[Note: In the following notes, citations from
Richard Eden are made from Arber’s reprint The first three
English books on America (Birmingham, 1885), from the third book,
entitled The decades of the newe worlde, first printed in London
in 1555; from Mosto, from Il primo viaggio, intorno al
globo di Antonio Pigafetta, by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1894), which
was published as a portion of part v of volume iii of Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione
Colombiana pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell’America,
appearing under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and
from Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was translated by
Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the
Amoretti publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana.]
1 The greater part of
the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded in darkness. The Pigafetta
family, who resided at Venice, and was formerly of Tuscan origin, dates
back before him for several centuries. The Pigafetta escutcheon was
white above and black below with a white transverse bar running from
left to right. On the lower part were three red roses, one of them on
the bar. The old family house is still standing and shows the motto
Il nest rose sans espine, i.e., “No rose
without a thorn,” which was probably carved in 1481, when the
house was repaired, and not by Antonio Pigafetta after his return from
his voyage as some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born toward the close
of the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively fixed, some
declaring it to be 1491; but Harrisse who follows Marzari, gives the
date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some have asserted
that he was a natural child, although this is evidently unfounded, as
he was received into the military order of St. John. At an early age he
probably became familiar with the sea and developed his taste for
traveling. He went to Spain with the Roman ambassador Chieregato, in
1519, but in what capacity is unknown. Hearing details of
Magalhães’s intended voyage he contrived to accompany him.
Navarrete surmises that he is the Antonio Lombardo mentioned in the
list of the captain’s servants and volunteers who sailed on the
expedition, so called [274]as his country was Lombardy. After
the return of the “Victoria,” he journeyed in Spain,
Portugal, and France, and returned to Italy probably in January, 1523.
The relation presented by him to Cárlos I was probably a draft
of his notes taken daily throughout the voyage. His Relation as
we know it was undertaken at the request of the marchioness of Mantova,
but its composition was arrested by an order from Clement VII to come
to Rome, whither he went in December, 1523, or January, 1524, meeting
Villiers l’Isle-Adam on his journey thither. He remained in the
pope’s service but a short time, for in April, 1524, he was back
in Venice. That same year he was granted a copyright on his
Relation, which he intended to print, for twenty years. Pozzo
says that he was received into the Order of St. John, October 3, 1524,
but it was probably somewhat before that date. Between the dates of
August, 1524, and August, 1530, his work was presented to Villiers
l’Isle-Adam. Nothing further is known of him, though some say
that he fought against the Turks as late as 1536, while others have
placed his death in 1534 or 1535 and at Malta. In addition to his
Relation Pigafetta wrote a Treatise on the art of
navigation, which follows his Relation. This is not
presented in the present publication, notwithstanding its importance,
as being outside of the present scope. It is reproduced by Mosto. He
has sometimes been confused with Marcantonio Pigafetta (a Venetian
gentleman), the author of Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli
(London, 1585); and wrongly called Vincenzo Antonio Pigafetta, the
“Vincenzo” being an error for “vicentino,”
i.e., “Venetian.” See Mosto, Il primo
viaggio ... di Antonio Pigafetta (Roma, 1894), pp. 13–30;
Larousse’s Dictionnaire; and La
grande Encyclopédie (Paris).
2 The Order of St.
John of Jerusalem. See Vol. II, p. 26, note 2.
Throughout this Relation Pigafetta’s spelling of proper
names is retained.
3 Philippe de
Villiers l’Isle-Adam, the forty-third grand master of the Order
of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of Malta after 1530), was
born of an old and distinguished family at Beauvais, in 1464, and died
at Malta, August 21, 1534, at grief, some say, over the dissensions in
his order. He was elected grand master of his order in 1521 and in the
following year occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four
thousand five hundred soldiers against the huge fleet and army of
Soliman. After six months he was compelled to surrender his stronghold
in October, and refusing Soliman’s entreaties to remain with him,
went to Italy. In 1524 he was given the city of Viterbe by Clement VII,
where in June of 1527 he held a general chapter of his order, at which
it was decided to accept the island of Malta which had been offered by
Charles V. The gift was confirmed by the letters-patent of Charles V in
1530, and Villiers l’Isle-Adam [275]Adam went thither in
October of that year. He was always held in high esteem for his
bravery, prudence, and piety. See Moreri’s Dictionaire,
and Larousse’s Dictionnaire.
4 The four MSS. of
Pigafetta’s Relation are those known as the Ambrosian or
Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana
in Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale,
Paris, in French; no. 24,224, in the same library, also in French; and
the Nancy MS. (also French) so called because it was conserved in
Nancy, France, now owned by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips,
Cheltenham, England. The MSS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale are
both shorter than the Italian MS. The Nancy MS. is said to be the most
complete of the French manuscripts. The best bibliographical account of
these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by Mosto ut
supra. A full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed
books will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series.
There are a number of radical differences between the Paris MS. no.
5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 5,650) and the
Italian MS., these differences including paragraph structure and the
division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters, although the sequence is
on the whole identical. The most radical of the differences will be
shown in these notes. MS. 5,650 contains the following title on the
page immediately preceding the beginning of the relation proper:
“Navigation and discovery of Upper Indie,
written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, and knight of
Rhodes.”
5 The emperor Charles
V; but he was not elected to that dignity until June, 1519. Pigafetta
writing after that date is not explicit.
6 Francesco
Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most ancient and famous
families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth century. He attained
preëminence at Sienna in both civil and ecclesiastical law. Aided
by Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of Sion, he was received among the
prelates of the apostolic palace. Later he conducted several diplomatic
missions with great skill. He left Rome for Spain in December, 1518, on
a private mission for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade
against the Turks who were then invading Egypt and threatening
Christianity. His house at Barcelona became the meeting-place of the
savants of that day who discussed literature and science. See Mosto, p.
19, note 3.
7 MS. 5,650 adds:
“scholars and men of understanding.”
8 MS. 5,650 reads:
“so that I might satisfy the wish of the said gentlemen and also
my own desire, so that it could be said that I had made the said voyage
and indeed been an eyewitness of the things hereafter written.”
[276]
9 See Vol. I, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of Magalhães.
The only adequate life of Magalhães in English is that of
Guillemard.
10 That is, the
Order of Santiago. See Vol. I, p. 145, note
171. Magalhães and Falero were decorated with the cross of
comendador of the order by Cárlos I in the presence of the royal
Council in July, 1518. See Guillemard’s Ferdinand
Magellan, p. 114.
11 See
Vol. I for various documents during the period
of the preparation of the fleet; also Guillemard’s
Magellan, pp. 114–116 and 130–134; and
Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. xxxiv–xlvi.
12 Pope Clement
VII, who assumed the papacy November 19, 1523. Pigafetta was summoned
to Rome very soon after Clement’s election, for he was in Rome
either in December, 1523, or January, 1524.
13 The Amoretti
edition (Milan, 1800; a wofully garbled adaptation of the Italian MS.)
wrongly ascribes this desire to Clement VII, instead of Villiers
L’Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36, note 3.
14 MS. 5,650
reads: “Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after all provisions
had been made and the ships were in readiness, the captain-general, a
wise and virtuous man, and one mindful of his honor, would not commence
his voyage without first making some good and suitable rules, such as
it is the approved custom to make for those who go to sea, although he
did not entirely declare the voyage that he was about to make lest
those men, through astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany
him on the so long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration
of the furious and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea where he
was about to sail, and in consideration of another reason also, namely,
that the masters and captains of the other ships in his fleet had no
liking for him (the reason for which I know not, unless because he, the
captain-general, was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards or Castilians,
who have for a long while been biased and ill-disposed toward one
another, but who, in spite of that, rendered him obedience), he made
his rules such as follow, so that his ships might not go astray or
become separated from one another during storms at sea. He published
those rules and gave them in writing to every master in the ships and
ordered them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and
legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was
impossible.”
15 A Spanish word,
meaning “lantern.”
16 Mosto wrongly
derives strengue from the Spanish trenza
“braid” or “twist.” Instead it is the Spanish
word estrenque, [277]which denotes a large rope made
from Spanish grass hemp (stipa)—known to the Spaniards as
esparto. MS. 5,650 reads: “Sometimes he set out a lantern;
at other times a thick rush cord which was lighted and was called
‘trenche’ [i.e., ‘estrenque,’
‘rope of Spanish grass hemp’].” Barcio
(Diccionario general etimológico) says that the origin of
estrenque is unknown.
17 MS. 5,650
reads: “If he wished the other ships to haul in a bonnet-sail,
which was a part of the sail attached to the mainsail, he showed three
lights. Also by three lights notwithstanding that the weather might be
favorable for making better time, it was understood that the
bonnet-sail was to be hauled in, so that the mainsail might be sooner
and easier struck and furled when bad weather came suddenly in any
squall or otherwise.”
18 MS. 5,650 adds:
“which he had extinguished immediately after;” and
continues: “then showing a single light as a sign that he
intended to stop there and wait until the other ships should do as
he.”
19 MS. 5,650 adds:
“that is to say, a rock in the sea.”
20 Stanley
translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly translated, it is:
“Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be reattached to the
sail, he showed three fires.”
21 This passage is
omitted in MS. 5,650.
22 Hora de la
modorra is in Spanish that part of the night immediately preceding
the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8.
23 Contra
maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French contremaître
and the Spanish contramaestre, was formerly the third
officer of a ship’s crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the
officer next to contramaestre, although the name, according to
Littré was applied to the master or seacaptain of certain small
craft. The maestro (French maître) was a sub-officer in charge of all the crew. The
pilot was next to the captain in importance. The translator or adapter
who made MS. 5,650 confuses the above officers (see following
note).
24 The
instructions pertaining to the different watches are as follows in MS.
5,650: “In addition to the said rules for carrying on the art of
navigation as is fitting, and in order to avoid the dangers that may
come upon those who do not have watches set, the said captain, who was
skilled in the things required and in navigation, ordered three watches
to be set. The first was at the beginning of the night; the second at
midnight; and the third toward daybreak, which is commonly called the
‘diane’ [i.e., ‘morn’] or otherwise
‘the star of dawn.’ The abovenamed watches were changed
nightly: that is to say, that he who had stood first watch stood second
the day following, while he [278]who had stood second, stood third;
and thus did they continue to change nightly. The said captain ordered
that his rules, both those of signals and of watches, be thoroughly
observed, so that their voyage might be made with the greatest of
safety. The men of the said fleet were divided into three divisions:
the first was that of the captain; the second that of the pilot or
boatswain’s mate; and the third that of the master. The above
rules having been instituted, the captain-general determined to depart,
as follows.”
25 See
Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 329–336, and Navarrete,
Col. de viages, iv, pp. 3–11, 162–188, for the
stores and equipments of the fleet and their cost. The stores carried
consisted of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans,
flour, garlic, cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes,
figs, sugar, quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The
apothecary supplies were carried in the “Trinidad,” and the
ecclesiastical ornaments in that ship and the “San
Antonio.”
26 The exact
number of men who accompanied Magalhães is a matter of doubt. A
royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5, 1519, conserved in the papers of
the India House of Trade in Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, with
pressmark est. 41, caj. 6, leg. 2–25, orders that only two
hundred and thirty-five persons sail in the fleet. The same archives
contain various registers of the fleet (sec Llorens Ascensio’s
Primera vuelta al mundo, Madrid, 1903), one of which
is published by Medina in his Colección (i, p.
113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that at least two
hundred and sixty-eight men went as is shown by the official lists and
“the casual occurrence of names in the numerous and lengthy
autos fiscales connected with the expedition.”
Guillemard conjectures that the total number must have been between two
hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty. Mosto (p. 53, note 2)
says: “Castanheda and Barros say that the crews amounted to 250
men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete’s lists show a total of
265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in addition to them and the
Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese and Italians (thirty or more),
French (nineteen), Flemings, Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes,
Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary
Islands. But seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many
Biscayans. (See Guillemard, ut supra, pp.
326–329.) The registers of men as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12–26) are as follows.
[279]
Trinidad
(Flagship of 110 tons)
| Capacity |
Name |
Nationality |
| Chief captain of the fleet |
Hernando de Magallanes |
Portuguese, citizen of Oporto |
| Pilot of his Highness |
Esteban Gomez |
Portuguese |
| Notary |
Leon de Espeleta |
|
| Master |
Juan Bautista de Punzorol1 |
Cestre, on the Genoese shore |
| Alguacil2 |
Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa |
Espinosa |
| Contramaestre |
Francisco Albo3 |
Axio, citizen of Rodas |
| Surgeon |
Juan de Morales4 |
Sevilla |
| Barber |
Marcos de Bayas |
San Lucar de Alpechin |
| Carpenter |
Master Antonio |
Genoese |
| Steward |
Cristóbal Ros or Rodriguez |
Lepe |
| Calker |
Felipe5 |
Genoese, native of Reco |
| Cooper |
Francisco Martin |
Sevilla |
| Sailor |
Francisco de Espinosa |
De le Brizuela |
| Sailor |
Ginés de Mafra |
Jerez |
| Sailor |
Leon Pancaldo6 |
Saona, in Génova |
| Sailor |
Juan Ginovés7 |
San Remó |
| Sailor |
Francisco Piora |
Saona |
| Sailor |
Martin Ginovés |
Cestre |
| Sailor |
Anton Hernandez Colmenero |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Anton Ros, or Rodriguez |
Huelva [280] |
| Sailor |
Bartolomé Sanchez |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Tomas de Natia |
Cestre |
| Sailor |
Diego Martin |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Domingo de Urrutia8 |
Lequeitio |
| Sailor |
Francisco Martin |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Juan Rodriguez |
Sevilla |
| Gunner |
Master Andres, chief gunner |
Bristol, in England |
| Gunner |
Juan Bautista |
Mompeller |
| Gunner |
Guillermo Tañegui |
Lila de Groya |
| Common seaman |
Antonio de Goa |
Loró |
| Common seaman |
Anton de Noya9 |
Noya in Galicia |
| Common seaman |
Francisco de Ayamonte |
Ayamonte |
| Common seaman |
Juan de Santandres10 |
Cueto |
| Common seaman |
Blas de Toledo11 |
Almunia in Aragon |
| Common seaman |
Anton12 |
Black |
| Common seaman |
Basco Gomez Gallego |
Portuguese |
| Common seaman |
Juan Gallego |
Pontevedra |
| Common seaman |
Luis de Beas13 |
Beas in Galicia |
| Common seaman |
Juan de Grijol |
Grijol in Portugal |
| Boy |
Gutierrez |
Asturian from Villasevil |
| Boy |
Juan Genovés14 |
A port on the Genoese shore |
| Boy |
Andres de la Cruz15 |
Sevilla |
Servants of the captain and sobresalientes16
| Servant |
Cristóbal Rabelo |
Portuguese, native of Oporto |
| Sobresaliente |
Joan Miñez or Martinez |
Sevilla [281] |
| Servant |
Fernando Portogues17 |
Portuguese, native of |
|
|
Oporto |
| Sobresaliente |
Antonio Lombardo18 |
Lombardía |
|
Peti-Joan |
French, native of Angeo [i.e., Anjou] |
|
Gonzalo Rodriguez |
Portuguese |
|
Diego Sanchez Barrasa |
Sevilla |
|
Luis Alonso, de Gois19 |
Portuguese, citizen of Ayamonte |
|
Duarte Barbosa |
Portuguese |
|
Albaro de la Mezquita |
Portuguese |
| Servant |
Nuño |
Portuguese, native of Montemayor Nuevo |
| Servant |
Diego |
San Lucar |
| Captain’s boy |
Francisco20 |
Portuguese, native of Estremiz |
| Idem |
Jorge Morisco |
Lombardía |
| Chaplain |
Pedro de Balderrama |
Ecija |
| Merino |
Alberto21 Merino |
Cordova |
| Servant of the alguacil |
Pero Gomez |
Hornilla la Prieta |
| Armorer |
Pero Sanchez22 |
Sevilla |
| Interpreter, a servant |
Henrique de Malaca23 |
Malaca |
|
Lázaro de Torres |
Aracena |
[282]
San Antonio
(120 tons)
| Capacity |
Name |
Nationality |
| Captain and supervisor of the fleet |
Juan de Cartagena |
|
| Accountant |
Antonio de Coca |
|
| Notary |
Hierónimo Guerra |
|
| His Majesty’s pilot |
Andres de San Martin |
|
| Pilot of his Highness |
Juan Rodriguez de Mafra |
|
| Master |
Juan de Elorriaga24 |
Guipúzcoa |
| Boatswain |
Diego Hernandez |
Sevilla |
| Barber |
Pedro Olabarrieta25 |
Bilbao |
| Steward |
Juan Ortiz de Gopegar26 |
Bilbao |
| Calker |
Pedro de Bilbao |
Bilbao |
| Carpenter |
Pedro de Sabtua |
Bermeo |
| Calker |
Martin de Goytisolo |
Baquio |
| Cooper |
Joan de Oviedo |
Sevilla |
| Sailor |
Sebastian de Olarte |
Bilbao |
| Sailor |
Lope de Uguarte |
|
| Sailor |
Joanes de Segura |
Segura in Guipúzcoa |
| Sailor |
Joan de Francia |
Ruan [i.e., Rouen] |
| Sailor |
Jácome de Mecina |
Mesina |
| Sailor |
Christóbal García |
From Palos |
| Sailor |
Pero Hernandez |
Rivadesella |
| Sailor |
Antonio Rodríguez, Calderero [i.e., blacksmith] |
Sevilla |
| Sailor |
Hernando de Morales27 |
From Moguer |
| Sailor |
Francisco, Marinero [i.e., a sailor] |
Citizen of Huelva |
| Sailor |
Francisco Ros, or Rodriguez |
From Huelva |
| Sailor |
Pedro de Laredo |
Portogalete |
| Sailor |
Simon de Asio |
Axio [283] |
| Gunner |
Master Jacques, chief gunner |
From Tierra Lorena [i.e., land of
Lorraine] |
| Gunner |
Rojer Dupict |
