupon King _Malcolme_ sent a Herault to King _William_, to mooue him to some agreement of peace. The more that the King was pleased herewith, the more hee seemed vnwilling and strange: the more he must be perswaded to that, which if it had not bin offered, he would haue desired. At the last, a peace was concluded, vpon conditions honourable for King _William_, and not vnreasonable for the King of _Scots_: whereby all the _English_ were pardoned, who had fled into _Scotland_, and borne armes against their King. As for the _Welsh_, albeit both their courage and their power had been extreamely broken in the time of King _Edward_, and that by the valour and industry of _Harold_; yet vpon aduantage of these troubled times, they made some incursions into the borders of _England_; but in companies so disordered and small, so secretly assaulting, so suddenly retiring, so desirous more of pillage then of blood, that they seemed more like to ordinarie robbers then to enemies in field. Against these the King ledde an armie into _Wales_, reduced the people both to subiection and quiet, made all the principall men tributary vnto him, receiued pledges of all, for assurance of their obedience and faith. Whilest the King thus setled his affaires abroad, he secured himselfe against his subiects,[22] not by altering their will, but by taking away their power to rebell. The stoutest of the Nobilitie and Gentlemen were spent, either by warre, or by banishment, or by voluntary auoidance out of the Realme. All these hee stripped of their states, and in place of them aduanced his _Normans_: insomuch as scarce any noble family of the _English_ blood did beare either office or authoritie within the Realme. And these ranne headlong to seruitude; the more hasty and with the fairer shew, the more either countenanced or safe. These he did assure vnto him, not onely by oath of fidelitie and homage, but either by pledges, or else by reteining them alwaies by his side. And because at that time the Clergie were the principall strings of the _English_ strength, he permitted not any of the _English_ Nation to be aduanced to the dignities of the Church, but furnished them with _Normans_, and other strangers. And whereas in times before, the Bishop and Alderman were absolute Iudges in euery Shire, and the Bishop in many causes shared in forfeitures and penalties with the King; he clipped the wings of their Temporall power, and confined them within the limits of their Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction; to maintaine the Canons and customes of the Church, to deale in affaires concerning the soule. He procured _Stigand_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_, _Agelwine_ Bishop of _East-Angles_, and certaine other Bishops and Abbots, to be depriued by authoritie from _Rome_, and deteined them in prison during their liues, that strangers might enioy their places. The matters obiected against _Stigand_ were these. 1 _That hee had entruded vpon the Archbishopricke whilest Robert the Archb. was in life._ 2 _That he receiued his Pall from Benedict the fifth, who for buying the Papacie had bene deposed._ 3 _That hee kept the Sea of Winchester in his handes, after his inuestiture into the Sea of Canterburie._ He was otherwise also infamous in life; altogether vnlearned, of heauie iudgement and vnderstanding, sottishly seruiceable both to pleasure and sloath; in couetousnesse beneath the basenesse of rusticitie: insomuch as he would often sweare, that he had not one penie vpon the earth, and yet by a key which hee did weare about his necke, great treasures of his were found vnder the ground. And this was a griefe and sicknesse to honest mindes, that such spurious and impure creatures should susteine, or rather destaine the reuerence and maiestie of Religion. Further, the King caused all the Monasteries and Abbeys to be searched, pretending that the richer sort of the _English_ had layd vp their money in them: vnder colour whereof he discouered the state of all, and bereaued many of their owne treasure. Some of these Religious houses he appropriated wholly to himselfe; of diuers others he seized the liberties, which they redeemed afterward at a very high and excessiue rate. Those Bishopricks and Abbeis which held Baronies, and had bene free before from secular subiection, he reduced vnder the charge of his seruice; appointing how many Souldiers, and of what sort, they should furnish for him and his successours in the time of their warres. Those strangers which he entertained in pay, he dispersed into Religious houses, and some also among the Nobilitie, to be maintained at their charge: whereby he not onely fauoured his owne purse, but had them as a watch, and sometimes as a garrison ouer those, of whose alleageance he stood in doubt. Now against the inferiour sort of people, knowing right well that hee was generally hated, hee prepared these remedies for his estate: All their armour was taken from them, they were crushed downe with change of calamity, which held them prostrate vnder yoke, and brake the very heart of their courage: leauing them no hope to be relieued, no hope to rise into any degree of libertie, but by yeelding entire obedience vnto him. Those who either resisted or fauoured not his first entrance, he bereaued of all meanes afterward to offend him; holding them downe, and keeping them so lowe, that their very impotencie made him secure. All such as had their hand in any rebellion, albeit they were pardoned their liues, lost their liuings, and became vassals to those Lords to whom their possessions were giuen. And if they attained any thing afterward, they held it onely at the pleasure of their Lords; at the pleasure of their Lords they might bee despoyled. Hee much condemned the iudgement of _Swanus_ the _Dane_, sometimes King of _England_, who permitted those whom hee had vanquished, to retaine their former both authoritie and estates: whereby it happened, that after his death, the inhabitants were of force to expell the strangers, and to quit themselues both from their societie and subiection. Hereupon many seuere lawes were made; diuers of all sorts were put to death, banished, stripped of their wealth, disabled in their bodies by vnusuall variety of punishments; as putting out the eyes, cutting off the hands and such like: not onely to diminish his feares, if they were suspected; but sometimes if they were of wealth, to satisfie therewith either his pleasure or wants. His cruelty made the people rebellious, and their rebellions made him the more cruell; in which case many Innocents were made the oblations of his ambitious feares. Many heauy taxations were imposed vpon them; their ancient Lords were remoued, their ancient lawes and policies of State were dashed to dust; all lay couched vnder the Conquerours sword, to bee newly fashioned by him, as should bee best fitting for his aduantage. Hee erected Castels in diuers parts of the Realme, of which the Towre neere _London_ was the chiefe, which afterward was increased both in compasse and in strength by addition of the outward walls. In these he planted garrisons of _Normans_, as if it had bene in a hostile Countrey; not without oppression to the people although they remained quiet, and sufficient to suppresse them if they should rebell. Thus he secured the Realme against a generall defection; as for particular stirres, they might happily molest him, but endanger him they could not. _Exceter_, _Northumberland_, and some other parts did rise against him in armes; but being vnable to maintaine their reuolt, their ouerthrow did much confirme his State. Hee either imitated or concurred with _Cæsar_ in aduise: For, as _Cæsar_ inuaded the _Germans_ which kept the great forrest of _Ardenna_, not with his owne Souldiers, but with his aides out of _Gallia_; gaining thereby victory ouer the one, and securitie from the other, without any dispence of the _Romane_ blood: so after the Kings great victory against the valiant, but too aduenturous King _Harold_, when many of the English fled into _Ireland_, and from thence with fresh both courage, and supplies returned into _England_; commaunded by two of _Harolds_ sonnes; hee encountred them onely with _English_ forces. In the first conflict the Kings partie was ouerthrowen, and the valiant leader _Ednothus_ slaine, who had bene master of the horses to King _Harold_. In the second his enemies were so defeated, as they were neuer able to make head againe. So the victorers being weakened, and the vanquished wasted, the King with pleasure triumphed ouer both. Likewise when he was occasioned to passe the Seas into _Normandie_, either to establish affaires of gouernement, or to represse rebellions, which in his absence were many times raised; he drew his forces out of _England_, and that in a more large proportion then the importance of the seruice did require. Hee also tooke with him the chiefe men of _English_ blood, as well to vse their aduise and aide, as also to hold them and their friends from working innouation in his absence. He enclosed the great Forrest neere vnto the Sea in _Hamshire_, for which he dispeopled villages and townes, about the space of thirtie miles, to make a desert for beasts of chase; in which place afterward two of his sonnes, _Richard_ and _William_ ended their liues; _Richard_ by a fall from his horse, and _William_ by the stroke of an arrow. The Kings great delight in hunting was made the pretence of this Forrest; but the true end was rather, to make a free place of footing for his _Normans_ and other friends out of France, in case any great reuolt should be made. Diuers other parts of the Realme were so wasted with his warres, that for want both of Husbandrie and habitation, a great dearth did ensue; whereby many were inforced to eate horses, dogs, cats, rats, and other loathsome and vile vermine: yea, some absteined not from the flesh of men. This famine and desolation did especially rage in the North parts of the Realme. For the inhabitants beyond _Humber_, fearing the Kings secret hate, so much the more deepe and deadly because vniust; receiued without resistance, and perhaps drew in the Armie of the King of _Sueueland_, with whom _Edgar Atheling_ and the other _English_ that fled into _Scotland_ ioyned their power. The _Normans_ within _Yorke_ fired the suburbs, because it should not be a lodging for their enemies: but the strength of the winde caried the flame into the Citie, which consumed a great part thereof, with the Minster of S. _Peter_, and therein a faire Librarie. And herewith whilest the _Normans_ were partly busied, and partly amazed, the enemies entred, and slue in _Yorke_, in _Duresme_, and thereabout, three thousand _Normans_; among whom were many of eminent dignitie, as well for birth, as for place of their charge. But in short time the King came vpon them, and hauing partly by Armes, and partly by gifts dispatched the strangers, exercised vpon the _English_ an ancient and assured experience of warre, to represse with maine force a rebellion in a State newly subdued. Insomuch as all the land betweene _Duresme_ and _Yorke_, except onely the territorie of S. _Iohn_ of _Beuerlace_, lay waste for the space of nine yeeres, without inhabitants to manure the ground. And because conspiracies and associations are commonly contriued in the night, he commanded, that in all Townes and villages a Bell should be runge in the euening at eight of the clocke; and that in euery house they should then put foorth their fire and lights, and goe to bed. This custome of ringing a Bell at that houre, in many places is still obserued. And for that likenesse is a great cause of liking and of loue, he enioyned the chiefe of the _English_ (and these were soone imitated by the rest) to conforme themselues to the fashions of _Normandie_, to which they had made themselues no strangers before. Yea, children in the schoole were taught their letters and principles of grammar in the _Norman_ language. In their speech, attire, shauing of the beard, seruice at the Table; in their buildings and houshold furniture, they altogether resembled the _Normans_. In the beginning of his reigne he ordeined that the Lawes of King _Edward_ should be obserued, together with those Lawes which hee did prescribe: but afterwards he commanded that 9. men should be chosen out of euery shire, to make a true report what were the Lawes and customes of the Realme. Of these hee changed the greatest part, and brought in the customes of _Normandie_ in their stead: commanding also that causes should be pleaded, and all matters of forme dispatched in _French_. Onely hee permitted certaine _Dane_-Lawes, (which before were chiefly vsed in _Northfolke_, _Suffolke_, and _Cambridge_-shire) to be generally obserued; as hauing great affinitie with his _Norman_-customes; both being deriued from one common head. Likewise at the great suit of _William_ a _Norman_ then Bishop of _London_, he granted a Charter of libertie to that Citie, for enioying the vse of K. _Edwards_ Lawes: a memoriall of which benefite, the Citizens fixed vpon the Bishops graue, being in the middest of the great West Ile of S. _Pauls_. Further, by the counsaile of _Stigand_ Archb. of _Canterburie_, and of _Eglesine_ Abbot of S. _Augustines_ (who at that time were the chiefe gouernours of _Kent_) as the King was riding towards _Douer_, at _Swanescombe_ two mile from _Grauesend_, the _Kentish_ men came towards him armed, and bearing boughes in their hands, as if it had bene a moouing wood; they encloased him vpon the sudden, and with a firme countenance, but words well tempered with modestie and respect, they demanded of him the vse of their ancient Liberties and Lawes: that in other matters they would yeeld obedience vnto him: that without this they desired not to liue. The King was content to strike saile to the storme, and to giue them a vaine satisfaction for the present; knowing right well, that the generall customes & Lawes of the residue of the Realme, would in short time ouerflow these particular places. So pledges being giuen on both sides, they conducted him to _Rochester_, and yeelded the Countie of _Kent_ and the Castle of _Douer_ into his power. In former times many Farmes and Mannors were giuen by bare word, without writing, onely with the sword of the Lord, or his head-peece; with a horne or standing goblet, and many tenements with a quill, with a horse-combe, with a bow, with an arrow; but this sincere simplicitie at that time was changed. And whereas Charters and deeds were before made firme by the subscription of the partie, with crosses of gold, or of some other colour; then they were firmed by the parties speciall Seale, set vpon waxe, vnder the _Teste_ of three or foure witnesses. He ordained also his counsaile of State, his Chancery, his Exchequer, his Courts of Iustice, which alwaies remoued with his Court. These places he furnished with Officers, and assigned foure Termes in the yere for determining controuersies among the people: whereas before all suites were summarily heard and determined in the _Gemote_ or monthly conuention in euery hundred, without either formalities or delay. He caused the whole Realme to be described in a censuall Roll, so as there was not one Hide of land, but both the yerely rent and the owner thereof, was therein set downe; how many plowlands, what pastures, fennes, or marishes; what woods, parkes, farmes and tenements were in euery shire; and what euery one was worth. Also how many villaines euery man had, what beasts or cattell, what fees, what other goods, what rent or commoditie his possessions did yeeld. This booke was called _The Roll of Winton_, because it was kept in the Citie of _Winchester_. By the _English_ it was called _Doomes day booke_; either by reason of the generalitie thereof, or else corruptly in stead of _Domus Dei booke_; for that it was layed in the Church of _Winchester_, in a place called _Domus Dei_. According to this Roll taxations were imposed; sometimes two shillings, and sometimes sixe shillings vpon euery hide of land (a hide conteyning 20. acres,) besides ordinarie prouision for his house. In all those lands which hee gaue to any man, he reserued _Dominion in chiefe_ to himselfe: for acknowledgement whereof a yeerely rent was payd vnto him, and likewise a fine whensoeuer the Tenant did alien or die. These were bound as Clients vnto him by oath of fidelitie and homage; And if any died his heire being in minoritie, the King receiued the profits of the land, and had the custodie and disposing of the heires body, vntill his age of one and twentie yeeres. It is reported of _Caligula_,[23] that when he entended to make aduantage of his penal Edicts, he caused them to be written in so small letters, and the tables of them to be fastened so high, that it was almost impossible for any man to read them. So the King caused part of those Lawes that he established, to be written in the _Norman_ language, which was a barbarous and broken _French_, not well vnderstood of the naturall _French_, and not at all of the vulgar _English_. The residue were not written at all, but left almost arbitrarie, to be determined by reason and discretion at large. Hereupon it followed, partly through ignorance of the people, and partly through the malice of some officers of Iustice, who many times are instruments of secret and particular ends; that many were extreamely intangled, many endangered, many rather made away, then iustly executed. But here it may be questioned, seeing these Lawes were layed vpon the _English_, as fetters about their feet, as a ponderous yoke vpon their necke, to depresse and deteine them in sure subiection; how it falleth, that afterward they became not onely tolerable, but acceptable and well esteemed. Assuredly, these lawes were exceeding harsh and heauy to the _English_ at the first: And therefore K. _William Rufus_, and _Henry_ the first, at such time as _Robert_ their eldest brother came in armes against them to challenge the crowne, being desirous to winne the fauour of the people, did fill them with faire promises, to abrogate the lawes of K. _William_ their father, and to restore to them the Lawes of K. _Edward_. The like was done by K. _Stephen_, and by K. _Henry_ the second; whilest both contending to draw the State to himselfe, they did most grieuously teare it in pieces. The like by others of the first Kings of the _Norman_ race, whensoeuer they were willing to giue contentment to the people: who desired no other reward for all their aduentures and labours, for al their blood spent in the seruice of their Kings, but to haue the Lawes of K. _Edward_ restored. At the last the Nobilitie of the Realme, with great dispence both of their estates and blood, purchased a Charter of libertie, First from K. _Iohn_, which was soone reuoked, as violently enforced from him: afterwards from King _Henry_ the third, which remained in force. And hereby the sharpe seuerity of these lawes was much abated. In that afterwards they became, not onely tolerable, but easie and sweete, and happily not fit to bee changed, it is by force of long grounded custome, whereby those vsages which our ancestors haue obserued for many ages, do neuer seeme either grieuous or odious to bee endured. So _Nicetas_ writing of certaine Christians, who by long conuersing with the _Turkes_, had defiled themselues with Turkish fashions, _Custome_[24] (saith he) _winneth such strength by time, that it is more firme then either Nature or Religion_. Hereupon _Dio. Chrysostome_ compareth Customes to a King,[25] and Edicts to a Tyrant; because we are subiect voluntarily to the one, but by constraint and vpon necessitie to the other. _It is manifest_ (saith _Agathias_) _that vnder whatsoeuer law a people hath liued, they doe esteeme the same most excellent and diuine_.[26] _Herodotus_ reporteth, that _Darius_ the sonne of _Hysdaspis_, hauing vnder his Dominion certaine _Grecians_ of _Asia_, who accustomed to burne their dead parents and friends, and certaine nations of _India_, who vsed to eate them; called the _Grecians_ before him: and told them that it was his pleasure, that they should conforme themselues to the custome of the _Indians_, in eating their deceased friends. But they applied all meanes of intreatie and perswasion, that they might not be inforced, to such a barbarous, or rather brutish obseruation. Then hee sent for the _Indians_, and mooued them to conformitie with the _Grecians_; but found that they did farre more abhorre to burne their dead, then the _Grecians_ did to eate them. Now these seuerities of the King were much aggrauated by the _English_, and esteemed not farre short of cruelties. Notwithstanding hee tempered it with many admirable actions both of iustice and of clemencie and mercie: for which hee is much extolled by the _Normane_[27] writers. Hee gaue great priuiledges to many places; & the better to giue the people contentment, and to hold them quiet, he often times renued the oath which first he tooke at his Coronation: namely, _to defend the holy Church of God, the pastors thereof, and the people subiect to him iustly to gouerne, to ordaine good lawes, and obserue true iustice, and to the vttermost of his power to withstand all rapines and false Iudgements._ Such of the nobilitie as had been taken in rebellion, were onely committed to prison; from which they were released in time: such as yeelded and submitted themselues, were freely pardoned, and often times receiued to fauour, trust, and imployment. _Edric_, the first that rebelled after hee was King, he held neere and assured vnto him. _Gospatric_ who had been a stirrer of great commotions, he made Earle of _Glocester_, and employed him against _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_. _Eustace_ Earle of _Bologne_, who vpon occasion of the Kings first absence in _Normandie_ attempted to surprize the Castle of _Douer_, he imbraced afterward with great shew of loue and respect. _Waltheof_ sonne to Earle _Siward_, who in defending the Citie of _Yorke_ against him, had slaine many _Normans_, as they assayed to enter a breach, hee ioyned in marriage to his Neece _Iudeth_. _Edgar_ who was the ground and hope of all conspiracies, who after his first submission to the King, fled into _Scotland_, and maintained open hostilitie against him, who pretended title to the Crowne as next heire to the _Saxon_ Kings, he not onely receiued to fauour, but honoured with faire enterteinments. Hee furnished him to the warre of _Palestine_, where he atteined an honourable estimation with the Emperours of _Almaine_ and of _Greece_. After his returne he was allowed 20. shillings a day by way of pension, and large liuings in the Countrey, where he mellowed to old age in pleasure and vacancie of affaires; preferring safe subiection, before ambitious rule accompanied both with danger and disquiet. Thus was no man more milde to a relenting and vanquished enemie; as farre from crueltie, as he was from cowardice, the height of his spirit, ouerlooking all casuall, all doubtfull and vncertaine dangers. Other great offenders he punished commonly by exile or imprisonment, seldome by death. Onely among the _English_ Nobilitie Earle _Waltheof_ was put to death, for that after twice breaking allegiance, he conspired the third time with diuers both _English_ and _Normans_ to receiue the _Danes_ into _England_, whilest the King was absent in _Normandie_. And for the same conspiracie _Ralph Fitz-aubert_ a _Norman_ was also executed; who had furnished 40. ships for the King in his voiage for _England_: for which and for his other seruices in that warre, he was afterward created Earle of _Hereford_. But present iniuries doe alwayes ouerballance benefits that are past. He much delighted in hunting and in feasting. For the first he enclosed many forrests and parks, and filled them with Deere; which he so deerely loued, that he ordained great penalties for such as should kill those or any other beasts of game. For the second hee made many sumptuous feasts, especially vpon the high Festiuall dayes in the yeere. His _Christmasse_ hee often kept at _Glocester_, his _Easter_ at _Winchester_, his _Whitsontide_ at _Westminster_; and was crowned once in the yeere at one of these places, so long as he continued in _England_. To these feasts he inuited all his Nobilitie, and did then principally compose himselfe to courtesie, as well in familiar conuersation, as in facilitie to grant suits, and to giue pardon to such as had offended. At other times he was more Maiesticall and seuere; and imployed himselfe both to much exercise and great moderation in diet; whereby he preserued his body in good state, both of health and strength, and was easily able to endure trauaile, hunger, heat, cold, and all other hardnesse both of labour and of want. Many wrongs he would not see, of many smarts he would not complaine; he was absolute master of himselfe, and thereby learned to subdue others. He was much commended for chastitie of body; by which his Princely actions were much aduanced. And albeit the beginning of his reigne was pestered with such routs of outlawes and robbers, that the peaceable people could not accompt themselues in surety within their owne doores; hee so well prouided for execution of Iustice vpon offenders, or rather for cutting off the causes of offence; that a young maiden well charged with gold, might trauaile in any part of the Realme, without any offer of iniurie vnto her. For if any man had slaine another vpon any cause, he was put to death; and if he could not be found, the hundred paide a fine to the King; sometimes 28. and sometimes 36. pounds, according to the largenesse of the hundred in extent. If a man had oppressed any woman, he was depriued of his priuie parts. As the people by Armes, so Armes by lawes were held in restraint. He talked little and bragged lesse: a most assured performer of his word: In prosecution or his purposes constant and strong, and yet not obstinate; but alwayes appliable to the change of occasions: earnest, yea violent, both to resist his enemies, and to exact dueties of his Subiects. He neither loued much speech, nor gaue credite to faire; but trusted truely to himselfe, to others so farre as he might not be abused by credulitie. His expedition (the spirit of actions and affaires) may hereby appeare. He inuaded _England_ about the beginning of October; He subdued all resistance, he suppressed all rising Rebellions, and returned into _Normandy_ in March following. So as the time of the yeere considered, a man should hardly trauaile through the land in so short a time as he did win it. A greater exploit then _Iulius Cæsar_ or any other stranger could euer atchieue vpon that place. He gaue many testimonies of a Religious minde. For he did often frequent Diuine seruice in the Church, he gaue much Almes, hee held the Clergie in great estimation, and highly honoured the Prelats of the Church. He sent many costly ornaments, many rich presents of gold and siluer to the Church of _Rome_; his _Peter_ paiments went more readily, more largely then euer before. To diuers Churches in _France_ after his victorie he sent Crosses of gold, vessels of gold, rich Palles, or other ornaments of great beautie and price. He bare such reuerence to _Lanfranck_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_, that he seemed to stand at his directions. At the request of _Wolstane_ Bishop of _Worcester_, he gaue ouer a great aduantage that he made by sale of prisoners taken in _Ireland_. He respected _Aldred_ Archbishop of _Yorke_, by whom he had bene crowned King of _England_, as his father. At a time vpon the repulse of a certaine suit, the Archbishop brake forth into discontentment, expostulated sharpely against the King, and in a humorous heat offered to depart. But the King staied him, fell downe at his feet, desired pardon, and promised satisfaction in the best maner that he could. The Nobilitie that were present, put the Archbishop in minde that he should cause the King to arise. Nay (answered the Archb.) let him alone; Let him still abide at S. _Peters_ feet. So with much adoe he was appeased, and entreated to accept his suite. And so the name of Saint _Peter_, and of the Church hath been often vsed as a mantle, to couer the pride, passions and pleasures of disordered men. He founded and enlarged many houses of Religion: Hee furnished Ecclesiasticall dignities, with men of more sufficiencie and worth then had been vsuall in former times. And because within his owne Dominions studies did not flourish and thriue, by reason of the turbulent times, by reason of the often inuasions of barbarous people, whose knowledge lay chiefly in their fists; hee drew out of _Italy_ and other places many famous men, both for learning and integritie of life, to wit, _Lanfranke_, _Anselm_, _Durand_, _Traherne_ and others. These he honoured, these hee aduanced, to these hee expressed great testimonies both of fauour and regard. And yet he preferred _Odo_ his brother by the mothers side to the Bishopricke of _Baion_, and afterwards created him Earle of _Kent_: A man proud, vaine, mutinous, ambitious; outragious in oppression, cruelty and lust; a prophaner of Religion, a manifest contemner of all vertue. The King being called by occasions into _Normandie_, committed vnto him the gouernment of the Realme: In which place of credite and command he furnished himselfe so fully with treasure, that hee aspired to the Papacie of _Rome_: vpon a prediction then cast abroad, (which commonly deceiue those that trust vnto them) that the successour of _Hildebrand_ was named _Odo_. So filled with proud hopes, hee purchased a palace and friends at _Rome_; hee prepared for his iourney, and drew many gentlemen to be of his traine. But the King returning suddenly out of _Normandie_, met with him in the _Isle of Wight_, as he was ready to take the Seas. There hee was arrested, and afterwards charged with infinite oppressions; also for seducing the Kings subiects to forsake the Realme; and lastly, for sacrilegious spoyling of many Churches. Hereupon his treasure was seized, and he was committed to prison; not as Bishop of _Baion_, but as Earle of _Kent_, and as an accomptant to the King. And so he remained about foure yeeres, euen vntill the death of the King. His seruants, some in falshood, and some for feare, discouered such hidden heapes of his gold, as did exceede all expectation: yea, many bagges of grinded gold were drawen out of riuers, wherein the Bishop had caused them for a time to be buried. After this hee was called the Kings spunge: as being preferred by him to that place of charge, wherein he might in long time sucke that from others, which should at once be pressed from himselfe. By this meanes the King had the benefit of his oppression without the blame; and the people (being no deepe searchers into secrets of State) were so well pleased with the present punishment, as they were thereby, although not satisfied, yet well quieted for all their wrongs. Towards the end of his reigne he appointed his two sonnes, _Robert_ and _Henry_, with ioynt authoritie, gouernours of _Normandie_; the one to suppresse either the insolencie, or leuitie of the other. These went together to visit the _French_ King, lying at _Conflance_: where entertaining the time with varietie of disports, _Henry_ played with _Louis_ then _Daulphine_ of _France_ at Chesse, and did win of him very much. Here at _Louis_ beganne to growe warme in words, and was therein little respected by _Henry_. The great impatiencie of the one, and the small forbearance of the other, did strike in the end such a heate betweene them, that _Louis_ threw the Chesse-men at _Henries_ face, and called him the sonne of a bastard. _Henrie_ againe stroke _Louis_ with the Chesse-boord, drew blood with the blowe, and had presently slaine him vpon the place, had hee not been stayed by his brother _Robert_. Hereupon they presently went to horse, and their spurres claimed so good haste, as they recouered _Pontoise_, albeit they were sharpely pursued by the _French_. It had been much for the _French_ King to haue remained quiet, albeit no prouocations had happened, in regard of his pretence to many pieces which King _William_ did possesse in _France_. But vpon this occasion he presently inuaded _Normandie_, tooke the Citie of _Vernon_, and drew _Robert_, King _Williams_ eldest sonne, to combine with him against his owne father. On the other side King _William_, who neuer lost anything by loosing of time, with incredible celeritie passed into _France_; inuaded the _French_ Kings dominions, wasted and tooke many principall places of _Zantoigne_ and _Poictou_, returned to _Roan_, and there reconciled his sonne _Robert_ vnto him. The _French_ King summoned him to doe his homage for the kingdome of _England_. For the Duchie of _Normandie_ he offered him homage, but the kingdome of _England_ (he said) he held of no man, but onely of God, and by his sword. Hereupon the _French_ King came strongly vpon him; but finding him both ready and resolute to answere in the field: finding also that his hazard was greater then his hope; that his losse by ouerthrow would farre surmount his aduantage by victory; after a few light encounters he retired: preferring the care to preserue himselfe, before the desire to harme others. King _William_ being then both corpulent and in yeeres, was distempered in body by meanes of those trauailes, and so retired to _Roan_; where hee remained not perfectly in health. The _French_ King hearing of his sickenesse, pleasantly said, that hee lay in child-bed of his great belly. This would haue been taken in