Monaym |
| Gunner |
Joan Jorge |
Silvedrin |
| Common seaman |
Luis,28 Grumete [i.e., a common seaman] |
Galicia |
| Common seaman |
Martin de Aguirre |
Arrigorriaga |
| Common seaman |
Columbazo |
Bolonia [i.e., Bologna] |
| Common seaman |
Lucas de Mecina |
Mesina |
| Common seaman |
Lorencio Rodriguez |
From Moguer |
| Common seaman |
Miguel |
Pravia, in Astúrias |
| Common seaman |
Joanes de Irun Iranzo |
Irun Iranza in Guipúzcoa |
| Common seaman |
Joan Ginoves |
Saona |
| Common seaman |
Joan de Orue |
Munguia |
| Common seaman |
Alonso del Puerto29 |
Puerto de Santa María |
| Boy |
Diego, son of Cristóbal Garcia |
From Palos |
| Boy |
Diego, son of Juan Rodriguez de Mafra |
|
Servants and sobresalientes
| Chaplain |
Bernardo Calmeta |
Laytora in France |
| Sobresaliente |
Joan de Chinchilla |
Murcia |
| Sobresaliente |
Anton de Escobar |
Talavera |
| Sobresaliente |
Francisco de Angulo |
Moron |
| Servant to the captain |
Francisco de Molino |
Baeza |
| Servant to the captain |
Roque Pelea |
Salamanca |
| Servant to the captain |
Rodrigo Nieto, a Galician |
Orense |
| Servant to the captain |
Alonso del Rio |
Búrgos |
| Servant to the captain |
Pedro de Balpuesta |
Citizen of Búrgos |
| Servant to the captain |
Joan de Leon |
Leon |
| Servant to the captain |
Gutierre de Tuñon30 |
Tunon in Astúrias |
| Servant to the captain |
Joan de Sagredo,31 merino |
Revenga, in the land of Búrgos |
| Servant to the captain |
Joan de Minchaca, a crossbowman |
Bilbao [284] |
| Captain’s servant |
Antonio Hernandez; interpreter |
Ayamonte |
| Servant to the accountant |
Juan Gomez de Espinosa |
Espinosa |
| Servant to the accountant |
Pedro de Urrea |
Brujas |
Concepcion
(90 tons)
| Captain |
Gaspar de Quesada |
|
| Notary |
Sancho de Heredia |
|
| Pilot of his Highness |
Joan Lopez Caraballo |
Portuguese |
| Master |
Joan Sebastian de Elcano32 |
Guetaria |
| Boatswain |
Joan de Acurio |
Bermeo |
| Barber |
Hernando de Bustamente33 |
Mérida |
| Calker |
Antonio de Basazabal34 |
Bermeo |
| Carpenter |
Domingo de Iraza35 |
Deva |
| Steward |
Joan de Campos |
Alcalá de Henares |
| Cooper |
Pero Perez |
Sevilla |
| Sailor |
Francisco Rodriguez36 |
Sevilla |
| Sailor |
Francisco Ruiz |
Moguer |
| Sailor |
Mateo de Gorfo37 |
Gorfo |
| Sailor |
Joan Rodriguez38 |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Sebastian Garcia39 |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Gomez Hernandez |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Lorenzo de Iruna40 |
Socavila in Guipúzcoa |
| Sailor |
Joan Rodriguez,41 el sordo [i.e., the
deaf man] |
Sevilla |
| Sailor |
Joan de Aguírre |
Bermeo |
| Sailor |
Joan de Ortega |
Cifuentes [285] |
| Gunner |
Hans Vargue,42 chief gunner |
German |
| Gunner |
Master Pedro |
Bruselas |
| Gunner |
Roldan de Argote |
Flandes, in Brujas |
| Common seaman |
Joan de Olivar43 |
|
| Common seaman |
Guillermo de Lole44 |
|
| Common seaman |
Cristóbal de Costa45 |
Jerez |
| Common seaman |
Guillen |
Galvey |
| Common seaman |
Gonzalo de Vigo |
Vigo |
| Common seaman |
Pedro de Muguertegui |
Muguertegui |
| Common seaman |
Martin de Isaurraga |
Bermeo |
| Common seaman |
Rodrigo Macias |
Sevilla |
| Common seaman |
Joan Navarro46 |
Pamplona |
| Common seaman |
Joanes de Tuy |
|
| Boy |
Juanillo47 |
Galbey |
| Boy |
Pedro de Churdurza48 |
Bermeo |
Sobresalientes
| Captain’s servant |
Luis del Molino |
Baeza |
| Captain’s servant |
Antonio Fernandez |
Portuguese, of Sevilla |
| Captain’s servant |
Alonso Coto49 |
Genoese |
| Captain’s servant |
Francisco Diaz de Madrid |
Madrid |
| Merino |
Martin de Judicibus |
Genoese |
|
Juan de Silva |
Isla Graciosa, in Azores |
| Blacksmith |
Gonzalo Hernandez |
Santa María del Puerto |
|
Martin de Magallayns |
Portuguese, of Lisboa |
|
Joan de la Torre |
Almonaster, a boundary of Sevilla |
Victoria
(85 tons)
| Captain and treasurer of fleet |
Luis de Mendoza |
[286] |
| Pilot of his Highness |
Basco Gallego |
Portuguese |
| Notary |
Martin Mendez |
Citizen of Sevilla |
| Master |
Anton Salomon |
Trápana in Sicilia |
| Boatswain |
Miguel de Rodas |
Rodas |
| Alguacil |
Diego de Peralta |
Peralta in Navarra |
| Steward |
Alonso Gonzales |
Portuguese |
| Calker |
Simon de la Rochela |
From La Rochela |
| Carpenter |
Martin de Griate50 |
From Deva |
| Sailor |
Miguel Benesciano |
Bresá |
| Sailor |
Diego Gallego |
Bayona in Galicia |
| Sailor |
Lope Navarro |
Tudela |
| Sailor |
Nicolas Ginoves |
Génova |
| Sailor |
Nicolao de Nápoles |
Nápoles de Romanía |
| Sailor |
Miguel Sanchez |
Rodas |
| Sailor |
Nicolao de Capua |
Capua |
| Sailor |
Benito Genovés |
Arvenga |
| Sailor |
Felipe de Rodas |
Rodas |
| Sailor |
Esteban Villon51 |
Troya |
| Sailor |
Joan Griego |
Nápoles de Romanía |
| Gunner |
Jorge Aleman [i.e., the German], chief gunner |
From Estric |
| Gunner |
Filiberto de Torres52 |
Toriana |
| Gunner |
Hans, a German53 |
Agan |
| Common seaman |
Joanico,54 a Viscayan |
Somorostro |
| Common seaman |
Joan de Arratia55 |
Bilbao |
| Common seaman |
Ochote56 |
Bilbao |
| Common seaman |
Martin de Ayamonte |
|
| Common seaman |
Pedro de Tolosa |
Tolosa in Guipúzcoa |
| Common seaman |
Sebastian Ortiz |
Gelver |
| Common seaman |
Antonio |
Baresa in Génova |
| Common seaman |
Bernal Mahuri57 |
Narbona |
| Common seaman |
Rodrigo Gallego [i.e., a Galician] |
Coruña [287] |
| Common seaman |
Domingo Portogues [i.e., a Portuguese] |
Coimbra |
| Boy |
Juan de Zuvileta, the son of Basco Gallego |
Baracaldo |
Sobresalientes
| The captain’s servant |
Francisco Carvajal |
Salamanca |
| Captain’s servant |
Joan Martin58 |
Aguilar de Campo |
| Captain’s servant |
Simon de Burgos |
Portuguese |
| Captain’s servant |
Bartolomé de Saldaña |
Palos |
| Blacksmith |
Gonzalo Rodriguez |
|
| Blacksmith |
Pero Garcia de Herrero59 |
Ciudad Real |
| Blacksmith |
Joan Villalon |
Antequera |
| Blacksmith |
Alonso de Mora, or de Ebora60 |
Mora, in Portugal |
| Cooper |
Joan de Córdoba |
Sanlúcar |
| Cooper |
Diego Diaz |
Sanlúcar |
Santiago
(75 tons)
| Captain and pilot of his Highness |
Joan Serrano |
Citizen of Sevilla |
| Notary |
Antonio de Costa |
|
| Master |
Baltasar Ginoves |
Ribera de Génova [i.e., the Genoese
shore] |
| Boatswain |
Bartolomé Prior61 |
San Malo |
| Steward |
Gaspar Diaz |
Isla Graciosa, in the Azores |
| Calker |
Joan García |
Génova |
| Carpenter |
Ripart62 |
Bruz in Normandia [i.e., Normandy] |
| Sailor |
Antonio Flamenco [i.e., a Fleming] |
Enveres [288] |
| Sailor |
Luis Martinez |
Huelva |
| Sailor |
Bartolomé García |
Palos |
| Sailor |
Joan García |
Palos |
| Sailor |
Agustin |
Saona |
| Sailor |
Bocacio Alfonso63 |
Bollullos |
| Sailor |
Pedro Gascon64 [i.e., a Gascon] |
Burdeos [i.e., Bordeaux] |
| Sailor |
Domingo65 |
|
| Sailor |
Diego García de Trigueros |
Trigueros |
| Gunner |
Lorenzo Corrat |
Talesa in Normandia [i.e., Normandy] |
| Gunner |
Joan Macia66 |
Troya |
| Common seaman |
Pedro Diaz67 |
Huelva |
| Common seaman |
Antonio Hernandez68 |
Palos |
| Common seaman |
Juan,69 a negro |
|
| Common seaman |
Joan Breton [i.e., a Breton] |
Cruesic in Bretaña [i.e.,
Brittany] |
| Common seaman |
Pedro Bello70 |
Palos |
| Common seaman |
Hierónimo Garcia71 |
Sevilla |
| Common seaman |
Pero Arnaot |
Horrai |
| Common seaman |
Pero Garcia |
Trigueros |
| Boy |
Joan Flamenco [i.e., a Fleming] |
Enveres |
| Boy |
Francisco Paxe72 |
|
Sobresalientes
| Merino |
Joan de Aroche |
Aroche, boundary of Sevilla |
|
Martin Barrena |
Villafranco in Guipúzcoa |
|
Hernan Lorenzo |
Aroche |
[289]
The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235.
Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general de
Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Muñoz, and various other
sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the
abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming people
from their native town or province, and the fact that the various
registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From some of these
registers, it appears that the following men were also in the
fleet.
| Capacity |
Name |
Nationality |
| Carpenter |
Aroca |
Viscayan |
| Steward |
Blas Alfonso |
Portuguese |
| Calker |
Juan Gutierrez |
|
|
Maestre Pedro73 |
|
| Sailor |
Bautista Genovés |
Génova |
| Common seaman |
Perucho de Bermeo |
|
| Common seaman |
Domingo Alvarez |
|
| Common seaman |
Domingo Gonzalez |
|
| Common seaman |
Domingo de Zubillan74 |
Portuguese |
| Common seaman |
Andres Blanco |
|
| Common seaman |
Antonio Gomez |
Axio |
| Common seaman |
Juan Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese] |
|
| Common seaman |
Juan Bras |
|
| Common seaman |
Gonzalo Gallego |
|
| Common seaman |
Rodrigo de Hurrira |
|
|
Sebastian Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese] |
|
|
Juan de Ircepais |
|
Sobresalientes
| Secular priest |
Pero Sanchez de Reina |
|
|
Licentiate Morales |
|
|
Hernando Rodriguez |
|
|
Hartiga |
|
|
Diugurria |
[290] |
| Soldier |
Diego Arias |
Sanlúcar |
| Blacksmith |
Juan Hernandez |
Triana |
| Servant of Luis de Mendoza |
Hernando de Aguilar |
|
|
The negro of the pilot Juan Carballo |
|
In addition there were probably others, this list being still three
short of Guillemard’s figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N.
Amer., London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a
partial list.
27 The Moorish
name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wâd-al-Kebir, “the
great river”), superseded the Roman name of Bætis. The
Romans formed all Southern Spain into one province called Bætica
after the name of the Bætis. By the town Gioan dal Farax is meant
San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn al-Faradj). Its
Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia Constantia. It is a
favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. Coría was once a
Roman potters’ town and is still celebrated for its jars. San
Lúcar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. Luke. It was
captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to the father of Guzman el
Bueno. It attained importance after the discovery of America because of
its good harbor. The house of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso
Pérez de Guzman, a famous captain.
28 The original of
this passage is obscure. The distance given (ten leagues; and both MS.
5,650 and Eden agree substantially with it) is far too short for the
distance between San Lucar and Cape St. Vincent, which is over one
hundred miles. Pigafetta may have forgotten the actual distance, or it
may have been an error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate
as follows: “which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel
being] x leguas from the said port;” for “longui” may
be taken as agreeing with “gradi.” In all rendering of
distances, the Spanish form will be used in preference to the Italian;
and the same will apply to the names of Spanish coins.
29 MS. 5,650
reads: “And after passing many small villages along the said
river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the duke of
Medinacidonia, and called Sainct Lucar, where there is a port with an
entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that port by the east wind, and
leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape of Sainct Vincent, which,
according to cosmography, lies in a latitude of thirty-seven degrees at
a distance of twenty miles from [291]the said port. From the said
city [of Sevilla] to the said port by the river abovesaid, the distance
is thirty-five or forty miles.” This passage might be cited as a
proof that Pigafetta did not translate or write the French version, but
that the work was done by another, who takes various liberties with his
original.
30 MS. 5,650
reads: “furnish the fleet.”
31 Ninguna
in original, a Spanish word.
32 MS. 5,650 adds:
“otherwise called ‘labeiche.’” Labech (Italian
libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This is another
instance in which the French adapter adds an explanation to the
Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino,
“southwest.”
33 MS. 5,650 reads
wrongly: “sixteenth.” The so-called Genoese pilot (the
author of the “Roteiro,” by which name his account will be
hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see Guillemard’s
Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p. 32, and note 4) gives the date
of departure as September 21 (with which Barros agrees) and the arrival
at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stanley, p. 1). Peter Martyr,
Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Pigafetta, while Castanheda makes the
departure in January, 1520. Hughes observes that if one keep in mind
the circumstance that the day of the arrival coincided with the day
dedicated by the Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems
more admissible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the
arrival by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October
2; while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montaña Roja (the
Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, notes 4 and
5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo are not entirely
trustworthy authorities, and that many times they have simply copied
from authorities, such as Maximilianus Transylvanus, who is not always
to be relied upon.
34 The Canaries
were known to the ancients under the names of Islands of the Blest,
Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. The Moors knew of them under the
name of Islands of Khaledat, but had no practical acquaintance with
them. In the fourteenth century these islands began to be known to
Europeans, especially through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman
Jean de Bethencourt went there, and shortly after began their conquest
under the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the
settlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded to
Spain in 1481 (see Birch’s Alboquerque, London,
1875–1884, Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The
inhabitants of the islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the
latter meaning “men of Tenerife.” The inhabitants of this
island, holding out longer than the others, were not subdued until
1496. See also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877); and
History and Description [292]of Africa (London, 1896), i,
pp. 99–101: both publications of the Hakluyt Society. The island
of Tenerife was formerly called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell.
Like all the other islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation,
and its peak, the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known.
Its latitude is 28° 15′.
35 Guillemard
conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at the south end of
Tenerife.
36 MS. 5,650 adds:
“which is a substance needed by ships.” Herrera says that
they waited three days at the port awaiting a caravel that was laden
with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53, note 8).
37 MS. 5,650
reads: “water coming from spring or river.”
38 Eden (p. 250)
adds to this account which he greatly abridges: “The lyke thynge
is alſo ſcene in the Iland of ſaynt Thomas, lyinge
directly vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.” Of this island of Hierro,
Pory (History and description of Africa, Hakluyt Society
edition, p. 100) says: “Hierro hath neither
spring nor well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud
which over-spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture,
as sufficeth both for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower or
two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne
rising.” This is an old story and is related by Pliny and
founded upon fact “for both in Madeira and the Canaries the
laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from
the daily mists” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 149).
Gregorio Chil y Naranio (Estudios históricos ... de
las islas Canarias, 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island
of Palma, and that the first navigators visited only the coast and so
did not see the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9).
39 MS. 5,650 adds:
“which the sailors of the east call ‘Cyroc’”
This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the
southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the port
October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2).
40 Eden (p. 250)
reads incorrectly: “In this coaſt they
had no maner of contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether for
the ſpace of three ſcore and tenne dayes, in the which they
came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.”
41 MS. 5,650 adds:
“and of those persons who have sailed there often.”
42 MS. 5,650
reads: “And in order that our ships might not be wrecked or
broach to (which often happens when the squalls come together).”
[293]
43 This last
phrase, as well as the two following sentences are missing in MS.
5,650. The third sentence following begins: “During the calm
weather, large fish called tiburoni,” etc. The word tiburoni, “sharks” is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes from the French tibéron (tiburin, tiburon).—Echagaray’s Diccionario
Etimológico (Madrid, 1889).
44 MS. 5,650
reads: “The said fish are caught by means of a contrivance which
sailors call ‘hame’ which is an iron fishhook.”
Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Amo,
meaning “fishhook.”
45 MS. 5,650 adds:
“because of the bad weather.”
46 MS. 5,650 reads
“a quarter of an hour,” and the same duration of time is
given by Eden (p. 250).
47 MS. 5,650 adds:
“It is to be noted that whenever that fire that represents the
said Saint Anselme ascends and descends the mast of a ship while in a
storm at sea, that the said ship is never wrecked.” Herrera
(cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says that St. Elmo appeared on the
masthead with a lighted candle and sometimes two during the storms
encountered along the coasts of Guinea, and that the sailors were
greatly comforted thereby, and saluted the saint as is the custom of
seamen. When he appeared, he remained a quarter of an hour; and at his
departure a great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men.
Eden (p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects
into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description of St.
Elmo’s fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of De
Subtilitate. He says: “Of the kynde of
trewe fyer, is the fyer baule or ſtarre commonly cauled ſaynt
Helen which is ſumtyme ſeene abowt the maſtes of
ſhyppes, beinge of ſuche fyery nature that it ſumetyme
melteth braſen veſſels, and is a token of drownyng,
foraſmuch as this chaunceth only in great tempeſtes. For the
vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered, can not bee
dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of a groſe
vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a token of
imminent perell.” The fires called after St. Peter and St.
Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are generally to
be seen on the cables, after a storm. Being little and swift moving
they can do no damage as they could do if massed and of slow movement.
St. Elmo’s fire is the popular name for the atmospheric
electricity that gathers in the form of a star or brush about the
masthead of ships and on the rigging. It was sometimes accompanied by a
hissing noise and was considered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks
who observed this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth;
and the French edition of Pigafetta’s relation published by Simon
de [294]Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54):
“They saw the fires called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like
blazing torches (whom the ancients called Castor and Pollux).”
“Elmo” is said by some to be a corruption of
“Helena,” the sister of Castor and Pollux, and the name
“Hellene” or “Helen” was often given to the
fire when only one light was visible. It is, however, more probably
derived from St. Elmo, bishop of Formine who died about 304, and who is
invoked by sailors on the Mediterranean. The phenomenon is also called
fire of “St. Elias,” “St. Clara,” “St.
Nicolas,” and “composite,” “composant,”
and “corposant (i.e., corpus sanctum).”
48 The second bird
mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the family Laridæ and
genus Thalassidroma), which is found along all the Atlantic
coasts and on some of the Pacific. The tale of the text was current
among sailors (see Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, viii, pp.