mirth, if some other had spoken it; but comming from an enemie, it was taken in scorne. And as great personages are most sencible of reproach, and the least touch of honour maketh a wide and incurable wound; so King _William_ was so nettled with this ieast, that hee swore _By Gods resurrection and his brightnesse_, (for this was the vsuall forme of his oath) that so soone as hee should be churched of that child, he would offer a thousand lights in _France_. So presently after his recouery hee entred _France_ in armes, tooke the Citie of _Meux_, set many Townes and Villages and corne fields on fire; the people abandoning all places where he came, and giuing foorth, that it was better the nests should be destroyed, then that the birds should be taken in them. At the last he came before _Paris_, where _Philip_ King of _France_ did then abide: to whom he sent word, that he had recouered to be on foote, and was walking about, and would be glad likewise to find him abroad. This enterprise was acted in the moneth of August, wherein the King was so violent and sharpe, that by reason both of his trauaile, and of the vnseasonable heate, he fell into a relapse of his sicknesse. And to accomplish his mishap, in leaping on horse-backe ouer a ditch, his fat belly did beare so hard vpon the pommell of his saddle, that hee tooke a rupture in his inner parts. And so ouercharged with sickenesse, and paine, and disquietnesse of minde, hee returned to _Roan_; where his sickenesse increased by such dangerous degrees, that in short time it led him to the period of his dayes. During the time of his sickenesse hee was much molested in conscience,[28] for the blood which hee had spilt, and for the seueritie which he had vsed against the _English_: holding himselfe for that cause more guilty before God, then glorious among men. Hee spent many good speeches in reconciling himselfe to God and the world, & in exhorting others to vertue and Religion. He gaue great summes of money to the Clergie of _Meux_, and of some other places in _France_, to repaire the Churches which a little before he had defaced. To some Monasteries he gaue tenne markes of gold, and to others sixe. To euery Parish Church hee gaue fiue shillings, and to euery Borough Towne a hundred pounds for reliefe of the poore. Hee gaue his Crowne, with all the ornaments therto belonging, to the Church of Saint _Stephen_ in _Caen_, which hee had founded: for redeeming whereof, King _Henry_ the first did afterwards giue to the same Church the Mannour of _Brideton_ in _Dorcetshire_. Hee reteined perfect memorie and speach so long as he reteined any breath. Hee ended his life vpon the ninth day of September: full both of honour and of age, when hee had reigned twenty yeeres, eight moneths and sixteene dayes; in the threescore and fourth yeere of his age. So soone as he was dead, the chiefe men that were about him went to horse, and departed forthwith to their owne dwellings: to prouide for the safety of themselues, and of their families and estates. For all men were possessed with a marueilous feare, that some dangerous aduentures would ensue. The seruants and inferiour Officers also fled away; and to double the basenesse of their disposition, tooke with them whatsoeuer was portable about the king; his Armour, plate, apparell, household-stuffe, all things were held as lawfull bootie. Thus the dead body was not onely abandoned, but left almost naked vpon the ground: where it remained from prime vntil three of the clocke, neither guarded nor regarded by any man. In the meane time the Religious persons went in procession to the Church of S. _Geruase_, & there commended his soule to God. Then _William_ Archb. of _Roan_ commaunded, that his body should be caried to _Caen_, to be there buried in the Church of S. _Stephen_. But hee was so forsaken of all his followers, that there was not any found who would vndertake either the care or the charge. At the last _Herlwine_ a countrey Knight, vpon his owne cost, caused the body to be embalmed and adorned for funerall pompe: then conueyed it by coach to the mouth of the Riuer _Some_; and so partly by land, and partly by sea brought it to _Caen_. Here the Abbot with the Couent of Monks came foorth with all accustomed ceremonies, to meet the corps: to whom the whole multitude of the Clergie and Lay-people did adioyne. But when they were in the middest of their sad solemnities, a fire brake out of a certaine house, and suddenly embraced a great part of the towne. Hereupon the Kings body was once againe abandoned; all the people running from it in a headlong haste; some to saue their goods, others to represse the rage of the flame, others (as the latest nouelty) to stand and looke on. In the end a few Moncks returned, and accompanied the Hearse to the Abbey Church. Afterward all the Bishops and Abbots of _Normandy_ assembled to solemnize the funerall. And when the diuine Office was ended, and the coffin of stone set into the earth, in the presbytorie, betweene the Quire and the Altar (but the body remained vpon the Herse) _Guislebert_ bishop of _Eureux_ made a long Sermon; wherein hee bestowed much breath in extolling the honourable actions of the King. In the end he concluded; That forsomuch as it was impossible for a man to liue, much lesse to gouerne, without offence; First, by reason of the multitude of a Princes affaires; Secondly, for that he must commit the managing of many things to the conscience and courtesie of others; Lastly, for that personall grieuances are many times beneficiall to the maine body of State; in which case, particular either losses or harmes, are more then manifoldly recompenced by the preseruation or quiet of the whole: If therefore any that were present did suppose they had receiued iniurie from the King, he desired that they would in charitie forgiue him. When the Bishop had finished his speach, one _Anselme Fitz-Arthur_ stood vp amongst the multitude, and with a high voice said; _This ground whereupon wee stand, was sometimes the floore of my fathers house; which that man of whom you haue spoken, when he was Duke of Normandie, tooke violently from my father, and afterward founded thereon this Religious building. This iniustice hee did not by ignorance or ouersight; not vpon any necessitie of State; but to content his owne couetous desire. Now therefore I doe challenge this ground as my right; and doe here charge you, as you will answere it before the fearefull face of Almightie God, that the body of the spoiler be not couered with the earth of mine inheritance._ When the Bishops and Noble men that were present heard this, and vnderstood by the testimony of many that it was true, they agreed to giue him three pounds presently for the ground that was broken for the place of burial; and for the residue which he claimed, they vndertooke he should be fully satisfied. This promise was performed in short time after, by _Henrie_ the Kings sonne, who onely was present at the Funerall; at whose appointment _Fitz-Arthur_ receiued for the price of the same ground one hundred pounds. Now when the body was to be put into the earth, the sepulchre of stone which stood within the graue, was hewen somewhat too strait for his fat belly; whereupon they were constrained to presse it downe with much strength. By this violence, whether his bowels burst, or whether some excrements were forced out at their natural passage, such an intolerable stinck proceeded from him, as neither the perfumes that smoaked in great abundance, nor any other meanes were able to qualifie. Wherefore the Priests hasted to finish their office, and the people departed in a sad silence; discoursing diuersly afterward of all these extraordinarie accidents. A man would thinke that a sepulchre thus hardly attained, should not easily againe bee lost. But it happened otherwise to this vnquiet King; not destined to rest, either in his life or after his death. For in the yeere 1562. when _Chastilion_ tooke the Citie of _Caen_, with those broken troupes that escaped at the battaile of _Dreux_; certaine sauage Souldiers of diuers nations, led by foure dissolute Captaines, beate downe the Monument which King _William_ his sonne had built ouer him, and both curiously and richly adorned with gold & costly stones. Then they opened his Tombe, & not finding the treasure which they expected, they threw forth his bones with very great derision & despight. Many _English_ souldiers were then in the Towne, who were very curious to gather his bones; whereof some were afterwards brought into _England_. Hereby the report is conuinced for vaine, that his body was found vncorrupt, more then foure hundred yeeres after it was buried. Hereby also it is found to be false, that his body was eight foote in length. For neither were his bones proportionable to that stature, (as it is testified by those who saw them) and it is otherwise reported of him by som who liued in his time; namely, that he was of a good stature, yet not exceeding the ordinary proportion of men. And this was the last end of all his fortunes, of all that was mortall in him besides his fame: whose life is too much extolled by the _Normans_, and no lesse extenuated by the _English_. Verely, he was a very great Prince: full of hope to vndertake great enterprises, full of courage to atchieue them: in most of his actions commendable, and excusable in all. And this was not the least piece of his Honour, that the Kings of _England_ which succeeded, did accompt their order onely from him: not in regard of his victorie in _England_, but generally in respect of his vertue and valour. For his entrance was not by way of conquest but with pretence of title to the Crowne: wherein he had both allowance and aide from diuers Christian Princes in Europe. He had also his partie within the Realme, by whose meanes he preuailed against the opposite faction, (as _Cæsar_ did against _Pompey_) and not against the entire strength of the State. Againe, hee did not settle himselfe in the chaire of Soueraignetie, as one that had reduced all things to the proud power and pleasure of a Conquerour, but as an vniuersall successor of former Kings, in all the rights and priuiledges which they did enioy. Hee was receiued for King by generall consent; He was crowned with all Ceremonies and Solemnities then in vse; Hee tooke an oath in the presence of the Clergie, the Nobilitie, and of much people, for defence of the Church, for moderate and carefull gouernement, and for vpright administration of iustice. Lastly, during the whole course of his gouernement, the kingdome receiued no vniuersall change, no losse or diminution of honour. For, neither were the olde inhabitants expelled, as were the _Britaines_; neither was the kingdome either subiected or annexed to a greater: but rather it receiued encrease of honour, in that a lesse State was adioyned vnto it. The change of customes was not violent and at once, but by degrees, and with the silent approbation of the _English_; who haue alwaies been inclinable to accommodate themselues to the fashions of _France_. The grieuances and oppressions were particular, and with some appearance either of iustice, or of necessitie for the common quiet; such as are not vnusuall in any gouernement moderately seuere. So the change was chiefly in the stemme and familie of the King: which whether it be wrought by one of the same nation (as it was in _France_ by _Pepine_ and _Capett_) or by a stranger, (as in the same Countrey by _Henry_ 5. and _Henry_ 6. Kings of _England_) it bringeth no disparagement in honour; it worketh no essentiall change. The State still remained the same, the solid bodie of the State remained still _English_: the comming in of many _Normans_, was but as Riuers falling into the Ocean; which change not the Ocean, but are confounded with the waters thereof. This King had by his wife _Matild_, daughter to _Baldwine_ Earle of _Flanders_, foure sonnes; _Robert_, _Richard_, _William_ and _Henrie_: Hee had also fiue daughters; _Cicely_, _Constance_, _Adela_, _Margaret_ and _Elianor_. _Robert_ his eldest sonne surnamed _Courtcuise_, by reason of the shortnesse of his thighs, succeeded him in the duchie of _Normandie_. He was a man of exceeding honourable courage and spirit, for which cause he was so esteemed by the Christian Princes in the great warre against the _Saracens_, that when they had subdued the Citie and territorie of _Hierusalem_, they offered the kingdome thereof first vnto him. Yet afterwards, either by the malice of his Fortune, or for that he was both suddaine and obstinate in his owne aduise (two great impediments that valour cannot thriue) he receiued many foiles of his enemies, which shall be declared in their proper place. Before the King made his descent into _England_, hee gaue the duchie of _Normandie_ vnto him: but whether he did this onely to testifie his confidence, or whether afterwards his purpose changed, being often demanded to performe this gift, he would neither deny nor accomplish his word, but enterposed many excuses and delayes; affirming that he was not so surely setled in _England_, but the duchie of _Normandie_ was necessary vnto him, both for supply for his seruices (which he found like _Hydraes_ heads to multiply by cutting off) and also for an assured place for retreit, in case hee should be ouercharged with extremities. Hereupon _Robert_ vnable to linger and pine in hopes, declared openly against him in armes. _Philip_ King of _France_ was ready to put fuell to the flame; who as he neuer fauoured in his owne iudgement the prosperous encreases of the King of _England_, so then he was vigilant to embrace all occasions, either to abate or limit the same. And thus _Robert_ both encouraged and enabled by the King of _France_, inuaded _Normandie_, and permitted his souldiers licentiously to wast; to satisfie those by spoile, which by pay he was not able to maintaine. At the last he encountred the King his father in a sharpe conflict, before the castle of _Gerberie_, wherein the King was vnhorsed and wounded in the arme; his second sonne _William_ was also hurt, and many of his souldiers slaine. And albeit _Robert_ so soone as he knew his father by his voyce, allighted forthwith, mounted him vpon his owne horse, and withdrew him out of the medley; yet did he cast vpon his sonne a cruell curse, which lay so heauie vpon him, that he neuer prospered afterward in any thing which hee vndertooke. And although after this he was reconciled to his father, and imployed by him in seruices of credit and weight, yet did the King often bewray of him an vnquiet conceit, often did he ominate euill vnto him: yea, a little before his death he openly gaue forth, _That it was a miserable Countrey which should be subiect to his dominion, for that he was a proud and foolish knaue, and to be long scourged by cruell Fortune_. _Richard_ had erected the good expectation of many, as well by his comely countenance and behauiour, as by his liuely and generous spirit. But he died yong by misaduenture, as he was hunting within the New-forrest, before he had made experiment of his worth. Some affirme that he was goared to death by the Deere of that Forrest, for whose walke his father had dispeopled that large compasse of ground: others report, that as he rode in chase, hee was hanged vpon the bough of a tree by the chaps: others more probably doe write, that he perished by a fal from his horse. He was buried at _Winchester_ with this inscription: _Hic iacet Richardus filius Wilielmi senioris Berniæ Dux_. _William_ did succeed next to his father in the Kingdome of _England_. To _Henry_, the King gaue at the time of his death fiue thousand pounds out of his treasure; but gaue him neither dignitie nor lands: foretelling, that hee should enioy the honour of both his brothers in time, and farre excel them both in dominion and power. Whether this was deuised vpon euent; or whether some doe prophesie at their death; or whether it was coniecturally spoken; or whether to giue contentment for the present; it fell out afterward to be true. For hee succeeded _William_ in the Kingdome of _England_, and wrested _Normandie_ out of the possession of _Robert_. Of these two I shall write more fully hereafter. His daughter _Cicelie_ was Abbesse of _Caen_ in _Normandie_. _Constance_ was married to _Allen Fergant_ Earle of _Britaine_. _Adela_ was wife to _Stephen_ Earle of _Blois_, to whom she bare _Stephen_, who after the death of _Henry_ was King of _England_. _Margaret_ was promised in marriage to _Harold_; she died before hee attained the Kingdome, for which cause he held himselfe discharged of that oath which he had made to the Duke her father. _Elianor_ was betroathed to _Alphonso_ King of _Gallicia_; but she desired much to die a Virgine: for this she daily prayed, and this in the end she did obtaine. After her death her knees appeared brawnie and hard, with much kneeling at her deuotions. Assuredly it will be hard to find in any one Familie, both greater Valour in sonnes, and more Vertue in daughters. In the beginning of this Kings reigne, either no great accidents did fall, or else they were obscured with the greatnesse of the change: none are reported by the writers of that time. In the fourth yeere of his reigne, _Lanfranke_ Abbot of _Caen_ in _Normandie_, but borne in _Pauie_, a Citie of _Lumbardie_, was made Archbishop of _Canterbury_: And _Thomas_ a _Norman_, and _Chanon_ of _Bayon_ was placed in the Sea of _Yorke_. Between these two a controuersie did arise at the time of their consecration, for prioritie in place: but this contention was quieted by the King, and _Thomas_ for the time subscribed obedience to the Archb. of _Canterbury_. After this they went to _Rome_ for their Palles, where the question for Primacie was againe renued, or as some affirme, first moued before Pope _Alexander_. The Pope vsed them both with honorable respect, and especially _Lanfrank_, to whom he gaue two Palles, one of honour, and the other of loue: but their controuersie he referred to be determined in _England_. About two yeeres after it was brought before the King and the Clergie at _Windsore_. The Archbishop of _Yorke_ alleadged, that when the _Britaines_ receiued the Christian faith, in the time of _Lucius_ their King _Eleutherius_ then Bishop of _Rome_, sent _Faganus_ and _Damianus_ vnto them, who ordeined 28. Bishops, and two Archbishops within the Realme, one of _London_, and the other of _Yorke_. Vnder these the Church of _Britaine_ was gouerned almost three hundred yeeres, vntill they were subdued by the _Saxons_. The _Saxons_ remained Infidels vntill _Gregorie_ Bishop of _Rome_ sent _Augustine_ vnto them. By his preaching _Ethelbert_ King of _Kent_ was first conuerted to the Christian faith: By reason whereof _Augustine_ was made Archbishop of _Douer_, by appointment of Pope _Gregorie_; who sent vnto him certaine Palles with his letter from _Rome_. By this letter it is euident, that _Gregorie_ intended to reduce the Church of the _Saxons_ to the same order wherein it was among the _Britaines_; namely, to be vnder twelue Bishops and two Archbishops; one of _London_ and the other of _Yorke_. Indeede he gaue to _Augustine_ during his life, authority and iurisdiction ouer all Bishops and Priests in _England_: but after his decease he ioyneth these two Metropolitanes in equall degree, to constitute Bishops, to ouersee the Church, to consult and dispose of such things as appertaine to the gouernement thereof, as in former times among the _Britaines_. Betweene these he put no distinction in honour, but only as they were in prioritie of time: and as he appointeth _London_ to be consecrated by no Bishop, but of his own Synod, so he expresseth, that the Bishop of _Yorke_ should not bee subiect to the Bishop of _London_. And albeit _Augustine_ for the reason before mentioned, translated the Sea from _London_ to _Douer_, yet if _Gregorie_ had intended to giue the same authoritie to the successours of _Augustine_ which hee gaue vnto him, he would haue expressed it in his Epistle: but in that he maketh no mention of his successours, he concludeth, or rather excludeth them by his silence. The Archbishop of _Canterbury_ alleaged, that from the time of _Augustine_, vntill the time of _Bede_, (which was about 140. yeeres) the Bishops of _Canterburie_ (which in ancient time (said he) was called _Douer_) had the Primacie ouer the whole land of _Britaine_, and _Ireland_; that they did call the Bishops of _Yorke_ to their Councels, which diuers times they kept within the Prouince of _Yorke_; that some Bishops of _Yorke_ they did constitute, some excommunicate, and some remoue. He alleaged also diuers priuiledges granted by Princes for the Primacie of that Sea; diuers graunted from the Apostolike Sea to confirme this dignitie in the successours of _Augustine_: that it is reason to receiue directions of well liuing, from whence we first receiued directions of right beleeuing; & therfore as the Bishop of _Canterbury_ was subiect to the Bishop of _Rome_, because hee had his faith from thence; for the very same cause the Bishop of _Yorke_ should be in subiection to the Bishop of _Canterbury_: that like as the Lord said that to all the Bishops of _Rome_, which hee said to S. Peter; so that which _Gregorie_ said to _Augustine_, hee said likewise to all his successours. And whereas much is spoken of the Bishop of _London_, what is that to the Archbishop of _Canterbury_? For, neither is it certaine that _Augustine_ was euer resident at _London_, neither that _Gregorie_ appointed him so to be. In the end it was decreed, That _Yorke_ for that time should be subiect to _Canterburie_; that wheresoeuer within _England_ the Archbishop of _Canterburie_ should hold his Councell, the Archbishop of _Yorke_ should come vnto it, with the Bishops of his Prouince, and be obedient to his decrees: that when the Archbishop of _Canterburie_ should decease, the Archbishop of _Yorke_ should goe to _Canterburie_, to consecrate him that should succeed: that if the Archbishop of _Yorke_ should decease, his successour should goe to _Canterbury_, or to such place as the Archbishop of _Canterburie_ should appoint, there to receiue his Consecration, making first his oath of Canonicall obedience. And thus was the contention for this first time taken vp; but in succeeding times it was often renued, and much busied the Clergie of the Realme. In the ninth yeere of the reigne of King _William_ a Councell was holden at _London_, where another matter of like qualitie and nature was decreed: namely, that Bishops should translate their Sees from villages to Cities; whereupon in short time after, Bishops Sees were remoued, from _Selese_ to _Chichester_, from _Cornewall_ to _Exeter_, from _Wells_ to _Bath_, from _Shirbourne_ to _Salisburie_, from _Dorcester_ to _Lincolne_, from _Lichfield_ to _Chester_, and from thence againe to _Couentree_. And albeit the Archbishop of _Yorke_ did oppose against the erecting of a Cathedrall Church in _Lincolne_, because he challenged that Citie to be of his Prouince; yet _Remigius_ Bishop of _Dorchester_, being strong both in resolution and in friends, did prosecute his purpose to effect. Not long before the Bishopricke of _Lindafferne_ otherwise called _Holy land_, vpon the riuer _Tweed_, had bene translated to _Durhame_. In the tenth yeere of his reigne the cold of Winter was exceeding memorable, both for sharpenesse and for continuance: For the earth remained hard frozen from the beginning of Nouember, vntill the middest of April then ensuing. In the 15. yere a great earthquake happened in the month of April; strange for the strong trembling of the earth, but more strange for the dolefull and hideous roaring which it yeelded foorth. In the 20. yeere there fell such abundance of raine, that the Riuers did greatly ouerflow in all parts of the Realme. The springs also rising plentifully in diuers hils, so softned and decaied the foundations of them, that they fell downe, whereby some villages were ouerthrowne. By this distemperature of weather much cattel perished, much corne vpon the ground was either destroyed, or greatly empaired. Herehence ensued, first a famine, and afterwards a miserable mortalitie of men. And that all the Elements might seeme to haue conspired the calamity of the Realme, the same yeere most of the principall Cities in _England_ were lamentably deformed with fire. At _London_ a fire began at the entry of the West gate, which apprehending certaine shops and Ware-houses, wherein was Merchandise apt to burne, it was at once begun and suddenly at the highest. Then being caried with a strong wind; and the Citie apt to maintaine the flame, as well by reason of the crooked and narrow streets, as for that the buildings at that time had open and wide windowes, and were couered with base matter fit to take fire, the mischiefe spread more swiftly then the remedies could follow. So it raged vntill it came to the East gate, prostrated houses and Churches all the way, being the most grieuous that euer as yet hath happened to that Citie. The Church of S. _Paul_ was at that time fired; Whereupon _Maurice_ then Bishop of _London_, began the foundation of the new Church of S. _Paul_. A worke so admirable, that many did iudge, it would neuer haue bene finished; yet all might easily esteeme thereby his magnanimitie, his high erected hopes, his generous loue and honour to Religion. The King gaue towards the building of the East end of this Church, the choise stones of his Castle at the West end of the Citie, vpon the bancke of the Riuer Thames; which Castle at the same time was also fired: in place whereof _Edward Killwarby_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_ did afterwards found a Monasterie of blacke Friers. The King also gaue the Castle of _Storford_, and all the lands which thereto belonged, to the same _Maurice_, and to his successours in that See. And doubtlesse nothing more then either parcimonious or prophane expending the Treasures of the Church, hath since those times much dried vp those fountaines which first did fill them. After the death of _Maurice_, _Richard_ his next Successour, as well in vertue as in dignitie, bestowed all the Rents rising out of this Bishopricke, to aduance the building of this Church; maintaining himselfe by his Patrimonie and friendes: and yet all which hee could doe, made no great shewe: so that the finishing of this worke was left to many other succeeding Bishops. Hee purchased the ground about the Church whereupon many buildings did stand, and inclosed the same with a strong wall of stone for a place of buriall. It seemeth that this wall was afterwards either battered and torne in some ciuill warres, or else by negligence suffered to decay: for that a graunt was made by King _Edward_ the second, that the Church-yard of Saint _Pauls_ should bee enclosed with a wall, because of the robberies and murthers that were there committed. Many parts of this wall remaine at this time, on both sides of the Church, but couered for the most part with dwelling houses. The same yeere in Whitsun-weeke, the King honoured his sonne _Henrie_ with the order of Knighthood. What Ceremonies the King then vsed it is not certainly knowen: but before his time the custome among the _Saxons_ was thus. First, hee who should receiue the order of Knighthood, confessed himselfe in the euening to a Priest. Then hee continued all that night in the Church, watching and applying himselfe to his priuate deuotions. The next morning he heard Masse, and offered his sword vpon the Altar. After the Gospel was read, the sword was hallowed, and with a benediction put about his necke. Lastly, he communicated the mysteries of the blessed body of Christ, and from that time remained a lawfull Souldier or Knight. This custome of Consecrating Knights the _Normans_ did not onely abrogate, but abhorre; not for any euill that was therein, but because it was not altogether their owne. This yeere in a Prouince of _Wales_ called _Rosse_, the Sepulchre of _Wawyn_, otherwise called _Gawen_, was found vpon the Sea shore. Hee was sisters sonne to _Arthur_ the great King of the _Britaines_; a man famous in our _Britaine_ Histories, both for ciuill courtesie, and for courage in the field. I cannot but esteeme the report for fabulous, that his bodie was fourteene foote in length. I doe rather coniecture that one credulous writer did take that for the length of his body, which happily might bee the length of his tombe. It is constantly affirmed that the ground whereon the _English_ and the _Normans_ did combate, doth shew after euery raine manifest markes of blood vpon the grasse: which if it was not a proprietie of the soyle before, it is hard now to assigne, either from what naturall cause it doth proceede, or what it should supernaturally portend. [Illustration] [Illustration] K. WILLIAM THE SECOND, sirnamed RVFVS. King WILLIAM the Victor when hee drew towards the end of his dayes, commended the Kingdome of _England_ to his second sonne _William_: with many blessings, with many admonitions, with many prayers for the prosperous successe of his succession. And because the presence of the next successour is of greatest moment to establish affaires, the King a little before his passage to death, dispatched him into _England_, with letters vnder his owne Seale to _Lanfranck_ then Archbishop of _Canterbury_: a man highly esteemed in forraine Countreys, but with the Cleargie and vulgare people of the Realme, his authoritie was absolute. In these letters the King expressed great affection and care towards his sonne _William_; commending him with many kind words, for his sufficiencies, for diuers vertues; especially for that hee did alwayes stand firmely by him, alwayes declare himselfe both a faithfull Subiect and dutifull sonne. It was also coniectured by some, that the King was guided in this choise, no lesse by his iudgement, then by his affection: for that he esteemed the fierce disposition of his sonne _William_ more fit to gouerne a people not well setled in subiection, then the flexible and milde nature of his eldest sonne _Robert_. So _William_ taking his last leaue of his father, who was then taking his last leaue of this world, iourneyed towards _England_; and in short time arriued at the port called _Whitesand_, where he receiued the first report of his fathers death. Hereupon with all speed hee posted to _Lanfranck_, deliuered his fathers letters, and foorthwith was declared King, vpon the 9. day of September, in the yere 1087. and vpon the first of October next ensuing was by the same _Lanfranck_, with al ceremonies and solemnities perteining to that action, crowned at _Westminster_. _Robert_, either by negligence and want of foresight, or by the perpetuall malice of his destinie, or happily not without his fathers contriuance, was absent in _Germanie_, whilest his yonger brother _William_ did thus possesse himselfe, both of the Kingdome of his father, and of his treasure. Otherwise he wanted neither pretence, nor purpose, nor fauour of friends to haue empeached his brothers proceedings. For it was then doubted by many, and since hath bene by many debated; whether in any case, vpon any cause or consideration whatsoeuer, a King hath power to disinherite his eldest sonne, and to appoint another to succeed in his estate. That a King may aduance any of his sonnes to bee his successour, without respect of prioritie in birth, there seemeth to want neither warrant of example, nor weight of authoritie. _Dauid_[29] a man greatly prooued and approoued by God, did preferre _Solomon_[30] to succeede him, before his eldest sonne _Adonia_. And in like sort _Rehoboam_ the sonne of _Solomon_, appointed the yongest of all his sonnes to succeed him in the Kingdome.[31] So some Lawyers affirme, That a King may determine in his life, which of his sonnes shall reigne after him. But this must be vnderstood, either when a State is newly raised to the title of a kingdome, or else when by Conquest, Vsurpation, or some other meanes of change, the gouernment thereof is newly transferred from one stemme to another: For then because there is no certaine Law or Custome of succession in force, the right seemeth to depend vpon the disposition of the Prince. And yet euen in this case, the eldest or neerest cannot be excluded without iust cause. For so when _Iacob_[32] depriued his eldest sonne _Reuben_ of his priuiledge of birth, he expressed the cause, For that he had defiled his fathers bed; which fact of his _Hierome_ applieth to the case in question. So when _Ptolemie_[33] the first King of _Egypt_ commended the State to his yongest sonne, he yeelded a reason for that which he did. So _Henrie_ the fourth Emperour, crowned _Henrie_ his yonger sonne King, reiecting _Conrade_ his eldest sonne, for that hee had borne armes against him, and ioyned in league with his open enemies. But when by expresse Lawe or long grounded Custome the Succession of a State is established to the eldest sonne, the best approoued interpreters of the Canon and Ciuill law doe conclude,[34] that the father hath no power to inuert or peruert that course of order. For parents may debarre their children of that which proceedeth from themselues, of that which dependeth vpon their appointment; but of that which is due by nature,[35] by the immutable law of the State, the parents can haue no power to dispose. When by a fundamentall Lawe or Custome of State, Succession is annexed to the dignity of a Crowne, according to prioritie in birth, it followeth, that so soone as the first borne commeth into light, the right of succession is fixed in him;[36] not in hope onely, but also in habite; whereof neither the father nor any other can dispossesse him. And therefore when _Prusias_[37] intended to depriue his eldest sonne _Nicomedes_ of his prerogatiue of birth, and to preferre his yonger sonnes, which he had by another wife, in succession before him, he could not assure it by any meanes, but by determining the death of _Nicomedes_; which _Nicomedes_ to preuent, dispoiled his father both of kingdom and of life. _Ptolemie_ the first King of _Egypt_[38] of that name, who after the death of _Alexander_ the great possessed himselfe of _Egypt_, & part of _Arabia_, and of _Affrick_, left his kingdom to the yongest of his sons: but afterward when _Ptolemie_, surnamed _Phiscon_,[39] vpon the importunity of his wife _Cleopatra_, attempted the like, the kingdome being then setled in succession, the people opposed, & reuersed his order after his death. So _Pepine_[40] after hee had made seisure of the kingdome of _France_, & ordered all things which he thought necessary for the suerty therof, disposed the succession therein by his Testament; leauing the Realme of _Noion_ to his sonne _Charles_, and to _Carloman_ his other sonne the Realme of _Soissons_. The like was done by some other of the first Kings of his race. But since that time the custome hath been strongly stablished, that the kingdome passeth entirely to the eldest sonne, and possessions are assigned to the rest vnder the name of _Appanage_. And therefore the _French_[41] writers affirme, that the eldest sonne of _France_ cannot be depriued of succession, vpon any cause of ingratitude against his parents; and that if the King should institute his eldest sonne,[42] yet cannot hee take the kingdome by force of his fathers guift, but onely by the immutable law of the Realme. Yea, _Girard_ writeth of _Charles_ the simple, that hee was King of _France_[43] before hee was borne. And in this regard the _Glossographer_[44] vpon the Decrees noteth, that the sonne of a King may bee called King during the life of his father, as wanting nothing but administration. And the same also doth _Seruius_ note out of _Virgil_, where hee saith of _Ascanius_: _regémq; requirunt_, his father _Aeneas_ being then aliue. Now then, for that the right of Succession to the Crowne of _England_ was not at that time so surely setled as it hath been since; but had waued in long vncertainetie: First, in the _Heptarchie_ of the _Saxons_ and _English_, afterward betweene the _English_ and the _Danes_, and was then newly possessed by the _Normane_, and that chiefly by the sword: For that also _Robert_ the Kings eldest sonne gaue iust cause of offence, by bearing armes against his father; it may seeme that the King might lawfully direct the succession to his second sonne. And yet, because as _Herodotus_[45] saith, _It is a generall custome amongst all men, that the first in birth is next in succession_; because as _Baldus_[46] affirmeth, _Semper fuit, & semper erit, &c. Alwayes it hath been, and alwayes it shall bee, that the first borne succeedeth in a kingdome_; because as S. _Hierome_[47] writeth, _A kingdome is due vnto the first borne_; and as S. _Chrysostome_[48] saith, _The first borne is to bee esteemed more honourable then the rest_; whereupon diuers Lawyers obserue, that the word _Senior_[49] is often times taken for a Lord. Lastly, because this precedencie both in honour, and in right seemeth to be the Law of all nations, deriued from the Law of Nature, and expresly either instituted or approoued by the voice of God: First, where he said to _Cain_[50] of his yonger brother _Abel_; _His desires shall be subiect to thee, and thou shalt haue dominion ouer him_: Secondly,[51] where he forbiddeth the father to disinherite the first sonne of his double portion, because by right of birth it is due vnto him: Lastly, where hee maketh choice of the first borne to be sanctified and consecrated to himselfe;[52] it hath almost neuer happened that this order hath been broken, that the neerest haue bene excluded from Succession in State, but it hath been followed with tragicall euents. Yea, albeit the eldest sonne be vnfit to beare rule, albeit hee be vnable to gouerne either others or himselfe; as if hee be in a high degree furious, or foolish, or otherwise defectiue in body or in minde, (vnlesse he degenerate from humane condition) yet can he not therefore be excluded from succession:[53] because it is due vnto him, not in respect of abilitie, but by reason of his prioritie of birth. As for the kingdom, it shall better be preserued by the gouernment of a Protector (as in diuers like causes it is both vsual and fit) then by receiuing another Prince:[54] as well for other respects, as for that by cutting off continuance in the Royall descent, by interrupting the setled order of gouernment, by making a breach in so high a point of State, opportunitie is opened both for domesticall disturbances, and for inuasions from abroad: whereupon greater inconueniences do vsually ensue, then did euer fall by insufficiencie of a Prince. For if these pretenses may be allowed for good, what aspiring Subiect, what encroaching enemy, finding themselues furnished with meanes, will not be ready to rise into ambitious hopes? _Gabriel_ the yonger brother of the house of _Saluse_, kept his eldest brother in prison, vsurped his estate, giuing foorth to the people that he was mad. And seldome hath any vsurpation happened, but vpon pretence of insufficiencie in gouernment. Assuredly, if these principall points of Principalitie be not punctually obserued, the ioynts of a State are loosened, the foundation is shaken, the gates are opened for all disorders, to rise vp, to rush in, to prosper, to preuaile. Hereupon _Medon_[55] the eldest sonne of _Codrus_, albeit he was lame and otherwise defectiue, was by sentence of the Oracle of _Apollo_ preferred to succeed his father in the kingdome of _Athens_, before _Neleus_ his yonger brother. So when _Alexandrides_[56] King of _Sparta_ left two sonnes, _Cleomenes_ the eldest, distracted in wits, and _Doricus_ the yongest, both able and enclined to all actions of honour; the _Spartans_ acknowledged _Cleomenes_ for their King. _Agisilaus_ the famous King of _Sparta_ was also lame, as _Plutarch_[57] and _Prob. Æmilius_ do report; _Orosius_ saith, that the _Spartans_ did rather choose to haue their King halt, then their Kingdome. And therefore when _Lisander_[58] moued them to decree, that the worthiest and not alwayes the next in blood of the line of _Hercules_ should reigne, he found no man to second his aduise. _Aristobulus_[59] and _Hircanus_ after a long and cruel contention for the Kingdome of _Iewrie_, committed their controuersie to the arbitrement of _Pompey_: _Hircanus_ alledged, that hee was the eldest brother; _Aristobulus_ obiected, that _Hircanus_ was insufficient to gouerne: but _Pompey_ gaue iudgement for _Hircanus_. The like iudgement did _Annibal_[60] giue for the kingdome of that Countrey which is now called _Sauoy_; restoring _Brancus_[61] to his State, from which he had bene expelled by his yonger brother. And although _Phirrus_[62] did appoint that sonne to succeed, whose sword had the best edge; yet was the eldest acknowledged, who bare the least reputation for valour. _Ladislaus_[63] King of _Hungarie_ left by his brother _Geysa_ two Nephewes; _Colomannus_ the eldest, who was lame, bunch-backed, crab-faced, blunt-sighted, bleare-eyed, a dwarfe, a stammerer, and (which is more) a Priest; and _Almus_ the yongest, a man of comely presence, and furnished with many princely vertues: In regard of these natural prerogatiues _Ladislaus_ appointed _Almus_ to succeed; but in regard of the prerogatiue in blood, the _Hungarians_ receiued _Colomannus_ for their King. _Barbatius_[64] writeth, that _Galeace_ Duke of _Milane_ did oft times expresse his griefe, for that he could not preferre in succession _Philip Maria_ his yongest sonne, before _Iohn_ his eldest; for that he seemed the most sufficient to vndertake the manage of the State. _Girard_[65] affirmeth that it hath bene the custome of the _French_, to honour their Kings whatsoeuer they are; whether wise or foolish, valiant or weake; esteeming the name of King to be sacred by whomsoeuer it be borne. And therefore they obeyed not only _Charles_ the simple, but _Charles_ the sixt also; who reigned many yeres in plaine distraction of his mind. It was an ancient custome in _Scotland_, that the most sufficient of the blood of _Fergusus_[66] was receiued for King; but such warres, murthers, and other mischiefes did thereupon ensue, that a law was made vnder _Kenet_ the third, and afterwards confirmed by _Millcolumbus_, that the nighest in blood should alwayes succeede. And accordingly the Scots refused not for their King _Iohn_ the eldest sonne of _Robert_ the second, albeit he was borne out of marriage, and did halt, and was both in wit and in courage dull. For what if he who is debarred for disabilitie shall afterward haue a sonne free from all defects?[67] It is without question that the right of the Kingdome should deuolue vnto him: for that the calamitie of parents doeth not preiudice their children, especially in their naturall rights, which they may claime from the person of former ancestors. But what if another be in possession of the Kingdome?[68] will he readily giue place to this right? will he readily abandon that honour, for which men will not spare, to climbe ouer all difficulties, to vndergoe all dangers; to put their goods, their liues, their soules in aduenture? If a man be once mounted into the chaire of Maiestie, it standeth not, I will not say with his dignitie, but with his safetie, to betake himselfe to a priuate State; as well for the eternall iealousie wherein he shall be held, as for the enuie which shall be borne against him vpon many of his actions: So as what some few would not doe for ambition, the same they must doe to preserue themselues. Hereupon it will follow, that the possession of the Kingdome being in one, and the right in another; disunions, factions, warres may easily ensue. It is inconuenient (I grant) to be vnder a King who is defectiue in body or in mind; but it is a greater inconuenience, by disturbing a setled forme of gouernment, to open an entrance for all disorders; wherein ambition and insolencie (two riotous humours) may range at large. For as euill is generally of that nature, that it cannot stand, but by supportance of another euill; and so multiplieth in it selfe, vntill it doth ruine with the proper weight: so mindes hauing once exceeded the strict bounds of obedience, cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another, vntil they haue inuolued the whole State in confusion. Bvt now to returne to the person and gouernment of this King _William_. He was a man of meane stature, thicke and square bodied, his belly swelling somewhat round; his face was red, his haire deepely yealow, by reason whereof he was called _Rufus_; his forehead foure square like a window, his eyes spotted and not one like the other; his speech vnpleasant and not easily vttered, especially when he was mooued with anger. He was of great abilitie in body, as well for naturall strength, as for hardinesse to endure all ordinary extremities both of trauaile and of want. In Armes he was both expert and aduenturous; full of inward brauerie and fiercenesse; neuer dismayed, alwayes forward, and for the most part fortunate; in counsaile sudden, in performance a man; not doubting to vndertake any thing which inuincible valour durst promise to atchieue. Hee had bene bred with the sword; alwayes in action, alwayes on the fauourable hand of Fortune: so as, albeit he was but yong, yet was he in experience well grounded; for inuention subtill, in counsaile quicke, in execution resolute; wise to foresee a danger, and expedite to auoid it. In a word, the generall reputation of his valour and celeritie, made him esteemed one of the best Chiefetaines in his time. His behauiour was variable and inconstant; earnest in euery present passion, and for the most part accompanying the disposition of his mind, with outward demonstrations. Of nature he was rough, haughtie, obstinate, inuincible, which was much enlarged both by his soueraigntie and youth: so singular in his owne conceit, that he did interprete it to his dishonour, that the world should deeme, that he did not gouerne by his owne iudgement. In publicke he composed his countenance to a stately terrour; his face sowerly swelling, his eyes truculent, his voyce violent and fierce, scarce thinking himselfe Maiesticall in the glasse of his vnderstanding, but when he flashed feare from his presence. And yet in priuate he was so affable and pleasant, that he approched neere the degree of leuitie: much giuen to scoffing, and passing ouer many of his euill actions with a ieast. In all the other carriages of his life, he maintained no stable and constant course; but declared himselfe for euery present, as well in vertue as in vice, strong, violent, extreeme. In the beginning of his reigne he was esteemed a most accomplished Prince; and seemed not so much of power to bridle himselfe from vice, as naturally disposed to abhorre it. Afterwards, either with variation of times, or yeelding to the pleasures which prosperity vseth to ingender euen in moderate minds, or perhaps his nature beginning to disclose that which hee had cunningly concealed before, corruptions crept vp, and he waued vncertainely betweene vertue and vice. Lastly, being imboldned by euill teachers, and by continuance both of prosperitie and rule, he is said to haue made his height a priuiledge of loosenesse, and to haue abandoned himselfe to all licentious demeanour; wherein he seemed little to regard God, and nothing man. Assuredly, there is no greater enemie to great men, then too great prosperitie in their affaires; which taketh from them all iudgement and rule of themselues; which maketh them ful of libertie, and bould to doe euill. And yet I cannot conceiue that this King was so bould, so carelesse, so shamelesse in vices, as many writers doe report. It is certaine that hee doubted of some points of Religion, at that time without any great contradiction professed; and namely, of praying to Saints, worshipping of Reliques, & such like. It is certain also, that out of policie in State, he endeuoured to abate the tumorous greatnes of the Clergie at that time; as well in riches, as in authority and power with the people: and that he attributed not so much to the Sea of _Rome_, as diuers Kings before him had done. Insomuch as he restrained his subiects from going to _Rome_, and withheld the annuall paiment of _Peter_ pence, and was oftentimes heard to giue foorth, that _they follow not the trace of S. Peter, they greedily gape after gifts and rewards, they retein not his power, whose pietie they do not imitate_. These were causes sufficient for the writers of his time (who were for the most part Clergie-men) to enlarge his vices beyond the trueth, to surmise many vices vntruely, to wrest his true vertues to be vices. And this I doe the rather coniecture, for that I doe not find his particular actions of like nature, with the generall imputation which is cast vpon him; for that also I finde the chiefe of these generall imputations to bee these:[69] _That he was grieuous to the Church, of no deuotion to God, preferring respect of temporall state before the rules of the Gospel_. Verely, it is hard to doe that which will beare a cleere beauty in the eyes of all men; and if our actions haue not the fauour of time, and the opinion of those men who doe estimate and report them, they are much dimmed with disgrace.[70] Out of all doubt he was a magnanimous Prince, mercifull and liberall, and in martiall affaires most expert, diligent and prosperous; wise to contriue his best aduantage, and most couragious to atchieue it. But two things chiefly obscured his glory; one, the incomparable greatnesse of his father, to whom he did immediatly succeede; the other was the prowesse of those men, against whom he did contend in armes; especially of _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_, and of _Robert_ Duke of _Normandie_. To these I may adde, that hee died in the principall strength and flourish of his age, before his iudgement had full command ouer his courage. Many doe attribute his excellent beginnings to _Lanfranck_ Archb. of _Canterburie_: who during the time of his life, partly by authoritie, and partly by aduise, supported the vnstable yeeres and disposition of the King: which after the death of _Lanfranck_ returned by degrees to their proper sway. But I do rather attribute many of his first vertues to the troubles which happened in the very entrance of his reigne; which partly by employment, and partly by feare, held his inclination in some restraint. For _Odo_ Bishop of _Baion_ and Earle of _Kent_, the Kings vncle by the mothers side, had drawen the greatest part of all the Prelates and Nobilitie that were _Normans_, into a dangerous confederacie against the King; to deiect him from his State, and to aduance _Robert_ his elder brother for their King. The secret cause of this conspiracie was partly vpon a generall discontentment, at the great, though worthy estimation and authoritie (a most capitall offence in the eye of enuie) of _Lanfrank_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_; by means whereof many of the conspirators liued in farre meaner reputation, then their ambitious minds could easily breake: but chiefly it was vpon a more particular grudge, which _Odo_ did beare against the same _Lanfranck_; because by his perswasion, _Odo_ had been committed to prison by King _William_ the elder. For when the King complained to _Lanfranck_ of the intolerable both auarice and ambition of his brother _Odo_, the Archbishop gaue aduise, that hee should bee restrained of his libertie. And when the King doubted, how he being a Bishop, might be committed to prison, without impeaching the priuiledges of the Church; indeede answered _Lanfranck_, you may not imprison the Bishop of _Baion_, but you may doe what you please with the Earle of _Kent_. The publike and open pretenses were these. _Robert_ Duke of _Normandie_ had the prerogatiue of birth; which being a benefit proceeding from nature, could not bee reuersed by his fathers acte. He had also wonne a most honorable reputation for his militarie vertues; and had by many trauels of warre wasted the wilde follies of youth. Hee was no lesse famous for courtesie and liberalitie, two most amiable ornaments of honour; being so desirous that no man should depart discontented from him, that he would oftentimes promise more then hee was able to performe, and yet performe more then his estate could expediently afford. As for K. _William_, besides that he was the yonger brother, his nature was held to be doubtfull and suspect, and the iudgement of most men enclined to the worst. And what are we then aduantaged, (said they) by the death of his father? if whom he hath fleeced, this shall flay; if this shall execute those whom he hath fettered and surely bound; If after his seuerities that are past, wee shall be freshly charged with those rigours, which tyrants in the height and pride of their Fortune are wont to vse? And as stronger combinations are alwayes made betweene men drawne together by one common feare, then betweene those that are ioyned by hope or desire; so vpon these iealousies and feares, accompanied also with vehement desires, the Confederats supposed that they had knit a most assured league. Now it happened that at the time of the death of _William_ the elder, _Robert_ his eldest sonne was absent in _Almaine_; and at once heard both of the death of his father, and that his brother _William_ was acknowledged to be King. Hereupon in great hast, but greater heat both of anger and ambition, he returned into _Normandie_: and there whilest he was breathing foorth his discontentment and desire of reuenge, he receiued a message from the Confederats in _England_; that with all speed hee should come ouer vnto them, to accomplish the enterprise, to furnish their forces with a head: that they had no want of able bodies; they wanted no meanes to maintaine them together; they wanted onely his person both to countenance and conduct them. The Duke thought it no wisdome, to aduenture himselfe altogether; vpon the fauour and faith of discontented persons: and he had bene so loosely liberall before, that he was vnprouided of money, to appoint himselfe with any competent forces of his owne. Hereupon he pawned a part of _Normandie_ to his brother _Henry_, for waging Souldiers: many also flocked voluntarily vnto him; vpon inducement, that hee who of his owne nature was most liberall & full of humanitie, would not faile both of pay and reward, vnlesse by reason of disabilitie & want. In the meane time the Confederats resolued to breake forth in Armes, in diuers parts of the Realme at once; vpon conceit, that if the King should endeuour to represse them in one place, they might more easily preuaile in the other. And so accordingly _Odo_ fortified and spoiled in _Kent_; _Geoffrey_ Bishop of _Exceter_, with his nephew _Robert Mowbray_ Earle of _Northumberland_, at _Bristow_; _Roger Montgomerie_ in _Northfolke_, _Suffolke_ and _Cambridgeshire_; _Hugh de Grandemenill_, in _Leicestershire_ and _Northamptonshire_; _William_ Bishop of _Durhame_, in the North parts of the Realme; diuers others of the Clergie and Nobilitie in _Herefordshire_, _Shropshire_, _Worcestershire_, and all the Countreys adioyning to _Wales_. And as in time of pestilence all diseases turne to the plague; so in this generall tumult, all discontentments sorted to Rebellion. Many who were oppressed with violence or with feare; many who were kept lower either by want or disgrace then they had set their mounting minds, adioyned daily to the side, and encreased both the number and the hope. And thus was all the Realme in a ruinous rage against K. _William_, who wanted neither courage to beare, nor wisdome to decline it. And first hee endeuoured by all meanes to make the _English_ assured vnto him. And albeit few of them were at that time in any great place, either of credite or of charge, but were all wounded by his fathers wrongs; yet for that they were the greatest part, he made the greatest reckoning of them. For this cause hee released many _English_ Lords who had bene committed to custodie by his father. He composed himselfe to courtesie and affabilitie towards the people, and distributed much treasure among them. But especially hee wanne their inclination by promises of great assurance, to restore vnto them their ancient lawes, to ease them of tributes and taxations, and to permit them free libertie of hunting: which being their principall pleasure and exercise before, was either taken away, or much restrained from them by King _William_ the elder. Herewith he applied himselfe to appease the mutinous minds of his Nobilitie, to seuer the Confederats, to breake the faction; to diuide it first, and thereby to defeat it. To this purpose he dealt with _Roger Montgomerie_, who next vnto _Odo_ was a principall both countenance and strength to the reuolt; he dealt also with diuers others, inferiour vnto him in authority and degree; that he could not coniecture for what cause they were so violent against him: did they want money? His fathers treasure was at their deuotion: desired they encrease of possessions? they should not be otherwise bounded then by their owne desires: that hee would willingly also giue ouer his estate, in case it should be iudged expedient by themselues, whom his father had put in trust to support him: that they should doe wel to foresee, whether by ouerthrowing his fathers iudgement in appointing the kingdome vnto him, they should not doe that which might be preiudiciall to themselues; for the same man who had appointed him to bee King, had also conferred vnto them those honours and possessions which they held. Thus sometimes dealing priuately with particulars, and sometimes with many together, and eftsoones filling them with promises and hopes, and that with such new vehemencie of words as they beleeued could not proceede from dissembled intents; he so preuailed in the end, that hereby, and by example of some inducing the rest, _Roger Montgomerie_ and diuers others were reconciled to the King; in whom was thought to rest no smal matter to hold vp the reputation of the enterprise. And further, hee prepared a nauie to guard the seas, and to impeach the passage of his brother into _England_. Hee prepared great forces also by meanes of the treasure which his father had left, and disposed them in places conuenient, either to preuent or to represse these scattered tumults. But the successe of his affaires was by no meanes so much aduanced, as by _Lanfranck_ Archbishop of _Canterbury_, and by _Woolstane_ Bishop of _Worcester_: the authority of which two men, the one for his learning, wisedome, and mild moderation, the other for his simple sanctitie and integritie of life, was greatly regarded by all sorts of people. By encouragement of _Woolstane_ not onely the citie of _Worcester_ was maintained in firme condition for the King, but his enemies receiued there a famous foyle; the greatest part being slaine, and the residue dispersed. This was the first sad blow which the confederates tooke; afterward they declined mainely, and the King as mainly did increase. The King in person led his chiefe forces into _Kent_, against _Odo_ his vncle, the principall firebrand of all this flame. Hee tooke there the castle of _Tunbridge_ and of _Pemsey_, which _Odo_ had fortified; and lastly hee besieged _Odo_ himselfe in the castle of _Rochester_, and with much trauell tooke him prisoner, and compelled him to abiure the Realme. Vpon these euents, the Bishop of _Durham_, aduising onely with feare and despaire, fled out of the Realme; but after three yeeres he was againe restored to the dignitie of his Sea. The residue did submit themselues to the Kings discretion; and were by him receiued, all to pardon, some to gracious and deare account. For in offences of so high nature, pardon neuer sufficeth to assure offenders, vnlesse by further benefits their loyaltie bee bound. _Robert_ Duke of _Normandy_ was busied all this time, in making preparation for his iourney into _England_: but his delayes much abated the affections of those who fauoured either his person or cause. At the length, hauing made vp a competent power, he committed to sea; where, his infelicities concurring with his negligence, diuers of his ships which he had sent somewhat before him, to assure the confederats of his approach, were set vpon and surprised by the nauie of King _William_. After this hee arriued in _England_, sent vnto many of his secret friends, and made his comming knowen vnto all: but no man resorted to him, he receiued no aduertisement from any man; but plainely found, that by the fortunate celeritie of King _William_, the heart of the conspiracie in all places was broken. So the Duke returned into _Normandie_, hauing then good leisure, to looke into the errour of his leisurely proceedings. When the King had in this sort either wisely reconciled, or valiantly repressed his domesticall enemies; because an vnperfect victory is alwayes the seede of a new warre, he followed his brother with a mighty armie, and remoued the seate of the warre into _Normandie_. For he coniectured (as in trueth it fell out) that the Duke his brother vpon his returne, would presently disperse his companies, for want of money; and for the same cause would not easily be able to draw them together againe. So his valour and his power being much aduantaged by his sudden comming, ioyned to the want of foresight and preparation in the Duke; he tooke in short time the Castles of _Walerick_ and _Aubemarle_, with the whole Countrey of _Eu_; the Abbacie of _Mount S Michael_, _Fescampe_, _Chereburge_, and diuers other places; which he furnished with men of Armes, and Souldiers of assured trust. The Duke feeling his owne weakenesse, dealt with _Philip_ King of _France_, and by liberall promises so preuailed with him, that he descended into _Normandie_ with a faire Armie, and bent his siege against one of those pieces which K. _William_ had taken. But he found it so knottie a piece of worke, that in short time wearied with hardnesse and hazards of the field, he fell to a capitulation with King _William_, and so departed out of _Normandie_; receiuing a certaine summe of money in regard of his charges, and conceiuing that he had won honour ynough, in that no honour had bene won against him. The money that was payd to the King of _France_, was raised in _England_ by this deuise. King _William_ commanded that 20. Thousand men should be mustered in _England_, and transported into _Normandie_, to furnish his warres against the _French_. When they were conducted neere to _Hastings_, and almost ready to be embarked, it was signified to them from the King; that aswell for their particular safeties, as not to disfurnish the Realme of strength, whosoeuer would pay 10. shillings towards the waging of Souldiers in _Normandie_, he might be excused to stay at home. Among 20. Thousand scarce any was found, who was not ioyfull to embrace the condition; who was not ready to redeeme his aduenture with so small a summe: which being gathered together, was both a surer and easier meanes to finish the warres, then if the King had still struggeled by force of Armes. For when the _French_ King had abandoned the partie, Duke _Robert_, being prepared neither with money, nor constancie of mind to continue the warre, enclined to peace; which at the last, by diligence of friends, was concluded betweene the two brothers, vpon these conditions. _That the Duke should yeeld to the King the Countie of Eu, the Abbey of Fescampe, the Abbey of S. Michaels mount, Chereburge, and all other Castles and fortifications which the King had taken._ _That the King should subdue to the vse of the Duke, all other Castles and houldes, which had reuolted from him in Normandie._ _That the King should giue to the Duke certaine dignities and possessions in England._ _That the King should restore all those to their dignities and lands in England, who had taken part with the Duke against him._ _That if either of them should die without issue male, the suruiuour should succeed in his estate._ These Articles were confirmed by twelue Barons on the Kings part, and as many on the part of the Duke; so long obserued, as either of them wanted either power or pretence to disanull them. This peace being made, the Duke vsed the aide of King _William_, to recouer the fort of _Mount S. Michael_, which their brother _Henrie_ did forceably hold, for the money which hee had lent to the Duke of _Normandie_. Fourtie dayes they layed siege to this castle; hauing no hope to carrie it, but by the last necessity, which is hunger. Within the compasse of this time, as the King straggled alone vpon the shoare, certaine horsemen salied foorth and charged vpon him; of whom three strooke him together so violently with their lances, as because he could not be driuen out of his saddle, together with his saddle he was cast vpon the ground, and his horse slaine vpon the place, for which he had payed the same day 15. markes. Extremitie of danger (as it often happeneth) tooke from the King all feare of danger: wherefore taking vp his saddle with both his hands, he did therewith defend himselfe for a time. But because to stand vpon defence onely is alwayes vnsure, he drew his sword, and would not depart one foot from his saddle; but making shew of braue ioy, that he had nothing to trust vnto but his owne valour, he defended both his saddle and himselfe, till rescue came. Afterward when some of his Souldiers in blaming maner expostulated with him, wherefore he was so obstinate to saue his saddle: his answere was, that a King should loose nothing which he can possibly saue: _It would haue angred mee_, (said he) _at the very heart, that the knaues should haue bragged, that they had wonne the saddle from mee_. And this was one of his perpetuall felicities, to escape easily out of desperate dangers. In the end _Henry_ grew to extreeme want of water, and other prouisions: by which meanes he was ready to fall into the hands of those, who desired to auoyd necessitie to hurt him. And first he sent to the Duke his brother, to request some libertie to take in fresh water. The Duke sent to him a tunne of wine, and granted a surcease of hostilitie for one day, to furnish him with water. At this the King seemed discontented, as being a meanes to prolong the warre. But the Duke told him, that it had bene hard to deny a brother a little water for his necessitie. Herewith likewise the King relenting, they sent for their brother _Henry_; and wisdome preuailing more then iniuries or hate, they fell to an agreement, That vpon a day appointed, _Henry_ should receiue his money at _Roan_; and that in the meane time, hee should hold the countrey of _Constantine_ in morgage. The King enterteined with pay many of his brother _Henries_ souldiers; especially he receiued those who ouerthrew him, to a very neere degree of fauour. And thus all parties ordered their ambition with great modestie; the custome of former warres running in a course of more humanitie, then since they haue done. The King was the more desirous to perfect these agreements of Peace, for that _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_ (as Princes often times make vse of the contentions of their neighbours) tooke occasion vpon these confusions, to enterprise vpon