402, 403). The cagassela (“cagaselo” in MS. 5,650) is the
Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger, and by sailors
“boatswain,” “teaser,” and
“dung-hunter.” The last name arose from the belief, long
held even by scientists, that this bird fed on the dung of gulls and
terns. In reality it pursues the latter birds and compels them to
disgorge the fish that they have swallowed. The flying-fish is either a
species of Exocœtus, or the Scomberesox saurus of
Europe and America, both of which feed in large schools and jump from
the water to escape their enemies. See Riverside Natural History
(Boston and New York).
49 MS. 5,650 adds:
“which is the collateral wind between the south and the
west;” and below reads: “twenty-four and one-half
degrees;” while Eden (p. 250) reads: “xxii degrees and a
halfe.”
50 Verzino,
the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema’s Travels,
Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is the
Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was first
visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and
Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country were Vera
Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, mentioned below, lies in
8° 21´ south latitude, and is the most eastern headland of
South America. It was the first land of that continent to be
discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 by Pinzon. Before
sighting the above cape, Magalhães arrested Juan de Cartagena
for insubordination and gave the command of the “San
Antonio” to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard’s
Magellan, p. 153). Albo’s log begins slightly before the
sighting of the point, his first entry being November 29. See
Burton’s “Introduction” in his Captivity of Hans
Stade (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874). [295]
51 MS. 5,650
reads: “veal.” The anta is the tapir, once very
plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civilized
districts. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii.
Albo, however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says
when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian: “and many Indians
came there, who are clad in certain skins of antas, which
resemble camels without the hump.” (Navarrete, Col. de
viages, iv, p. 214).
52 Stanley
mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et est de la longueur
dun naveau, “and is of the length of a shuttle,”
confusing naveau with navette, “shuttle.”
Naveau here is equivalent to navet, “turnip”
or navette, “rape,” a plant of the turnip class, as
is proved by the Italian.
53 MS. 5,650
reads: “And for a king of cards, of the kind which are used to
play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls.” The four suits of
Italian playing cards are called spade (“swords”),
bastoni (“clubs”), danari (literally:
“money;” “diamonds”), and coppe
(“cups”).
54 MS. 5,650
reads: “five.”
55 MS. 5,650 adds:
“which is an astrological term. That zenith is a point in the
sky, according to astrologers, but only in the imagination, and is in a
straight line over our head, as can be seen by the treatise of the
sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first book De caelo et
mondo.” By the treatise of the sphere is evidently meant the
treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and which is not
reproduced here as being outside the scope of the present work. In the
flyleaf of the Italian original is the following: “Notices
concerning the new world, with the charts of the countries discovered,
written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian and knight of Rodi. At the end
are added some rules for finding the longitude and latitude of places
east and west.” In the Italian MS. this treatise occupies the
last twelve folios. Stanley translates Amoretti’s version of the
Treatise, which is greatly abridged. Mosto (p. 35) conjectures
that the treatise is the fruits of his three-years’ experience
during the expedition.
56 Albo
(Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to coast
southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy’s bay on
December 13 (St. Lucy’s day). Of the coast he says: “The
mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them. There are many
rivers and ports in the said Brasil and San Tomé, and some six
leguas down the coast there are many bays running two leguas into the
land. But the coast runs northeast and southwest to Cape Frio, and has
many islands and rivers. Cape Frio is a very large river.... At the
entrance of the said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very
low island, and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports
... [296]and is called the bay of Santa Lucía....
In the said bay, one finds a well-disposed and numerous race, who go
naked and trade for fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk’s bells with
food.... We entered that place on the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed
there until the day of St. John, namely, the twenty-seventh of the said
month of December. On that day we went and took our course west
southwest, and found seven islands. To the right of them is a bay
called the bay of Los Reyes [i.e., the Kings] which has a good
entrance.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 1) says:
“as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to
the south-east [sic] along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which
is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from this cape he
steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio de
Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they entered
the said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th December, in
which place they took in wood, and they remained there until the first
octave of Christmas, which was the 26th of December of the same
year.” Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) says: “Setting sail
thence [i.e., from Tenerife], the first land sighted was the
cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended the coast as far as the
river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15 or 16 days.”
57 Eden (p. 251)
says: “bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, Fraunce, and
Italie.”
58 MS. 5,650 adds:
“more like beasts than anything else.”
59 MS. 5,650
reads: “And some of those people live to the age of one hundred,
one hundred and twenty, one hundred and forty, or more.” Eden (p.
251) says: “C.xx. and C.xl. yeares.” For description of the
Brazil Indians, and their manners and customs, see Captivity of Hans
Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 117–169.
60 Wrongly
transcribed by Stanley as “boy.”
61 MS. 5,650
reads: “You must know that a family of one hundred persons, who
make a great racket, lives in each of those houses called
boii.” One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) is
described by Wilson (Transactions of Ethnological Society, new
series, vol. i) as being “60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms
for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central fire
whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained 200
head.” See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59,
60, note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamoyos
of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1; see also Burton,
ut supra, pp. lxi-lxxvi).
62 Amoretti makes
this passage read: “Their boats, called [297]canoes, are hollowed out from the single trunk
of a huge tree;” understanding maschize as
massiccio “huge.” Mosto prefers to read
maschize as two words ma schize (notwithstanding that it
is one word in the original), for ma schiacciate, “but
flattened.” Accepting this, the translation would be: “They
have boats made from one single tree, only flattened.”
Amoretti’s interpretation is to be preferred.
63 MS. 5,650
reads: “and one would believe them to be enemies from
hell.”
64 MS. 5,650 adds:
“of the said country of Verzin.”
65 MS. 5,650
reads: “daily.” Amerigo Vespucci says in a letter (Mosto,
p. 55, note 6): “I saw human flesh salted and suspended from the
beams, in the same way as we are wont to hang up bacon and
swine’s flesh.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied
Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism among
the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans Stade
(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155–159; and
Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society
publications, London, 1891), pp. 129, 130.
66 For
Carvagio, as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an error of
the amanuensis. This was João Carvalho (the Juan Lopez Caraballo
of the register—see note 26, ante). Carvalho was a
Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age, as appears
later in Pigafetta’s narrative. After the fatal banquet in the
island of Cebú, he became the leader of the remaining men of the
fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He remained
behind with the ill-fated “Trinidad,” and never returned to
Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, was left
behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252–255, for Correa’s
account of the actions of Carvalho after the death of
Magalhães.
67 The early
French edition and the Italian edition of 1536 both include the women
and children.—Stanley.
68 It is a
widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the American Indian to
pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit Relations and Allied
Documents (Cleveland reissue).
69 Eden (p. 45),
defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys of the genus
Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8).
70 MS. 5,650
reads: “fresh cheese.” Pigafetta may here refer to the
bread made from the casava or manioc root. See Burton’s
Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130–132, for a description of
the method of preparing this root.
71 The swine
mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagaçu), or peccari
(Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those
[298]of the porcupine, and is generally of a whitish
color. It is tailless and very fierce and difficult to domesticate. The
flesh was eaten; and the teeth were worn by some of the chiefs as
necklaces. Burton (ut supra), p. 160, note.
72 The Platalea ajaja or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the
family of the Plataleidæ, whose habitat
extends through all of tropical and subtropical America, including the
West Indies, south to the Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and
north to the southern part of the United States.
73 Hans Stade
(Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of the people of
Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner.
74 MS. 5,650
reads: “The women attend to the outside affairs, and carry
everything necessary for their husband’s food in small panniers
on the head or fastened to the head.”
75 MS. 5,650 adds:
“and compassion.”
76 MS. 5,650
reads: “When we departed they gave us a very great quantity of
verzin;” and adds: “That is a color which comes from trees
which grow in the said country, and so abundantly, that the country is
called Verzin from it.”
77 MS. adds:
“which was a piece of great simplicity.”
78 This sentence
is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: “Besides the abovesaid
which proclaims their simplicity, the people of the above place showed
us another very simple thing.”
79 This passage in
Stanley reads as follows: “A beautiful young girl came one day
inside the ship of our captain, where I was, and did not come except to
seek for her luck: however, she directed her looks to the cabin of the
master, and saw a nail, of a finger’s length, and went and took
it as something valuable and new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise
she would not have been able to conceal it, because she was naked, and,
bending forwards, she went away; and the captain and I saw this
mystery.” The matter between the words “length” and
“naked” is taken from MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by
Stanley to be the copy of his travels presented to the regent Louise by
Pigafetta, the conclusion being based on the fact that some of the
details are softened down), as Stanley considered the incident as told
in MS. 5,650, the Italian MS. and the first French edition, as unfit
for publication. Stanley cites the following (in the original) from the
edition of 1536 which omits the above story: “At the first land
at which we stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the
ships from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken
with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone out of the
ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned [299]immediately to the ships with their infants in
their arms.” He also cites the following passage from the first
French printed edition, which also narrates the above story of the
girl: “At the first coast that we passed, some slave women gave
birth. When they were in travail, they left the boat, after which they
immediately returned, and nursed their children.” Stanley adds
that this story of the slave women is improbable, as women were not
allowed to come aboard ship.
80 MS. 5,650 gives
the words of the Brazil as follows: “maiz, huy, pinda, taesse,
chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, tum maraghatom.” Amoretti (see
Stanley’s edition, p. 48) reads tacse as tarse and
itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French
forcette (“scissors”) as
“fork.”
81 Eden says (p.
251): “xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward the pole
Antartike.”
82 MS. 5,650
reads: “and to ask whether the others might come.”
83 MS. 5,650
reads: “That place was formerly called Cape Saincte Marye and it
was thought that one could pass thence to the sea of Sur, that is to
say the South Sea, but it has not been ascertained that any ships have
ever discovered anything farther on.” Eden (p. 251) reads:
“Abowt the mouth of this ryuer are
ſeven ilandes, in the byggeſt whereof, they founde certeyne
precious ſtones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The
Spanyardes thought that by this ryuer they might haue paſſed
into the ſouth ſea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion.
For there was none other paſſage than by the ryuer which is
xvii. leagues large in the mouth.” This river was the Rio
de la Plata. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 2) says that
Magalhães left Rio de Janeiro December 26, proceeding to the
cape Santa María and the river which was called St. Christopher.
There they remained until February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p.
211) also mentions the river which he calls the “river of
Solís.” The ships sent to look for a strait through the
river were gone two days, and a careful exploration of the mouth of the
river was made. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: “They
left that place [i.e., Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until
they reached the river called Solís, where Fernando Magallanes
thought that he could find a strait. They stayed there forty days.
Magallanes ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to sail forward for
about 50 leguas to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a
passage, he crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found
the [opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest.” For
early history of this region, see Dominguez’s Conquest of the
River Plata. [300]
84 Juan Diaz de
Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is
said, although without sufficient authority, to have discovered Yucatan
with Pinzon in 1506. He was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the
death of Amerigo Vespucci in 1512. In October, 1515, he sailed in
command of an expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He
discovered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region of
the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed and eaten
before September, 1516. The remnant of the expedition was conducted
back to Spain by his brother-in-law.
85 Eden adds (p.
251): “which ſum thynke to bee
thoſe fyſſhes that wee caule pikes.” Below,
the sea-wolf is described as having a head “of golden
coloure.” They were probably some species of the
Otariidæ or fur-seals (Giullemard, p. 160, note). The
“geese” were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and others, also
mention the “sea-wolves and ducks.” Kohl (Zeitschrift
der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay
where the ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably
Desvelos Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado (“Port
Desire;” see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh
provisions from these “sea-wolves,” calling the bay where
he secured them “Seale Bay.” See World Encompassed
(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 54, 55.
86 Port St.
Julian. The “Roteiro” pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says that they
reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20´ south
latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: “We went to a port
called San Julian, where we entered the last day of March, and where we
stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew. The said port lies in a
latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees. We pitched the ships in that
port.” Other writers give slightly different locations (see
Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the Portuguese, whose MS. is
preserved in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king
of Portugal certain news obtained from some of the men of the
“Trinidad.” His information as might be expected, is at
times faulty. Of Port St. Julian, he says: “They coasted along
shore until they reached a river called San Juan where they wintered
for four months.”
87 MS. 5,650 adds:
“jumping up and down.” The only reference made to the
Patagonians by Albo is as follows: “Many Indians came there, who
dress in certain skins of the anta, which resemble camels
without the hump. They have certain bows made from cane, which are very
small and resemble turkish bows. The arrows also resemble Turkish
arrows, and are tipped with flint instead of iron. Those Indians are
very prudent, swift runners, and very well-built and well-appearing
men.” (Navarrete, iv, [301]pp. 214, 215). Cf. with
Pigafetta’s account that given by Maximilianus Transylvanus, in
Vol. I, pp. 303–337.
88 MS. 5,650
reads: “he began to marvel and to be afraid.”
89 Guillemard, who
follows the Amoretti edition, translates (p. 180) this passage:
“His hair was short and colored white,” but this
translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor MS. 5,650.
Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as does also Wilkes
(Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842), i,
facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the officers of the
expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were taller than average
Europeans, as follows: “They had good figures and pleasant
looking countenances, low foreheads, and high cheekbones, with broad
faces, the lower part projecting; their hair was course and cut short
on the crown leaving a narrow border of hair hanging down; over this
they wore a kind of cap or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth
of all of them were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old
than in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many of
them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay, soot,
and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their inflamed and
sore eyes, was filthy and disgusting.” They showed that they had
had previous communication with white men. Their food was fish and
shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and had dogs. Brinton
(American Race, New York, 1891) says that “The Patagonians
call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men, people), and by
their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che,
southerners.” Many of them are “from six to six feet four
inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they are a reddish
brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads.” Ramon Lista
(Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average
height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m., hence the early accounts of
their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note 6). See
also the description of the Patagonians in the “Roteiro”
(Stanley, p. 5); and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake
(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56–61 (where the origin of the
name “Patagonian” is wrongly given).
90 The guanaco, a
species of llama. See also Vol. II, p. 34, note
5*.
91 Hence arose the
name “Patagonians” or “men with big feet,”
given by Magalhães, because of the awkward appearance of the
feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for greater
warmth.
92 The words
“somewhat thicker than those of a lute” are lacking in MS.
5,650. [302]
93 This sentence
is omitted by MS. 5,650.
94 Eden (p. 251)
says “two,” and following says that Magalhaes gave the
giant “certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, with
alſo a lookynge glaſſe, a combe, and a payre of beades
of glaſſe.”
95 MS. 5,650 adds:
“on the face.”
96 MS. 5,650 omits
“face.”
97 “For the
smiths” is omitted by MS. 5,650.
98 Maximilianus
Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian was captured, but that he
died shortly from self-starvation (Vol. I, pp.
314, 315). The “Roteiro” says (Stanley, p. 5) that three or
four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain in the
“San Antonio.” Pigafetta’s account, as given by an
eyewitness, is to be preferred.
99 MS. 5,650
reads: “for otherwise they could have caused some of our men
trouble.” Below Stanley (p. 53) again mistranslates the French
“forces” as “forks.”
100 MS. 5,650
adds: “of malefactors,” and reads farther: “and their
faces lighted up at seeing those manacles.”
101 MS. 5,650
reads: “and they were grieved that they could not take the irons
with their hands, for they were hindered by the other things that they
were holding.” Eden (p. 252) says at the end of his account of
the capture: “Being thus taken, they were immediately
ſeperate and put in ſundry ſhyppes.”
102 MS. 5,650
adds: “that is, the big devil.”
Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on
America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the
newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who
invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the
Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis
Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god
Settaboth.
103 MS. 5,650
reads: “the wife of one of the giants who had remained behind in
irons.”
104 MS. 5,650
makes this plural.
105 See
ante, note 103.
106 This word
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
107 MS. 5,650
adds: “in their language.”
108 MS. 5,650
omits this sentence.
109 MS. 5,650
reads “instead of taking medicine.” See Jesuit Relations
and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples [303]of
medicine and surgery as practiced by the North American Indians.
110 MS. 5,650
reads “two feet or so.”
111 MS. 5,650
reads “cut short and shaven like religious.” Hans Stade
also notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see
Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp.
136–138, and note, from which it appears that this manner of
wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes).
112 Stanley (p.
55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original from MS.
5,650.
113 In MS.
5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “They seem to be painted,
and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater
noise and gives expression to greater joy than the others.”
114 Mosto (p.
59) mistranscribes or misprints “Setebas.” Roncagli (Da
punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in “Bollettino della
Società geografica italiana,” 1884, p. 775) says that the
Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called “Wallichu.”
Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: “They are not without
some religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at
the beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their
pipes to the four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and
Iroquois.”
115 See
ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes “Pataghoni” of
MS. 5,650 as “Palaghom.”
116 A reference
to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as early as 1422,
where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous people. The
name “Cingani” or Zingari, as they are generally called in
Italy, comes from the Greek word τἀσιγχανοι,
by which they were called by Byzantine writers of the ix–xii
centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly different forms in
Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia, and Germany. Their
ancestral home was probably in northwestern India, whence they
emigrated in successive waves. In many countries extreme and harsh
measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they had
appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in
France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia,
Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called
Gitános (Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against
them until the reign of Cárlos III, they continued, more
fortunate than the Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in
his Don Quixote (pt. i, chap, xxx), but the name Gitáno
had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs
are described. [304]The few in Italy have been allowed to remain,
and those in the Slavic countries and England were generally treated
kindly. Their language is Aryan and was highly inflected; and while
they have been given many names by the nations among whom they have
lived, their own appellation is “Rom” “the
man.” See New International Encyclopedia (New York,
1903).
117 MS. 5,650
reads: “capae;” but Stanley has mistranscribed
“capac.”
118 “Albo
(Navarrete iv, p. 215), the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4),
Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of
departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in
giving 5½ instead of 4½ months for the period for which
the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of departure as
August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date says that the name
“St. Julian” or “of the ducks” was given to
that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as
April 2, and says that the place was called “river of Saõ
Julião.” See Mosto, ut supra.
119 A portion
of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as follows in MS.
5,650: “However the treason was discovered, and as a consequence
the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de
Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying shortly
after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and
set ashore on that land of Pathagonia.” The Italian MS. is badly
confused, while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and
shows the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the
attempted mutiny: “They remayned fyue
monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder
capitaynes conſpirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and
quartered: Amonge whom the treaſurer Luigo of Mendozza was one.
Certeyne of the other conſpirators, he left in the ſayd land
of Patogoni.” See the short account of the mutiny given by
Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account
given in the same volume, pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p.
3) says that three of the ships revolted against
Magalhães” saying that they intended to take him to
Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;” but
Magalhães subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with
him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet,
and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita,
Magalhães’s cousin, is wrongly reported to have been given
command of one of the ships of those killed, but the command of the
“San Antonio” that had previously been given to Antonio de
Coca, after Magalhães had deprived Cartagena of it, had been
given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny. [305]
The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col.
de viages, iv, pp. 34–38) which was compiled mainly from
documents presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as
follows:
“March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port
of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered
the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and of the
barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Magallanes by various
arguments to increase the rations or turn back, since there was no hope
of finding the end of that country or any strait. But Magallanes
replied that he would either die or accomplish what he had promised;
that the king had ordered the voyage which he was to accomplish; and
that he had to sail until he found that land or some strait which must
surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had no reason to
complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good water,
many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had
not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule
regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged
them not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian
nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering
them corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did
he quiet the men.
“April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains,
officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in
his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went
to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de
Cartagena (the latter because he was a prisoner in Quesada’s
keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la Mezquita alone went to
dine with Magallanes.
“During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena
with about thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went
to the ‘San Antonio,’ where Quesada requested that the
captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the
crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the
‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that
they already knew how Magallanes had treated and was treating them,
because they had asked him to fulfil the king’s orders; that they
were lost men; and that they should help him make another request of
Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master
of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro
de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in
God’s name and that of the king, Don Cárlos, to go to your
ship, for the present is no time to go through the ships with armed
men; and I also summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon
Quesada replied: ‘Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of
this madman?’ and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in
[306]the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was
kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship
‘Concepcion,’ while Quesada remained in the ‘San
Antonio.’ Thus were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of
the three ships, ‘San Antonio,’ ‘Concepcion,’
and ‘Victoria.’
“Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect
that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their
disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty’s
provisions. They said that they had done that in order that he might no
longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree to
fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands, and
[said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would
thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to
him.
“Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he
would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not
dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship
‘San Antonio,’ where they would all assemble and decide
definitely on what the king’s orders commanded.
“Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than
meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft and
force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ‘San
Antonio’ which was used for those negotiations, at his ship; and
sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff belonging to
his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed secretly
and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the
latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the
letter and smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that
way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor
stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead.
Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under command of
Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with
fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the
banner to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2.
Then the ‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they
together immediately approached the ‘Santiago.’
“On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the
‘Concepcion’ which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried
to put to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the
flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San Antonio’ raised
two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free
Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order to
send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mezquita,
however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they
arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself
forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, [307]not
to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would be settled
favorably.
“Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where
they were endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the
ship dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some
large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ‘San
Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding,
‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered
to Magallanes. The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de
Coca, and other sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San
Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he sent to the
‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with
them.
“Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore
and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh,
he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry.
That was done by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis
de Molino, in order to save himself from hanging, for that sentence had
been passed on him. Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay
priest, Pedro Sanchez de la Reina, who had been active in causing the
men to mutiny, to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than
forty men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, and
so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of the
punishment.”
Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very
brief and unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask
him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who
said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate with
Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he been there. Then
they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill him, and go back to
Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to the river of Santa
Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in execution. But when
Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for the captains
said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship
armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw
their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their
attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew
were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de
Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while
he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he
left Juan de Cartagena together with a secular priest ashore at a place
where there were no inhabitants.”
Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect
account of the meeting.
Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard
(Magellan), pp. 162–174. When the “San
Antonio” deserted, Esteban [308]Gomez is said to have rescued
Cartagena and the priest. João Serrão (after the loss of
the “Santiago”) was given command of the
“Concepcion,” Mesquita of the “San Antonio,”
and Duarte Barbosa of the “Victoria,” all Portuguese
(Guillemard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir
Francis Drake should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where
Thomas Doughty was executed. That the history of
Magalhães’s expedition was generally known is evident from
the following: “The next day after, being
the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good
harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a
gibbet standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where
Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and
rebellious company.” World encompassed (Hakluyt
Society edition), p. 234.
120 MS. 5,650
reads: “twenty-five leagues.”
121 Instead of
this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of
that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is
very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut supra, pp.
175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely,
the negro slave of João Serrão. The “Roteiro”
(Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv,
p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they
wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship
‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was
wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account
(Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the
vessel was lost.
122 Mosto (p.
60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish mejillon, a
variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus or common
mussel.
123 See
Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.
124 Eden (p.
252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”
125 MS. 5,650
omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place:
“by His grace.”
126 MS. 5,650
omits these last two words. The Italian form braccio is retained
in view of these words; for the Spanish braza is a measure about
equivalent to the English fathom, while the braccio, although
varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length.
The term is, however, translated brasse (“fathom”)
in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be the
Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore [309]Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a
letter of May 22, 1905: “The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess
in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly
called Eliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have
been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is
applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South
America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading.
‘Robalo’ is the Spanish name for the European bass, which
is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the
robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and
belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern
hemisphere—the Nototheniids. The so-called Eliginus
maclovinus (properly, Eliginops maclovinus) is the most
common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by
the fleet of Magalhães.”
127 Of the
river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says:
“We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of
the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west.
About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we
entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of
San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there
and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and
southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good
indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places
the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about
50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to
pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18.
The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because
they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy
cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl
(Mosto, ut supra) attributes the name to João
Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which
the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross.
Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the
sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard
(ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report,
although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520,
which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra)
says that Magalhães gave instructions to his captains here
“saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait
or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of
75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be
twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco
toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena
Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.” [310]
A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed
“chapter.”
128 The
anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53°
30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo,
52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.
129 MS. 5.650
has the words in brackets.
130 Eden (p.
252) says of the strait: “they founde the
ſtraight nowe cauled the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in
ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ſumwhere
very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in
bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the French
et quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue,
which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a
half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says
that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues,
and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus
(Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three,
five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one
league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to
one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as
two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr,
a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)
131
Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient
Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal,
Glossaire nautìque (Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The
old Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both
the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it
is moored to the shore.
132 This
passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a
circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the
majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the
said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was
another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had
seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been
made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said
captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct
Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in
order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said
strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.”
Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem),
Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a
family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at
Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479,
after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he became [311]acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen
geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his
return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of
Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the
Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and
married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany,
where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of
his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of
Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile
in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal,
where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung
up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the
straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may
have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New Biographical Dictionary
(London, 1848); Grande Encyclopédie (Paris, Lamirault et
Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.
See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion
of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the
American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and
passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against,
decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact
knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would
allow access to the eastern world.
133 Possession
Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200)
thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.
134 Probably
Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.
135 The
“First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada
Point.
136 Lago de los
Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.
137 The
“Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.
138 MS. 5,650
does not mention the smoke signals.
139 MS. 5,650
reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns,
whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and
cries.”
140 The first
is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast
into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second
opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and
Brunswick Peninsula.
141 Esteban
Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions
only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p.
203). His desertion occurred probably [312]in the first part of
November, and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered
lack of appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with
Gerónimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the
“San Antonio” they made off with that ship, and after
imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla
May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the
“Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an
expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been
fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern
coast, as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. See Grande
Encyclopédie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and
201–208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203–205.
Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of
the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as
follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa
Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no
knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and
after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked,
and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot
named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to
ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that
it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships
‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in
advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for
about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went
farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon
receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three
ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which
the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’
of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban
Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel
that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and
it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was
wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found
an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the
“San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and
evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).
142 Literally
“brother;” but to be understood probably as the expression
cugino germano, “cousin german.”
143 MS. 5,650
begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time,
for the other.”
144 Guillemard
(p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera
that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the
Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv,
p. 215) says that after taking the [313]course to the northwest they
sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring.
145 Albo
(Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the
strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar
(see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).
146 MS. 5,650
adds: “which were on the other side.”
147 João
Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest
friend Francisco Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great
navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183),
though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register
speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p.
155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a
Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served
under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his
second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship
“Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left
to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of
Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere
doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which
they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the
battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which
Magalhães also participated). He was chief captain of three
caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in
1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was
there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the
fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with
Magalhães as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,”
but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given
command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the
strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives
of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at
Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after
the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard
(ut supra), and Stanley’s Three voyages of Vasco da
Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869).
148 MS. 5,650
reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain
from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become
separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds:
“Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had
ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their
letters,” etc.
149 “The
island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).
150 According
to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”)
[314]is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is
identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the “River
of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be one
of the Charles Islands.
151 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port
of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous
Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some
“four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says
the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours.
152 MS. 5,650
adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and
south.”
153 MS. 5,650
adds: “and anchorages.”
154 Various
kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in
Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).
155 MS. 5,650
reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country
or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of
the strait, in Vol. I, pp. 264–265; that
of Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 319–321; and
that in World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236,
237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water
sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley,
p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria,
because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it:
some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named
Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães
gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was
discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to
Magalhães’s request for opinions regarding the continuance
of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but
this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later
extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions
given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map
made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne.
Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called
“strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called
“strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese
(Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The
“Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues
in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it
was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus
(Vol. I, p. 320) gives the length as 100
Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and
twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110
leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; and ante,
note 130. [315]
156 These fish
are: a species of Coryphæna; the Thymnus albacora, and the Thymnus
plamys.
157 From the
Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo).
158 MS. 5,650
reads: “one foot or more.”
159 At this
point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the
heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli
pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian
words.”
160 Literally:
“for the nature of women.”
161 MS. 5,650
presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from
the Italian MS.
| Eyes |
ather |
| Eyelashes |
occhechl |
| Lips |
schiane |
| Hair |
ajchir |
| Throat |
ohumer |
| Shoulders |
peles |
| Penis |
scachet |
| Testicles |
scaneos |
| Rump |
schiachen |
| Arm |
mar |
| Pulse |
ohon |
| Legs |
choss |
| Feet |
teche |
| Heel |
there |
| Sole of the foot |
cartscheni |
| Fingernails |
colini |
| To scratch |
ghecare |
| Young man |
calemi |
| Water |
oli |
| Smoke |
jaiche |
| We |
chen |
| Yes |
zei |
| Petre lazure |
secheghi |
| Sun |
calexcheni |
| To eat |
mecchiere |
| To look |
conne |
| To walk |
rhei |
| Ship |
theu |
| To run |
haim |
| Ostrich eggs |
jan |
| The powder of the herb which they eat |
capae |
| Red cloth |
terechai [316] |
| Black |
amel |
| Red |
theiche |
| To cook |
jrecoles |
| A goose |
chache |
| Their little devils |
Cheleult |
In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian
MS. to ehen, the equivalent of “no;”
theu is “ship” in the above, and “snow”
in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, “to cover”)
in the Italian, becomes courir (“to run”)
in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain
words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa; alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno); homo squerzo (Italian MS.
sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS.
pigniata); alstruzzo vcelo (Italian
MS. al seruzo ucelo); and alcocinare
(Italian MS. al coçinare). Stanley offers this
as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated
from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw
the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley
did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of
it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary,
without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that
and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that
Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in
the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his
transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent whose
Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as
follows: la pouldre d’herbe with Patagonian
equivalent qui (which it is to be noted is only the
wrong form of the French relative), and mangent with Patagonian
equivalent capac, explaining mangent in a
footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also
makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for
oresche (“nostrils”); canneghin for caimeghin (“palm of the
hand”); ochy for ochii
(“bosom”); scancos for scaneos (“testicles”); hou for
hoii (“buttocks”); ohoy
for ohon (“pulse”); cartschem for cartscheni (“sole of the
foot”); chol for thol
(“heart”); om for oni
(“wind”); aschame for aschanie (“earthen pot”); oamaghei for oamaghce (“to
fight”); amet for amel
(“black”); and ixecoles for jrocoles (“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many
errors (see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto,
who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the Patagonian equivalent of a li
testiculi; om jani for a li sui,
the correct forms of the latter being jani and
a li sui oui; and tcrechai for the
equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the
following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe,
Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”
Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the
[317]vocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the
second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond
almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.
| English |
Roncagli |
Pigafetta |
| Nose |
or |
or |
| eye |
óthel |
other |
| hand |
tzén |
chene |
| ear |
sha |
sane |
| ostrich |
óyue |
hoi hoi |
Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia,
Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has
undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists
of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and
Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale
(Wilkes’s U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842,
Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to
Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are
frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.
162 MS. 5,650
reads: “capae.”
163 Cf. with
the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians in
Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue); see
also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), p.
126.
At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the
first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The
cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of
the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650
precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words:
“Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately
following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of the
Ysole Infortunate (“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92).
These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following
notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate
Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull
black on a blue ground.
164 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left
the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous
Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1),
November 27.
165 MS. 5,650
reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which
was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats
that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p.
252) reads: “And hauynge in [318]this
tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales, they fell
into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate
the pouder that remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and
ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by reaſon of the ſalte
water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice
was cooked with salt water.
166 A curious
coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez
at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the
voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the
yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised
the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that
council André de San Martin, pilot in the “San
Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the
middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no
farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so
dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some
rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49).
167 MS. 5,650
reads: “enough of them.”
168 This was
the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in
Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy
during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.
169 The
anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and
northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line
(“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the
course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had
information that there were no provisions” there.
170 MS. 5,650
reads: “It is well named Pacific.”
171 MS. 5,650
adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The
anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate
Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred
miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°)
and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus
(Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that
the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but
Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was
made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the
latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°.
Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January
24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the
date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was
discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9°
(sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island
lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (the
Honden Eyland of the Dutch atlases) of the
Tuamotu group, located in latitude [319]14° 45´ south, and
longitude 138° 48´ west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki
group, located in latitude 11° 20´ south and longitude
151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the
former contains a population of over four hundred. See ante,
note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.
172 MS. 5,650
reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or
otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading:
“According to our measurement of the distance that we made with
the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.”
Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that
the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr.
Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in
“Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,”
1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain
(catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an
instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an
opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta
d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna
(Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr.
sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii,
introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the
idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says,
hinges on the word ho and whether it is interpreted as a verb or
a conjunction. If it be a conjunction then the passage, means
“estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the ‘bow
catena,’ or at the stern” (‘catena’ being a beam
perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where
it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that
place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to
the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or
seventy leagues.” One might suppose, if ho be regarded as
a verb, that Pigafetta called catena a cross beam of
the stern (the passage reading “the catena that was at the
stern”); or that the disjunctive ho, “or” is
used in place of e, “and,” and that Pigafetta,
dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time
necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of
the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See
Mosto, p. 66, note 1.
L’Vzielli’s opinion is the most probable, for although the
log is mentioned by Purchas as early as 1607, its use did not become
general until 1620. An instrument used to measure the rates of vessels
is mentioned as early as 1577, but it was very deficient.
173 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he
calls “cape of the virgins” was discovered on October 21,
1520, and lay in latitude about 52° south. Barros says that it was
discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27.
See Mosto, p. 61, note 1. [320]
174 Regarding
the reckonings Eden says: “In ſo much
that it was neceſſarie to helpe the needle with the lode
ſtone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could ſaile
therwith, bycauſe it moued not as it doothe when it is in
theſe owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the
“ſtarres abowt the pole Antartike.” The same
author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and
Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of
the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of
the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall
line. Alſo certeyne ſecreates touching the arte of
ſaylynge.” The former says: “The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle
as is ſeene abowte owre pole. But hath foure ſtarres whiche
compaſſe it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are
hydden, there is ſeene on the lefte ſyde a bryght Canopus of
three ſtarres of notable greatneſſe, whiche beinge in
the myddeſt of heauen, repreſenteth this figure.” The
latter says: “Here we ſawe a marueylous order of
ſtarres, ſo that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre
northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ſouth pole was,
we tooke the day with the ſoonne, and obſerued the nyght with
the aſtrolabie, and ſaw manifeſtly twoo clowdes of
reaſonable bygneſſe mouynge abowt the place of the pole
continually nowe ryſynge and nowe faulynge, ſo keepynge theyr
continuall courſe in circular mouynge, with a ſtarre euer in
the myddeſt which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees
frome the pole. Aboue theſe appeareth a marueylous
croſſe in the myddeſt of fyue notable ſtarres which
compaſſe it abowt.... This croſſe is so fayre and
bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to
it....” These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major
and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or
Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way,
Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and
covering about two hundred times the moon’s surface, while the
Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in full
moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They
were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably
called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66,
note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a
cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679,
although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five
principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only
6° in extent north and south and less than that east and west.
The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones
Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This
chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the
inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their
boats.” [321]
175 MS. 5,650
reads: “During that time of two months and twelve
days.”
176 Amoretti
reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is
meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is
correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4.
177 Cipangu is
Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called
“Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p.
67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not
see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first
learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco
Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of
Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese
Dschi-pen-Kuë or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese have transformed
into Nippon or Nihon. See Travels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch.
ii; and Rein’s Japan, p. 4.
178 See
Vol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.
179 MS. 5,650
reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol.
I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and
Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut
supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana
in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the
first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is
undoubtedly correct.
180 MS. 5,650
adds: “called skiff.”
181 MS. 5,650
adds: “of the said island.”
182 MS. 5,650
has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following
paragraph.
183 This phrase
is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but
that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward,
and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the
only Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol,
died (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 226).
184 Eden (p.
254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.”
185 MS. 5,650
has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is
unnumbered.
When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found
still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s
ship (see Vol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See
the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those
islands in 1565, Vol. II, pp. 109–113.
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition
reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p.
219 agrees); and that after the theft of the [322]skiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men,
burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and
women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese
(Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in
10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course
traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says:
“Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their
course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands
where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the
latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in
them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by
lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a
cause for rejoicing.”
186 MS. 5,650
adds: “or superior.”
187 MS. 5,650
reads: “cloth.”
188 At this
point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found in
that place.”
189 MS. 5,650
reads: “Those women.”
190 MS. 5,650
makes use of the Italian word store for stuoje or
stoje meaning “mats,” and explains by adding:
“which we call mats.”
191 They also
(according to Herrera) received the name Las Velas, “the
sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used
(Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See also Vol. XVI, pp.
200–202.
192 In MS.
5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men and
women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to
catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.”
193 Mosto (p.
68, note 5) says that these boats were the fisolere,
which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the
Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows
and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means the
fusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to
Venice.
194 MS. 5,650
reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and
bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of
the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They
went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern,
whenever they wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as
belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats
of the eastern islands.
195 In the
Italian MS., the chart of Aguada ly boni segnaly
(“Watering-place of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien,
[323]Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson
(q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b
of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: “Here is shown the
island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson,
and Abarien, and several others.”
196 “The
tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the
Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv,
p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which
extended north and had many bays;” and that going south from
there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former
“we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they fled. That island
lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen
was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that the fleet
“went to touch at another further on, which appeared
first.” Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the
latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went
to another nearby island “which lies in ten degrees, to which
they gave the name of the ‘Island of Good Signs,’ because
they found some gold in it.”
197 This word
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
198 MS. 5,650
reads: “more than one foot long.”
199 Since rice
is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural
that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the
various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its
modes of preparation. Thus the Tagálog has words for
“green rice,” “rice with small heads,”
“dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,”
“late rice,” “cooked rice,” and many others.