the parts of _England_ which confined vpon him. So as he inuaded _Northumberland_, made great spoile, tooke much prey, caried away many prisoners; whose calamitie was the more miserable, for that they were to endure seruitude in a hard Countrey. For this cause the King with his accustomed celeritie returned into _England_, accompanied with the Duke of _Normandie_ his brother; and led a mighty armie against the _Scots_ by land, and sent also a nauie to infest them by sea. But by a sudden and stiffe storme, by a hideous confusion of all ill disposed weather, his ships were cruelly crushed; and hauing long wrought against the violence and rage of the tempest, were in the end dispersed, and diuers of them cast away. Many of his souldiers also perished, partly by penurie and want, and partly by the euill qualitied ayre. Notwithstanding the _Scots_, knowing the King of _England_ to bee an enemie mighty and resolute, began to wauer in their assurance; framing fearefull opinions, of the number, valour and experience of his armie. Hereupon some ouertures of peace were made; the _Scots_ expecting that the King, by reason of his late losses, would be the more moderate in his demands. But hee then shewed himselfe most resolute and firme; following his naturall custome, not to yeelde to any difficulty. King _Malcolme_ coniecturing that such confidence could not be without good cause, consented at the last to these conditions. _That King Malcolme should make a certaine satisfaction for the spoyles which hee had done in England._ _That King William should restore to him certaine lands in England._ _That K. Malcolme should doe homage to King William._ Now the day was come wherein _Henrie_ was appointed to receiue his money at _Roan_, from the Duke of _Normandie_. But as affaires of Princes haue great variations, so they are not alwayes constant in their Counsels. And so the Duke, caried by his occasions, and ready to lay downe his faith and word more to the traine of times, then to the preseruation of his honour; instead of paying the money, committed his brother _Henry_ to prison: from whence he could not be released, vntill hee renounced the Countie of _Constantine_, and bound himselfe by oath neuer to claime any thing in _Normandie_. _Henrie_ complained hereof to _Philip_ King of _France_; who gaue him a faire enterteinement in his Court, but was content rather to feede then finish the contention: either expecting thereby some opportunitie to himselfe, or els the opinion of his owne greatnesse not suffring him to feare, that others might grow to haue fortune against him. _Henry_ had not long remained in the Court of _France_, but a _Normane_ Knight named _Hacharde_ conueyed him disguised into _Normandie_; where the Castle of _Damfronç_ was deliuered vnto him; and in short time after hee gate all the Countrey of _Passays_, and a good part of _Constantine_; either without resistance, or without difficultie and perill. Hereupon the Duke leuied his forces, and earnestly assayed to recouer _Damfronç_: but then hee found that his brother _Henrie_ was secretly, yet surely vnderset by the king of _England_. Hereupon, incensed with the furie of an iniuried minde, hee exclaimed against his brother of _England_, and almost proclaimed him a violator of his league. On the other side, the King of _England_ iustified his action, for that hee was both a meanes and a partie to the agreement: and therefore stood bound in honour, not onely to vrge, but to enforce performance. So the flame brake foorth more furious then it was before, and ouer went King _William_ with an able armie; where hee found the Duke also in good condition of strength commanding the field. And albeit in so neere approach of two mighty enemies, equall both in ambition and power, it is hard to conteine men of seruice; yet was nothing executed betweene them, but certaine light skirmishes, and surprizements of some places of defence. In the end, the King hearing of new troubles in _England_, and the Duke finding himselfe vnable either to preuaile with few souldiers, or to maintaine many, and both distrusting to put a speedie end to the warre; they were easily drawne to capitulations of peace. And thus ended the contention betweene these brethren; who vntill this time had continued like the waues of the Sea, alwayes in motion, and one beating against the other. Besides these businesses which befell the King, against his Nobilitie, against the Duke of _Normandie_ his brother, and against the King and nation of the _Scots_; the _Welshmen_ also (who alwayes struggled for libertie and reuenge) perceiuing that the King was often absent, and much entangled with hostile affaires; enforced the fauour of that aduantage, to free themselues from subiection of the _English_, and happily to enlarge or enrich themselues vpon them. So hauing both desire and opportunitie, they wanted not meanes to assemble in armes, to expell the _English_ that were amongst them, and to cast downe the Castles erected in their Countrey, as the principall yoakes of their subiection. Afterwards, rising in boldnesse with successe, they made diuers incursions vpon the bordering parts of _England_; spoiled the Citie of _Glocester_, and exercised all those outrages, which vnciuill people, incensed both with want and with hate doe not vsually omit. But being a company neither in discipline nor pay, raw and vnarmed, they proceeded more like to robbers then to Souldiers; hauing no intention to vanquish, but to spoile. Hereupon the King twice in person inuaded _Wales_, but with small shew of successe for the present. For the _Welsh_-enemies scattered the warre, by diuiding themselues into small companies, and retiring into the mountaines and woods, and other places of naturall defence. Here they trauailed the King with a fugitiue fight; flying when they were pursued, and houering vpon him when they were giuen ouer: cutting off many stragling souldiers, and taking some carriages, which in those rough places could not easily either be passed, or defended. And so by shifting alwayes into places of aduantage, they sought at one time, both to auoyd fighting, and to hinder the King from doing any thing of importance. At the last, the King hauing made sufficient proofe how vaine it is, to follow a light footed enemie with a heauie Armie, pestered with traine of carriage, in places where the seruice of horsemen is almost vnprofitable; he gaue ouer the pursuit, and retired into _England_. But first he repaired those Castles which the _Welsh_ had destroyed, and built new Castles also vpon the frontiers and within the bosome of _Wales_; which he furnished with so sure garrisons, as might suffice with fauour of opportunitie, either to weary or consume the enemies. And indeed the _Welsh_ being by this meanes, alwayes exercised, and dayly wasted; declined in short time, no lesse to cowardise then to wearinesse and wants; so as _Hugh_ Earle of _Chester_, & _Hugh_ Earle of _Shrewesbury_, dispossessed them of the Isle of _Anglesey_, which they had surprised not long before. The _Welsh_ that were there taken, were very hardly, or rather vnmercifully and cruelly entreated; Some had their eyes pulled out, some their hands cut off, some their armes, some their noses, some their genitalles. An aged Priest named _Kenredus_, who had bene a chiefe directer of the common affaires, was drawne out of a Church whereinto he had fled, had one of his eyes pulled out, and his tongue torne from his throat. I make no doubt but these seuerities were vsed against them, vpon some sauage outrages which they had done; wherein the lesse compassion was borne to their calamities, for the cowardise which they shewed in their owne defence. Shortly after, _Magnus_ King of _Norway_ the sonne of _Olaus_, the sonne of _Harold Harfager_, hauing brought the Isles of _Orkeney_ vnder his dominion, subdued also from the _Welsh_ the Isle of _Man_; and enterprised vpon the Isle of _Anglesey_ against the _English_. But at his landing he was encountred by the Earle of _Shrewsbury_ and the Earle of _Chester_; in which fight the _Norwegians_ were vanquished and repelled, but the Earle of _Shrewsbury_ with too braue boldnesse lost his life: leauing his honourable both actions and end as an excellent ornament to his posteritie. Afterwards the Earle of _Chester_ led an armie into _Wales_; and found the people so consumed by the _English_ garisons, that he easily reduced many to professe obedience to the Crowne of _England_; and disabled others, hauing no leaders of experience and valour, for shewing their faces as enemies in the field. Also vpon some variances which did rise betweene _Iustinus_, sonne to _Gurguntus_, Earle of _Glamorgane_ and _Morganock_; and _Rhesus_ sonne to _Theodore_ Prince of Southwales: _Iustinus_, not of power to maintaine either his right or his will, sent _Æneas_, sonne to _Genidorus_, sometimes Lord of _Demetia_, to craue aide in _England_. This he obtained, not onely readily, but in greater measure then the seruice did require. _Robert Fitzhamond_ was generall Commander of the _English_ armie; who encountred _Rhesus_ at a place called _Blackhill_; and in that fight _Rhesus_ was slaine: after whose death the name of King ceased in _Wales_. Then _Iustinus_ failing, and happily not able to performe such conditions as in necessitie hee had assured, _Fitzhamond_ turned his forces against him; chased the _Welsh_ out of the champaine Countrey, and diuided the same among his principall Gentlemen. These erected Castles, in places conuenient for their mutuall ayde; and so well defended themselues, that they left the Countrey to their posterity. Thus was the Lordship of _Glamorgane_ and _Morganock_, which conteineth 27. miles in length, & 22. in bredth, subdued to the _English_; giuing example how dangerous it is for any people, to call in a greater force of strangers to their ayde, then being victorious, they may easily be able to limit and restraine. This being a Lordship marcher, hath enioyed royall liberties, since the time wherein it was first subdued. It hath acknowledged seruice and obedience onely to the Crowne. It hath had the triall of all actions, as well reall as personall, and also held Pleas of the Crowne; with authority to pardon all offences, Treason onely excepted. Whilest the King was entertained with these chases, rather then warres in _Wales_, hee lay at _Gloucester_ many times; as not esteeming that his presence should alwayes be necessary, and yet not farre off if occasion should require. To this place _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_ came vnto him, vpon an honourable visitation. But the King hauing conceiued some displeasure against him, refused to admit him to his presence. Hereupon King _Malcolme_, full of fury and disdaine, returned into _Scotland_, assembled an armie, enuaded _Northumberland_, harrased and spoyled a great part thereof; hauing done the like foure times before. Such is the heate of hate in mindes that are mighty; who seldome hold it any breach of Iustice, to bee reuenged of him who offereth dishonor. When he was come neere to _Alnewicke_, and his souldiers were much pestered with prey, (a notable impediment both for readinesse and resolution to fight) hee was set vpon both suddenly and sharply by _Robert Mowbray_ Earle of _Northumberland_; his troupes hewen in pieces, himselfe together with his eldest sonne _Edward_ slaine. The third day ensuing, _Margaret_ wife to King _Malcolme_, and sister to _Edgar Adeling_, not able to beare so sad and heauie a blow of fortune, ended also her life. Shee was famous for pietie and for modestie, two excellent endowments of that Sexe. By her perswasion _Malcolme_ made a law, that whereas by a former law made by King _Eugenius_, the Lord enioyed the first night with any new married woman within his dominion; the husband might redeeme that abuse by paiment of halfe a mark of siluer. King _Malcolme_ being slaine, _Dunwald_ his brother vsurped the kingdome; but after a few dayes he was dispossessed thereof by _Duncane_, bastard son to K. _Malcolme_. In this action _Duncane_ was chiefly supported by the King of _England_; with whom he had remained in hostage, and to whom hee had made his submission by oath. And because the _Scots_ did either see or suspect that hee bare a fauourable affection to the _English_, they would not receiue him for their King, but vnder promise that hee should not entertaine any _English_ or _Normane_, either in place of seruice, or as a follower at large. The yeere next following _Duncane_ was slaine, and _Dunwald_ was againe possessed of the kingdom. Hereupon King _William_ sent _Clito Edgar_ with an armie into _Scotland_; by whose meanes _Dunwald_ was dispoiled againe of his Kingdome, and _Edgar_ sonne to King _Malcolme_ aduanced to his fathers estate. These were the principall aduentures by Armes which concerned _England_, during the reigne of K. _William_ the second: wherein he so behaued himselfe, that he did worthily winne an opinion to be one, who both knew and durst. In all actions hee esteemed himselfe greatly dishonoured, if hee were not both in Armes with the first, and with the forwardest in fight; doing double seruice, as well by example, as by direction: In which heate of valour, the fauour of his Fortune excused many of his attempts from the blame of rashnesse. He was oftentimes most constant, or rather obstinate in pursuing those purposes, which with small deliberation he vndertooke. At a certaine time when he was in hunting within the new Forrest, he receiued aduertisement, that _Mans_ was surprised by _Helie_, Count _de la Flesch_, who pretended title thereto in right of his wife: that he was aided in this enterprise by _Fouques d'Angiers_, an ancient enemie to the Dukes of _Normandie_: and that the castle which held good for the King, must also be rendered, if in very short time it were not relieued. Vpon these newes, as if he had bene in the heat of a chase, he presently turned his horse; and his passion not staying to consult with reason, in great haste roade towards the Sea. And when he was aduised by some to stay a time, and take with him such forces as the importance of the seruice did require; with a heart resolute and violent voice he answered, _That they who loued him, would not faile to follow; and that if no man else would stirre, he alone would relieue Mans_. When he came to _Dortmouth_, he commanded ships to be brought for his passage. The winds were then both contrary and stiffe, and the Sea swelled exceeding bigge; for which cause the Shipmasters perswaded him to await a more fauourable season, and not to cast himselfe vpon the miserable mercie of that storme. Notwithstanding the King, whose feare was alwayes least when dangers were greatest, mounted vpon Shipboard, and commanded them to put to Sea; affirming, That it was no Prince-like mind to breake a iourney for foulenesse of weather; and that he neuer heard of any King that had bene drowned. And so for that the chiefe point of rescue rested in expedition, hee presently committed to Sea; taking few with him, and leauing order that others should follow. After hee had long wrastled with the winds and waues, he arriued in _France_, where running on in the humour of his courage and forwardnesse, he acquitted himselfe with greater honour then at any time before. So effectuall is celeritie for the benefit of a seruice, that oftentimes it more auaileth, then either multitude or courage of Souldiers. In this expedition, _Helie_ the principall commander against him was taken. And when he was brought to the Kings presence, the King said pleasantly vnto him: _Ah master! in faith I haue you now; and I hope I shal be able to keepe you in quiet_. Then he: _It is true indeed, the successe of my attempts haue not bene answerable to the resolution of my minde; by meere aduenture now you haue me: but if I were at libertie againe, I doe better know what I had to doe, and would not so easily be held in quiet_. The King with a braue scorne replied: _I see thou art but a foolish knaue; vnable to vse, either thy libertie or thy restreint aright. But goe thy wayes, make good thy confidence: I set thee free and at libertie againe; vse thy aduantage, and doe thy worst_. _Helie_ daunted more with this high courage, then before he had bin with the victory of the King, submitted himselfe, and made his peace vnder such conditions as it pleased the King to lay vpon him. Certainely this magnanimous example hath seldome bin equalled, neuer excelled by those, who are admired for the principall worthies of the world. He little fauoured flatterers; the flies which blow corruption vpon sweetest vertues; the myrie dogs of the Court, who defile Princes with fawning on them; who commonly are fatted with bread which is made with the teares of miserable people. He was most firme and assured in his word: and to those who did otherwise aduise him, he would say; That _God did stand obliged by his word_.[71] He is commended for his manly mercie; in releasing prisoners, and in pardoning offences of highest qualitie: which to a people that then liued vnder a Law, both rigorous, and almost arbitrarie, and (as well for the noueltie as for the vncertaintie thereof) in a manner vnknowne, was a most high valued vertue. He not onely pardoned many great offenders, but partly by gifts, and partly by aduancements he knit them most assuredly vnto him. And therefore although in the beginning of his reigne, most of the Nobilitie, and many Gentlemen of best quality and rancke endeuoured to displace him, and to set vp _Robert_ his elder brother for their King; yet doeth it not appeare, either that any seueritie was executed vpon them, or that afterward they were dangerous vnto him. Notwithstanding in some actions he was noted of crueltie, or at the least of sharpnesse and seuerity in iustice. For albeit hee promised to the _English_, whilest his first feares and iealousies continued, that they should enioy free libertie of hunting; yet did hee afterwards so seuerely restraine it, that the penalty for killing a Deere was death. _Robert Mowbray_ Earle of _Northumberland_, after he had defeated the _Scots_ and slaine _Malcolme_ their King, not finding himselfe either honoured or respected according to his seruice; first refrained, and afterwards refused to come vnto the Court. Hereupon the King, ouerruled indifferently with suspition and hate, (two violent passions in minds placed in authoritie) sent his brother _Henry_ with an armie against him; who spoyled the Countrey, tooke the Earle, and committed him to prison. Then was hee charged with diuers crimes, which were sufficient (although but surmised) to vndoe an Innocent. Many examinations were also made, but for appearance onely and terrour, not to any bottome or depth. The especiall matter obiected against him was, for contriuing to despoyle the King both of life and state, and to set vp _Stephen Albamerle_ his Aunts sonne for King. And thus it often happeneth, that great deserts are occasions to men of their destruction; either because Princes generally loue not those to whom they are exceedingly beholding, or else for that thereby men doe grow proud, insolent, disdainefull, bould, immoderate both in expectation and demand, discontented, impatient if they be not satisfied, and apt to breake forth into dangerous attempts. Of those who any wayes declared themselues in his fauour or defence; some were despoiled of their goods, some were banished the Realme; others were punished with losse of their eyes, or of their eares, or of some other part of their bodie. _William d'Owe_ was accused in a Councell holden at _Salisbury_, to bee a complice of this Treason. And albeit he challenged his accuser to the combate, yet his eyes were pulled out, and his stones cut off by commandement of the King. And yet some authours affirme, that he was ouercome in combate before. For the same cause the King commanded _William Aluerie_ to be hanged; a man of goodly personage and modest behauiour; the Kings sewer, his Aunts sonne, and his godfather. Before his execution hee desired to be whipped through manie Churches in _London_: he distributed his garments to the poore, and bloodied the street as he went, with often kneeling vpon the stones. At the time of his death he tooke it vpon the charge of his soule, that he was cleere of the offence for which he suffered. And so committing his innocencie to God, and to the world his complaints, he submitted himselfe to the Executioners hands: leauing an opinion in some, a suspition in many, that others also died without desert. For the king gaue an easie eare to any man, that would appeach others for his aduantage: whereby it sometimes happened, that offenders were acquited by accusing innocents. He was liberall aboue measure; either in regard of his owne abilities, or of the worthinesse of the receiuers. Especially hee was bountifull (if that terme may be applyed to immoderate lauishing)[72] to men of warre: for which cause many resorted to him from farre Countries for entertainement. To winne and retaine the fauour of these, hee much impouerished his peaceable people. From many he tooke without iustice, to giue to others without desert: esteeming it no vnequall dealing, that the money of the one, should bee aduentured and expended with the blood of the other. He much exceeded in sumptuousnes of diet and of apparell, wherewith great men vse to dazel the eyes of the people: both which waies he esteemed the goodnesse of things, by their price. It is reported, that when his Chamberlaine vpon a certaine morning brought him a new paire of hose, the King demaunded what they cost; and the Chamberlaine answered, three shillings. Hereat the King grew impatient, and said: _What? heauie beast! doest thou take these to be conuenient hose for a King? Away begger, and bring me other of a better price_. Then the Chamberlaine departed and brought a farre worse paire of hose (for a better could not at that time bee found) and told the king that they cost a marke. The king not onely allowed them for fine enough, but commended them also as exceeding fit. Assuredly this immoderate excesse of a King is now farre exceeded by many base shifting vnthrifts. In building his expences were very great. He repaired the Citie and Castle of _Caerlile_, which had been wasted by the _Danes_ 200. yeres before. Hee finished New castle vpon _Tine_. Many other Castles he erected or repaired vpon the frontiers of _Scotland_; many also vpon the frontiers and within the very brest of _Wales_. Hee much enlarged the Towre of _London_, and enuironed it with a new wall. Hee also built the great Hall at _Westminster_, which is 270. foote in length, and 74. foote in breadth. And when many did admire the vast largenes thereof, he would say vnto them, that it was but a bed chamber, but a closet, in comparison of that which he intended to build. And accordingly he layd the foundation of another Hall, which stretched from the Riuer _Thames_ to the Kings high street: the further erection wherof, with diuers other heroicall enterprises, ceased together with his life. Thus partly by reason of his infinite plots and inuentions, and partly by his disorders and vnbrideled liberalities, he alwayes liued at great charges and expences; which whilest the large treasure lasted which his father left him, were borne without grieuance to the subiects: But when that was once drained, he was reduced to seeke money by extraordinary meanes. So, many hard taxes were laid vpon the people, partly for supplie to his owne necessities, and partly to imitate the policie of his father; that the people being busied how to liue, should reteine small either leisure or meanes to contriue innouations. For this cause he was supposed, vpon purpose to haue enterprised many actions of charge; that thereby he might haue colour to impose, both imployments and taxations vpon the people. And because the riches of the clergie at that time were not onely an eye-sore vnto many, but esteemed also by some, to bee very farre aboue due proportion; Hee often fleeced them of great summes of money. For which cause it is euident, that the writers of that age (who were for the most part Clergie men) did both generally enueigh against him, and much depraue his particular actions. He withheld his annuall paiment to the Sea of _Rome_, vpon occasion of a Schisme betweene _Vrbane_ at _Rome_, and _Clement_ at _Rauenna_. He claimed the inuestiture of Prelates to be his right: Hee forbade Appeales and entercourse to _Rome_: For which and other like causes he had a very great contention with the Clergie of his Realme, especially with _Anselme_ Archbishop of _Canterbury_. The seedes of this contention were cast, when _Anselme_ was first receiued to his Sea. For at that time two did striue for the Papacie of _Rome_; _Vrbanus_ and _Guibert_, called _Clement_ the third: some Christian States fauouring the one, and some the other. King _William_ inclined to _Clement_ the third, and with him the Realme generally went; but _Anselme_ did fully goe with _Vrbane_; making so his condition before he did consent to accept his dignitie. When he was elected and before his consecration, the King demanded of him, that such lands of the Church of _Canterbury_ as the King had giuen to his friends since the death of _Lanfranck_, might still be held by them as their lawfull right: but to this _Anselme_ would in no case agree. Hereupon the King stayed his consecration a certaine time; but at length by importunitie of the people hee was content to receiue his homage, and to giue way to his consecration. Not long after, the Archbishop desired licence of the king to goe to _Rome_, to receiue his Pall; which when the King refused to grant, he appealed to the Sea of _Rome_. Now this was the first Appeale that euer before had been made in _England_. For Appeales were not here in ordinarie vse, vntil after this time, vnder the reigne of King _Stephen_; when _Henrie_ Bishop of _Wint._ being the Popes Legate, brought them in. Wherefore the King offended with this noueltie, charged _Anselme_ with breach of his fealtie and oath. _Anselme_ answered, that this was to be referred to the iudgement of a Councell, whether it bee a breach of allegiance to a terrene Prince, if a man appeale to the Vicar of Christ. The King alleaged; that the custome of his Realme admitted no appeale from the king; that supreame appeale was a most principall marke of Maiestie, because no appeale can be made but to a superiour; that therefore the Archbishop by appealing from him, denied his Souereignty, derogated from the dignitie of his Crowne, and subiected both him and that to another Prince, to whom as to a superiour he did appeale; That herein hee was an enemie and a Traitour to him and to the State. _Anselme_ replyed, that this question was determined by our Lord, who taught vs what allegiance is due to the Pope, where he saith; _Thou art Peter, and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church, &c._ And againe; _To thee will I giue the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heauen, &c._ And againe in generall; _Hee that heareth you heareth me, and who despiseth you despiseth me_. And againe, _He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of my eye_. But for the allegiance due to the King, he saith; _Giue to Cæsar that which belongeth to Cæsar, and to God what pertaineth to God_. To this the king finally said; That hauing made themselues Masters to interprete and giue sence to the Scriptures, it was easie to maintaine by them whatsoeuer they desired or did; it was easie for them to burst their ambition with their swelling greatnes. But well he was assured, that CHRIST intended not to dissolue orders for Ciuill gouernment, to ruine kingdoms, to embase authority and right of Kings, by meanes of his Church: this right of a King he had, and this right he would maintaine. In this contention few of the Bishops did openly take part with _Anselme_; but some, and especially the Bishop of _Durhame_, did directly declare against him. The residue, when he asked their aduise, would answere him, That he was wise ynough, and knew what was best for him to doe; as for them, they neither durst nor would stand against their Lord. By assistance of these the King purposed to depriue _Anselme_, and to expell him out of the Realme. But _Anselme_ auowed, That as he was ready to depart the Realme, so would he take his authoritie with him, though he tooke nothing else. Now the King had sent two messengers to Pope _Vrbane_ at _Rome_, to entreat him to send the Pall to the King; to be disposed by him as he should thinke fit. These messengers were by this time returned; and with them came _Guibert_ the Popes Legate, who brought the Pall. The Legate went first priuily to the King, and promised that if _Vrbane_ should be receiued for Pope in _England_, the King should obtaine of him whatsoeuer he would. The King required that _Anselme_ might be remoued. The Legate answered, that it could not be, that such a man without iust cause should be remoued; Notwithstanding some other things being granted to the King, _Vrbane_ was declared to be lawfull Pope; and the King was content to swallow downe that morsel, which had bene so vnpleasant for him to champe on. The Pall was caried to _Anselme_ with great pompe, in a vessell of siluer; and he came foorth bare footed, in his Priestly Vestments to meete and to receiue it. The yeere next following the King inuaded _Wales_; where he repressed the rebellious enemies, and returned victorious. _Anselme_ prepared to goe vnto him, to salute him, to congratulate his good successe. But the King preuented him by messengers, who layde to his charge, both the small number, and euill appointment of the Souldiers, which he sent to that seruice; and therefore warned him to appeare at the Court, to make his answere. Happely also the King was incensed by matters more light; but taken in the worst part, as it commonly falleth out in suspitions and quarels. At the day appointed _Anselme_ appeared, but auoyded his answere by appealing to the Pope: for prosecution whereof, hee made suit for the Kings licence to goe to _Rome_. The King said as before; That this appeale was against the custome of the Realme, and against the dignitie of his Crowne, to both which _Anselme_ had sworne. _Anselme_ answered, That he was sworne to neither of them, but so farre as they were consonant to the Lawes of GOD, and to the rules of equitie and right. The King replied, That no limitation being expressed, it was not reasonable that vpon his owne conceit of pietie or equitie, he should slip out of the band of his oath. Thus was the contention on both sides obstinately maintained; and for a long time _Anselme_ was commanded to attend the Court. At the last hee was released, but vnder expresse charge, that he should not depart out of the Realme; or if he did, that it should neuer be lawfull for him to returne. _Anselme_ departed from the Court, went streight to _Douer_, with purpose to passe the Seas into _France_. Here hee was either awaited or ouertaken by _William Warlewast_ the Kings officer; not to stay him from his passage, but to rifle him of all that he had. Others also were appointed to seise his goods in other places, and to conuert the profits of his Archbishopricke to the vse of the King; making a bare allowance to the Monks, of meat, drinke and cloathing. So the Archbishop crossed the Seas into _France_, rested a while at _Lions_, and then trauailed ouer the _Alpes_ to _Rome_; where he was enterteined by Pope _Vrbane_, with more then ordinarie ceremonies of honour. And first the Pope wrote to the king of _England_ on the behalfe of _Anselme_; and reteined him in his Palace vntill he should receiue answere from the king. When the messenger was returned with such answere as _Anselme_ did not like, he desired of the Pope to be discharged of his dignitie; which he had found (he said) a wearisome stage, whereon hee played a part much against his will. But hereto the Pope would in no case agree; charging him vpon vertue of his obedience, That wheresoeuer he went, he should beare both the name and honour of Archbishop of _Canterburie_. _As for these matters_, (said he) _we shall sufficiently prouide for them at the next Councell where your selfe shalbe present_. When the Councell was assembled, _Anselme_[73] sate on the outside of the Bishops; but the Pope called him vp, and placed him at his right foot with these words; _Includamus hunc in orbe nostro, tanquam alterius orbis Papam_. Afterwards in all generall Councels, the Archb. of _Canterburie_ tooke that place. In this Councell the points of difference betweene the Greeke and Latine Churches were strongly debated; especially concerning the proceeding of the _Holy Ghost_, and for leauened bread in the administration of the _Eucharist_: wherein _Anselme_ shewed such deepe learning, weight of iudgement, and edge of wit, that he approched neerer admiration then applause. These matters determined, complaints were brought against the King of _England_, and the Pope is said to haue bene ready to excommunicate him: but _Anselme_ kneeled before the Pope, and obteined for the King a longer terme. The Pope was then at great contention with _Henry_ the fourth Emperour, who had bene excommunicated before by _Hildebrand_, and was then againe excommunicate by _Vrbane_: being the first Christian Prince with Souereigne power, who was euer excommunicate by any Pope. And for that _Vrbane_ at that time had his hands full against the Emperour, for that also hee would not make the example too odious at the first; he was willing