See also U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71.
200 MS. 5,650
reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above
named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the
fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and
vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get
the above named substances from those palm-trees alone.” See
Delgado’s Historia, pp. 634–659, for description of
the useful cocoa palm; also, U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72,
73, 75.
201 MS. 5,650
reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today
to gather the cocoanut wine. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p.
75.
202 In
describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads:
“Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke ſhell whiche they burne
and make pouder thereof and vſe it as a remedie for certeyne
diſeaſes.” He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on
congealing “lyeth within the ſhell lyke an egge.”
[324]
203 MS. 5,650
reads: “By so doing they last a century.”
204 Called
“Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small
island southeast of Samar. See ante, note 196. Dr. David P.
Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p.
413), says that the men from Suluan “were perhaps not typical of
the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered
about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were almost certainly
of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main
descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in
successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from
the Sulu archipelago. ‘Sulúan’ itself means
‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is, men of Sulu or
Joló.”
205 MS. adds:
“seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.”
206 MS. 5,650
adds: “into the sea.”
207 Albo calls
it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e.,
Aguada, “watering-place”) “where we took on
water and wood, that island being very free of shoals” (see
ante, note 196). This island is now called Homonhón,
Jomonjol, or Malhón. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from
northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It
is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called
“Buenas Señas” on Murillo Velarde’s map.
208 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was
also called “Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without
Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was not applied to them
until 1542 by Villalobos (see Vol. II, p.
48).
209 Probably
the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in
large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for
crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p.
228, note 1).
210 This
sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
211 MS. 5,650
reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they
call ‘schione.’”
212 MS. adds:
“whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit
their strength.”
213 MS. 5,650
reads: “There is another island near the above island, inhabited
by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) that picheti is
from the Spanish piquete, “a small hole made with a sharp
pointed instrument.” This custom of piercing the ears is quite
general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples.
[325]
214 Eden (p.
254) reads: “caphranita that is gentyles.” See
Vol. III, p. 93, note 29.
215 This word
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
216 Our
transcript reads facine, and MS. 5,650 fascine, both of
which translate “fascines.” Mosto reads focine,
which is amended by Amoretti to foscine. This latter is probably
the same word as fiocina, a “harpoon” or
“eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.”
217 Stanley
failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the
word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion.
veneziano), says of rizali: “Rizzagio or
rizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which
when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the
bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish. Rizzagio is
also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted
cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It
has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly
enter the net, there is no danger of their escape.”
Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in
favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the
shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and
line, and also the spear, are also used. See Census of the
Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.
218 MS. 5,650
reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed
“Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands
of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p.
71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and
Cabalarián. The first three are evidently correct, as those
islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last
island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be north of
Malhón, and the probability is that he names and locates it
merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems
to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarián.
After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the
chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon
(together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana
(sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio
36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and
many other islands surrounding it.”
219 Albo
(Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e.,
from Malhón] and went toward the west in order to strike a large
island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has
gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west
southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and
called Mazava. The people there are very friendly. [326]We
erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to
the west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are
said to possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained.
They found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Masava lies in
latitude 9 and two-thirds degrees north.” The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says: “They ran on to
another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed
[i.e., Malhón], and came to anchor at another island,
which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees;
and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a
cross in it.” See also Vol. I, pp. 322,
323.
220 MS. 5,650
reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter the
ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter
is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list.
221
Bara: the Spanish word barra.
222 MS. 5,650
reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in
exchange for his money.”
223 MS. 5,650
reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight
men.”
224 For
dorade, i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which
are very large fish of the kind abovesaid.”
225 The
ceremony of blood brotherhood. Casicasi means “intimate
friends.” See Trumbull’s Blood Covenant
(Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or
friendship typified by blood.
226 MS. 5,650
reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms
armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translated harnois
blanc literally as “white armor.”
227 This
passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost
speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those
armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that
that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship,
who were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads:
“whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and ſayde to th[e]
interpretoure (who was a ſlaue borne in Malacha) that one of
thoſe armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his
men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text.
228 Instead of
this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men
engage in sword-play before the king.”
229 MS. 5,650
says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the
navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the
compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie
in [327]the kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the
chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by
whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is brought to further
perfection, and the vſe thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto
no man knoweth the cauſe why the iren touched with the lode
ſtone, turneth euer towarde the north ſtarre, as playnely
appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says: “As
touchynge the needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the
Portugales nauigations that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap.
de Bona Speranza, the poynt of the needle ſtyll reſpected the
northe as it dyd on this ſyde the Equinoctiall, ſauynge that
it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle, whereby the force
ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo that they
were fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (See
ante, p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the
Chinese at early as 2634 B.C., and first
applied to navigation in the third or fourth century A.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into
Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is
first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the
twelfth century in De Utensilibus. The variations from
the true north were observed as early as 1269.
230 Stanley
says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this
request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS.
reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the
request.
231 MS. 5,650
omits the remainder of this sentence.
232 MS. 5,650
adds: “that is, a boat.”
233 The
following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650:
“Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in.
Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands
toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which
they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the
people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so
that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to
him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using
that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’s Ceremonial
Institutions, especially chapter I.
234 Eden reads
(p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie
Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe
them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche
men deſcended from heauen.” Continuing he confuses
the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s brother, the
second king.
235 A tolerably
good description of the native houses of the [328]present day in the Philippines. Cf.
Morga’s description, Vol. XVI, pp.
117–119.
236 MS. 5,650
begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.
237 This
sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the
house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with
which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well
furnished according to the custom of the country, were of
gold.”
238 MS. 5,650
omits this sentence.
239 Butuan and
Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao.
240 This name
is variously rendered: Mosto, Siain; MS. 5,650, Siaui;
Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu.
241 MS. 5,650
reads: “the captain sent the chaplain ashore to celebrate
mass.”
242 MS. 5,650
says that they took only their swords; but the Italian MS. says
distinctly that a signal was given to the ships from the shore by means
of muskets, and again that the musketry was fired when the kings and
Magalhães separated, both of which references are omitted by MS.
5,650. Eden reads: “The Captaine came alande
with fyftie of his men in theyr beſt apparel withowte weapons or
harneſſe, and all the reſydue well
armed.”
243 In Eden (p.
255): “damaſke water.”
244 MS. 5,650
reads: “but they offered nothing.”
245 MS. 5,650
says: “every one did his duties as a Christian and received our
Lord.”
246 MS. 5,650
adds: “for the people.”
247 The Italian
MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously: “they made
immediate reverence;” MS. 5,650 says “to which these kings
made reverence,” which is scarcely likely, as the latter would,
until told by Magalhães, see nothing in the ceremony. Rather it
was the Spaniards who made the reverence.
248 MS. 5,650
reads: “whenever any ships came from Spain.”
249 Cf. Morga,
Vol. XVI, p. 132.
250 MS. 5,650
reads: “men and ships to render them obedient to him.”
251 MS. 5,650
reads: “to the middle of the highest mountain,” evidently
confusing mezo di (“afternoon”) of the
Italian MS. with mezo (mezzo;
“middle”); for the cross was set up on the summit of the
mountain. The passage in MS. 5,650 continues: “Then those two
kings and the captain rested, and while conversing, the latter had them
asked [not “I had them asked” [329]as
in Stanley, who mistranscribes jl (il) as je]
where the best port was for getting food. They replied that there were
three, namely, Ceylom, Zzubu, and Galaghan, but that Zzeubu was the
largest and the best trading place.” These are the islands of
Leyte (the Seilani of Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 20; and the Selani of
Transylvanus, Vol. I, p. 322), Cebú, and
Mindanao (the Caraga district).
252 5,650 reads
simply: “Then we descended to the place where their boats
were.”
253 This
account is very much shortened in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows:
“As the captain intended to leave next morning, he asked the king
for pilots in order that they might conduct him to the ports abovesaid.
He promised the king to treat those pilots as he would them themselves,
and that he would leave one of his men as a hostage. In reply the first
king said that he would go himself to guide the captain to those ports
and that he would be his pilot, but asked him to wait two days until he
should gather his rice, and do some other things which he had to do. He
asked the captain to lend him some of his men, so that he could
accomplish it sooner, and the captain agreed to it.” At this
point MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter.
254 The billon
and afterward copper coin quattrino, which was struck in the
mints of Venice, Rome, Florence, Reggio, the Two Sicilies, etc. The
quattrino of the popes was often distinguished as “quattrino
Romano.” The Venetian copper quattrino was first struck in the
reign of Francesco Foscari (1423–57). See W. C. Hazlitt’s
Coinage of European Continent (London and New York, 1893), p.
226.
255
Doppione: a gold coin struck by Louis XII of France during his
occupation of the Milanese (1500–1512). Hazlitt, ut supra,
p. 196.
256
Colona: possibly the name of some coin of the period.
257 This entire
paragraph is omitted in MS. 5,650. That MS. has another chapter
division at this point.
258 Stanley
mistranslates the French gentilz as “gentle.”
259 Probably
the abacá, although it may be the cloth made from the palm. See
Morga’s description of the Visayans, Vol.
XVI, p. 112.
260 Cf.
Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 80,
81.
261 MS. 5,650
greatly abridges this account, reading as follows: “They cut that
fruit into four parts, and after they have chewed it a long time, they
spit it out and throw it away.” Cf. the account in Morga’s
Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 97–99.
[330]
262 MS. 5,650
omits this product. Cf. Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 84–97.
263 In MS.
5,650, “Mazzaua;” in Eden, “Meſſana;”
in Mosto, “Mazana,” while in the chart it appears as
“Mazzana;” Transylvanus, “Massana;” and Albo,
“Masava.” It is now called the island of Limasaua, and has
an area of about ten and one-half square miles.
264 Mosto
mistranscribes the Italian word for “among” fra as
prima “first.” The error arises through the
abbreviation used, namely fa, Mosto mistaking it for
pa, which would be prima.
265 Stanley
mistranscribes “Gatighan” from MS. 5,650 as
“Satighan.” The names of the five islands as given by Eden
are: “Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, and Catighan.” These
are the islands of Leite, Bohol, Canigao (west of Leyte), the northern
part of Leyte (today the name of a town, hamlet and inlet in Leyte),
and possibly Apit or Himuquitan, or one of the other nearby islands on
the west coast of Leyte. See chart of these islands on p. 112.
Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: “We left Mazava and
went north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran along the
said island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There we saw three
rocky islands, and turned our course west for about 10 leguas where we
came upon two islets. We stayed there that night and in the morning
went toward the south southwest for about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and
one-third degrees. At that point we entered a channel between two
islands, one of which is called Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well
as the islands of Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by
west. Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to the
north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain considerable gold
and to be well stocked with food, and so great an extent of land that
its limits are unknown. From Mazava, Seilani, and Subu, on the course
followed toward the south, look out for the many shoals, which are very
bad. On that account a canoe which was guiding us along that course,
refused to go ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and
Matan, we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu.
There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave us rice,
millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time. The king and
queen of that place and many of the inhabitants readily became
Christians.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says that
the king of Macangar (i.e., Mazaua) conducted the Spaniards
“a matter of thirty leagues to another island named Cabo
[i.e., Cebú], which is in ten degrees, and in this island
Fernando de Magalhães did what he pleased with the consent of
[331]the country.” Brito says merely
(Navarrete, iv, p. 308): “After that, after passing amid many
islands, they reached one called Mazaba, which lies in 9 degrees. The
king of Mazaba conducted them to another large island called
Zubó.”
266 MS. 5,650
reads: “only one of them.” Barbastili is a Venetian
word for pipistrelli. These bats are the Pteropi or
“flying foxes,” the large fruit-eating bats of which so
many species inhabit the Malay Archipelago. Bats are especially found
in Guimarás, Siquijor, and Cebú, and the skins of some
are used as fur. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 235). See also
Delgado’s Historia, pp. 842, 843; and U. S. Philippine
Gazetteer.
267 Stanley
mistranslates as “tortoises.” The “black birds with
the long tail” are the tabón “mound-building
Megapodes, gallinacious birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan
subregion” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 235). See also
Vol. V, p. 167, note 14, and Vol. XVI, page 198, note 43; also Vol.
XVI, p. 81, note 84.
268 These are
the Camotes, which lie west of Leyte, and their names are Poro,
Pasijan, and Pansón. See Pigafetta’s chart showing these
islands on p. 112.
269 Following
this point in the Italian MS. (folio 26a) is the chart of the islands
of Bohol, Mattam, and Zzubu (q.v., p. 136).
MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 51a, preceded by the words:
“Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and
Bohól.”
270 MS. 5,650
reads: “But the interpreter reassured them by telling
them.”
271 MS. 5,650
reads: “and he was going, by the orders of the said sovereign, to
discover the islands of Mallucque.”
272 MS. 5,650
reads: “Thereupon the abovesaid merchant said to the king in
their language,” etc., without giving the original Malay words.
Eden gives the phrase as catacaia chita.
273 Calicut,
properly Kálíkot (said to be derived from two words
meaning cock-crow, because the territory granted to the first king of
Kálíkot was limited to the extent over which a cock could
be heard to crow; or from Káli, one of the names of the goddess
Gauri) is the name of a district and city on the Malabar coast. The
king of all the Malabar coast from Goa to Cape Comorin, Samari Perymal,
having adopted the Mahometan faith divided his kingdom into the
kingdoms of Calicut, Cochin, Cananor, and Coulão, and gave them
to his friends, on condition that the king of Calicut be termed
“Zamorim” or “Samorim,” i.e.,
“Supreme emperor and God upon earth” (although the proper
form is said to be “Tamurin” which is conjectured by some
to be a modification of the Sanskrit “Samunri,”
“seaking.” [332]The city of Kálíkot,
a noted emporium of trade, was built perhaps as early as 805
A.D., although the date 1300 A.D. is also given as that of its founding; and is
described by Ibn Batuta in 1342 as one of the finest ports in the
world. It was visited by Covilham in 1486, and Vasco da Gama’s
ships were freighted there in 1498. The latter attacked the city in
1503 and 1510, and the Portuguese built a fortified factory there in
1513 which was destroyed by the governor in 1525 to avoid its falling
into the enemy’s hands. The English established a factory in the
city in 1616, which was captured in 1766 by Haidar Ali; but after a
further series of capture and recapture, the city and district was
permanently turned over to the British (1792). See Stanley’s
Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869);
Birch’s Alboquerque (Hakluyt Society publications, London,
1875–1884); Jones and Badger’s Ludovico di Varthema
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1863), pp. 135–177; also
Grey’s Travels of Pietro della Valle (Hakluyt Society
publications, London, 1892), pp. 344, 345, note.
Malacca, or more correctly Mâlaka is the name of an ancient
territory and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese, and
is possibly derived from “Malayu” meaning in Javanese
“to run” or “fugitive.” At an early period
Malacca fell under the sway of the Siamese. The city, located on both
sides of the Malacca River, and only one hundred and thirty miles
northwest of Singapore (which has usurped the great volume of trade
once centering at Malacca) was founded about 1250 A.D. The first European to visit the city was Varthema,
about the year 1505. It was captured by the Portuguese under
Albuquerque in 1511, and they held it (1580–1640 under Spanish
control) until 1641 when it was captured by the Dutch, who had
unsuccessfully besieged it, with the aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606.
The English obtained possession of it in 1795, and still hold it,
although the Dutch possessed it from 1818–1825. For descriptions
and history of Malacca, see the following Hakluyt Society publications:
Stanley’s East Africa and Malabar (London, 1866), pp.
190–195; Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 71–90
(and other citations); Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten
(London, 1885), i, pp. 104–106; Gray’s Voyage of
François Pyrard (London, 1888), part i, p. ii. Also see
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 238–249.
The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor (Lesser India)
are differently applied by different authors. Schiltbergen applied the
term Lesser India to the northern portion of the peninsula on this side
of the Ganges, while the southern portion of the peninsula was termed
Greater India. Marco Polo’s Lesser India extended from Makran to
and including the Coromandel coast, and his Greater India extended from
the Coromandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia.
[333]Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the
present Indian empire. See Telfer’s Johann Schiltberger
(Hakluyt Society publications, 1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the
East, Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1863), describes (pp.
11–45) India the Less, India the Greater, and India Tertia. Yule
points out that Jordanus’s Lesser India embraces Sindh, and
probably Mekran, and India along the coast as far as some point
immediately north of Malabar. Greater India extends from Malabar very
indefinitely to the eastward, for he makes it include Champa. India
Tertia is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus Jordanus just
reverses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo. Ramusio who gives
the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese geographer, ends
First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the Ganges. Benjamin of
Tudela speaks of “Middle India which is called Aden.” Conti
divides India into three parts: the first extending from Persia to the
Indus, the second from the Indus to the Ganges, and the third all the
land beyond. Pliny discusses whether Mekran and other lands belonged to
India or Ariana.
274 MS. 5,650
adds: “and treat his subjects well.”
275 This phrase
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
276 MS. 5,650
adds: “who was in the captain’s ship.”
277 MS. 5,650
reads: “Thereupon the king told them that he was willing, and
that as a greater token of his love, he would send the captain a drop
of his blood from his right arm, and [asked] the captain to do the
same.”
278 MS. 5,650
reads: “Consequently they should ask their captain whether he
intended to observe the custom.”
279 MS. 5.650
reads: “he should commence by giving a present, whereupon the
captain would do his duty.” This MS. begins another chapter at
this point.
280 MS. 5,650
reads: “so do our arms destroy the enemies of our
faith.”
281 MS. 5,650
adds: “of the ships.”
282 MS. 5,650
reads: “and whether that prince who had come with them, was
empowered to make peace.”
283 MS. 5,650
omits these last two clauses.
284 This phrase
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
285 MS. 5,650
adds: “and for love toward God.”
286 MS. 5,650:
“he would leave them the arms that the Christians use.”
287 These last
two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650. [334]
288 MS. 5,650
adds: “of Sainct Jacques [i.e., Santiago].”
289 This
sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
290 Called
“drynking glaſſes of Venice woorke” in Eden (p.
257).
291 MS. 5,650
reads: “He had his face painted with fire in various
designs.” Eden reads: “and had the
residue of his body paynted with dyuers coloures whereof ſum were
lyke vnto flamynge fyre.”
292 MS. 5,650
reads: “he had four jars full of palm-wine, which he was drinking
through reed pipes.”
293 MS. 5,650
reads: “We made the due reverence to him while presenting to him
the present sent him by the captain, and told him through the mouth of
the interpreter that it was not to be regarded as a recompense for his
present which he had made to the captain, but for the love which the
captain bore him.” This MS. omits the following three
sentences.
294 The
“Sinus Magnus” of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf (Mosto,
p. 76, note 3).