ynough to forbeare excommunication against the King. And the rather for that _Anselme_ had intelligence from his friends in _England_, that the excommunication would not be regarded. Hereupon, accompting it a sufficient declaration of his power for the time, to haue menaced excommunication, he caused a generall decree to be made; That as well all Lay-persons who should giue inuestiture of Churches, as those of the Clergie who should be so inuested; also those who should yeeld themselues in subiection to Lay-men for Ecclesiastical liuings, should be excommunicate. This generall sentence was pronounced. The Pope also signified by letters to the King, that if he would auoyd particular proceeding against himselfe, he should foorthwith restore _Anselme_ to the exercise of his Office in his Church, and to all the goods and possessions perteining thereto. Hereupon the King sent messengers to the Pope, who declared vnto him; That their great Master the King marueiled not a litle, wherefore he should so sharply vrge the restitution of _Anselme_; seeing it was expresly told him, That if he departed out of _England_ without licence, he should expect no other vsage. Well, said the Pope, Haue you no other cause against _Anselme_, but that he hath appealed to the Apostolicall Sea, and without licence of your King hath trauailed thither? They answered, No. And haue you taken all this paines (said he) haue you trauailed thus farre to tell me this? Goe tell your Lord, if he will not be excommunicate, that he presently restore _Anselme_ to his Sea: And see that you bring mee answere hereof the next Councell, which shalbe in the third weeke after Easter: make haste, and looke to your terme, lest I cause you to be hanged for your tarryance. The messenger was herewith much abashed; yet collecting himselfe, he desired priuate audience of the Pope: affirming, that he had some secret instructions from the King to impart vnto him. What this secret was it is vnknowne. Whatsoeuer it was, a longer day was obtained for the King, vntill Michaelmas then next ensuing. And when that day was come, albeit complaints were renued, yet was nothing done against the King. The Archb. seeing the small assurance of the Pope, returned to _Lions_ in _France_; and there remained vntil the death, first of Pope _Vrbane_, and afterwards of the king; which was almost the space of 3. yeeres. By this great conflict the king lost the hearts of many of the Clergie; but his displeasure had seasoned reuenge with contentment: and finding himselfe sufficient, both in courage and meanes to beare out his actions, he became many other wayes heauie vnto them. When any Bishopricke or Monasterie fell voyd, he kept them vacant a long time in his hands, and applied the profits to himselfe: At the last hee would set them to open sale, and receiue him for Prelate, who would giue for them the greatest price. Herehence two great inconueniences did ensue; the best places were furnished with men of least sufficiencie and worth; and no man hoping to rise by desert, the generall endeuour for vertue and knowledge were layd aside: the direct way to aduancement, was by plaine purchase from the king. In this seazing and farming and marchandizing of Church-liuings, one _Ranulph_, commonly called the Kings Chapleine, was a great agent for the King. Hee was a man of faire vse of speach, and liuely in witte, which hee made seruants to licentious designes; but both in birth and behauiour base, and shamelesse in dishonestie; a very bawde to all the Kings purposes and desires. Hee could be so euill as hee listed, and listed no lesse then was to his aduantage. The King would often laugh at him, and say; that he was a notable fellow to compasse matters for a King. And yet besides more then ordinary fauour of countenance, the King aduanced him, first to be his Chancellour, and afterward to be Bishop of _Duresme_. By his aduise, so soone as any Church fell voide, an Inuentory was made of all the goods that were found, as if they should bee preserued for the next successor; and then they were committed to the custodie of the King, but neuer restored to the Church againe. So the next incumbent receiued his Church naked and bare, notwithstanding that he paid a good price for it. From this King the vse is said to haue first risen in _England_, that the Kings succeeding had the Temporalties of Bishops Seas so long as they remained voide. Hee also set the first enformers to worke, and for small transgressions appointed great penalties. Hee is also reported to haue been the first King of this Realme, who restreined his subiects from ranging into forreine Countreys without licence. And yet what did the King by this sale of Church dignities, but that which was most frequent in other places? For in other places also few attained to such dignities freely. The difference was this: here the money was receiued by the King, there by fauorites or inferiour officers: here it was expended in the publike vses of the State; there to priuate and many times odious enrichments: this seemeth the more easie, that the more extreme pressure, as done by more hungrie and degenerous persons: this may bee esteemed by some the more base, but assuredly it was the better dealing. And further, it is euident that the King did freely aduance many excellent persons to principall dignities in the Church; and especially _Anselme_ to the Archbishopricke of _Canterburie_, who was so vnwilling to accept that honour, that the King had much to doe to thrust it vpon him. And the rather to enduce him, he gaue him wholly the citie of _Canterburie_, which his predecessors had held but at the pleasure of the King. This _Anselme_ was one whose learned labours doe plainely testifie, how little his spirits were fed with the fulsome fumes of surfeting and ease; which to many others, together with their bodies, doe fatten and engrosse their mindes. He so detested singularitie, that he accounted it the sinne which threw Angels out of Heauen, and man out of Paradise. This detestation of singularitie might happily encline him to the other extreme; to adhere ouer lightly to some common receiued errours. It is attributed to him that hee would often wish, to bee rather in hell without sinne, then with sinne in heauen. The king also aduanced _Robert Bloet_, to the Bishopricke of _Lincolne_: a man whose wisedom was highly graced, with goodly personage, and good deliuery of speach: from whom notwithstanding the king afterwards wiped fiue thousand markes. Hee also freely receiued _Hugh de Floriaco_, a man for his vertue much esteemed, to be Abbot of the Monastery of S. _Augustines_ in _Canterburie_; and likewise diuers others to other Ecclesiasticall preferments: whereby I am confirmed in opinion, that many odious imputations against the king, were either altogether inuented, or much enlarged aboue the trueth. It happened vpon auoidance of a certaine Monastery, that two Monkes went to the king, either of them contending, as well by friends, as by large offer of purse, to procure to be made Abbot of the place. The king espying a third Monke standing by, who came with the other two, either to accompany them, or to obtaine some inferiour place vnder him that should preuaile, demaunded of him what hee would giue? The Monke answered, that hee had small meanes, and lesse minde, to purchase that or any other dignitie of the Church: For with that intention did he first betake himselfe to a religious life, that holding riches and honour (the two beauties of the world) in contempt, he might more freely and quietly dispose himselfe to the seruice of God. The King replied, that he iudged him most worthy of that preferment; and therefore first offred it vnto him, then intreated, and lastly enioyned him to accept it. Assuredly, the force of vertue is such, that often times wee honour it in others, euen when we little esteeme it in ourselues. He is charged with some actions and speaches tending to profanenesse. The Iewes at _Roan_ so preuailed with him by gifts, that they drew him to reprehend one who had forsaken their superstition. At _London_ a disputation was appointed betweene certaine Christians and Iewes. The Iewes a little before the day prefixed, brought to the King a rich present; At which time he encouraged them (no doubt but by the way of ioylitie and mirth) to acquite themselues like tall fellowes, and if they preuailed by plaine strength of trueth, hee sware (as was his vsuall) by S. _Lukes_ face, that hee would become one of their Secte. These things happely not much spoken amisse, might easily bee depraued by report. It is affirmed of him that he so much exceeded in bodily lust, (then which nothing maketh a man more contemptible) that thereby hee seemed to decline from the Maiestie of a Prince. This vice did cast a great mist ouer his glorie. And yet neither is it infrequent in lusty bodies, placed in a State both prosperous and high, neither can the pleasure of one man that way extend it selfe to the iniurie of many. The worst was, that after his example, many others did follow licentious traces;[74] examples of Princes being alwayes of greater force then their Lawes, to induce the people to good or to euill. As the King turned the prosperitie of his actions to serue his vanities and delights, so his followers by felicitie became insolent, and let goe at aduenture serious affaires; not receiuing into their thoughts any other impression then of brauery and pleasure. And they who were greatest in the counsailes and fauours of the King, respected all things no further, then as they were aduantageable to themselues. Then rose vp costly apparell, and dainty fare, two assured tokens of a diseased State; the one the vainest, the other the grossest prodigalitie that can be. Then was brought into vse the laying out of haire, strange fashions and disguisings in attire, and all delicacies pertaining to the bodie. Then were practised nice treadings, lasciuious lookes, and other dissolute and wanton behauiour: many effeminate persons did accompanie the Court, by whose immodest demeanour the maiestie of that place was much embased. From hence also the poyson brake foorth, first into the citie, and after wards into other places of the Realme; for as in fishes, so in families, and so likewise in States, putrifaction commonly beginneth at the head. In the second yeere of this kings reigne _Lanfranck_ Archb. of _Canterburie_ ended his life: A man highly esteemed, with good men, for his learning and integritie; with great men, for his diligence and discretion to sound deepely into affaires; with the common people for his moderate and modest behauiour. King _William_ the first did honour and embrace him with great respect, and was much guided by his aduise. He was as a Protector to King _William_ the second. When he went to _Rome_ to obteine his Pall, the Pope rose from his chaire, stepped forwards to meet him, and with many ceremonies of courtesie did enterteine him. Then he returned to his seat, and said: _Now Lanfrancke, I haue done to thee what is due to thy vertue, come thou and doe to me what apperteineth to my place_. He was an earnest enemie to all vices, especially to auarice and pride, the two banes of all vertues. He renued the great Church of _Canterburie_, and enriched it with 25. mannours. He repaired the walles of that Citie, and built two Hospitals therein; one of S. _Iohn_, the other _Harlebaldowne_. He gaue a thousand markes towards the repairing and enlarging of the Abbey of S. _Albones_, and procured _Redbourne_ to be restored thereto. By his Testament hee gaue to the same Church 1000. pounds, besides many rich ornaments. He tooke great paines in purging ancient Authors from such corruptions as had crept into them: diuers workes also he wrote of his owne, but the greatest part of them are perished. Thus he liued in honour, and died with fame; his time imployed in honest studies and exercises, his goods to good and Religious vses. The same yeere a strange and great earthquake happened throughout all the Realme; after which ensued a great scarcitie of fruit, and a late haruest of corne, so as much graine was not fully ripe at the end of Nouember. In the fourth yere of the reigne of this King, a strong stroke of lightning made a hole in the Abbey steeple at _Winchelscombe_, neere to the top; rent one of the beames of the Church, brake one of the legges of the Crucifixe, cast downe the head thereof, together with the Image of the Virgine _Marie_ that was placed by it: Herewith a thicke smoke darkened the Church, and breathed foorth a marueilous stincke, which annoyed the Church a long time after. In the same yeere a mightie winde from the Southwest did prostrate 606. houses in _London_: And breaking into the Church of S. _Mary Bow_ in Cheape, slew two men with some part of the ruines which it made, raised the roofe of the Church, and carried many of the beames on such a height, that in the fall six of them, being 27. or 28. foot in length, were driuen so deepe into the ground (the streets not then paued with stone) that not aboue 4. foote remained in sight: and so they stood, in such order and rancke as the workemen had placed them vpon the Church. The parts vnder the earth were neuer raised, but so much was cut away as did appeare aboue the ground; because it was an impediment for passage. The Tower of _London_ at the same time was also broken, and much other harme done. The next yeere _Osmund_ Bishop of _Salisbury_ finished the Cathedrall Church of old _Salisburie_; and the fifth day after the Consecration, the steeple thereof was fired with lightning. The yeere following much raine fell, and so great frosts ensued, that riuers were passable with loaden carts. The yeere next ensuing was exceeding remarkeable both for the number and fashion of gliding Starres, which seemed to dash together in maner of a conflict. About this time Pope _Vrbane_ assembled a Councell at _Cleremont_ in _Auergne_, wherein hee exhorted Christian Princes to ioyne in action for recouery of _Palestine_, commonly called _The Holy Land_, out of the seruile possession of the _Saracenes_. This motion was first set on foote, and afterwards pursued by _Peter_ the Heremite of _Amiens_; which falling in an age both actiue and Religious, was so generally embraced, as it drew 300000. men to assemble together from diuers Countreys; and that with such sober and harmlesse behauiour, that they seemed rather Pilgrimes then Souldiers. Among others, _Robert_ Duke of _Normandie_ addressed himselfe to this Voyage; and to furnish his expenses therein, he layed his Duchie of _Normandie_ to gage to his brother of _England_ for 6666. li. or as other Authors report, for 13600. pounds of Siluer. This money was taken vp part by imposition, and part by loane, of the most wealthy inhabitants within the Realme: But especially the charge was layd vpon religious persons, for that it was to furnish a religious warre. When many Bishops and Abbots complained, that they were not able to satisfie such summes of money as the King demanded of them, vnles they should sel the Chalices & siluer vessels which pertained to their Churches. Nay answered the King, you may better make meanes with the siluer and gold which vainely you haue wrapped about dead mens bones; meaning thereby their rich Relickes and Shrines. The yeare following a blasing starre appeared, for the space of fifteene dayes together; the greatest bush whereof pointed towards the East, and the lesser towards the West. Gliding starres were often seene, which seemed to dart one against another. The people began (as to mindes fearefull all fancies seeme both weightie and true) to make hard constructions of these vnusuall sights; supposing that the heauens did threaten them, not accustomed to shew it selfe so disposed, but towards some variation. In the 13. yeere of his reigne, the Sea surmounted his vsuall bounds, in diuers parts of _England_ and _Scotland_: whereby not only fields, but many villages, castles, and townes were ouerflowen, and some ouerturned, and some ouerwhelmed with sand; much people, and almost innumerable cattel was destroyed. At the same time certaine lands in _Kent_, which did once belong to _Godwine_ Earle of _Kent_, were ouerflowed and couered with sand, which to this day do beare the name of _Godwins_ sands. Thunders were more frequent & terrible then had been vsuall; through violence whereof diuers persons were slaine. Many feareful formes and apparitions are reported to haue bin seene; whether errours, or inuentions, or truethes, I will not aduow. The heauens often seemed to flame with fire. At _Finchamsted_[75] in _Barkeshire_ neere vnto _Abington_, a spring cast vp a liquor for the space of fifteene dayes, in substance and colour like vnto blood; which did taint and infect the next water brooke whereinto it did runne. The King was often terrified in his sleepe with vncouth, ougly, vnquiet dreames: and many fearefull visions of others were oftentimes reported vnto him. At the same time hee held in his handes three Bishoprickes, _Canterburie_, _Winchester_, and _Salisburie_; and twelue Abbeys. The same yeere vpon the second of August, a little before the falling of the Sunne, as the King was hunting within the newe forrest, at a place called _Choringham_ (where since a Chappell hath beene erected) hee strooke a Deere lightly with an arrow. The Deere ranne away, and the King stayed his horse to looke after it; holding his hand ouer his eyes, because the beames of the Sunne (which then drew somewhat lowe) much dazeled his sight. Herewith another Deere crossed the way; whereat a certaine Knight, named Sir _Walter Tirrell_, aimed with an arrow: and loosing his bowe, either too carelessly at the Deere, or too steadily at the King, strooke him therewith full vpon the brest. The King hauing so receiued the wound, gaue foorth a heauie groane, and presently fell downe dead; neither by speach nor motion expressing any token of life. Onely so much of the arrowe as was without his bodie was found broken; whether with his hand, or by his fall, it is not certainely knowen. The men that were neere vnto him (especially Sir _Walter Tirrell_) galloped away; some for astonishment, others for feare. But a fewe collecting themselues returned againe, and layd his bodie vpon a Colliers Cart, which by aduenture passed that way; wherin it was drawen by one leane euill-fauoured, base beast, to the Citie of _Winchester_; bleeding abundantly all the way, by reason of the rude iogging of the Carte. The day following hee was buried, without any funerall pompe, with no more then ordinarie solemnities, in the Cathedrall Church or Monasterie of Saint _Swithen_; vnder a plaine flat marble stone, before the Lectorne in the Quire. But afterwards his bones were translated, and layd by King _Canutus_ bones. Most writers doe interprete this extraordinarie accident to bee a iudgement of God, for the extraordinarie loose behauiour of the King, But it may rather seeme a iudgement of God, that King _William_ the first, who threw downe Churches, and dispeopled Villages and Townes; who banished both the seruice of God, and societie of men, to make a vaste habitation for sauage beasts, had two sonnes slaine vpon that place. It may also seeme a iudgement of God, that King _William_ the second, who so greatly fauoured beastes of game, that he ordeined the same penaltie for killing of a deere, as for killing of a man; should as a beast, and for a beast, and among beasts be slaine. And thus God doth often punish vs by our greatest pleasures; if they be either vnlawfull, or immoderately affected; whereby good things become vnlawfull. Hee died in the principall strength, both of his age, and of his distastfull actions; wherein hee had bene much carried by the hoate humour of his courage and youth; his iudgement not then raised to that stayednesse and strength,[76] whereto yeeres and experience in short time would haue brought it. Hee reigned in great varietie of opinion with his Subiects (some applauding his vertues, others aggrauating his vices) twelue yeeres, eleuen moneths wanting eight dayes: and was at his death fourtie and three yeeres old. At this time he presumed most highly, and promised greatest matters to himselfe, hee proiected also many difficult aduentures, if his life had continued the naturall course; wherein his hopes were nothing inferiour to his desires. Hee gaue to the Monckes of _Charitie_ in _Southwarke_ his Mannour of _Bermondsey_, and built for them the great new Church of Saint _Sauiour_. Also of an old Monasterie in the Citie of _Yorke_, he founded an Hospitall for the sustentation of poore persons and dedicated it to S. _Peter_. This Hospitall was afterward augmented by King _Stephen_, and by him dedicated to S. _Leonard_. [Illustration] [Illustration] KING HENRY THE FIRST, _Sirnamed_ BEAVCLERKE. Robert Duke of _Normandie_, the eldest brother to King _William_ the second, was in _Palestina_ when King _William_ was slaine; being one of the principal leaders in that Heroical warre, which diuers Christian Princes of _Europe_ set vp, to recouer _Hierusalem_ out of the power and possession of the _Saracens_. In this expedition hee purchased so honourable reputation, for skill, industrie, and valour of hand, that when the Christian forces had surprised _Hierusalem_, and diuers other Cities in those quarters, the kingdome thereof was offered vnto him. But the Duke, whether he coniectured the difficulties of that warre, for that the enemie was both at hand, and vnder one command, but the Armie of the Christians was to be supplied from farre, and also consisted of many Confederats; In which case albeit sometimes men performe well at the first, yet in short time inconueniences encreasing, they alwayes either dissipate and dissolue, or else fall into confusion. Or whether he heard of the death of his brother, to whose Kingdome he pretended right; as well by prerogatiue of blood, as by expresse couenant betweene them confirmed by oath; refused the offer, which was the last period of all his honour, and in short time after tooke his iourney from _Palestine_ towards _France_. But _Henry_ the Kings yonger brother, apprehending the opportunitie of the Dukes absence, did foorthwith seaze vpon the treasure of the King, and thereby also vpon his State, and so was crowned at _Westminster_ vpon the second day of August, in the yeere 1100. by _Maurice_ Bishop of _London_; because _Anselme_ Archb. of _Canterburie_ was then in exile. This enterprise was much aduanced by the authoritie and industrie of _Henry Newborow_ Earle of _Warwicke_, who appeased all opposition that was made against it. The people also, albeit they had bene managed so tame, as easily to yeeld their backe to the first sitter; yet to _Henry_ they expressed a prone inclination, for that hee was borne in _England_, at a place called _Selby_ in _Lincolneshire_, since his father was crowned King: whereas Duke _Robert_ his brother was borne before his father attained the kingdome. This serued Prince _Henry_ not onely to knit vnto him the affections of the people, but also to forme a title to the Crowne. For it hath bin a question often debated, both by Arguments and by Armes, and by both trials diuersly decided; when a king hath two sonnes, one borne before he was King, and the other after, whether of them hath right to succeed? _Herodotus_ writeth, That when _Darius_[77] the sonne of _Hysdaspis_ King of _Persia_ made preparation for warre against the _Græcians_ and _Egyptians_, he first went about to settle his succession: because by the Lawes of _Persia_, the King might not enter into enterprise of Armes, before he had declared his successour. Now _Darius_ had three children before he was King, by his first wife the daughter of _Gobris_. After he was King he had other foure, by _Atossa_ the daughter of _Cyrus_. _Artabazanes_, or (as other terme him) _Arthemenes_ was eldest of the first sort; _Xerxes_ of the second. _Artabazanes_ alleaged that he was the eldest of all the Kings sonnes, and that it was a custome among all nations, That in principalities the eldest should succeed. _Xerxes_ alleaged, that he was begotten of _Atossa_ the daughter of _Cyrus_, by whose valour the _Persians_ had obteined their Empire. Before _Darius_ had giuen sentence, _Demaratus_ the sonne of _Aristo_, cast out of his kingdome of _Sparta_ and then liuing an exile in _Persia_, came vnto _Xerxes_, and aduised him further to alleage, that he was the eldest sonne of _Darius_ after hee was King; And that it was the custome of _Sparta_, that if a man had a sonne in priuate state, and afterwards another when he was King, this last sonne should succeed in his kingdome. Vpon this ground _Artabazanes_ was reiected, and _Darius_ gaue iudgement for _Xerxes_. This history is likewise reported by _Iustine_,[78] and touched also by _Plutarch_: although they disagree in names, and some other points of circumstance. So when _Herode_ King of _Iudea_ appointed _Antipater_ his eldest sonne, but borne to him in priuate state, to succeed in his Royaltie, and excluded _Alexander_ and _Aristobulus_ his yonger sonnes, whom he had begot of _Mariamne_, after he had obteined his kingdome; _Iosephus_[79] plainly reprehendeth the fact, and condemneth the iudgement of _Herode_ for partiall and vniust. So _Lewes_ borne after his father was Duke of _Milane_,[80] was preferred in succession before his brother _Galeace_, who was borne before. And so when _Otho_ the first was elected Emperour, his yonger brother _Henry_ pretended against him; for that _Otho_[81] was borne before their father was Emperour, and _Henry_ after. In which quarrell _Henry_ was aided by _Euerharde_ Earle Palatine, and _Giselbert_ Duke of _Lorreine_, with diuers other Princes of _Almaine_: But when the cause came to be canuased by the sword, the victorie adiudged the Empire to _Otho_. Furthermore, this right of title seemeth to be confirmed by many grounds of the Imperial Law. As[82] that sonnes borne after their father is aduanced to a dignitie, doe hold certaine priuiledges, which sonnes formerly borne doe not enioy. That[83] those children which are borne after a person is freed from any infamous or seruile condition, doe participate onely of that libertie, and not they who were borne before. That if a man taketh a wife in the Prouince wherein he holdeth office, the marriage is good, if after the time his Office shall expire, they continue in the same consent[84]: but so that the children borne before, shall not be thereby helde for legitimate. That[85] those children which are borne after their father is honoured with the title of _Clarissimus_, do enioy the rights due vnto that degree of dignitie, and not they who were borne before. That as a sonne borne after the father hath lost his kingdome, is not esteemed for the sonne of a King[86]: so neither hee that is borne before the father be a King[87]. And although these and diuers like passages of Law commonly alleadged, doe seeme little or nothing pertinent to this purpose; for that they concern not any vniuersall right of inheritance, which is due vnto children after the death of their parents; but certaine particular priuiledges and rights attributed vnto them whilest their parents were in life, which for the most part are arbitrarie and mutable, as depending vpon the pleasure of the Prince: Yet many Interpreters of both Lawes haue bene drawen by these reasons to subscribe their iudgements for this kind of Title: and namely _Pet. Cynus_, _Baldus_, _Albericus_[88], _Iac. Rebuffus_, _& Luc. Penna_[89]. Also _Panormitane_[90], _Collect._[91], _Dynus_[92], _Franc. Cremen._[93], _Marti. Laud._[94], _Card. Alexander_[95], _Phil. Decius_[96], _Alceat_[97], _Bon. Curti._[98]. And lastly, _Anton. Corsetta_[99], deliuereth it for a common receiued and followed opinion. Which must be vnderstood with this distinction, if the kingdome be either newly erected, or else newly acquired by Conquest, Election, or any such title, other then by hereditarie succession according to proximitie in blood. For if the kingdome bee once seded in a certaine course of succession, because the dignitie is inherent in the blood of that stocke; because it is not taken from the father but from the ancestors; because it is not taken onely from the ancestors, but from the fundamentall law of the State; the eldest sonne shall indistinctly succeede, although hee were borne before his father was King[100]. And therefore after the kingdome of _Persia_ had been caried by succession in some descents, when _Darius_ the King had foure sonnes, _Artaxerxes_ the eldest, _Cyrus_ the next, and two others; _Parysates_ the wife of _Darius_ hauing a desire that _Cyrus_ should succeede in the kingdome, alleaged in his behalfe the same reason wherewith _Xerxes_ had preuailed before: to wit, that shee had brought foorth _Artaxerxes_ to _Darius_, when hee was in priuate state; but _Cyrus_ was borne to him when he was a King. Yet _Plutarch_[101] affirmeth, that the reason which she vsed was nothing probable, and that _Artaxerxes_ the eldest sonne was appointed to be King. And so _Blondus_[102] and _Ritius_ doe report, that _Bela_ the King of _Hungarie_ being dead, _Geysa_ succeeded, although borne vnto him before he was a King. Others inferiour in number, but not in weight of Iudgement do affirme, that whether a Kingdome be setled in succession, or whether by any other title newly attained, the right to succeed by all true grounds of law pertaineth to the eldest sonne; albeit borne before his fathers aduancement to the kingdome, in case there be no expresse law of the state to the contrary. The principall reason is, because this is the nature of all successions by way of inheritance: For, if a father purchaseth lands, leases, cattell, or other goods, the inheritance shall bee transmitted to his eldest sonne, although borne before the purchase. Likewise if a father be aduanced to any title of honour, as Duke, Earle, Marquesse, &c. it was neuer, I will not say denied, but once doubted, but that the eldest sonne should succeede in the same, albeit he was borne before the aduancement. And therefore seeing this is the generall rule of all other inheritable successions, and there is no reason of singularitie in a kingdome; it followeth, that in like case the succession of a kingdome should also descend to the eldest sonne, although borne before the kingdome were atchieued. Againe, the sonne who was borne before his father was a King, had once a right to succeede in the kingdome; for if another sonne had not afterwards beene borne, without all question hee should haue succeeded. But a right which a man by his owne person hath acquired; albeit in some cases it may be diminished, yet can it not bee altogether extinguished by any externall or casuall euent, which hath no dependencie vpon himselfe. And so the right which the eldest sonne hath to his fathers inheritance, may bee diminished by the birth of other children, in regard of those goods which are to bee distributed in parts among them; but it cannot possibly be extinguished. Neither can it bee diminished in those things which are not of nature to bee either valued or diuided (of which sort a Kingdome is the chiefe) but doe passe entirely vnto one. For the right of blood which onely is regarded in lawfull successions, is acquired and held from the natiuitie of the childe, and doth not begin at the fathers death; at which time the inheritance doth fall. Lastly, if it be true in sonnes, that he shal succeede in a kingdome who is first borne, after the father is exalted to bee a King; then is it true also in other remote degrees of consanguinitie. And hereby it should often happen, that when a King dieth without issue of his body, they who are not onely inferiour in age, but more remote in degree, should exclude both the elder and the neerer in blood; because perhaps borne after the kingdome was attained: which is against all lawes of lawfull succession. Howsoeuer the right standeth, _Henry_ the yonger brother to King _William Rufus_, vpon aduantage of the absence of Duke _Robert_ his eldest brother, formed this title to the Crowne of _England_. In which pretence he was strongly supported, first by a generall inclination of the common people, for that he had both his birth and education within the Realme, and they were well perswaded of his good nature and disposition. Secondly, by the fauour and trauaile of many of the nobilitie, especially of _Henry Neuborow_ Earle of _Warwicke_. Thirdly, (for that the sailes of popular fauours are filled most violently with reports) by his giuing forth, that his brother _Robert_ intended neuer to returne; for that he was elected King of _Hierusalem_, and of all those large Countreys in _Asia_, which the Christians had lately wrung out of the _Saracens_ hands. Lastly, by vsing celeritie the very life of actions; for he was Crowned at _Westminster_ (as it hath bene said) vpon the fifth day of August, in the yeere 1100. which was the third day after his brothers death. In person he was both stately and strong; tall, broad brested, his limmes fairely fourmed, well knit, and fully furnished with flesh. He was exceeding both comely and manly in countenance, his face wel fashioned, his colour cleere, his eyes liuely and faire, his eye-browes large and thicke, his haire blacke and somewhat thinne towards his forehead. He was of an excellent wit, free from ostentation; his thoughts high, yet honourable and iust: in speach ready and eloquent, much graced with sweetnesse of voyce. In priuate he was affable, open, wittily pleasant, and very full of merrie simplicitie: in publicke he looked with a graue Maiestie, as finding in himselfe cause to be honoured. He was brought vp in the studie of Liberall Arts at _Cambridge_, where he attained that measure of knowledge, which was sufficient both for ornament and vse; but ranne not into intemperate excesse, either for ostentation, or for a cloake to vnprofitable expense of time. By his example the yong Nobilitie of the Realme began to affect a praise for learning: Insomuch as, at a certaine enteruiew betweene the King and Pope _Innocent_ the 2. the sonnes of _Robert_ Earle of _Mellent_, maintained open disputations against diuers Cardinals and Chapleines of the Pope. He was an exact esteemer of himselfe, not so much for his strength as for his weakenesses: lesse inclined to confidence then to distrust; and yet in weighty affaires resolute and firme; neuer dismaied, and alwayes fortunate; his spirits being of force to oppose against any sort of difficulties or doubts. Extremities made him the more assured; and like a well knit Arch, hee then lay most strong when hee sustained the greatest weight. Hee was no more disposed to valour, then well setled in vertue and goodnes; which made his valour of more precious valuation. He had good command ouer his passions; and thereby attained both peace within himselfe, and victory ouer others. In giuing hee was moderate, but bountifull in recompence; his countenance enlarging the worth of his gift. Hee was prone to relieue, euen where there was least likelihood of requitall. He hated flatterie, the poysoned sugar, the counterfeit ciuilitie and loue, the most base brokery of wordes: yet was no musicke so pleasing vnto him as well deserued thankes. He was vigilant and industrious in his affaires; knowing right well that honour not onely hath a paineful and dangerous birth, but must in like manner be nourished and fed. He was somewhat immoderate and excessiue, as well in aduancing those he fauoured, as in beating downe and disabling his enemies. The sword was alwayes the last of his trials; so as he neuer either sought or apprehended occasions of warre, where with honour he could reteine peace. But if it were iniuriously vrged, he wanted neither wisedome, nor diligence, nor magnanimous heart to encounter the danger; to beare it ouer with courage and successe. He was frugall of the blood and slaughter of his Souldiers; neuer aduenturing both his honour & their liues to the hazard of the sword, without either necessitie or aduantage. He oftentimes preuailed against his enemies more by policie then by power; and for victories thus attained, he attributed to himselfe the greatest glory. For wisedome is most proper to man, but force is common and most eminent in beasts; by wisedome the honour was entire to himselfe, by force it was participated to inferiour Commanders, to euery priuate ordinarie Souldier: the effects of force, are heauie, hideous, and sometimes inhumane; but the same wrought to euent by wisedome, is, as lesse odious, so more assured and firme. After that he was mounted into the seate of Maiestie, hee neglected no meanes to settle himselfe most surely therin, against the returne of his brother _Robert_. To this end he contracted both amitie and alliance with _Edgar_ King of _Scots_, by taking his sister _Matild_ to wife: by which meanes he not onely remoued his hostilitie, but stood assured of his assistance, in case his occasions should so require. Shee was daughter to _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_, by _Margaret_ his wife; who was sister to _Edgar_ surnamed _Adeling_, and daughter to _Edward_, sonne to _Edmund Ironside_, the most valiant Saxon King, the scourge and terrour of the _Danes_. So as after the death of _Adeling_ who left no issue, this _Matild_ was next by discent from the Saxon Kings to the inheritance of the Crowne of _England_: and by her entermariage with King _Henry_, the two families of _Normans_ and _Saxons_ were vnited together both in blood and title to the Crowne. This more then any other respect made the whole nation of the _English_ not onely firme to King _Henrie_, against his brother, but loyall and peaceable during all his reigne: for that they saw the blood of their _Saxon_ Kings restored again to the possession of the Crowne. Shee was a Lady vertuous, religious, beautifull and wise: farre from the ordinary either vices or weakenesses incident to her sexe. She had been brought vp among the Nunnes of _Winchester_, and _Rumsey_, whether professed or onely veiled our writers doe diuersly report; but most affirme that shee was professed. Yet for the common good, for the publique peace and tranquilitie of the State, shee abandoned her deuoted life, and was ioyned to King _Henrie_ in mariage, by consent of _Anselme_, without any dispensation from _Rome_. Of this _Matild_ the King begate _William_ a sonne, who perished by shipwracke; and _Matild_ a daughter, first married to _Henry_ the fifth Emperour, by whom she had no issue; afterward to _Geoffrey Plantagenet_ Earle of _Aniou_, by whom shee brought foorth a sonne named _Henrie_, in whom the blood of the Saxon Kings was aduanced againe to the gouernment of this Realme. Now to purchase the fauour of the Clergie, he called _Anselme_ out of exile, and restored him both to the dignitie and reuenues of the Sea of _Canterbury_. Other Bishoprickes and Abbeys which King _William_ kept voide at the time of his death, hee furnished with men of best sufficiencie and reputation. Hee committed _Radulph_ Bishop of _Durham_ to prison, who had been both authour and agent to King _William_ in most of his distastfull actions against the Clergie. This _Radulph_ was a man of smooth vse of speach, wittie onely in deuising, or speaking, or doing euill: but to honestie and vertue his heart was a lumpe of lead. Enuious aboue all measure; nothing was so grieuous to his eyes as the prosperitie, nothing so harsh to his eares as the commendations of others. His tongue alwayes slauish to the Princes desires; not regarding how truely or faithfully, but how pleasingly he did aduise. Thus as a principall infamie of that age, hee liued without loue, and died without pitie; sauing of those who thought it pitie that he liued so long. Further, to make the Clergie the more assured, the King renounced the right which his Ancesters vsed in giuing Inuestitures; and acknowledged the same to appertaine to the Pope. This hee yeelded at his first entrance, partly not knowing of what importance it was, and partly being in necessitie to promise any thing. But afterwards he resumed that right againe; albeit in a Councell not long before held at _Rome_, the contrary had bene decreed. For hee inuested _William Gifford_ into the Bishopricke of _Winchester_, and all the possessions belonging to the same. He gaue the Archbishopricke of _Canterburie_ to _Radulph_ Bishop of _London_, and inuested him therein by a Ring and a staffe: he inuested also two of his Chapleins at _Westminster_; _Roger_ his Chanceller in the Bishopricke of _Salisburie_, and _Roger_ his Larderer in the Bishopricke of _Hereford_. Further he assumed the custome of his father and brother, in taking the reuenues of Bishopricks whilest they remained void: and for that cause did many times keepe them a longer season vacant in his hands, then many of the Clergie could with patience endure. But especially the Clergie did fauour him much, by reason of his liberall leaue either to erect, or to enlarge, or else to enrich Religious buildings. For to these workes the King was so ready to giue, not onely way, but encouragement and helpe, that in no Princes time they did more within this Realme either flourish or increase. And namely the house of S. _Iohn_ of _Hierusalem_ was then founded neere _Smithfield_ in London, with the house of Nunnes by _Clerken-well_. Then were also founded the Church of _Theukesburie_, with all Offices thereto belonging: the Priorie and Hospitall of S. _Bartholomewes_ in _Smithfield_, the Church of S. _Giles_ without _Creeplegate_; the Colledge of Seculare Canons in the castle of _Leicester_; the Abbey without the Northgate of the same towne called S. _Mary de prato_. Also the Monasterie of S. _Iohn_ of _Lanthonie_ by _Glocester_; the Church of _Dunmow_ in _Essex_; the Monasterie of S. _Iohn_ at _Colchester_, which was the first house of _Augustine_ Chanons in _England_: the Church of S. _Mary Oueries_ furnished with Chanons in _Southwarke_; the Priory of the holy Trinity now called _Christs Church_ within _Algate_; and the Hospitall of S. _Giles_ in the field: The Priorie of _Kenelworth_; The Abbey of _Kenshame_; The Monasterie of _Plimpton_ in _Deuonshire_; with the Cathedrall Church of _Exceter_; the Priorie of _Merton_; the Colledge of _Warwicke_; the Hospitall of _Kepar_; the Priorie of _Osney_ neere _Oxeford_; the Hospital of S. _Crosse_ neere _Winchester_; the Priorie of _Norton_ in _Cheshire_, with diuers others. The King also founded and erected the Priorie of _Dunstable_, the Abbey of _Circester_, the Abbey of _Reading_, the Abbey of _Shirebourne_. Hee also changed the Abbey of _Eley_ into a Bishops Sea; he erected a Bishopricke at _Caerlile_, placed Chanons there, and endowed it with many honours. These and many other Religious buildings either done, or helped forward, or permitted and allowed by the King, much encreased the affection of the Clergie towards him. Now to draw the loue of the common people, he composed himselfe to a sober ciuilitie; easie for accesse, faire in speach, in countenance and behauiour kind: his Maiestie so tempered with mildnesse and courtesie, that his Subiects did more see the fruits, then feele the weight of his high estate. These were things of great moment with the vulgar sort; who loue more where they are louingly intreated, then where they are benefited, or happely preserued. He eased them of many publicke grieuances. Hee restored them to the vse of fire and candle after eight of the clocke at night, which his father had most straitly forbidden. Punishments of losse of member vsed before, he made pecuniarie. Hee moderated the Law of his brother, which inflicted death for killing any of the Kings Deere; and ordeined, that if any man killed a Deere in his owne wood, the wood should be forfeited to the King. He permitted to make enclosures for Parkes; which taking beginning in his time, did rise to that excessiue encrease, that in a few succeeding ages more Parkes were in _England_, then in all _Europe_ beside. He promised that the Lawes of K. _Edward_ should againe be restored; but to put off the present performance, he gaue forth, that first they should be reuiewed and corrected, and made appliable to the present time. And albeit in trueth they were neuer either reuiewed or corrected, yet the onely hope thereof did worke in the people a fauourable inclination to his part. Whilest the King did thus Immure himselfe in the state of _England_, as well by ordering his affaires, as by winning the hearts of the people vnto him, Duke _Robert_ was returning from _Palestine_, by easie and pleasurable iourneys; vsing neither the celeritie nor forecast which the necessitie of his occasions did require. Hee visited many Princes by the way, and consumed much time in entertainments and other complements of Court. Hee tooke to wife as he came _Sibell_ the daughter of _Roger_ Duke of _Apulia_ and Earle of _Cicill_, who was a _Norman_: and the great portion of money which he receiued for her dower, he loosely lauished foorth amongst his followers; of whom he receiued nothing againe, but thankes when he (scattered rather then) gaue, and pitie when he wanted. At the last he arriued in _Normandie_, and foorthwith was sollicited out of _England_ by letters from many, who either vpon conscience or discontentment fauoured his Title; and especially from _Radulph_ Bishop of _Durham_, who had lately escaped out of prison, a man odious ynough to vndoe a good cause; that he would omit no time, that hee would let fall no diligence, to embarke himselfe in the enterprise for _England_: that he had many friends there, both powerfull and sure, who would partake with him in his dangers, although not in the honour atchieued by his dangers: that therewith the peoples fauour towards the King did begin to ebbe, and that it was good taking the first of the tide. Hereupon he shuffled vp an Armie in haste; neither for number, nor furniture, nor choise of men answerable to the enterprise in hand. Then he crossed the Seas, landed at _Portesmouth_, and marched a small way into the Countrey; vainely expecting the concourse and ayd which had bene assured him out of _England_. But King _Henry_ had made so good vse both of his warning and time to prouide against this tempest, that hee did at once both cut from the Duke all meanes of ayd, and was ready to encounter him in braue appointment. Hereupon many who were vnable by Armes to relieue the Duke, by aduise did to him the best offices they could. For they laboured both the King and him to a reconcilement; The King with respect of his new vnsettled estate, the Duke with respect of his weakenesses and wants; both with regard of naturall duetie and loue, knit betweene them by band of blood. So after some trauaile and debatement, a peace was concluded vpon these Conditions. _That Henry should reteine the kingdome of England, and pay to his brother Robert 3000. markes yeerely._ _That if either of them should die without issue, the suruiuour should succeed._ _That no man should receiue preiudice for following the part of the one or of the other._ These conditions being solemnely sworne by the king and the Duke, and twelue Noble men on either part, the Duke returned into _Normandie_, and about two yeeres after went againe into _England_, to visit the King, and to spend some time with him in feasting and disport. At which time, to requite the Kings kind vsage and entertainment, but especially to gratifie _Matild_ the Queene, to whom he was godfather, he released to the King the annuall payment of 3000. markes. But as a wound is more painefull the day following, then when it was first and freshly taken; so this loose leuitie of the Duke, which was an exceeding sad and sore blow to his estate, was scarce sensible at his departure out of _England_, but most grieuous to him after hee had remained in _Normandie_ a while: whereby many motions were occasioned, as well in the one place as in the other. The Duke complained, that hee had bene circumuented by his brother the King: that his courtesies were nothing else but allurements to mischiefe; that his gifts were pleasant baites, to couer and conuey most dangerous hookes; that his faire speaches were sugred poysons; that his kinde embracements were euen to tickle his friends to death. _Robert Belasme_ Earle of _Shrewsbury_, a man of great estate, but doubtfull whether of lesse wisedome or feare, tooke part with the Duke, and fortified the Towne and Castle of _Shrewsbury_, the Castles of _Bridgenorth_, _Tichel_, and _Arundel_, and certaine other pieces in _Wales_ against King _Henry_. And hauing drawen vnto him some persons of wretched state and worse minde, whose fortunes could not bee empaired by any euent, hee entred _Stafford shire_, and droue away light booties of cattell; being prepared neither in forces nor in courage, to stay the doing of greater mischiefe. But neither was this sudden to the King, neither was he euer vnprouided against sudden aduentures. Wherefore encountring the danger before it grew to perfection and strength, he first brought his power against the Castle of _Bridgenorth_, which was forthwith rendred vnto him. The residue followed the example (which in enterprise of armes is of greatest moment) and submitted themselues to the Kings discretion. Onely the Castle of _Arundel_ yeelded vpon condition, that _Robert Belasme_ their Lord should be permitted to depart safely into _Normandie_: And vpon the same condition they of _Shrewsbury_ sent to the King the keys of their Castle, and therewith pledges for their allegeance. Then _Robert_ with his brother _Ernulphus_, and _Roger_ of _Poictiers_ abiured the Realme, and departed into _Normandie_: where being full of rashnesse, which is nothing but courage out of his wits; and measuring their actions not by their abilities, but by their desires; they did more aduance the Kings affaires by hostilitie, then by seruice and subiection they could possibly haue done. Also _William_ Earle of _Mortaigne_ in _Normandie_, and of _Cornewall_ in _England_, sonne of _Robert_, vncle to the king, and brother to king _William_ the first, required of the King the Earledome of _Kent_, which had been lately held by _Odo_ vncle to them both. And being a man braue in his owne liking, and esteming nothing of that which hee had in regard of that which hee did desire, he was most earnest, violent, peremptorie in his pursuit. Insomuch as, blinded with ambitious haste, he would often say, that hee would not put off his vpper garment, vntill hee had obtained that dignitie of the King. These errours were excused by the greenenesse of his youth, and by his desire of rising, which expelled all feare of a fall. Wherefore the King first deferred, and afterwards moderately denied his demaund. But so farre had the Earle fed his follies with assured expectation, that he accompted himselfe fallen from such estate as his hungry hopes had already swallowed. Hereupon his desire turned to rage, and the one no lesse vaine then the other: but both together casting him from a high degree of fauour, which seldome stoppeth the race vntill it come to a headlong downefall. For now the King made a counter-challenge to many of his possessions in _England_; and thereupon seazed his lands, dismantled his castles, and compelled him in the end to forsake the Realme. Not for any great offence he had done, being apt to the fault rather of rough rage then of practise and deceit; but his stubborne stoutnesse was his offence; and it was sufficient to hold him guiltie, that he thought himselfe to haue cause and meanes to be guiltie. So hauing lost his owne state in _England_, he departed into _Normandie_, to further also the losse of that countrey. There he confederated with _Robert Belasme_, and made diuers vaine attempts against the Kings castles; neither guided by wisedome, nor followed by successe. Especially hee vented his furie against _Richard_ Earle of _Chester_, who was but a childe, and in wardship to the King, whom he daily infested with inuasions and spoiles; being no lesse full of desire to hurt, then voyd of counsaile and meanes to hurt. On the other side, diuers of the Nobilitie of _Normandie_, finding their Duke without iudgement to rule, had no disposition to obey; but conceiued a carelesse contempt against him. For he seemed not so much to regard his substantiall good, as a vaine breath of praise, and the fruitlesse fauour of mens opinions, which are no fewer in varietie then they are in number. All the reuenues of his Duchie he either sold or morgaged; all his Cities he did alien, and was vpon the point of passing away his principall Citie of _Roan_ to the Burgers thereof, but that the conditions were esteemed too hard. Hereupon many resolued to fall from him, and to set their sailes with the fauourable gale which blew vpon the fortune of the King. To this end they offered their submission to the King, in case he would inuade _Normandie_; whereto with many reasons they did perswade him: especially in regard of the late hostile attempts there made against him, by the plaine permission of the Duke his brother, and not without his secret support. The King embraced the faire occasion, and with a strong Armie passed into _Normandie_. Here he first relieued his forts, which were any wayes distressed or annoyed; then he recouered those that were lost; Lastly, he wanne from the Duke the towne and castle of _Caen_, with certaine other castles besides: And by the help of the President of _Aniou_, fired _Baion_, with the stately Church of S. _Marie_ therein. Vpon these euents, all the Priories of _Normandie_, resembling certaine flowers, which open and close according to the rising or declining of the Sunne; abandoned the Duke, and made their submission to King _Henry_. So the King hauing both enlarged and assured his state in _Normandie_, by reason of the approch of winter, departed into _England_: but this was like the recuiling of Rammes, to returne againe with the greater strength. He had not long remained in _England_, but his brother _Robert_ came to him at _Northampton_, to treat of some agreement of peace. Here the words and behauiours of both were obserued. At their first meeting they rested with their eyes fast fixed one vpon the other; in such sort as did plainely declare, that discourtesie then trencheth most deep, when it is betweene those who should most dearely loue. The Duke was in demaunds moderate, in countenance and speech enclined to submisnesse; and with a kinde vnkindnesse did rather entreate then perswade, that in regard of the naturall Obligation betweene them by blood, in regard of many offices and benefits wherewith he had endeuoured to purchase the Kings loue, all hostilitie betweene them, all iniurie or extremitie by Armes might cease. _For I call you_ (said he) _before the Seate of your owne Iudgement, whether the relinquishing of my Title to the Crowne of England, whether the releasing of my annuity of 3000. markes, whether many other kindnesses, so much vndeserued as scarce desired; should not in reason withdraw you from those prosecutions, where warre cannot be made without shame, nor victory attained without dishonour_. The King vsed him with honourable respect; but perceiuing that he was embarked in some disaduantage, conceiuing also that his courage with his Fortune began to decline, he made resemblance at the first, to be no lesse desirous of peace then the Duke: But afterwards, albeit he did not directly deny, yet hee found euasions to auoyd all offers of agreement. The more desirous the Duke was of peace, the greater was his disdaine that his brother did refuse it. Wherefore cleering his countenance from all shewes of deiection or griefe, as then chiefly resolute when his passion was stirred, with a voice rather violent then quicke, he rose into these words. _I haue cast my selfe so low, as your haughty heart can possibly wish; whereby I haue wronged both my selfe and you: my selfe, in occasioning some suspition of weakenesse; you, in making you obstinate in your ambitious purposes. But assure your selfe, that this desire did not proceed from want either of courage, or of meanes, or of assistance of friends: I can also be both vnthankefull and vnnaturall if I bee compelled. And if all other supportance faile, yet no arme is to be esteemed weake, which striketh with the sword of necessitie and Iustice._ The King with a well appeased stayednesse returned answere; that he could easily endure the iniurie of his angry wordes: but to men of moderate iudgement hee would make it appeare, that hee entended no more in offending him, then to prouide for defending himselfe. So the Duke obseruing few complements, but such as were spiced with anger and disdaine, returned into _Normandie_, associated to him the _English_ exiles, and made preparation for his defence. The King followed with a great power, and found him in good appointment of armes: nothing inferiour to the King in resolute courage, but farre inferiour both in number of men, and in fine contriuance of his affaires. For the King had purchased assured intelligence, among those that were neerest both in place and counsaile to the Duke: in whom the Duke found treacherie, euen when he reposed most confident trust. Herewith Pope _Paschal_, to attaine his purpose in _England_, for deuesting the King of inuesting Bishops; did not onely allow this enterprise for lawful, but encouraged the King, that hee should doe thereby a noble and a memorable benefit to his Realme. So, many stiffe battels were executed betweene them, with small difference of aduantage at the first; but after some continuance, the Dukes side (as it commonly happeneth to euill managed courage) declined dayly, by reason of his dayly increase of wants. At the last the Duke, wearied and ouerlayed, both with company of men and cunning working, resolued to bring his whole state to the stake, and to aduenture the same vpon one cast: committing to Fortune, what valour and industry could bring forth. The king being the Inuader, thought it not his part to shrinke from the shocke; being also aduertised that the _French_ King prepared to relieue the Duke. On the Dukes side, disdaine, rage, and reuenge, attended vpon hate: the King retained inuincible valour, assured hope to ouercome, grounded vpon experience how to ouercome. They met vpon the same day of the moneth iust 40. yeeres, after the great battaile of _William_ the first against King _Harold_ of _England_. The Kings footemen farre exceeding their enemies in number, began the charge, in small and scattering troupes; lightly assayling where they could espie the weakest resistance. But the Dukes Armie receiued them in close and firme order; so as vpon the losse of many of the foremost, the residue began somewhat to retire. And now, whether the Duke had cause, or whether confidence the inseparable companion of courage perswaded him that he had cause; he supposed that hee had the best of the field, and that the victory was euen in his hand. But suddenly the King with his whole forces of horse charged him in flanke, and with great violence brake into his battaile. Herewith the footmen also returned, and turned them all to a ruinous rout. The Duke performed admirable effects of valour, and so did most of the _English_ exiles: as fearing ouerthrow worse then death. But no courage was sufficient to sustaine the disorder; the _Normans_ on euery hand were chased, ruffled, and beaten downe. Hereupon the Dukes courage boyling in choller, hee doubled many blowes vpon his enemies; more furiously driuen, then well placed and set: and pressing vp hardly among them, was suddenly engaged so farre, that hee could not possibly recouer himselfe. So he was taken manfully fighting, or as some other authours affirme, was beastly betrayed by his owne followers. With him were also taken the Earle of _Mortaigne_, _William Crispine_, _William Ferreis_, _Robert Estotiuill_, with foure hundred men of armes, and ten thousand ordinary souldiers. The number of the slaine on both sides, is not reported by any authour; but all authours agree, that this was the most bloody medly that euer had been executed in _Normandie_ before: portended as it is thought by a Comet, and by two full Moones, which late before were seene, the one in the East, and the other in the West. After this victorie the King reduced _Normandie_ entirely into his possession, and annexed it to the Realme of _England_. Then hee built therein many Castles, and planted garrisons; and with no lesse wisedome assured that State, then with valour he had wonne it. When he had setled all things according to his iudgement, he returned into _England_, brought with him his brother _Robert_, and committed him to safe custodie in the Castle of _Cardiff_. But either by reason of his fauourable restraint, or else by negligence or corruption of his keepers, he escaped away, and fled for his libertie as if it had been for his life. Notwithstanding this proued but a false fauour, or rather a true flatterie or scorne of Fortune. For being sharply pursued, he was taken againe, sitting vpon horsebacke; his horse legs fast locked in deep & tough clay. Then hee was committed to straight and close prison, his eyes put out (as if hee should not see his miserie) and a sure guard set vpon him. Thus he remained in desolate darkenesse; neither reuerenced by any for his former greatnesse, not pitied for his present distresse. Thus hee continued about 27. yeeres, in a life farre more grieuous then death; euen vntill the yere before the death of King _Henrie_. So long was he a suitor in wooing of death: so long did the one brother ouerliue his good fortune, the other his good nature and disposition; esteeming it a faire fauour, that the vttermost extremitie was not inflicted. Albeit some writers doe affirme, that the Dukes eyes were not violently put out, but that either through age or infirmitie he fell blind: that he was honourably attended and cared for: that hauing digested in his iudgement the worst of his case, the greatnesse of his courage did neuer descend to any base degree of sorrow or griefe: that his braue behauiour did set a Maiestie vpon his deiected fortunes: that his noble heart like the Sunne, did shew greatest countenance in lowest state. And to this report I am the more inclineable, for that it agreeth best, both to the faire conditions, and to the former behauiours, and to the succeeding fortunes and felicities of the King: For assuredly hee had a heart of manly clemencie; and this was a punishment barbarously cruell: For which cause _Constantine_[103] did forbid, that the face of man, adorned with Celestiall beauty, should be deformed for any offence. Others auow that he was neuer blind; but that it was the Earle of _Mortaigne_ whose eyes were put out. And this seemeth to be confirmed, by that which _Matth. Paris_ and _Matth. Westm._ doe report. That not long before the death of _Robert_, the King vpon a festiuall day had a new robe of Scarlet brought vnto him: the cape whereof being somewhat too streight for his head, he did teare a little in striuing to put it on. And perceiuing that it would not serue, hee laid it aside and said: _Let my brother Robert haue this Robe, for whose head it is fitter then for mine_. When it was caried vnto him, being then not perfectly in health, he espied the crackt place, and thereupon enquired, if any man had worne it before? The messenger declared the whole matter. Which when _Robert_ heard, he tooke it for a great indignitie, and said: _I perceiue now that I haue liued too long, that my brother doth clothe me like his almoseman, with cast and torne garments_. So hee grew weary of his life: and his disease encreasing with his discontentment, pined away, and in short time after died, and was buried at _Glocester_. And this was the end of that excellent commander; brought to this game and gaze of fortune, after many trauerses that he had troden. He was for courage and direction inferiour to none; but neither prouident nor constant in his affaires, whereby the true end of his actions were ouerthrowen. His valour had triumphed ouer desperate dangers: and verely he was no more setled in valour, then disposed to vertue and goodnesse; neuer wilfully or willingly doing euill, neuer but by errour, as finding it disguised vnder some maske of goodnesse. His performances in armes had raised him to a high point of opinion for his prowesse; which made him the more vnhappy, as vnhappie after a fall from high state of honor. He had one sonne named _William_, vpon whose birth the mother died: of this _William_ shall somewhat hereafter be said. And now, as Princes oftentimes doe make aduantage of the calamity of their neighbours, so vpon this downefall of the Duke of _Normandie_,[104] _Fulke_ Earle of _Aniou_ sharing for himselfe, seized vpon _Maine_, and certain other places; made large waste, tooke great booties and spoyles; not onely out of ancient and almost hereditary hate against the house of _Normandie_, but as fearing harme from the King of _England_, hee endeauoured to harme him first. In like sort _Baldwine_ Earle of _Flanders_ declared in armes against the King for a yeerely pension of 300. markes; the occasion of which demand was this. King _William_ the first, in recompence of the ayde which he receiued in his enterprise for _England_, from _Baldwine_ 5. Earle of _Flanders_, payd him yeerely three hundred markes, which after his death was continued to his sonne. _Robert_ Earle of _Flanders_ from a collaterall line, demanded the same Pension; but it was denied him by K. _Henrie_: wherefore _Baldwine_ his sonne attempted now to recouer it by Armes. With these, or rather as principall of these, _Lewes_ the grosse King of _France_, seeing his ouersight in permitting _Normandie_ to bee annexed to the Realme of _England_, assembled a great armie; and vpon pretence of a trifling quarrell about the demolishing of the Castle of _Gisors_, declared _William_ sonne to _Robert Curtcuise_ for Duke of _Normandie_: and vndertooke to place him in possession of that state, which his vnfortunate father had lost. And besides those open hostilities in Armes, _Hugh_ the kings Chamberlaine and certaine others were suborned traiterously to kill the King: but the practise was in good time discouered, and the conspirators punished by death. Hereupon the King both with celeritie and power answerable to the danger at hand, passed the Seas into _Normandie_: hauing first drawen to his assistance _Theobald_ Earle of _Champaine_, the Earles of _Crecie_, _Pissaux_, and _Dammartine_, who aspired to be absolute Lords within their territories, as were many other Princes at that time in _France_. These deteined the _French_ King in some tariance in _France_, whilest the King of _England_ either recouered or reuenged his losses against the Earle of _Aniou_. At the last hee was assailed in _Normandie_ on three parts at once: by the Earle of _Aniou_ from _Maine_, from _Ponthieu_ by the Earle of _Flanders_, and by the _French_ King betweene both. The King of _England_ appointed certaine forces to guard the passages against the Earle of _Aniou_: with directions to hold themselues within their strength, and not to aduenture into the field. Against