295 This
passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650, where it reads as
follows: “The prince, the king’s nephew, took us to his
house, where he showed us four girls who were playing on four very
strange and very sweet instruments, and their manner of playing was
somewhat musical. Afterward he had us dance with them. Those girls were
naked except that they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth
before their privies and which hung from the waist to the knee,
although some were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and
then we returned to the ships.” These gongs are used in many
parts of the Orient.
296 MS. 5,650
adds: “by the captain’s order.”
297 MS. 5,650
reads: “we told him of the death of our man, and that our captain
requested that he might be buried.”
298 MS. 5,650
adds: “according to our manner.”
299 MS. 5,650
reads: “The king took it under his charge, and promised that no
trickery or wrong would be done the king. Four of our men were chosen
to despatch and to sell the said merchandise.”
300 MS. 5,650
reads: “They have wooden balances like those of Pardeca to weigh
their merchandise.” Pardeca, as Stanley points out, is for
par de ça de Loire which is equivalent to Langue
d’oil, and denotes the region in France north of the Loire.
Par de la meant Languedoc. This passage was adapted to the
French [335]understanding by the person who translated and
adapted the Italian manuscript.
301 This
sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points out the measure here
mentioned would be one of capacity, and must have been the common
measure for rice, perhaps the ganta.
302
Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a shell
resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for
holding incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white
inside, while the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It resembles
mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that most of the
shellfish, are indigestible but highly esteemed. See Delgado’s
Historia, p. 928.
303 MS. 5,650
adds: “Which was of various strange kinds.”
304 Eden says:
“xvi. poundes weyght of iren.”
305 MS. 5,650
reads: “The captain-general did not wish to take too great a
quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not sell their share in the
merchandise too cheaply, because of their lust for gold, and so that on
that account he should not be constrained to do the same with his
merchandise, for he wished to sell it at as high a price as
possible.”
306 MS. 5,650
adds: “or any other balls”
307 MS. 5,650
makes the two armed men follow instead of precede the royal banner.
308 MS. 5,650
adds: “and the natives of the country for their fear of it, fled
hither and thither,” which is in place of the following
sentence.
309 This
sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
310 MS. 5,650
reads: “One covered with red and the other with
velvet.”
311 MS. 5,650
adds: “in the manner of the country.”
312 The account
of the baptism of the king is considerably abridged in MS. 5,650 where
it reads as follows: “Then the captain began to address the king
through the interpreter, in order that he might incite him to the faith
of Jesus Christ. He told him that if he wished to become a good
Christian (as he had signified on the preceding day), that he must have
all the idols of his country burned and set up a cross in their place,
which they were all to adore daily on both knees, with hands clasped
and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the king how he was to
make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king and all his men
said that they would obey the captain’s commandment, and do all
that he told them. The captain took the king [336]by
the hand, and they walked to the platform. At his baptism the captain
told the king that he would call him Dom Charles, after the emperor his
sovereign. He named the prince Dom Fernand, after the brother of the
said emperor, and the king of Mazzaua, Jehan. He gave the name of
Christofle to the Moro, while he called each of the others by names
according to his fancy. Thus before the mass fifty men [sic: but
an error of the French adapter for five hundred] were baptized. At the
conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and the others of his
chief men to dine with him, but he would not accept. However, he
accompanied the captain to the shore, where, at his arrival, the ships
discharged all the artillery. Then embracing they took leave of one
another.” Eden gives the number baptized as five hundred men.
313 MS. 5,650
reads: “On seeing that, she expressed the greatest desire to
became a Christian, and asking for baptism, she was baptized and given
the name of Jehanne, after the emperor’s mother.”
314 There are
many cases of this wholesale baptism in the history of the Catholic
missions in various countries, and it cannot be condemned entirely and
regarded as devoid of good effects, for many instances reveal the
contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue).
315 Those last
six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto conjectures that
solana means solecchio or solicchio signifying an
apparatus to protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have misapplied
the Spanish word solana, which signifies a place bathed by the
noontide sun or a place in which to take the sun.
316 This last
clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.
317 MS. 5,650
adds: “and we gave it to her.” This was the image found by
one of Legazpi’s soldiers in Cebú in 1565 (see
Vol. II, pp. 120, 121, 128, 216, 217; and
Vol. V, p. 41). Encarnación (Dic. bisaya-español, Manila, 1851), says: “The
Cebuan Indians, both past and present, give the name of
Bathála [God] to the image of the Holy Child, which is
supposed to have been left by the celebrated Magallanes.”
318 MS. 5,650
reads: “evening.”
319 MS. 5,650
mentions only the artillery. The “tromb” or
“trunk” was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and
hooped with iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greek-fire
(see Corbett’s Spanish War, 1585–87 [London], 1898,
p. 335). At this point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS. 5,650,
and translates from Amoretti’s version of the Italian MS.
320 MS. 5,650
reads: “to better instruct and confirm him in the faith.”
[337]
321 Eden says
the queen was preceded by “three younge damoſelles and three
men with theyr cappes in theyr handes.”
322 MS. 5,650
adds: “and presentation.”
323 MS. 5,650
reads simply for this last clause: “and several others,”
omitting all the names.
324 MS. 5,650
reads: “and they all so swore.”
325 MS. 5,650
reads from this point: “Then they swore, and thus the captain
caused the king to swear by that image, by the life of the emperor his
sovereign, and by his habit, to ever remain faithful and subject to the
emperor,” thus ascribing this oath to the king instead of to
Magalhães. The words “by his habit” can refer only
to Magalhães, who wore that of Santiago, and not to any habit
worn by the barbaric ruler of Cebú.
326 MS. 5,650
adds: “and hang.”
327 MS. 5,650
adds: “and deck.”
328 MS. 5,650
adds: “and demolished.”
329 MS. 5,650
adds: “and overthrew.”
330 There is a
strange difference between the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 in regard to
these names. The latter reads to this point: “There are a number
of villages in that island, whose names and those of their chiefs are
as follows: Cinghapola, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and
Cicambul; another, Mandaui, and its chief and seignior, Lambuzzan;
another Cot-cot, and its chief, Acibagalen; another, Puzzo, and its
chief, Apanoan; another, Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; another,
Lulutan, and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by Stanley, says
Japau, and Mosto, Iapan]; another Cilumay; and also Lubucun.”
Amoretti, who places this list after the disastrous battle and
consequent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have “Lubucin:
its chief is Cilumai.” Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be Liloan;
Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be Lubú, but Mosto (p.
78, note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An examination of the Nancy
MS. may reveal the source of this difference.
331 MS. 5,650
adds after the word borchies: “instruments so
called.”
332 Probably
cotton cloth. See Stanley’s East African and Malabar
Coasts, p. 65: “They make there [i.e., in Cambay] many
cloths of white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and colored
fabrics, of all kinds and colours.”
333 MS. 5,650
adds: “and closed.”
334 MS. 5,650
reads: “She who has killed the hog, puts a [338]lighted torch in her mouth, which she
extinguishes, and which she holds constantly alight with her teeth
during that ceremony.”
335 Cf. the
ceremonies of the baylanes described by Loarca, Vol. V, pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, Vol.
XII, p. 270.
336 Otorno: Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro,
and queries Attorno in a note.
337 MS. 5,650
omits the description of this custom, giving only the first and last
sentence to this point. Stanley omits the translation to this point.
See Vol. V, p. 117, and Vol.
XVI, p. 130, where Loarca and Morga describe this custom.
338
Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, “jars,” which appears
probable.
339 MS. 5,650
adds: “made in the manner abovesaid;” but this was crossed
out, showing that the writer or adapter of that MS. had at first
intended to narrate the custom that is given in the Italian MS.
340 This word
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
341 MS. 5,650
reads: “The other women sit about the dead chamber sadly and in
tears.”
342 Pigafetta
uses the present and imperfect tenses rather indiscriminately
throughout this narration, but we have translated uniformly in the
present. Cf. Loarca’s description of burial and mourning customs
among the Visayans, Vol. V, pp. 129, 135,
137–141; Plasencia’s description among the Tagálogs,
Vol. VII, pp. 194, 195; and Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 133.
343 MS. 5,650
reads: “five or six hours.”
344 Eden in
describing the island of Matan confuses the Pigafetta narrative. He
says: “Not farre from this Ilande of Zubut,
is the Hand of Mathan, whoſe inhabitauntes vſe maruelous
ceremonies in theyr ſacrifices to the ſoone and burying the
deade. They were rynges of gold abowt theyr priuie members.” In
the description of the battle in Matan, Eden says that each of the
three divisions of the islanders contained “two thouſand and
fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes, dartes and iauelins hardened at
the poyntes with fyer.”
345 To this
point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approximately. The story of
the battle in the latter MS., however, is much abridged and much less
graphic. It is as follows: “They replied that they had bamboo
spears and stakes burned and hardened in the fire, and that we could
attack them when we wished. At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped into
the water, in the place whither we had thus gone, at a distance of more
than three [sic] crossbow flights before we could reach shore,
for the boats could [339]not approach nearer because of the rocks
and reefs which were in the water. Thus we reached land, and attacked
them. They were arranged in three divisions, of more than one thousand
five hundred persons. We shot many arrows at them from a distance, but
it was in vain, for they received them on their shields. They leaped
hither and thither in such a way that scarce could we wound one of
them. On the other hand, our artillery in the boats was so far away
from us that it could not aid us. Those people seeing that, and that
the captain had had some of their houses burned in order to inspire
them with terror, and having become more enraged, threw so many iron
pointed spears at us, and shot so many arrows even at the captain
himself that we could defend ourselves with difficulty. Finally, having
been driven by them quite down to the shore, and while our captain was
fighting bravely although wounded in the leg with an arrow, one of
those Indians hurled a poisoned bamboo lance into his face which laid
him stiff and dead. Then they pressed upon us so closely that we were
forced to retire to our boats and to leave the dead body of the
captain-general, with our other killed.” The eulogy on the dead
commander is approximately the same in both MSS., except at the end,
where MS. 5,650 reads: “Eight of our men died there with him, and
four Indians, who had become Christians. Of the enemy fifteen were
killed by the artillery of the ships, which had at last come to our
aid, while many of us were wounded.”
Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebú and
the death of Magalhães: “They stayed there about one
month, and the majority of the people and the king became Christians.
The king of Zubó ordered the kings of the other islands to come
to him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes, as
soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and went to
an island called Mathá. He set fire to a village, and not
content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his
servant, and five Castilians were killed in combat with the savages.
The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their
boats.”
346
Terciado: a Spanish word.
347
Carteava: a Spanish word.
348 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28. The
account of the battle is as follows: “Fernan de Magalhães
desired that the other kings, neighbours to this one, should become
subject to this who had become Christian: and these did not choose to
yield such obedience. Fernan de Magalhães seeing that, got ready
one night with his boats, and burned the villages of those who would
not yield the said obedience; and a matter of ten or twelve days after
this was done, he sent to a village about [340]half a league from
that which he had burned, which is named Matam, and which is also an
island, and ordered them to send him at once three goats, three pigs,
three loads of rice, and three loads of millet for provisions for the
ships; they replied that for each article which he sent to ask them
three of, they would send to him by twos, and if he was satisfied with
this they would at once comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but
that they would not give it. Because they did not choose to grant what
he demanded of them, Fernan de Magalhães ordered three boats to
be equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men, and went against the
said place, which was on the 28th day of April, in the morning; there
they found many people, who might well be as many as three thousand or
four thousand men, who fought with such a good will that the said
Fernan de Magalhães was killed there, with six of his men, in
the year 1521.”
349 Navarrete
(iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men killed with
Magalhães on April 27 as follows: Christóbal Rabelo, then
captain of the “Victoria;” Francisco Espinosa, a sailor;
Anton Gallego, a common seaman; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente and
soldier; Rodrigo Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro Gomez,
servant of Gonzalo Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar, sobresaliente,
wounded but died April 29.
350 See
Vol. I, pp. 325, 326, note 215*.
351 MS. 5,650
gives this name as Duart Bobase, although lower it is spelled Barbase.
Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son of Diogo Barbosa, who after serving
in Portugal, became alcaide of the Sevilla arsenal, was born at Lisbon
at the end of the fifteenth century. He spent the years 1501–1516
in the Orient, the result of that stay being his Livro
emque dà relação do que viu e ouviu no
Oriente, which was first published at Lisbon in 1813 in vol. vii of
Collecçao de noticias para a historia et geographia
das nações ultramarinas, and its translation by
Stanley, A description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk in the
Portuguese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez Barbosa,
and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said to speak
it even better than the natives. On account of his facility in the
language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da Cunha to
negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commissioned in 1515 to
oversee the construction of some galleys by Alboquerque. While at
Sevilla, Magalhães lived in the household of Diogo Barbosa,
where he married Duarte’s sister Beatriz. Duarte embarked on the
“Trinidad” as a sobresaliente, and it was he who captured
the “Victoria” from the mutineers at Port St. Julian, after
which he became captain of that vessel. Failing to recover
Magalhães body from the natives of Mactán, he was
[341]himself slain at Cebú at the fatal
banquet May 1, 1521. Besides the above book, which is a most valuable
contribution to early Oriental affairs, there is extant in the Torre do
Tombo a letter written by him from Cananor, January 12, 1513,
complaining of the Portuguese excesses. See Guillemard’s
Magellan; Stanley’s Vasco da Gama; Birch’s
Alboquerque; and Hoefer’s Nouvelle Biographie
Générale (Paris, 1855)
352 See
ante, note 147.
353
Magalhães married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo Barbosa in
Sevilla, probably in the year 1517. One son Rodrigo was born of the
union, who was about six months old at the time of the departure.
Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the March following Beatriz
died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 89–91, 322.
354 MS. 5,650
adds: “and to advise the Christian king.”
355 Mosto
transcribes this word wrongly as facente, “busy.”
MS. 5,650 reads: “wiser and more affectionate than
before.”
356 MS. 5,650
adds: “and presents.”
357 The
constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was left behind with the
“Trinidad” and was one of the four survivors of that
ill-fated vessel, returning to Spain long after.
358 This
sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan
Caruaie auecques le bariſel ſen retournerẽt qui nous
dirent comment jlz auoyent veu mener celluy quy fut guery par miracle
et le preſtre a ſa maiſon et que pour cela jlz ſen
eſtoyent partiz eulx doubtans de quelque male aduanture. By
dropping the first et this becomes equivalent to the text.
359 MS. 5,650
reads: “for we would kill him.”
360 MS. 5,650
reads: “But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and others refused, for
fear lest they would not remain masters there if the boat went
ashore.”
In regard to João Serrão’s death, Brito
(Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says: “As soon as the men in the ships
saw that slaughter, they hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail
in order to return to Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought
Juan Serrano, one of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two
guns and two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or
linens such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and
barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would give
them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted that those
things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships] fearing another act
of treachery like the past, set sail, and abandoned that man there, and
nothing more was heard of him.” [342]
361 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the banquet,
but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting the two
captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon the natives,
who had determined upon their course of action attacked and killed
them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5) asserts that the violation of
the women by the sailors was the cause of the massacre. Concerning the
number killed, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that thirty-five or
thirty-six men went ashore, and Castanheda and Gomara say thirty, the
last asserting that a like number were made slaves, of whom eight were
sold in China. Peter Martyr places the number of the slain at twelve.
Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those massacred as
follows:
| Duarte Barbosa |
captain of the
“Trinidad” |
| Juan Serrano |
captain of the “Concepcion” |
| Luis Alfonso de Gois |
captain of the “Victoria” |
| Andres de S. Martin |
pilot of his Majesty |
| Sancho de Heredia |
notary |
| Leon de Ezpeleta |
notary |
| Pedro de Valderrama |
priest |
| Francisco Martin |
cooper |
| Simon de la Rochela |
calker |
| Cristóbal Rodriguez |
steward |
| Francisco de Madrid |
sobresaliente and soldier |
| Hernando de Aguilar |
servant of Luis de Mendoza |
| Guillermo Fenesi or Tanaguì |
gunner of the “Trinidad” |
| Anton Rodriguez |
sailor |
| Juan Sigura |
sailor |
| Francisco Picora |
sailor |
| Francisco Martin |
sailor |
| Anton de Goa |
common seaman |
| Rodrigo de Hurrira |
common seaman |
| Pedro Herrero |
sobresaliente |
| Hartiga |
sobresaliente |
| Juan de Silva, Portuguese |
sobresaliente |
| Nuño |
servant of Magallanes |
| Henrique, from Málaca |
servant of Magallanes and interpreter |
| Peti Juan, French |
servant of Magallanes |
| Francisco de la Mezquita |
servant of Magallanes |
| Francisco |
son-in-law of Juan Serrano |
All of these names are to be found in Navarrete’s list. See
ante, note 26.
362
Chiacare: the nangca; see Vol. XXXIV, p.
107, where Pigafetta describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it
with the durio xibethenus, which is abundant in the western
islands of the Indian [343]archipelagoes, Mindanao being the
only one of the Philippines where it is found (Crawfurd,
Dictionary); but it is the Artocarpus integrifolia (see
Vol. XVI, p. 88, note 72). MS. 5,650 makes this
“capers.”
363 MS. 5,650
omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and nangcas.
364 MS. 5,650
reads: “one to the east northeast, and the other to the west
southwest.”
365 MS. 5,650
adds: “and eleven minutes.”
366 Stanley
says wrongly 154°.
367 This word
ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the following page is a
repetition of the title: Vocabili deli populi gentilli, that is
“Words of those heathen peoples.” MS. 5,650 does not
contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley.
368 See
ante, note 160.
369 Bassag
bassag does not correspond to “shin,” but to
“basket for holding clothes, etc.,” or “cartilage of
the nose;” or possibly to basac basac, “the sound
made by falling water.”
370 The
equivalent of Pigafetta’s dana is daoa or
daua, “millet.” Mais, probably the equivalent
of humas is the word for “panicum.”
371
Tahil is found in the Tagálog dictionaries, and is the
name of a specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese
weight called “tael,” which was introduced by the Chinese
into the East Indies, whence it spread throughout the various
archipelagoes. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary; and Vols. III, p. 192, note 57; IV, p.
100, note 11; and VII, p. 88.
372 See Note
582, post.
373 Tinapay
(used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of bread) denotes a kind of
cake or loaf made with flour and baked about the size of a
chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put together before baking with
some sugar between. The word is extended also to wheat bread and to the
hosts. See Encarnación’s Diccionario.
374
Amoretti’s conjectured reading of sonaglio
(“hawk’s-bell”) for conaglio (see Mosto, p.
83), proves correct from the Visayan dictionaries.
375
Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of twenty
varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is called
dalámas.