the Earle of _Flanders_ hee went in person; and in a sharpe shocke betweene them the Earle was defeated and hurt, and (as some Authors affirme) slaine: albeit others doe report, that hee was afterwards slaine in a battaile betweene the two Kings of _England_ and of _France_. After this he turned against _Lewes_ King of _France_, and fought with him before the towne of _Nice_ in _Normandie_; which towne the _French_ had surprised and taken from the King of _England_. This battaile continued aboue the space of nine houres, with incredible obstinacie; the doubt of victory being no lesse great, then was the desire: and yet neither part so hastie to end, as not to stay for the best aduantage. The first battaile on both sides was hewen in pieces; valour of inestimable value was there cast away: much braue blood was lost; many men esteemed both for their place and worth, lay groaning and grinning vnder the heauy hand of death. The sad blowes, the grisle wounds, the grieuous deathes that were dealt that day, might well haue moued any man to haue said, That warre is nothing else but inhumane manhood. The Kings courage, guided with his Fortune, and guarded both with his strength and his skill, was neuer idle, neuer but working memorable effects. In all places his directions were followed by his presence; being witnesse both of the diligence and valour of euery man, and not suffering any good aduantage or aduise for want of timely taking to be lost. He aduentured so farre in perfourming with his hand, that his armour in many places was battered to his body, and by reason of the sturdie strokes set vpon his helme, he cast blood out of his mouth. But this was so farre from dismaying his powers, that it did rather assemble and vnite them: so as aduancing his braue head, his furie did breath such vigour into his arme, that his sword made way through the thickest throngs of his enemies, and hee brake into them euen to the last ranckes. He was first seconded by the truely valiant; whose vndanted spirits did assure the best, and therewith contemne the very worst. Then came in they whom despaire, the last of resolutions had made valiant; who discerned no meanes of hope for life, but by bold aduenturing vpon death. Lastly he was followed by all; being enflamed by this example to a new life of resolution. Generally, the swords went so fast, that the _French_ vnable to endure that deadly storme, were vtterly disbanded and turned to flight. K. _Henry_ after a bloody chase, recouered _Nice_; and with great triumph returned to _Roan_. Afterwards he would often say, That in other battailes he fought for victory, but in this for his life: and that hee would but little ioy in many such victories. Vpon this euent the King sent certaine forces into _France_, to harrase the countrey, and to strike a terrour into the enemie. The _French_ King, besides the abatement of his power by reason of his late ouerthrow, was then preparing in Armes against _Henry_ the Emperour, who intended to destroy _Rhemes_: partly drawen on by _Henry_ King of _England_, whose daughter he had taken to wife; but chiefly for that a Councell had bene there held against him by Pope _Calixtus_ a French man, wherein the Emperour was declared enemie to the Church, and degraded from his Imperiall dignitie. This brought the _English_ to a carelesse conceit, and to a loose and licentious demeanure in their action; a most assured token of some mischiefe at hand. And so, as they scattered and ranged after prey (as greedy men are seldome circumspect) they were suddenly set vpon by _Almaricke_ Earle of _Mountfort_, appointed by the _French_ K. to defend the Country, & with no small execution put to the chase. The more they resisted, the greater was their losse: The sooner they fled, the more assured was their escape. And for that they were dispersed into many small companies, they had the better opportunitie to saue themselues. Many other like aduentures were enterprised betweene the two Kings and their adherents; some in _France_, and some in _Normandie_; with large losse on both sides. But especially the King of _France_ was most subiect to harme; for that his countrey was the more ample, open and rich. The King of _England_ held this aduantage, that no aduantage could be wonne against him: which in regard of the number, valour and greatnesse of his enemies, was a very honourable aduantage indeed. At the last he made peace with the Earle of _Aniou_; taking the Earles daughter to be wife to his sonne _William_, whom he had declared for successour in his estate; to whom all the Nobilitie and Prelates were sworne; and who seemed to want nothing through all his fathers dominions, but onely the name and Title of King. This sinew being cut from the King of _France_, and also for that _Henry_ the Emperour made preparation of hostilitie against him, he fell likewise to agreement of peace. By the conditions whereof, _William_ sonne to the King of _England_ was inuested into the Duchie of _Normandie_, doing homage for the same to the K. of _France_. In this peace was comprised on the part of the _French_ K. _William_ son to _Robert Curtcuise_, who had bene declared Duke of _Normandie_. On the part of the king of _England_, the Earle of _Champeigne_ and certaine other Lords were comprised; who had either serued or aided him against the king of _France_. After this the warres betweene the Emperour and the _French_ king did forthwith dissolue. King _Henry_ hauing happily finished these affaires, returned out of _Normandie_, and loosing from _Barbeflote_, vpon the 24. of Nouember towards euening, with a prosperous gale arriued in _England_; where great preparation was made to entertaine him with many well deuised honours. His sonne _William_ then duke of _Normandie_, and somewhat aboue 17. yeeres of age, tooke another ship; and in his company went _Mary_ his sister Countesse of _Perch_, _Richard_ his brother, begotten of a concubine as some affirme; and the Earle of _Chester_ with his wife _Lucie_, who was the Kings niece by his sister _Adela_. Also the yong Nobilitie and best knights flocked vnto him, some to discharge their dueties, others to testifie their loue and respect. Of such passengers the ship receiued to the number of 140. besides 50. sailers which belonged vnto her. So they loosed from land somewhat after the King; and with a gentle winde from the Southwest, danced through the soft swelling floods. The sailers full of proud ioy, by reason of their honourable charge; and of little feare or forecast, both for that they had bene accustomed to dangers, and for that they were then well tippeled with wine; gaue forth in a brauery, that they would soone outstrip the vessell wherein the King sailed. In the middest of this drunken ioylitie the ship strake against a rocke, the head whereof was aboue water, not farre from the shoare. The passengers cried out, and the sailers laboured to winde or beare off the ship from the danger; but the labour was no lesse vaine then the cry: for she leaned so stiffely against the rocke, that the sterage brake, the sides cracked, and the Sea gushed in at many breaches. Then was raised a lamentable cry within the ship; some yeelding to the tyrannie of despaire, betooke themselues (as in cases of extremitie weake courages are wont) to their deuotions; others emploied all industrie to saue their liues, and yet more in duetie to nature, then vpon hope to escape: all bewailed the vnfortunate darkenesse of that night, the last to the liues of so many persons both of honour and of worth. They had nothing to accompany them but their feares, nothing to helpe them but their wishes: the confused cries of them al, did much increase the particular astonishment of euery one. And assuredly no danger dismayeth like that vpon the seas; for that the place is vnnaturall to man. And further, the vnusuall obiects, the continuall motion, the desolation of all helpe or hope, will perplexe the minds euen of those who are best armed against discouragement. At the last the boat was hoysed foorth, and the Kings sonne taken into it. They had cleered themselues from the danger of the ship, and might safely haue rowed to land. But the yong Prince hearing the shrill shrikes of his Sister _Mary_ Countesse of _Perch_, and of the Countesse of _Chester_ his cousin, crying after him, and crauing his help; he preferred pitie before safety, & commanded the boat to be rowed back to the ship for preseruation of their liues. But as they approached, the boate was suddenly so ouercharged with those, who (strugling to breake out of the armes of death) leaped at all aduentures into it, that it sunke vnder them: and so all the company perished by drowning. Onely one ordinary Sayler, who had been a butcher, by swimming all night vpon the mast escaped to land; reserued as it may seeme, to relate the manner of the misaduenture. This ship raised much matter of nouelty and discourse abroad; but neuer did ship bring such calamitie to the Realme: especially for that it was iudged, that the life of this Prince would haue preuented those intestine warres, which afterwards did fall, betweene King _Steuen_ and _Matild_ daughter to King _Henry_. The King was so ouercharged with this heauy accident; that his reason seemed to bee darkened, or rather drowned in sorrow. Hee caused the coasts a long time after to bee watched; but scarce any of the bodies were euer found. Afterwards he tooke to wife _Adalisia_ daughter to _Godfrey_ Duke of _Louaine_, of the house of _Lorraine_: She was crowned at _Westminster_ by _Roger_ B. of _Salisburie_, because _Radulph_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_, by reason of his palsey was vnable to performe that office. And yet because _Roger_ was not appointed by him, the doting old man fell into such a pelting chafe, that hee offered to strike the Kings Crowne from his head. And albeit this Lady was in the principall flower both of her beauty and yeeres, yet the King had no issue by her. Now as after a storme a fewe gentle drops doe alwayes fall, before the weather turnes perfectly fayre, so after these great warres in _France_, certaine easie conflicts did ensue: neither dangerous nor almost troublesome to the King. For _Robert_ Earle of _Mellent_, who for a long time had continued both a sure friend, and most close and priuate in counsaile with the King, vpon some sudden either discontentment on his part, or dislike on the Kings, so estranged himselfe, as it was enterpreted to be a reuolt: being charged with intent, to aduance _William_, cousin to _William_, sonne to _Robert Curtcuise_, to the Duchie of _Normandie_. Wherefore the King besieged, and at last tooke his chiefe Castle called _Pont. Audomer_; and at the same time enuironed the towre of _Roan_ with a wall. He also repaired and fortified the Castles of _Caen_, _Arches_, _Gisore_, _Falace_, _Argentine_, _Donfronç_, _Oxine_, _Aubrois_, _Nanroye_, _Iuta_, and the Towne of _Vernone_ in such sort, as at that time, they were esteemed impregnable, and not to bee forced by any enemie; except God or gold. In the meane time the Earle of _Mellent_, with _Hugh Geruase_ his sonne, and _Hugh de Mountfort_ his sisters sonne, calling such as either alliance or friendship did draw vnto them; besides those whom youthful either age or minds had filled with vnlimited desires; whom discontentment also or want did vainly feed with hungry hopes; entred into _Normandy_ in armes: being so transported with desire to hurt, and troubled with feare of receiuing hurt, that they had neuer free scope of iudgement, either to prepare or manage the meanes to hurt. They were no sooner entred the Confines of _Normandie_, but _William Tankeruill_ the kings Chamberlaine came against them, brauely appointed, and resolute to fight. The very view of an enemie turned their euill guided furie into a feare: and whatsoeuer they did (proceeding rather from violence of passion then ground of reason) made them stumble whilest they ran, and by their owne disorders hindered their owne desires. So with small difficultie they were surprised and taken, and brought to the King; who committed them to streit prison at _Roan_. An ordinary euent when rage runneth faster, then iudgement and power are able to hold pace. About this time _Charles_ Earle of _Flanders_ as he was at his deuotions in the Church of S. _Donatus_ in _Bruxels_, was suddenly slaine by conspiracie of his owne people. And because hee left no issue in life, _Lewes_ King of _France_ inuested _William_ sonne to _Robert Curtcuis_ late Duke of _Normandie_, in the Earledome of _Flanders_; as descended from Earle _Baldwine_ sirnamed the Pious, whose daughter _Matilde_ was wife to King _William_ the first, and grandmother to this _William_. This he did, not so much in fauour to _William_, or in regard of his right, as to set vp an assured enemie against King _Henry_: an enemie not onely of singular expectation, but proofe: whose courage was apt to vndertake any danger; whether for glory, or for reuenge. And herein his proiect did nothing faile. For no sooner was the Earle aduanced to that estate, but he raised a great hostilitie against the King of _England_: as well to recouer the Duchie of _Normandie_, as either to relieue or to reuenge the hard captiuitie of his father. In this warre the Earle did winne a great opinion, both for iudgement to discerne, and for valour to execute what hee did discerne: shewing himselfe in nothing inferiour to his vnckle the king, but onely in treasure and command of men. For this cause he craued supply of _Lewes_ king of _France_; who, as he was the first that blew the cole, so was he alwayes ready to put fuell to the flame. But the King of _England_ entered _France_ with a strong Armie, where his sword ranged and raged without resistance: and yet more in prosecution of prey, then in execution of blood. He lodged at _Hesperdune_ the space of 8. dayes; no lesse quietly, no lesse safely, then if he had bene in the principall Citie of his kingdome. By this meanes hee kept the _French_ King from sending succour to the Earle of _Flanders_. And in the meane season drew _Theodoricke_ Earle of _Holsteine_, nephew to _Robert_ who had bene Earle of _Flanders_, and _Arnoldus_ sisters sonne to Earle _Charles_, not long before slaine, to inuade Earle _William_: Both pretending title to his dignitie, both bringing seueral armies, consisting of men, tough in temper, and well exercised in affaires of the field. _Theodorick_ vpon his first approch tooke _Bruges_, _Ipres_ and _Gandt_; either willingly yeelding, or with small resistance: and vpon the necke thereof _Arnoldus_ tooke the strong towne of S. _Omer_. Earle _William_ being thus set as it were betweene the beetle and the blocke, was nothing deiected, nothing dismayed, either in courage or in hope. And first he went against _Arnoldus_, with a small company, but with such a liuely countenance of a Souldier, that _Arnoldus_ fell to capitulation for his safe departure; and so returned home as if he had bene vanquished. Then the Earle made head against _Theodorick_, and gaue him battaile, albeit farre inferiour to him, both for number and furniture of his men. The fight betweene them was long, furious and doubtfull. The _Germans_ confident in their number, which made them trust the lesse to their valour: the _Flemings_ rather desperate then resolute, vpon importance of their danger. And indeed it often happeneth, that good successe at the first doeth occasion the ouerthrow of many great actions: by working in the one side a confidence in themselues, and contempt of their enemies; and by making the other more earnest and entire. So at the last the violent valour of the Earle, well followed with the braue and resolute rage of his Souldiers, did such effects, that the _Germans_ were shaken and disordered, many slaine in the field, and the residue chased out of _Flanders_. The Earle hauing now no enemie in open field, layed siege to the castle of _Alhurst_, which was defended against him by the _English_. The assaults were so liuely enforced, and with such varietie of inuention and deuise; that a wide way was opened through all impediments, and the defendants were constrained by many necessities, to desire faire conditions of yeelding. This whilest the Earle delayed to grant, he receiued in a certaine light conflict a wound in his hand, whereof in a short time after he died: hauing first raised himselfe very high in opinion with all men, for his courage, industrie and skill in Armes. And thus Duke _Robert_ and his sonne _William_ were brought to their vnhappy ends; rather through the malice of their Fortune, then through any bad merit or insufficiencie in themselues: whereby the Duchie of _Normandie_, which had bene both the cause and the seate of very great warres, was then strongly setled in possession of King _Henry_. Hee was neuer infested with domesticall warres; which in regard of those tumultuous times, is a manifest argument both of his iustice and prouidence; the one not giuing cause, the other no hope, for his subiects to rebel. The King of _Scots_ did homage vnto him; for what territories I doe not determine. _Morcard_ King of _Ireland_ and some of his successors were so appliable vnto him, that they seemed to depend vpon his command. The _Welsh_ who hated idlenesse and peace alike, did striue beyond their strength to pull their feete out of the mire of subiection; but in loose straggling companies, without either discipline or head. For this cause hee made diuers expeditions into _Wales_, where he had many bickerings, and put many chases vpon them: but found nothing worthy the name, either of enemie or of warre. Wherefore by maintaining garrisons, and light troups of Souldiers, he consumed the most obstinate, and reduced the rest to his allegeance: receiuing the sonnes of their Nobilitie for hostages. At that time many Flemings inhabited in _England_; of whom some came ouer in the time of King _William_ the first, by occasion of his mariage with _Matild_ daughter to _Baldwine_ their Earle: but the greatest part came vnder the reigne of this King _Henrie_, by reason that _Flanders_ at that time by irruption of the sea, was in many places ouerflowen. The King was willing to entertaine them, because they brought with them both industrie and trades; because they made the Countrey both populous and rich. For in making a place populous, it is thereby also made rich: draw people to a place, and plentie will follow; driue away people, and it is vndone. They were first planted neere the riuer of _Tweede_; besides those who dispersed into diuers Townes. But at this time the King sent many of them into _Rose_ in _Pembrokeshire_, whose progeny did euer since maintaine themselues in good condition against the _Welsh_: being a people euen at this day distinguished from all other bordering vpon them, both in language, and in nature, and in fashion of life. On a time as the king marched through _Powesland_ in _Southwales_, hee came to certaine streights, through which his maine army could not passe, by reason of their multitude and traine of cariage: wherefore hee sent the greatest part a further way about, and himselfe with a small company tooke the neerer way thorow those streights. When he was well entred, he was charged very sharpely, but rudely, and disordredly by the _Welsh_; who hauing the aduantage both in number and in place, did much annoy him from the higher ground; but durst not approach to close fight at hand. The King himselfe was smitten with an arrow full vpon the breast: whereat hee swore _By our Lords death_ (which was his vsuall oath) that it was no _Welsh_ arme which shot that arrow. Many of his men also were hurt, and the residue strangely disordred; the amazement being farre greater then the distresse. But the king with a firme countenance retired in time, the enemies not daring to pursue him any further, then they might be assured by aduantage of place. Then he sent peaceably vnto them, and after some ouertures, brought them to agree, that for a thousand head of cattell the passage should be left open vnto him. In his politicke gouernment he so managed the State, that neither subiects wanted iustice, nor Prince obedience. He repaired many defects, hee reformed many abuses, which would in the meane time enfeeble, and at last oppresse the Common-wealth. Hee ordred his affaires with such moderation, that he was not onely well obeyed by his subiects, but highly honoured and respected by forreine Princes: wherby it appeared, that learning may be both a guard and guide to Princes, if it be not so immoderately affected, as to bereaue them, either of the minde, or time for action. He vsed much seueritie in punishing offenders; seueritie, the life of iustice; of iustice, the most assured preseruer of States: affording no more fauour for the most part, then dead mercilesse law did allot. Against theeues he prouided, that no money should saue them from hanging. He ordeined that counterfeitures of money should loose both their eyes, and be depriued of their priuie parts. He tooke away the deceit which had been occasioned by varietie of measures, and made a measure by the length of his owne arme: which hath been Commonly vsed euer since by the name of a yard. And wheras there are two infallible signes of a diseased State; excesse in eating, and in attire; which could neuer be restrained by penalties or feare, but the more the people are therin forbidden, the more are they rauished into riot and vanitie: the King by two meanes cast a general restraint vpon them both: by example, and by reproofe: which by reason of the inclination of men to imitate and please their Prince, haue alwayes been of greater force then lawes, to reforme abuses in that kind. He much abhorred excesse in eating and drinking, and was so moderate in his owne diet, that he seemed to feede onely for necessitie of nature. Hee both vsed and commended ciuill modestie in apparell: especially he could not endure an absurd abuse of men in those times, in wearing long haire like vnto women. And when their owne haire failed, they set artificiall _Peruques_,[105] with long locks vpon their heads; whereas by censure of the Apostle, it is reprochfull for men to weare long haire. He discharged his Court of many loose lasciuious persons; affirming, that they were no good instruments of the kingdome; as being in peace chargeable, and vnprofitable for warre. During his absence in _Normandie_, which was sometimes three or foure yeeres together, he committed the gouernement of his Realme to _Roger_ Bishop of _Salisburie_: A man harmelesse in life, in mind flourishing and fresh, in intention vpright: most wise in taking, and most faithfull and fortunate in giuing aduise. Hee had gouerned the Kings expenses of house when hee was but a Prince of priuate estate; whereby he gained that reputation for integritie and skill, which aduanced him to a higher trust. He was Doctor of the Canon and Ciuill lawes, as most of the Bishops at that time were, and did beare the title and name of _Iusticiarius totius Angliæ_. Hee built the _Deuises_ in _Wiltshire_, the Castles of _Malmesburie_ and _Shireburne_. He repaired the Castle of _Salisburie_, and enuironed the same with a wall; hee built the stately Church at _Salisburie_, destined to a longer life then any of his other workes. And further, by reason of the Kings much abode in _Normandie_, the prouisions of his house were valued at certaine prices, and receiued in money, to the great contentment and ease of the people. In these times were mighty woods about the place where the two high wayes _Watling_ and _Ikening_ doe ioyne together; which woods were a safe couert and retreite for many robbers, who much infested those high wayes. The most famous thiefe among them, was named _Dunne_,[106] a man mischieuous without mercie, equally greedie of blood and of spoile, the first infamie of his name: Hee was in a sort as the most villanously aduentrous and vile; (for in lewd actions, the worst are greatest) Commander ouer the rest, and of him the place was called _Dunstable_. To represse this annoyance, the King caused the woods to bee cut downe, built there a Borough, to which hee granted Faire & Market, and that the Burgesses should be so free as any other Burgesses within the Realme. Hee erected there also a Palace for himselfe, and also a faire Church or Priorie; whereto he gaue large priuiledges and endowments. By these meanes hee made the place first populous, and consequently both plentifull and safe. Many other royall workes hee performed, some for Religion, as the Religious buildings specified before; some for strength, as diuers Castles in _Normandie_, in _Wales_, and some also in _England_: and namely the Castle of _Warwicke_, of _Bristoll_, the Castle Colledge and Towne of _Windsore_ on the hill, about a mile distant from the old Towne of _Windsore_; which afterward was much encreased by King _Edward_ the third, and after him by many Kings and Queenes succeeding. Many Palaces also he built for ornament & pleasure. And to this end he maintained his Parke at _Woodstocke_, wherein hee preserued diuers sorts of strange beasts; which because he did with many demonstrations of pleasure both accept and esteeme, were liberally sent vnto him from other Princes. Hee first instituted the forme of the high Court of Parliament, as now it is in vse. For before his time, onely certaine of the Nobilitie and Prelats of the Realme were called to consultation about the most important affaires of state: he caused the commons also to be assembled, by Knights and Burgesses of their owne appointment, and made that Court to consist of three parts; the Nobilitie, the Clergie, and the Common people; representing the whole body of the Realme. The first Councell of this sort was held at _Salisbury_, vpon the 19. day of April, in the 16. yeere of his reigne. His seueritie in iustice, the very heart string of a Common-wealth, his heauie hand in bearing downe his enemies, in disabling those from working him harme whom he knew would neuer loue him at the heart; was traduced by some vnder termes of crueltie. And yet was he alwayes more mindfull of benefits then of wrongs; and in offences of highest nature, euen for bearing Armes against him, he punished oftentimes by imprisonment or exile, and not by death. When _Matilde_ his daughter was giuen in mariage to _Henry_ the fifth Emperour, he tooke 3. shillings of euery hide of land throughout the Realme: which being followed by succeeding Kings, did grow to a custome of receiuing ayd, whensoeuer they gaue their daughters in marriage. For albeit the same be found in the great _Custumier_ of _Normandie_, yet was it neuer practised in _England_ before. This happened in the fifteenth yeere of his reigne: and he neuer had the like contribution after, but one for furnishing his warres in _France_. So the people were not charged with many extraordinary taxations, but their ordinary fines and payments were very great; and yet not very grieuous vnto them. For that they saw them expended, not in wanton wast, not in loose and immoderate liberalitie, but either vpon necessitie, or for the honour & dignitie of the state: wherein the preseruation or aduancement of the common good, made particular burthens not almost sensible. But both his actions and exactions were most displeasing to the Clergy; the Clergy did often times not onely murmure, but struggle and oppose against his actions: as taking their liberties to be infringed, and their state diminished; by abasing their authority, and abating both their riches and power. When any Bishopricke or Abbey fell voyd, hee did apply the reuenues thereof for supply of his necessities and wants: and for that cause kept some of them many yeeres together vacant in his hands. He would not permit appeales to _Rome_. Canons were not of force within the Realme, vnlesse they were confirmed by the King. Legats from the Pope were not obeyed; and no man would come to their conuocations. In so much as one of the Popes Legates in _France_ did excommunicate all the Priests of _Normandy_, because they would not come to his Synode. For this cause the King sent the Bishop of _Exceter_ to _Rome_, albeit he was both blind and in yeeres, to treat with the Pope concerning that businesse. Hee gaue inuestitures to Prelates, by Crosse, Ring and Staffe: and is charged to haue receiued of some of them great summes of money for their places. About this time the marriage of Priests was forbidden in _England_; but the King for money permitted them to reteine their wiues, and in the end set an imposition in that respect vpon euery Church throughout the Realme. It auailed not any man to say, that he had no purpose to keepe a wife: he must pay for a facultie to keepe a wife if he would. For these causes they fastened the infamie of couetousnesse vpon him. For these causes and especially for inuesting and receiuing homage of Prelats, he had a stiffe strife with _Anselme_ Archb. of _Canterburie_. For the King said, that it was against the custome of his ancesters, it could not stand with the safety of his State; that the Prelats, who at that time held the principall places both of trust and command in his kingdome, who in very deed ruled all the rest, should not be appointed onely by himselfe; should not sweare faith and allegiance vnto him; should either bee aduanced or depend vpon any forren Prince. On the other side _Anselme_ refused, not onely to confirme, but to communicate or common friendly with those who had bene inuested by the King: reproching them, as abortiues and children of destruction; traducing the King also, as a defiler of Religion, as a deformer of the beautie and dignitie of the Church. Hereupon by appointment of the King, they were confirmed & consecrated by the Archb. of _Yorke_. Onely _William Gifford_, to whom the K. had giuen the Bishopricke of _Winchester_, refused Consecration from the Archb. of _Yorke_; for which cause the King depriued him of all his goods, and banished him out of the Realme. Then the King required _Anselme_ to doe him homage, and to be present with him at giuing Inuestitures; as _Lanfranck_ his predecessor had bene with King _William_ his father. Against these demaunds _Anselme_ obiected the decrees of the Councell lately held at _Rome_; whereby all Lay-persons were excommunicate, who should conferre any Spiritual promotions; and all those accursed, who for Ecclesiasticall dignities, should subiect themselues vnder the homage or seruice of any Lay-man. Hereupon messengers were dispatched from both parties to the Pope: who determined altogether in fauour of _Anselme_, or rather in fauour of himselfe. Notwithstanding the king desisted not to vrge _Anselme_, to sweare homage vnto him. _Anselme_ required, that the Popes letters should bee brought foorth; and he would doe as by them hee should be directed. The King answered, that he had nothing to doe with the Popes letters; that this was a Soueraigne right of his Crowne; that if any man may pull these Royalties from his Crowne, he may easily pull his Crowne from his head: that therefore _Anselme_ must doe him homage, or else depart out of his kingdome. _Anselme_ answered, that hee would not depart out of the Realme, but goe home to his Church, and there see, who would offer him violence. Then were messengers againe sent to the Bishop of _Rome_; two Bishops from the King, and two Monckes from _Anselme_. The King wrote to the Pope, first congratulating his aduancement to the Sea of _Rome_; then desiring the continuance of that amitie which had bene betweene their predecessours; Lastly, he tendred all honour and obedience, which in former times the Kings of _England_ did yeeld to the See of _Rome_; desiring againe, that he might not be abridged of such vsages as his father did enioy: concluding, that during his life, hee would not suffer the dignities of his Crowne to be empaired; and if he should so doe, yet the Nobilitie and common people of the Realme would in no case permit it, but would rather recede from obedience to his See. The Pope wrote backe againe to _Anselme_; that for one mans pleasure hee would not reuerse the decrees of former Popes; and therefore gaue him both encouragement & charge, to continue constant, and to see them obserued in euery point. Hee directed also his letters to the King, which the King did suppresse: but his Embassadours declared by word, that the Pope permitted Inuestitures to the King, so as in other things hee would execute the Office of a good Prince. _Anselme_ called for the Popes letters. The King answered, that his Bishops were to be credited before the Monckes, who were disabled either for voyce or testimonie in Secular affaires. _Anselme_ said, that he was desirous to yeeld vnto the King, but he durst not although it should cost him his head, vnlesse he had a warrant from _Rome_: and therefore he would send thither againe, to haue a more full and ample answere. The King and diuers of the Nobilitie perswaded him to goe in person, to trauaile to the Pope, and to trauaile with him, for the quiet of the Church, and of his countrey. With much adoe he was entreated, and so set forth on his iourney towards _Rome_: and after followed the kings Embassadour _William Warlewast_, new elect Bishop of _Exceter_. When the Bishop came to the Popes presence, he declared vnto him; what great commodities did rise out of _England_ to the See of _Rome_; that the Inuesting of Prelats had bene an ancient right to the crowne of that Realme; that as the King was by nature liberall, so was he stout and resolute in courage, that it should be a great dishonour to him, who in power exceeded any of his ancesters, if hee should not maintaine the dignities which they held; that for this cause the Pope should doe well to preferre to his consideration, what preiudice might follow to his Estate, if hee should remit nothing of the seuerities of those Canons which had bene lately made. The Pope gaue an attentiue eare, and seemed to pause vpon that which had been sayd. Which the Kings Ambassadour taking to be a degree of yeelding, did more earnestly insist, and said: that the King his master would not for the Crowne of his Realme, loose the authoritie of inuesting his Prelates. Hereto the Pope with a starting voice and countenance answered; _Neither will I lose the disposing of spirituall promotions in_ England, _for the Kings head that beareth the Crowne; before God_ (said hee) _I aduow it_. His flattering followers applauded this speach, as proceeding from a magnanimous courage, or rather as some flash of diuine inspiration: and the Kings Ambassador not a little abashed, was content to descend to lower demands. In the ende it was ordered, that the King should be restored to certaine customes which had been vsed by his father; but that all they who had bin inuested by the King, should be excommunicate, & that their satisfaction and absolution should be committed vnto _Anselme_. Thus _Anselme_, with full saile of victorie and ioy returned towards _England_; but the Kings Ambassadour stayed behind, to assay whether by any meanes hee could worke the Pope to a milder minde. But when hee saw that he trauailed in vaine, he followed _Anselme_, and ouertooke him at _Placentia_, and there deliuered vnto him certaine priuate instructions from the King: that if he would come into _England_, and behaue himselfe as his predecessours had done towards the Kings father, hee should be welcome; otherwise, you are wise enough (said hee) you know what I meane, and may easily coniecture what will ensue. With these words he flang suddenly away; by occasion whereof his speaches setled with a more strong impression, and multiplied many doubtfull constructions. So the Embassadour returned to the King; but _Anselme_ went to _Lions_, and remained there a yeere and halfe. In the meane time much posting was made betweene _England_, _Lions_, and _Rome_; but nothing was concluded, nothing could please: For neither the Pope would yeeld to the King, nor the King to _Anselme_. At the last _Anselme_ threatned to excommunicate the King: whereof the King being aduertised by the Countesse _Adela_ his sister, hee desired her to come to him into _Normandy_, and to bring _Anselme_ with her. Here the King restored _Anselme_ to his former possessions; but his returne into _England_ was respited, vntill the Pope had confirmed certaine things which _Anselme_ did assure. So the King tooke his passage into _England_, and _Anselme_ abode at the Abbey of _Beck_. Then were dispatched for _Rome_, _William Warlewast_ mentioned before, and _Baldwine_ Abbot of _Ramsey_; by whose meanes the controuersie was composed betweene the King and the Pope; that the King should receiue homage of Bishops elect, but should not inuest them by Staffe and Ring. After this the king went into _Normandie_, and there agreed to _Anselme_ in these points following. 