376 Most of the
words of Pigafetta’s Visayan vocabulary can be distinguished in
the dictionaries of that language, although [344]it
is necessary to make allowance at times for Pigafetta’s Italian
phonetic rendering. Following is a list of the words that can be
distinguished from Diccionario bisaya-español y
español-bisaya (Manila, 1885), by Juan Félix de la
Encarnación, O.S.A. (Recollect); and Diccionario
Hispano-bisaya y bisaya-español (Manila, 1895) by Antonio
Sanchez de la Rosa, O.S.F. See also Pocket dictionary of the
English, Spanish and Visayan languages (Cebu, 1900) by H. M. Cohen;
and Mallat’s Les Philippines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp.
175–238. The words queried in the following list are simply
offered as conjectural equivalents.
| English |
Visayan |
|
(Pigafetta) |
(Encarnación) |
(Sanchez) |
| man |
lac |
—— |
lalaqui (?) |
| woman (married) |
babay |
babaye |
babaye |
| hair |
boho |
bohóc |
bohoc |
| face |
guay |
—— |
bayhon (?) |
| eyebrows |
chilei |
quilay |
quiray |
| eye |
matta |
matà |
mata |
| nose |
ilon |
ilong |
irong |
| jaw |
apin |
aping |
aping |
| mouth |
baba |
bá-ba |
bábá |
| teeth |
nipin |
ngipon |
ngipon |
| gums |
leghex |
lagos |
lagus |
| tongue |
dilla |
dila |
dila |
| ear |
delenghan |
dalonggan |
doronggan |
| throat |
liogh |
liog |
—— |
| chin |
queilan |
solang (?) |
sulang (?) |
| beard |
bonghot |
bongot |
bongot |
| shoulder |
bagha |
abaga |
abaga |
| spine [backbone] |
licud |
licod |
licod |
| breast |
dughan |
doghan |
dughan |
| body |
tiam |
tian |
tian |
| armpit |
ilot |
iloc |
iroc |
| arm |
botchen |
bocton; botcon |
butcon |
| elbow |
sico |
sico |
sico |
| hand |
camat |
camot |
camut |
| palm of hand |
palan |
palad [sa camot] |
palad [sa camut] |
| finger |
dudlo |
todlo |
tudlo |
| fingernail |
coco |
coco |
coco; colo |
| navel |
pusut |
posad |
posud |
| penis |
utin |
otin |
otin [345] |
| testicles |
boto |
boto |
boto |
| vagina |
billat |
bilat |
bilat |
| buttocks |
samput |
sampot |
—— |
| thigh |
paha |
paa |
paa |
| knee |
tuhud |
tohod |
tohud |
| calf of leg |
bitis |
bitiis |
bíti-is |
| ankle |
bolbol |
bool bool |
boco boco |
| heel |
tiochid |
ticód |
ticud |
| sole of foot |
lapa lapa |
lapa lapa |
—— |
| gold |
balaoan |
buláoan |
bulauan |
| silver |
pilla |
pilác |
—— |
| brass |
concach |
calonggáqui |
—— |
| iron |
butan |
pothao |
puthao |
| sugarcane |
tube |
tobó |
tubo |
| honey |
deghex |
dogos |
dugos |
| wax |
talho |
talo |
talo |
| salt |
acin |
asín |
asin |
| wine |
tuba nia nipa |
toba nga nipa |
tuba nga nipa |
| to eat |
macan |
pagcaon (?) |
pagcaon (?) |
| hog |
babui |
baboy |
babuy |
| goat |
candin |
canding |
canding |
| chicken |
monoch |
manóc |
manuc |
| pepper |
manissa |
malisa |
—— |
| cloves |
chianche |
sangqui |
sangqui |
| cinnamon |
mana |
mana |
mana |
| ginger |
luia |
loy-a |
luy-a |
| garlic |
laxuna |
lasona |
lasona |
| egg |
silong |
itlog |
itlug |
| cocoanut |
lubi |
lobí |
lubi |
| vinegar |
zlucha |
suca |
suca |
| water |
tubin |
tobig; tubig |
tubig |
| fire |
clayo |
calayo |
calayo |
| smoke |
assu |
aso |
aso |
| balances |
tinban |
timbangan |
timbang; timbangan |
| pearl |
mutiara |
mutia |
mutia |
| mother-of-pearl |
tipay |
tipay |
tipay |
| pipe |
subin |
sobing |
subing |
| rice cakes |
tinapai |
tinapay |
tinapay |
| good |
main |
maayo |
maopay |
| knife |
capol; sundan |
sípol; sondang |
sipol; sundang |
| scissors |
catle |
catli |
catli |
| to shave |
chunthinch |
gunting |
—— |
| linen |
balandan |
balantan |
—— [346] |
| their cloth [i.e., hemp] |
abaca |
abacá |
abacá |
| hawk’s bell |
coloncolon |
colongcolong |
goronggorong |
| comb |
cutlei |
surlay |
sodlay |
| shirt |
sabun |
—— |
sabong (?) [i.e., ornament] |
| sewing-needle |
daghu |
dagom |
dagum |
| dog |
aian; ydo |
——; iro |
ayam; —— |
| scarf [veil] |
gapas |
gapas [i.e., cotton] |
—— |
| house |
ilaga; baiai |
——; balay |
——; balay |
| timber |
tatamue |
tatha (?) [i.e., to split] or pata (?)
[i.e., a piece of wood or bamboo] |
tahamis (?) |
| mat |
tagichan |
tagicán |
taguican |
| palm-mat |
bani |
banig |
banag |
| cushion |
uliman |
olnan, and allied forms
(?) |
olonan (?) |
| wooden platters |
dulan |
dolong |
dulang |
| sun |
adlo |
arlao |
adlao |
| star |
bunthun |
bitoon (?) |
bitoon (?) |
| morning |
uema |
ogma; odma (?) |
—— |
| cup |
tagha |
tagay |
tagay |
| bow |
bossugh |
bosog |
bosog |
| arrow |
oghun |
odyong |
odiong |
| shield |
calassan |
calasag |
calasag |
| quilted armor |
baluti |
baloti |
—— |
| dagger |
calix; baladao |
calis; baladao |
caris; baladao |
| cutlass |
campilan |
campilan |
campilang |
| spear |
bancan |
bangcao |
bangcao |
| like |
tuan |
—— |
to-ang |
| banana |
saghin |
saguing |
saguing |
| gourd |
baghin |
bagong |
—— |
| net |
pucat; laia |
——; laya |
raya |
| small boat |
sampan |
sampan |
sampan |
| large canes |
cauaghan |
caoayan |
cauayan |
| small canes |
bonbon |
bongbong |
bongbong [347] |
| large boats |
balanghai |
balañgay |
barangay |
| small boats |
boloto |
baloto |
baloto |
| crabs |
cuban |
coboa |
—— |
| fish |
ícam; yssida |
——; isda |
——; isda |
| a colored fish |
panapsapan |
panapsápan |
panapsapan |
| a red fish |
timuan |
—— |
tiao (?) |
| another fish |
pilax |
—— |
pilas |
| ship |
benaoa |
bángca |
—— |
| king |
raia |
hari |
hadi |
| one |
uzza |
usá |
usa |
| two |
dua |
doha |
duha |
| three |
tolo |
toló |
tolo |
| four |
upat |
opát |
upat |
| five |
lima |
limá |
lima |
| six |
onom |
onóm |
unum |
| seven |
pitto |
pitó |
pito |
| eight |
gualu |
oaló |
ualo |
| nine |
ciam |
siàm |
siam |
| ten |
polo |
napoló |
napolo |
Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably to
error on Pigafetta’s part and the obstacles in the method of
communication between peoples the genius of whose respective languages
is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for “man” is
tao or tauo, although Mallat gives a
form dala, which may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see Vol. V, p.
123, where the origin of the words lalac,
“man,” and babaye, “woman,”
are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae)
is the general word for “woman” or “married
woman;” while binibini is given by Mallat as the
Tagálog equivalent of “girl,” and by Santos in his
Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as the
equivalent of “influential woman.” Liog is
used for both “throat” and “neck.” Tian is properly “belly,” and the mistake would
arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when desiring the word
for “body,” which would be construed by the natives to that
particular part toward which he happened to point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative organs,
especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis corresponds to both “shin” and “calf
of the leg.” Iro denotes also the civet cat.
Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta’s bolon is the word for “moon” instead of
“star.” The occurrence of what are today Tagálog
forms in Pigafetta’s list shows how the various dialects shade
into one another and how the one has retained words that have sunk into
disuse in the other. [348]
377 Preceding
this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b) is the chart of the
island of Panilonghon (Panisonghon; q.v., p. 202). It is given
on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown
the islands of Panilonghon.”
378 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains
elected in place of those killed at Cebú were “Joam Lopez
[Carvalho], who was the chief treasurer” to “be
captain-major of the fleet, and the chief constable of the fleet”
to “be captain of one of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz
Despinosa.” Pigafetta makes no mention at all of Elcano, who
brought the “Victoria” home; both the above captains
remaining with the “Trinidad.” When the
“Concepcion” was burned, only one hundred and fifteen men
were left for the working of the two ships (see Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267), although the “Roteiro”
(Stanley, p. 14) says one hundred and eight men, and Barros, one
hundred and eighty.
379 In Eden:
“Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men lyke vnto the
Saraſins.” This is the island of Panglao and the
“black men” are the Negritos. See W. A. Reed’s
Negritos of Zambales, published by Department of the Interior
“Ethnological Survey Publications” ii, part i (Manila,
1904), which says (p. 20) that the only large islands, besides
Luzón, inhabited at present by Negritos are Panay, Negros,
Mindanao, and Paragua, although they do inhabit some of the smaller
islands. The pure type is decreasing through marriage with the Bukidnon
or mountain Visayans; and (p. 22) “so far there is no evidence
that Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar, and Leyte. The Negrito
population of the Philippines is probably not in excess of 25,000. The
U. S. census report of 1900 gives to Panglao a population of 14,347,
all civilized. See also Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 411,
415, 436, 468, 478, 532, 533.
380 MS. 5,650
reads: “When entering that house, we were preceded by many reed
and palmleaf torches.”
381 These two
words are omitted in MS. 5,650.
382 See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 368, 369, on the origin and use
of rice in the eastern islands, and the etymology of the native names
for that grain; and Census of the Philippines, iv.
383 Instead of
this last clause, MS. 5,650 reads: “where he slept with his
principal wife.”
384 MS. 5,650
reads: “in the houses of the king.”
385 MS. 5,650
reads: “little valleys.”
386 Cf.
Vol. III, pp. 56, 57. [349]
387 MS. 5,650
reads: “boat.”
388 MS. 5,650
reads: “Calanoa;” and Eden: “Calauar.”
389 MS. 5,650
reads: “one hundred and sixty-six;” and Eden:
“170.”
390 Albo
(Navarrete, iv, p. 221) reads as follows when relating the course of
the ships on leaving Cebú: “We left Subu and sailed
southwest to a latitude of 9 and three-fourths degrees, between the end
of Subu and an island called Bohol. Toward the western end of Subu lies
another island, by name, Panilongo, which is inhabited by blacks. That
island and Subu contain gold and considerable ginger. The former lies
in 9 and one-third degrees and Subu in 10 and one-third degrees.
Accordingly we left that channel and went 10 leguas south and anchored
in the island of Bohol. There we made two ships of the three, burning
the third, because we had no men. The last-named island lies in 9 and
one-half degrees. We left Bohol and sailed southwest toward Quipit, and
anchored at that settlement on the right hand side of a river. On the
northwest and open side are two islets which lie in 8 and one-half
degrees. We could get no food there, for the people had none, but we
made peace with them. That island of Quipit contains a quantity of
gold, ginger, and cinnamon. Accordingly, we determined to go in search
of food. The distance from the headland of Quipit to the first islands
is about 112 leguas. It and the islands lie in an east by north and
south by west direction; and this island [i.e., Mindanao]
extends quite generally east and west.”
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit
(which is located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or
Quype. Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabitants of
that place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they learned the
location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes Gibith in Transylvanus,
Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo in Barros (see Mosto, p. 84, note
2).
391 The first
European mention of the island of Luzón. Luzón is derived
from the Malay lâsung (Tagalog, losong),
“mortar.” See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 222,
223.
392 Pigafetta
evidently means the Chinese by the Lequians who are known to have
carried on trade for many years with the Philippines, and who indeed,
once owned them.
Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the chart
of Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio 53b in
MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown the island of
Caghaian.” [350]
393 MS. 5,650
does not mention the cuirasses.
394 Eden reads:
“40. leagues.”
395 Albo
(Navarrete, iv, p. 221) says: “We left that place [i.e.,
Quipit] and sailed west southwest, southwest, and west, until we came
to an island containing very few inhabitants and called Quagayan. We
anchored in the northern part of that island, where we asked for the
location of the island of Poluan, in order to get provisions of rice,
for that island contains it in abundance, and many ships are laden
there for other districts. Accordingly we sailed west northwest and
came across the headland of the island of Poluan.” The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls Cagaiam, Caram. It is the
island of Cagayan Sulu, which lies northeast of Borneo.
396 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 15) says that the ships contained
only sufficient provisions for a week.
397 Eden reads:
“C.lxxix. degrees and a third parte.” MS. 5,650 reads:
“one hundred and sixty-one and one-third degrees.”
398 Occurrences
at Palawan are given as follows by Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 221, 222):
“Then we sailed north by east along the coast [of Palawan] until
we reached a village called Saocao, where we made peace. Its
inhabitants were Moros. We went to another village of Cafres, where we
bartered for a considerable quantity of rice, and consequently laid in
a good supply of provisions. That coast extends northeast and
southwest. The headland of its northeastern part lies in 9 and
one-third degrees, and that of the southwestern part in 8 and one-third
degrees. Then on returning to the southwest quite to the headland of
this island, we found an island near which is a bay. In this course and
along Poluan many shoals are found. This headland lies east and west
with Quipit and northeast by east and southwest by west with
Quagayan.”
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 15–17) gives a fuller
account of occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which
they attempt to land, the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go
toward another island, but contrary weather compelling them to anchor
near Palawan, they are invited ashore on that island by the people of
another village. There one of the soldiers, Joam de Campos, lands alone
in order to get provisions. Being received kindly at this port, named
Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto Princesa), the people set about preparing
provisions for the strangers. Then going to another nearby village,
where Carvalho makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats,
and swine are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking
negro who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who promises
[351]to guide them to Borneo, but he fails them at
the last moment. Capturing a prau and three Moros near the former
village, they are guided to Borneo. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says
that the two ships remained a month in Palawan, “a rich country,
where they got new directions about Burneo, and captured two men to
guide them there.”
At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 41a) follows the chart of
Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v., p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on folio
54b, where it is preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of
Pulaoan and the port of Tegozzao.”
399 MS. 5,650
reads: “all.”
400 This
passage is defective in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows:
“They have bows with wooden arrows more than one palmo long, some
of which are pointed with long sharp fishbones, poisoned with poisonous
herbs, while others are tipped with poisoned bamboo.”
401 MS. 5,650
reads: “mace.” Jannetone as pointed out by Mosto (p. 85,
note 4) was a missile weapon.
402
Cockfighting is still the great diversion of the Malays and Malasian
peoples. See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (New York, 1869),
p. 477; and Bowring’s Visit to Philippine Isles (London,
1859). pp. 149–153.
403 Eden reads:
“fyue leaques.”
404 From the
Spanish word almadia, (a sort of canoe used by the inhabitants
of the East Indies; also a boat used by the Portuguese and their slaves
in the East Indies: generally of one single tree, although there are
various kinds, to one of which is given the name coche,
“carriage”) which is derived from the Arabic
al-madia or almadiya, from the root adar,
“to cross,” so called because those vessels are used in
crossing rivers.—Echegaray’s Dic.
etimológico (Madrid, 1887).
405 This word
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
406 Gomara says
there were eight (Mosto, p. 86, note 1).
407 MS. 5,650
reads: “a red cap.”
408 MS. 5,650
omits the remainder of this sentence.
409 MS. 5,650
adds “and seigniors.”
410 Stanley
makes the unhappy translation “with naked daggers in their hands,
which they held on their thighs.”
411 Cf. the
account of the reception accorded the captain of a Portuguese vessel in
Borneo in 1578, Vol. IV, pp. 222, 223, where
the king is found playing chess. [352]
412 This clause
is omitted in MS. 5,650.
413 The city of
Brunei or Brunai. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp.
269–373. See also descriptions of Bornean villages in
Wallace’s Malay Archipelago; and Forest’s account of
Brunai quoted by Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70), who mentions the
boat-markets held by the women.
414 MS. 5,650
reads: “twenty or twenty-five thousand.” Crawfurd
(Dictionary, p. 70) thinks that Pigafetta overstates the
population, and that he probably gained his information from a Malay
courtier.
415 MS. 5,650
reads: “the women and daughters.”
416
Cherita-tulis, “writers of narratives” (Stanley, p.
114); jurutulis, “adepts in writing”
(Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 61).
417 MS. 5,650
reads: “timghuly.”
418 Ortelius
(Theatrum orbis terrarum) calls this region “Lao”
(see also chart on p. 210) and Mercatore (Atlas sive cosmographicae
meditationes) “Lave.” It may possibly be the modern
island of Laut off the southeast of Borneo. (See Mosto, p. 87, note 3).
Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 72) conjectures that it is some place
in Banjarmasin.
419 The journey
to Borneo, events there, and a description of Borneo are thus described
by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 222): “We sailed from Poluan to
Borney. Coasting the above named island [i.e., Poluan] to its
southwest headland, we discovered an island with a shoal on its eastern
side, and which lies in 7 and one-half degrees, so that we had to
deviate to the west for about fifteen leguas. Then we sailed southwest
coasting along the island of Borney to a city of the same name. You
must needs know that the land must be approached closely, for there are
many shoals outside, and one must keep the sounding line in constant
use, for it is a harsh coast. Borney is a large city with a very large
bay. Both inside and outside of it are many shoals, so that a native
pilot of that place is necessary. We remained there for a considerable
number of days, and commenced to trade there and made firm friendship.
But later, many canoes, in number 260, were equipped to capture us and
came upon us. When we saw them, we left hurriedly, and sailed out of
the bay, whereupon we saw some junks coming. We went to them and
captured one, in which was a son of the king of Luzon. The latter is a
very large island. The captain afterward let him go [i.e., the
prince of Luzón] without asking advice of anyone. Borney it a
large island which yields cinnamon, mirabolans, and camphor,
[353]the last named of which is much esteemed in
these lands, and it is said that when people die they are embalmed with
it. Borney (that is, the port of Borney) lies in a latitude of 5
degrees and 25 minutes, and a longitude of 201 degrees and 5 minutes
from the line of demarcation.”
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 17–20) says that while
on the way to Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the
islets of St. Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands—Guillemard,
Magellan, p. 269) at a distance of two and one-half or three
leagues from Borneo. Proceeding past a lofty mountain (Kina
Balu—Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast that island to the port of
Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro pilots captured at Palawan are
sent ashore with one of the crew, and on reaching the city of Borneo,
they are taken before the Shahbender of Borneo. The two ships draw in
closer to the city and establish trade with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez
Espinosa is chosen ambassador to the king to whom he takes a present.