1 _That all his Churches which had been made tributary to King William the second should bee set free._ 2 _That the King should require nothing of the sayd Churches, whilest the Sea should remaine vacant._ 3 _That such Priests as had giuen money to the King to reteine their wiues, should surcease from their function the space of three yeeres; and that the king should take no more after such maner._ 4 _That all such goods fruits and possessions as the King had taken from the Sea of Canterbury, should bee restored to him at his returne into England._ Thus _Anselme_ returned into _England_, and after a short time the king followed; hauing taken his brother prisoner, and subdued _Normandie_ to his subiection. Forthwith _Anselme_ by permission of the K. assembled a great Councell of the Clergie at _Westminster_; wherein hee so wrought with the King, that at length (albeit not without great difficultie) it was newly decreed; that no temporal man should giue inuestiture with Crosse, or with Ring, or with Pastoral staffe. Also he directed Iniunctions to the Priests of his Prouince, that they and their wiues should neuer meete within one house; that they should not keepe any woman in their house, but such as were next in kinred vnto them; That hee who held his wife and presumed to say Masse within eight dayes after, should solemnely be excommunicate. That all Archdeacons and their Officials should bee sworne, not to winke at the meetings of Priests and their wiues for any respect, and if they would not take this oath, then to lose their office; that such Priests as would forsake their wiues, should cease fourty dayes from ministration in their office, and performe such penance as should be enioyned them by their Bishop. The execution of these Canons importing both a great and sudden alteration, occasioned much disquiet and disorder in many parts of the Realme. In the same Councel the censure of Excommunication was cast vpon those, who did exercise the vile vice of Sodomitrie: and it was further decreed, that the same sentence should be published euery Sonday in al the parish Churches of _England_. But afterward it was esteemed fit; that this general excommunication should be repealed. The pretence was, for that the prohibiting, yea, the publike naming of that vice might enflame the hearts of vngracious persons with desire vnto it. But wise men coniectured, that after this seuere restreint of marriage in the Clergie, it did grow so frequent and familiar among them, that they would not giue way to so generall a punishment. It is certaine that in this Kings dayes _Io. Cremensis_ a Priest Cardinal, by the Kings licence came into _England_, and held a solemne Synode at _London_; where hauing most sharpely enueighed against the marriage of Priests, the night following hee was taken in adulterie, and so with shame departed the Realme. It is certaine also that _Anselme_, the most earnest enforcer of single life, died not a Virgine; as by the lamentation which hee wrote for the losse thereof it may appeare. Not long after _Anselme_ died, being of the age of 70. yeeres. He had bestowed much money on _Christs_ Church in _Canterburie_; as well in buildings, as in ornaments, and encrease of possessions. Other workes of charge he left not many; neither in very deed could he, by reason of his often banishments, and the seasures of the reuenues of his Church. But this he did more then liberally supply by the eternall labours of his penne. After his decease the Archbishopricke remained voyd fiue yeeres: during which time, the King applied the fruits to himselfe. The like hee did to other vacant Churches; and compounded also with Priests for reteining their wiues; and made his profit by Ecclesiasticall persons and liuings, more largely and freely then he had done before. For which cause it is not vnlike that the imputation of couetousnesse was fixed vpon him. At the last _Radulph_ Bishop of _Rochester_ was aduanced to the See of _Canterburie_; and notwithstanding all former agreements and decrees, the King inuested him with Ring and with Staffe. But howsoeuer we may either excuse or extenuate the two vices of crueltie and couetousnesse, wherewith he is charged, his immoderate excesse in lust can no wayes be denied, no wayes defended: And when age had somewhat abated in him the heat of that humour, yet was hee too much pleased with remembrance of his youthfull follies. For this vice it is manifest, as well by the sudden and vnfortunate losse of his children, as for that he was the last King by descent from males of the _Norman_ race, that the hand of God pressed hard vpon him. As _Radulph_ succeeded _Anselme_ in the See of _Canterburie_. So after the death of _Thomas_, _Thurstine_ the Kings Chapplaine was elected Archb. of _Yorke_. And because he refused to acknowledge obedience to the See of _Canterbury_, hee could not haue his Consecration, but was depriued of his dignitie by the King. Hereupon he tooke his iourney to _Rome_, complained to the Pope, and from him returned with a letter to the King: that the putting of a Bishop elect from his Church, without iudgement, was against diuine Iustice, against the decrees of holy Fathers: that the Pope intended no preiudice to either Church, but to maintaine the constitution which S. _Gregorie_, the Apostle of the _English_ Nation, had stablished betweene them: that the Bishop elect should be receiued to his Church, and if any question did rise between the two Churches, it should be handled before the King. Vpon occasion of this letter a solemne assembly was called at _Salisburie_, where the variance betweene the two Prelats was much debated. _Radulph_ would not giue Imposition of hands to _Thurstine_, vnlesse hee would professe obedience. _Thurstine_ said, that he would gladly embrace his benediction, but professe obedience to him he would not. The King signified to _Thurstine_, that without acknowledgement of subiection to the Archb. of _Canterburie_, hee should not be Consecrated Archb. of _Yorke_. _Thurstine_ replied nothing; but renounced his dignitie, and promised to make no more claime vnto it. Not long after, _Calixtus_ Bishop of _Rome_ assembled a Councell at _Rhemes_; and _Thurstine_ desired licence of the King to goe to that Councell. This hee obtained vnder faithfull promise, that he should there attempt nothing to the preiudice of the Church of _Canterburie_. In the meane time the King dealt secretly with the Pope, that _Thurstine_ should not bee consecrated by him. This the Pope did faithfully assure; and yet by meanes of some of his Cardinals, whom _Thurstine_ had wrought to bee suiters for him; by reason also of his hate against _Radulph_, for taking Inuestiture from the King; The Pope was drawen to giue him consecration, and therewith the Pall. For this cause the King was displeased with _Thurstine_, and forbad him to returne into the Realme. After this, the Pope came to _Gisors_, to which place the King went vnto him; and desired that he would not send any Legates into _England_, except the King should so require. The reason was, for that certaine Legates had come into _England_ lately before, to wit, one _Guido_, and another named _Anselme_, and another called _Peter_; who had demeaned themselues, not as Pillars of the Church, but as Pillagers of all the Realme. Also he required that hee might reteine all such customes, as his auncestors had vsed in _England_ and in _Normandie_. The Pope vpon promise that the King should ayd him against his enemies, yeelded to these demands: and required againe of the King, to permit _Thurstine_ to returne with his fauour into _England_. The King excused himselfe by his oath. The Pope answered, that he might and would dispence with him for his oath. The King craued respite, affirming that he would aduise with his Counsaile, and then signifie to the Pope what he should resolue. So in short time hee declared to the Pope, that for loue to him, _Thurstine_ should bee receiued both into the Realme and to his Church: vpon condition, that he should professe subiection to the Sea of _Canterburie_, as in former times his predecessors had done; otherwise (said hee) so long as I shall bee King of _England_, hee shall neuer sit Archbishop of _Yorke_. The yeere following the Pope directed his letters to the King, and likewise to _Radulph_. And herewith he interdicted both the Church of _Canterburie_ and the Church of _Yorke_, with all the Parish Churches of both Prouinces; from Diuine seruice, from Buriall of the dead, from all other offices of the Church; except onely baptizing of children, and absolution of those who shal lie at the point of death: vnlesse within one moneth after the receit of the same letters, _Thurstine_ should be receiued to the Sea of _Yorke_, without acknowledging subiection to the Sea of _Canterburie_. It was further signified to the King, that he should also be excommunicate, vnlesse hee would consent to the same. Vpon these letters _Thurstine_ was sent for, and reconciled to the King, and quietly placed in his Church at _Yorke_. And thus when the Bishops of Rome had gained absolute superiority ouer the state of the Church, euen for managing external actions and affaires (which seeme to be a part of ciuill gouernement) there wanted nothing but either a weake Prince, or a factious Nobilitie, or a headstrong tumultuous people, to giue him absolute superioritie ouer all. In the second yeere of this Kings reigne the Cities of _Gloucester_ and _Winchester_ were for the most part wasted with fire. In the fourth yeere a blasing starre appeared, and foure circles were seene about the Sunne. The yeere next following the King preuailed much in _Normandie_, and so did the Sea in _Flanders_: insomuch as a great part of that Countrey lay buried in the waters. In the seuenth yeere a blazing starre appeared: and vpon thursday night before Easter, two full Moones were seene, one in the East, and the other in the West. The same yeere _Robert_ Duke of _Normandie_ was taken & brought prisoner into _England_. In the tenth yeere the Abbey of _Elie_ was made a Bishops Sea, and Cambridge shire was appointed for the Diocesse thereof. In regard whereof, the King gaue the mannour of _Spalding_ to the Bishop of _Lincolne_, for that the shire of _Cambridge_ was formerly vnder the Iurisdiction of _Lincolne_. The same yeere a Comet appeared after a strange fashion. About _Shrewsburie_ was a great earthquake. The water of _Trent_ was dried vp at _Nottingham_ the space of a mile, from one of the clocke vntill three: so as men might passe ouer the Channell on foote. Warres ensued against the Earle of _Aniou_; a great mortalitie of men; a murraine of beastes both domesticke and of the fielde: yea, the foules perished in great abundance. In the 13. yeere the Citie of _Worcester_, and therein the chiefe Church, the Castle, with much people were consumed with fire. A pigge was farrowed with a face like a childe. A chicken was hatched with foure legs. The yeere next ensuing the riuer of _Medeway_ so fayled for many miles, that in the middest of the channell the smallest boates could not floate. In the _Thames_ also was such defect of water, that betweene the Tower and the Bridge many men and children did wade ouer on foote. This happened by reason of a great ebbe in the Ocean, which layd the sands bare many miles from the shoare, and so continued one whole day. Much rage and violence of weather ensued, and a blasing starre. The Citie of _Chichester_ with the principall Monastery was burnt. The yeere next following almost all the Bridges in _England_ being then of timber, by reason of a hard Winter were borne downe with Ice. In the 17. yeere the towne of _Peterborough_ with the stately Church were burned to the ground. The Citie of _Bath_ also was much ruined and defaced with fire. In March there happened fearefull lightning, and in December grieuous thunder and haile. The Moone at both times seemed to be turned into blood, by reason of the euill qualited vapours through which it gaue light. The yeere following, _Mathild_ the Queene departed this life: a woman in pietie, chastitie, modestie, and all other vertues nothing inferiour to her mother; but in learning and iudgement farre beyond her: who did not act, nor speake, nor scarce thinke any thing, but first it was weighed by wisdome and vertue. When the king desired her in marriage, for the publicke good and tranquilitie of the State, in reducing the _Saxon_ blood to the Crowne; she first modestly, then earnestly refused the offer; shewing no lesse magnanimitie in despising honours, then others doe in affecting them. But when she was not so much perswaded as importuned to forsake her profession, she is reported by some to haue taken the matter so to heart, that she cursed such issue as she should bring forth: which curse did afterwards lie heauie vpon them. For her sonne _William_ perished by shipwrack, and her daughter _Matild_ was neuer voyd of great vexations. As she trauailed ouer the riuer of _Lue_, at the _Old-foord_ neere _London_, she was well washed, and somewhat endangered in her passage: whereupon he caused two Stone-bridges to be built ouer the same riuer, one at the head of the towne of _Stratford_, the other ouer another streame thereof, commonly called _Channels-bridge_; and paued the way betweene them with grauel. She gaue also certaine mannours, and a mill called _Wiggon_ mill, for repairing of the same bridges and way. These were the first Stone-bridges that were made in _England_. And because they were arched like a bow, the towne of _Stratford_ was afterwards called _Bow_. In the 20. yere, a great earthquake hapned, in the moneth of September. In the 22. yeere, the Citie of _Glocester_, with the principal Monasterie was fired againe. The yeere next following, the Citie of _Lincolne_ was for the most part burned downe, and many persons perished with the rage of the flame. In the 27. yeere, the King receiued an oath of the chiefe of the Prelats and Nobilitie of the Realme; that after his death, they should maintaine the kingdom against al men for his daughter _Matild_, in case she should suruiue, and the king not leaue issue male in life. In the 30. yeere, the Citie of _Rochester_ was much defaced with fire, euen in the presence and view of the King. The yeere next following the oath to _Matild_ was receiued againe. About this time the King was much troubled with fearefull dreames; which did so affright him, that he would often leape out of his bed, and lay hand on his sword, as if it were to defend himselfe. This yeere as he returned out of _Normandie_ into _England_, when he had bene caried not farre from land, the winde began to rise, and the Sea swelled somewhat bigge. This weather did almost suddenly encrease to so dangerous a storme, that all expected to be cast away. The King, dismayed the more by his sonnes mishap, reconciled himselfe to God; and vowed to reforme many errours of his life, if he did escape. So after his arriuall, he went to the Monasterie of S. _Edmund_; and there both ratified and renued the promise he had made. After this he was better ordered in his actions; he erected a Bishopricke at _Caerlile_, and endowed it with many honours: he caused Iustice indifferently to be administred; and eased the people of the tribute called _Dane guilt_. In the 32. yeere, _Matilde_ daughter to the King was deliuered of a sonne, who was named _Henry_. Hereupon the king assembled his Nobilitie at _Oxeford_, where he did celebrate his feast of Easter; and there ordeined, that shee and her heires should succeed him in the kingdome. And albeit they were often sworne to this appointment; albeit _Stephen_ Earle of _Bloise_ was the first man who tooke that oath: yet was he the first who did rise against it; yet did many others also ioyne with him in his action. For oathes are commonly troden vnder foote, when they lye in the way, either to honour or reuenge. The same yeere the Citie of _London_ was very much defaced with fire. The yeere next following, many prodigies happened, which seemed to portend the death of the King, or rather the troublesome times which did thereupon ensue. In the moneth of August, the Sunne was so deepely eclipsed, that by reason of the darkenesse of the ayre, many starres did plainely appeare. The second day after this defect of light, the earth trembled with so great violence, that many buildings were shaken downe. _Malmesb._ sayth, that the house wherein he sate, was lift vp with a double remooue, and at the third time setled againe in the proper place. The earth in diuers places yeelded foorth a hideous noyse; It cast foorth flames at certaine rifts diuers dayes together, which neither by water nor by any other meanes could be suppressed. During the time of the eclipse mentioned before, the King was trauersing the sea into _Normandie_; whither hee vsually went, sometimes euery yeere, but euery third yeere at the furthest. Here he spent the whole yeere following, in ordering affaires of State, and in visiting euery corner of the Countrey. He neuer gaue greater contentment to the people, as well by his gifts, as by his gentle and courteous behauiour: he neuer receiued greater contentment from them, by the liuely expressing of their loue. But nothing did so much affect him with ioy, as that his daughter _Matild_ had brought foorth other two sonnes, _Geoffrey_ and _William_: whereby hee conceiued, that the succession of his issue to the Crowne of _England_ was so well backed, that he needed not to trouble his thoughts with any feare that his heires would faile. At the last he began to languish a little and droupe in health; and neither feeling nor fearing any great cause, hee rode on hunting, to passe it ouer with exercise and delight. Herewith being somewhat cheered, hee returned home, and eate of a Lamprey, albeit against his Physicians aduise, which meate he alwayes loued, but was neuer able well to digest. After this, and happely vpon this vicious feeding, he fell into a feuer; which increased in him by such dangerous degrees, that within seuen dayes it led him to the period of his life. Hee died vpon the first of December, in the 67. yere of his age: when hee had reigned 35. yeeres and foure moneths, wanting one day. His bowels and eyes were buried at _Roan_: The rest of his bodie was stuffed with salt, wrapped vp in Oxe hides, and brought ouer into _England_; and with honourable exequies buried in the Monastery of _Reading_, which hee had founded. His Physician who tooke out his braines, by reason of the intolerable stinch which breathed from them, in short time after ended his life. So of all that King _Henrie_ slue, this Physician was the last. He had by his first wife a sonne named _William_, who perished by shipwracke; and _Matild_ a daughter, who was espoused to the Emperour _Henrie_ the 5. when she was scarce sixe yeeres olde, and at the age of eleuen yeeres was married vnto him. When shee had been married vnto him twelue yeeres, he died; and shee returned to the King her father, both against her owne minde, and against the desire of the greatest Princes of the Empire: who in regard of her wise and gracious behauiour, were suitors to the King more then once, to haue her remaine as Empresse among them. But the king would not consent to their intreatie: For that shee was the onely heire to his Crowne. Then many great Princes desired her in marriage. But the King bestowed her vpon _Geoffrey_, sonne to _Fulke_ Earle of _Aniou_: somewhat against her owne liking, but greatly to the suretie of his estate in _France_. By him she had _Henrie_, who afterwards was King of _England_. Further, the King had by a Concubine, _Richard_ a sonne, and _Mary_ a daughter; who were lost vpon the sea with their brother _William_. By another Concubine hee had a sonne named _Robert_, whom he created Earle of _Glocester_: a man for valour of minde and abilitie of bodie inferiour to none; in counsailes so aduised, as was fit for a right Noble commander. By his faith, industrie, and felicitie chiefly, his sister _Matild_ did afterwards resist and ouerbeare, both the forces and fortunes of King _Stephen_. He is reported to haue had 12. other bastards; which were of no great either note or continuance, according to that saying of the Wise man: _Bastard plants take no deepe rootes_.[107] This King in the beginning of his Reigne made many fauourable lawes: And namely, _That he would reserue no possessions of the Church vpon their vacancies: that the heires of his Nobilitie should possesse their fathers lands without redemption from him, and that the Nobilitie likewise should afford the like fauour to their Tenants: that Gentlemen might giue their daughters and kinsewomen in marriage without his licence, so it were not to his enemie: that the widow should haue her ioynture, and not be compelled to marrie against her owne liking: that the mother or next of kinred should bee Guardian of the lands of her children: that all debts to the Crowne and certaine offences also should bee remitted_. But these lawes afterwards were but slenderly obserued. Three vertues were most famous in him; wisedome, courage, and sweetenesse of speach. By the last hee gained much fauour from the people. By the other two he purchased, both peace at home, and victory abroad. He was noted also for some vices: but out of doubt they were farre exceeded by his vertues. And for these vices also, being himselfe of a pleasant disposition, he was well pleased with pleasant reproofes. _Guymund_ his Chapleine (obseruing that vnworthy men for the most part were aduanced to the best dignities of the Church) as he celebrated Diuine seruice before him, and was to read these words out of S. _Iames_; [_It rained not vpon the earth iij. yeres and vj. moneths_:][108] Hee did read it thus: [_It rained not vpon the earth one, one, one yeres, and fiue, one, moneths_.] The King obserued this reading, and afterwards rebuked his Chapleine for it: But _Guymund_ answered, that he did it of purpose, for that such readers were soonest preferred by the King. The King smiled, and in short time after preferred him to the gouernment of S. _Frideswides_ in _Oxeford_. In this King failed the heires male of King _William_ the first: and then the Crowne was possessed by Title of heires generall. In these times flourished two excellent ornaments of the Church; _Anselme_ in _England_, and _Bernard_ in _France_: both of them enrolled in the list of Saints. And no lesse infamous for vice was _Gerard_, Archbishop of _Yorke_; a man of some learning; not so much in substance, as in seeming and shew; of commendable wit, which he applied chiefly, to giue a couler for euery vice of his owne, and for euery vertue of others either a slander or a ieast: Of enuious disposition; plagued lesse with his owne calamities, then with the well either doing or being of other men; in wiping money from his Subiects by dishonest meanes, subtill and shamelesse; and no lesse sordide in his expences: giuen to Magicall enchantments as many doe affirme. On a certaine day as he slept vpon a cushion after dinner, in his Garden at _Southwell_, and many of his Chapleines walked neere him; he was found in such a stiffe cold dead sleepe, as will require the trumpe of an Archangel to awake him. His face then looked with an ougly hell-burnt hue. His body was caried to _Yorke_; few vouchsafing to accompany, none to meete it (according to the vse of Exequies) when it came to the Citie; but the boyes in scorne throwing stones at the hearse. He was basely buried without the Church without any funerall solemnities, without any signe either of honour or of griefe. FOOTNOTES: [1] Senticetum. [2] Scriptor omnium sceleratissimus. [3] Mendacissimus. [4] Adulator. [5] _Lib._ 3. _in princ. Ingulph. lib._ 6. _cap._ 19. [6] {pollakis de toi nothoi te polloi gnêsiôn ameinones.} Eurip. in Androm. [7] _Rich. 1._ |-----|-----| | | _Rich. 2._ _Emma._ 1. 1. _Robert._ _Edward._ 1. _William._ [8] _Heu vani monitus, fiustráq; morantia Parcas Prodigia. Lucan._ [9] _Flo. lib._ 2. _Eutr. lib._ 4. _epit. Liu._ 59. [10] _Eutro. lib._ 6. _epit. Liu._ 93. [11] _Cic. Agrar. orat._ 2. _Liu. lib._ 70. [12] _Tacit. lib._ 14. [13] _Tacit. An._ 17. [14] _Salust. bel. Iug._ [15] 1. _Reg._ 9. [16] _Geogr._ 3. [17] _Tritem. cap._ 22. [18] _Theod. Nehem. lib._ 2. _cap._ 25. [19] _Arg. l. creditor. & l. Claudius. D qui pot. in pign. ha._ [20] _Moribus antiquis res stat Romana Virisque. Aeneid._ [21] _Imperium ijs artibus facilime retinetur quibus partum est. Sal. Catil._ [22] _Quos viceris caue amicos tibi credas. Curt. lib._ 7. [23] _Tranquil. in Calig_. [24] _Nicet. pag._ 19. {houtô chronô kratynthe ethos genous kai thrêskeias estin ischyroteron.} [25] _Chrys. orat._ 76. {peri ethous}, _Suid. dict._ {ethos}. [26] _Agath. lib._ 2. {eudêlon men hoti dê tôn anthrôpeiôn ethnôn hôs hekastos eige hotôdêoun nomô ek pleistou nenikêkoti embioteusaien, touton dê ariston hêgountai kai thespesion.} [27] _Temperatus enim timor est qui cohibet, assiduus & acer ad vindictam excitat. Senec. 1. de clemen._ [28] _Perfecto demum scelere, magnitudo eius intelligitur. Tacit. xv. Annal._ [29] 3. _Reg._ 1. & 2 [30] 2. _Paral._ 11. [31] _Bald. in proem. decr. §. rex. nu._ 11. _Archid._ 2. _q._ 7. _§ item obijcitur._ [32] _Gen._ 49. [33] _Iust. lib._ 16. [34] _Host. Io. And. Collect. Pet. Anch. Anto. Imo. Card. Flo. & sere omnes in c. licet de Voto._ [35] _L. si arrogator. D. de Arrog. l. 3 de interd. & rel._ [36] _Io. And. in c. significasti de fo. comp. Pan. cons._ 85. _li._ 1. _Molin. consuet. Paris. tit._ 1. § 85. _gl._ 3. _q._ 2. _infi._ [37] _Iust. lib._ 34 [38] _Iust. lib._ 16. [39] _Pausan. lib._ 1. _Iustin. lib._ 39. [40] _Girard. lib._ 1. _de l'estate._ [41] _D. Benedict. in. rep. c. Rainutius Verb. in eodem testamento le._ 1. _nu._ 209. [42] _Io. de terr. Rub. concl._ 9. 10. 11. 12. [43] _Li._ 1. _de l'estate de France._ [44] _In c. vlt._ 24. _q._ 1. [45] _In Polyhim._ [46] _L. ex hoc D. de Iust. & iure._ [47] _In Epist. ad O nagr. & in gen._ 49. [48] _Chrys. hom._ 5. _aduers. Iudæos._ [49] _Glo. Pan. in. c._ 1. _de cens. Luc. Pen. in l. decurio. c. de decu. lib._ 10. [50] _Gen._ 4. 7. [51] _Deut._ 21. 17. [52] _Exo._ 13. & 22. & 34. _Levit._ 27. _Num._ 3. & 8. & 18. _Neh._ 10. _Ezech._ 44. _Luc._ 2. 23. [53] _Io. Ign. in. qu. An. Rex Franciæ recognoscat superiorem. col._ 28. _Ang. in l. cum Prætor. § non autem. D. de Iudi. Ias. in l. nemo D. de leg._ 1. [54] _L._ 1. _c. de tut. vel. cur. Illustr. c. grandi. de sup. negl. præl._ [55] _Herod. in Terpsych._ [56] _Herod. ibidem Pausan. lib._ 7. [57] _Plut. Aemil. in eius vita. Oros. lib._ 3. _cap._ 2. [58] _Plut. in Lisandr._ [59] _Ioseph. Ant._ 14. _cap._ 1. [60] _Liu. lib._ 1. 2. _belli Punici._ [61] _Allobroges._ [62] _Plut. in eius vita._ [63] _Mich. Riccius._ [64] _Cons._ 20. _lib._ 2. [65] _De l'estate de France. lib._ 1. [66] Onely the Persians had rather a superstition then a law, that no man might be King who had but one eye: for which cause _Cosroes_ the sonne of _Cabades_ was preferred before _Bozi_ his elder brother. _Procop. lib._ 1. [67] _Bald. cons._ 389. _l._ 1. _Socin. cons._ 47. _l._ 3. _Card. Alex. in c._ 1. _tit. an. mut. vel imperfect. And. Isern. in c. vlt. tit. episc. vel Abb._ [68] _L. vlt. D. de senat. l._ 3. _D. de interd. & rel. l._ 2. _c. de libert. & eo. lib. l. Diui. D. de iure patr. l. quæritur. D. de bo. lib. Pan. cons._ 85. _l. 1. Io. And. in c. significasti. de fo. comp._ [69] _Nubrig. lib._ 1. _ca._ 3. [70] _Nihil est quod male narrando non possit deprauarier. Ter. in Eun._ [71] {kalon ti glôss' hotô pistis parê}, _Eurip. Res pulchra lingua cui siet fides._ [72] {tous stratiôtas ploutizete, tôn oligôn pantôn kataphroneite.} _Milites ditate, reliquos omnes spernite. Severus apud Dionem._ [73] _Concilium Baronense._ [74] _Hæc conditio principum vt quicquid faciant præcipere videantur. Quint. declam._ 4. [75] _Quæ fato manent quamuis significata non vitantur. Tacit._ 1. _hist._ [76] _Seris venit vsus ab annis._ Ouid. 6. Metam. [77] _In Polyhim._ [78] _Iust. lib._ 2. _Plut. de fraterna beneuolentia._ [79] _Antiq. lib._ 16. _cap._ 3. [80] _Guicc. lib._ 1. _Blond. decad._ 2. _lib._ 2. [81] _Sigeb. in Chron._ [82] _L. neque Doroth._ 61. _l. doctitij_ 63. _l. neminem._ 64. _cum l. pen. & vit. C. de decur. lib._ 10 _l. ex libera._ 6. _C. suis & legit._ [83] _L. imperialis._ 23. _§ his illud. C. de nupt. l. quincunque_ 7. _C. de princip. agent. in reb._ [84] _L. eos qui._ 65. _D. de rit. nupt. l. Etsi_ 6. _C. de nupt._ [85] _L. senator._ 11. _C. de dignit. lib._ 10. [86] _L. emancipatum._ 7. _D. de Senat. facit l. Diuo Marco._ 11. _C. de quæst. l._ 3. _D. de Interd. & rel. l._ 2. _C. de lib. & eor. libe._ [87] _Gl. in d. l. Imperialis. Bar. in l. si. Senator. C. de dig. li._ 12. _Bald. in l. cum suis D. de lib. posth. Anch. & Phil. Franc. in c. ne aliqui de priuil. li._ 6. 4. _Ana. in c._ 2. _de Iudæ. facit l. ex libera. C. de su. & le. l. j. § fi. D. de bo. po. co. ta. l. si neque. §. si deport. D. de bon. libert. l. filij. §. senatores. D. ad municipia. l. quicunq; C. de princ. agen. in reb. lib._ 12. _& ib. Luc. Pen._ [88] _In d. l. Imperialis. § illud._ [89] _In l. si Senat. C. de dign. li._ 12. [90] _In c. licet. de Vot._ [91] _In c. ex tenore. qui fil. sunt legit._ [92] _In l._ 2 _§. in filijs. D. de Decu. & in l. moris. §. sed vtrum D. de poenis._ [93] _Sing._ 50. _& ib. addit._ [94] _In tract. primogen._ [95] _In c. Adrianus. di._ 63. [96] _In c. inter ceteras de rescrip._ [97] _In l. bona fides. D. deposit._ [98] _In tract. nobilitatis. part._ 3. _ad fin._ [99] _In tract. de poten. & excellentia regia._ [100] _Pet. Iac. in. arb. succ. Reg. Franc. Io. Ray. in c. prætereà. de prohi. feud. ali. & in tract. nobil. q._ 10. _Iac. à S. Georgio. in tract. feud. D. Benedict. in rep. c. Ramutius. n._ 200. _de test._ [101] _In Artax._ [102] _Blond. dec._ 2. _lib._ 6. _Mich. Ritius. de Reg. Hung. lib._ 6. [103] _L. si quis. C. de poenis._ [104] {dryos pesousês pas anêr xyleuetai.} [105] 1. Cor. 11. 14. [106] _Dunne_ a famous thiefe. [107] _Sapien._ 4. 3. [108] _Iam._ 5. 17. * * * * * * Transcriber's note: Original spellings were retained, including inconsistent spellings. Sidenotes have been repositioned as Endnotes. Macrons have been replaced with the appropriate nasal (n, m). Errata have been corrected in the text. *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIVES OF THE III. 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