After a stay of twenty-three days in Borneo, the men in the ships
fearing treachery from the evolutions of a number of praus and junks,
attack and capture one of the latter with twenty-seven men. Next
morning the junk commanded by the son of the king of Luzon and ninety
men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the king sends two to the
ships, but retains the others, whereupon the ships leave, taking with
them fourteen men and three women of those captured in the junks. While
sailing back over their downward course, the “Trinidad”
grounds on a point of the island of Borneo, where it remains for four
hours until swung clear by the tide.
Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the
Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that their
object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa who takes a
present to the king, pilots are promised as far as Mindanao. During
their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks desert the ships. Three
others, among them Carvalho’s son, are ashore when the fear of
attack instigated by the two Greeks leads the two ships to attack the
Borneans, and the five men are left behind on the island.
The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called) in the
world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society
edition), pp. 246–248. See also Crawfurd’s
Dictionary, pp. 57–66. See also Henry Ling Roth’s
Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896) in
two volumes, which is an excellent work on modern conditions in
Borneo.
420 The word
“junk” is probably derived from the Malay Jong or
Ajong “a great ship.” For a description of these
ships, [354]see Yule’s Cathay (Hakluyt Society
publications, London, 1866), ii, pp. 417, 418.
421 MS. 5,650
reads: “If venom or poison be put in a vase of fine porcelain, it
breaks immediately.” In accordance with this reading we have
added in brackets in the Italian the word veleno, i.e.,
“poison,” which seems to have been omitted by the
amanuensis. Mosto (p. 88, note 3) quotes the following from Marcantonio
Pigafetta’s Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli (p.
208), when speaking of the present brought to Sultan Selim II by the
Persian ambassador which consisted of “eight dishes [piati
firuarii] which break if any one puts poison in them. Those
piati firuarii are made of the substance which we call
porcelain, and are made in China, the province situated in the extreme
outskirts of the Orient. They are made of earth, which is kept for more
than fifty years buried in the earth, in order to refine it, and which
is buried by the father for his son. Thus it passes from hand to
hand.” See also Yule’s Cathay, ii, p. 478; and
Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (Hakluyt Society
publications), i, pp. 129, 130.
422 The small
brass, copper, tin, and zinc coins common throughout the eastern
islands were called “pichis” or “pitis,” which
was the name of the ancient Javanese coin, now used as a frequent
appellative for money in general. Chinese coins were early in general
use throughout the southern islands of the eastern archipelagoes. See
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 285–288.
423 The cate or
catty. See Vol. XVIII, p. 141, note 32.
424 MS. 5,650
mentions only the six porcelain dishes, the wax, and the pitch, for the
last eighty, instead of forty, cathils, of bronze being traded. The
bahar of the Italian MS. becomes “barrel” or
“cask” in the French. The anime (pitch) may have
been one of the numerous resins yielded by various trees in the
Philippines (see Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, iii,
282, 283).
425 MS. 5,650
omits this word.
426 Spectacles
were invented in the thirteenth century; and the credit for the
invention is assigned to Alessandro dì Spina, a Florentine monk,
or to Roger Bacon.
427 MS. 5,650
reads: “not to wash the buttocks with the left hand; not to eat
with it.”
428 Stanley (p.
116) omits a portion of this paragraph. He says that had Pigafetta been
a Spaniard or Portuguese, he would not have written as he did
concerning the Mahometan laws, as he would have been better informed.
Notwithstanding the fact that Stanley was a convert to Islamism and a
student of that [355]faith, some of these practices may have
been introduced into Borneo, as the rites there being far from their
center, may have become vitiated or imperfectly learned in the first
place. For instance, that the law was not strictly observed there is
seen from the fact recorded by Pigafetta that they used the intoxicant
arrack.
429 MS. 5,650
says simply that the camphor exudes in small drops. The Malay camphor
tree (dipterocarpus or Dryabalanops camphora) is
confined, so far as known, to a few parts of the islands of Sumatra and
Borneo, where it is very abundant. The oil (both fluid and solid) is
found in the body of the tree where the sap should be, but not in all
trees. The Malay name for camphor is a slight corruption of the
Sanskrit one “karpura,” and to distinguish it from the
camphor of China and Japan, the word Barus is annexed (the name of the
seaport of the western coast of Sumatra, whence camphor was chiefly
exported from that island). The Malay variety is higher priced than the
Chinese. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 81.
430 MS. 5,650
omits mention of the turnips and cabbages, and adds:
“hinds.”
431 Immediately
following this paragraph in the Italian MS. are three charts: 1. On
folio 45b, the chart of Burne (q.v., p. 210), at the lower
(i.e., northern) end of which is a scroll reading “Here
are found the living leaves;” found on folio 60b of MS. 5,650,
preceded by the words “Chart of the island of Burne and the place
where the living leaves are found.” 2. On folio 46b, the chart of
Mindanao, which is divided into the districts of Cippit, Butuam,
Maingdanao, Calagan, and Benaiam (q.v., p. 230); found on folio
63a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of five
islands—Benaian.” 3. On folio 47a, the chart of the islands
of Zzolo [i.e., Joló], Tagima, and Chauit and
Subanìn, (q.v., p. 230), accompanied by a scroll reading
“Where pearls are produced;” found on folio 63b of MS.
5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of the islands of Zzolo,
Cauit, Tagima, and others.”
432 Cape
Sampanmangio (Guillemard, p. 274). See ante, note 418.
433 MS. 5,650
omits this sentence.
434 The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 20) also narrates the capture of
this junk.
435 In Eden:
“Cimbubon, beinge. viii. degrees aboue the
Equinoctiall lyne. Here they remayned. xl. to calke theyr ſhyppes
and furnyſſe them with freſſhe water and
fuell.” Cimbonbon is probably Banguey or one of the
neighboring islets between Borneo and Palawan. It is called in the
“Roteiro” (Stanley, [356]p. 21), port Samta Maria de
Agosto, (St. Mary of August) because it was reached on the fifteenth of
August, the day of our Lady of August. It is assigned a latitude of
fully seven degrees. Herrera says that the ships were overhauled on
Borneo itself. Guillemard (p. 274) interprets Pigafetta wrongly by
saying that he assigns the careening place as Palawan or Paragua.
436 MS. 5,650
reads: “two and one-half feet long.”
437 Cf.
Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 330, 331. The
Tridacna gigas, described by Delgado, Historia, p. 929,
under the name of taclobo. Colin asserts that he saw one of the
shells which was used as a watering-trough and another as a holy-water
font. The shells sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and
weigh hundreds of pounds. The natives burn them for lime. See
Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 152.
438 Mosto (p.
89, note 8) conjectures this to be a fish of the family of the
Squamipen, perhaps of the genus Heniochus.
439
Coca: An Italian word formed from the Spanish word
“chocar” “to jostle” (Mosto, p. 89, note 9).
The living leaves, were the insects of the genus of Phyllium of the
order of the Orthoptera. They are known as walking leaves from
their resemblance to a leaf.
440 This
sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. Eden says that Pigafetta kept the
leaf “for the ſpace of viii. dayes.”
441 The date of
the departure was September 27, 1521. At this place João
Carvalho was deposed from the chief command for his high-handed
measures and non-observance of royal orders, and retook his old
position as chief pilot. Espinosa was elected in his place and Elcano
was chosen captain of the “Victoria.” See Navarrete, iv,
pp. 73, 289, 292, 294.
442 Basilan;
see Vol. III, p. 168, note 44.
443 The true
pearl oysters of the Philippine Islands are found along the coasts of
Paragua, Mindanao, and in the Sulu Archipelago, especially in the last
named, where many very valuable pearls are found. These fisheries are
said to rank with the famous fisheries of Ceylon and the Persian Gulf.
The mother-of-pearl of the shells is more valuable than the pearls. The
Sultan of Joló claims the fisheries as his own and rents them
out, but always has trouble with the lessees, and his ownership is
disputed by the datos. The pearl fishery has figured in a treaty
between that sultan and the United States government. See Affairs of
Philippines, Hearing before U. S. Senate Committee (Washington,
1902), part i, p. 18; Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila,
1903), p. 153; and Census of Philippine Islands (Washington,
1905), pp. 534–536. An early interesting account of pearl-fishing
is given by Eden (Arber’s edition), pp. 213, 214. [357]
444 MS. 5,650
reads: “fifty.”
445
Cáuit is a point and bay on the west coast of Zamboanga,
Mindanao; Subanin refers to a portion of Zamboanga; and the island of
Monoripa is perhaps the island of Saccol, located at the southeastern
end of the Zamboanga province. “Subanim” says Dr. Barrows
(Census of the Philippines, i, p. 416) “suggests a
settlement of the present aborigines of that part of Mindanao, who are
known as Subanon. Here, too, they saw the notorious
‘sea-gypsies,’ the Bajau or Sámal Laut, whose
wandering boats, then as now, shifted their stations with the changing
of the Monsoon.”
446 Crawfurd
(Dictionary, p. 100) says that the cinnamon of Mindanao is not
very strong or valuable; but the Official Handbook of
Philippines (Manila, 1903) says (p. 114) that a cinnamon of
stronger taste and fragrance is found in Zamboanga, Caraga, and the
mountain districts of Misamis, than that of Ceylon, although containing
a bitter element that depreciates its value, but which can be
eliminated by cultivation. Many of the old writers describe the plant
and its cultivation, one of the earliest being Varthema (Hakluyt
Society edition), p. 191. Pigafetta’s etymology of the Malay word
is correct.
447 Mosto (p.
90) mistranscribes biguiday, and Stanley has (p. 121),
bignaday. Perhaps it is the biniray, a boat resembling a
large banca, or the binitan (see Pastells’s Colin,
i, p. 25).
448 MS. 5,650
reads: “seventeen men seemingly as bold and ready as any others
whom we had seen in those districts.”
449 Stanley
says (p. 122) that this was attributed by a newspaper of 1874 to the
Battas of Sumatra. Semper found the custom of eating the heart or liver
of their slain enemies among the Manobos in eastern Mindanao (Mosto, p.
91, note 2). Tribes of Malayan origin living in northern Luzón
are said to have ceremonial cannibalism (Official Handbook of
Philippines, p. 158).
450 MS. 5,650
reads: “twenty.”
451 At this
point in the Italian MS. (folio 50a) is found the chart of Ciboco,
Biraban Batolach, Sarangani, and Candigar (q.v., p. 238). This
chart is shown on folio 65a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words:
“Chart of the four islands of Ciboco, etc.”
452 Albo
(Navarrete, iv, p. 223) calls these two islands Sibuco and Virano
Batolaque, the first of which Mosto (p. 91, note 3) conjectures to be
Sibago, and the second (note 4), part of the southern portion of
Mindanao. The first conjecture is probably correct if we take
Albo’s word that the two ships turned to the southeast after
passing the island Sibuco; and the fact that the [358]main
west coast east of Zamboanga is remarkably free of islands, lends color
to the second.
453 The islands
of Balut and Sarangani, just south of the most southern point of
Mindanao.
454 MS. adds:
“who are St. Elmo. St. Nicholas, and St. Clara.”
455 It is just
such acts as this bit of lawlessness, together with the unprovoked
capture of inoffensive vessels, that show that the discipline of the
ships had in great measure disappeared with the loss of
Magalhães. Such acts amounted to nothing less than piracy.
456 These
islands are of the Carcaralong or Karkaralong group south of Mindanao.
Mosto conjectures Cabaluzao (Cabulazao on the chart) to be the island
of Kabalusu, and that of Lipan, to be Lipang. Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam; 1724), i,
between pp. 36 and 37, shows a group of islands at about this location
with the names Lirong (Lipan ?), Karkelang, Cabroewang Noessa (Nuza ?),
Karkarotang, and Karotta.
457 At this
point in the Italian MS. occur two charts: 1. On folio 51a, the islands
of Cauiao, Cabiao, Cabulazao, Lipan, Cheava, Camanuca, Cheai, Nuza, and
Sanghir (q.v., p. 242); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio 65b,
preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Sanghir
etc.” 2. On folio 51b, the islands of Cheama, Carachita, Para,
Zangalura, Ciau, Paghinzara, Talaut, Zoar, and Meau (q.v. p.
246); in MS. 5,650, on folio 66b, preceded by the words: “Chart
of the islands of Meau, etc.”
Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p.
223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1).
458 Of these
islands (some of them in the Talantse group) Cheama is Kima; Carachita
is Karakitang; Para still retains that name, or is called Pala;
Zanghalura is Sangalong or Sangaluan; Ciau is Siao or Sian; Paghinzara
(so called by Albo, ut supra) figures on Valentyn’s map
(ut supra, note 457) as Pangasare, though the same island seems
also to be called Tagulanda, so that Guillemard is right in his
identification of this island; it is identified with the island of
Roang by the British Admiralty map of 1890, while Mosto conjectures
that it may be the island of Biaro. See Guillemard’s
Magellan, map, facing p. 226; and Mosto, p. 92, notes
2–7.
459 MS. 5,650
gives this name as “Babintau.” That MS. adds: “All
those islands are inhabited by heathens,” and continuing, reads:
“There is an island called Talant east of Cheama.”
[359]
460 Talaut is
evidently one of the Tulur islands east of Sanguir. Zoar (called Suar
by Albo) and Meau may be the islands of Meyo and Tifore. See Guillemard
(ut supra), and Mosto, p. 92, notes 8–10. The geography of
the islands of the East India groups has not yet been set forth in a
detailed and masterly manner, or definite proportions given to it,
although it is a subject that merits enthusiastic research and
labor.
461 Eden reads
(p. 259): “the ſyxte daye of Nouember and the. xxvii.
monethe after theyr departure owt of Spayne.”
462 MS. 5,650
adds: “by which they were deceived.”
Albo’s narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222–224) of the
events of the two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival
at the Moluccas is as follows: “We left Borney, and returned by
the road whence we had come, and consequently took the channel between
the headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turning west
[sic] we went toward the island of Quagayan, and thus we went by
that same route in search of the island of Quipit toward the south. On
this course between Quipit and Cagayan, we saw to the southward an
island called Solo, where many very large pearls are to be found. The
king of that island is said to have a pearl as large as an egg. That
island lies in a latitude of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came
across three small islets and farther on we met an island called
Tagima, where many pearls are said to be found. The latter island lies
northeast by east and southwest by west with Solo. Tagima lies in a
latitude of 6 and five-sixths degrees, and is located opposite the
headland of Quipit. Many islets lie between those two islands, and one
must take to the open as he approaches Quipit. The abovenamed headland
lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, and extends southeast and west
northwest with Poluan.
“Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the
south. Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky islets.
Along the coast many settlements are passed, where considerable
excellent cinnamon grows, and for which we traded. That coast also
produces a quantity of ginger. Then we sailed northeast until we saw a
gulf, whereupon we turned southeast until we saw a large island. There
is a very large settlement extending from that point to the eastern
headland of the island of Quipit, and at the headland of the said
island. Considerable gold is obtained there from a very large river.
That headland lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian.
“We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we saw
an island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast, where we saw
another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing along that same
course to the head of that island. Then we saw another island called
Candicar, and sailed eastward between [360]the two islands until
we reached a point some distance ahead, and at that place we entered a
channel between Candicar and another island called Sarangani. We
anchored at the latter island and took a pilot for Maluco. Those two
islands lie in 4 and two-thirds degrees, while the headland of Quipit
lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, the headland of Sibuco in 6 degrees
south latitude, and the headland of Virano Batolaque in 5 degrees. From
the headland of Quipit and Candicar, the course is north northwest and
south southeast without meeting any headland.
“We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached
the right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two islands lie
a number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin lies in 3 and
two-thirds degrees.
“From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called
Sian. Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter island
lies in exactly 3 degrees.
“We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which
lies in 10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island to
Sarangani is north by east and south by west and all those islands are
sighted.
“From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached a
position midway between two islets which lie northeast and southwest
from one another. The one to the northeast is called Suar and the other
Mean. The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes and the other in 1 and
one-half degrees.
“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the
islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel
between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with
the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house
ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days
until the ships were laden.”
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after
leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and
captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in
the port of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435). Steering
southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam
(Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn
that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running
between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running
along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a
parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is
named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao
carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the
house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island
they arrived in sight of some islands [361]which are named
Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after
arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and
some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to
overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming
upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old
pilot escapes. Continuing they sight “three high mountains
belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos
[Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at a small
island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures
them that the people are hostile. “While still in this
neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for
rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island
on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to
Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on
the 10th of August of 1519.”
The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from
the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St.
Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening.
At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows:
1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and
Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the
islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the
antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS.
5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that
MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart
entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare,
Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v., Vol.
XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription
“Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a
of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove
trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best;
and also of nutmegs.”
463 Eden (p.
259) says that they entered port “before the ryſinge of the
ſoone.”
464 MS. 5,650
adds: “by astrology.”
465 This
sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
466 MS. 5,650
omits the drinking-cups.
467 From this
point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “To some
others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.”
468 This
sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
469 MS. 5,650
reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.” [362]
470
“Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259).
471 MS. 5,650
does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada was a per
cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the
officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the
officers and crews of Magalhães’s fleet was specified in
section 74 of the instructions given by Cárlos I to
Magalhães and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see
Navarrete, iv, pp. 150–152) are as follows:
Following are declared the quintaladas which shall
be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the
amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the
twenty-fourth part to his Highness.
|
Quintaladas |
| First, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero,
captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of
cabin space [cámara] apiece |
60 |
| Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals
apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space
above decks |
20 |
| The other three captains shall each be allowed
forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada |
40 |
| Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one
quintalada below decks |
22 |
| Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two
quintals |
22 |
| Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic]
quintals of cabin space and one quintalada |
22 |
| Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one
quintalada |
8 |
| The sailors of the ships, one and one-half
quintalada |
3 |
| Chaplains, four quintals apiece |
4 |
| Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece |
5 |
| Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin
space and one quintalada apiece |
14 |
| Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one
quintalada apiece |
10 |
| Sailors, one quintalada apiece |
2 |
| Common seamen, one and one-half quintals
apiece |
1½ |
| Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece |
3 arrobas |
| Gunners |
|
| The master gunners, three quintals of cabin space
apiece and one quintalada |
5 |
| The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas
apiece |
2½ |
| Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas |
2½ |
| Calkers, the same |
2½ |
| Coopers, the same |
2½ [363] |
| Crossbowmen, the same |
2½ |
| Servants of the captains, one quintalada
apiece |
1 |
| Stewards, three quintals apiece |
3 |
| Stonecutters, three quintals
apiece |
3 |
In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there,
the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the
said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and
they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that
shall remain there.
If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with
the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress,
and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to
those duties.
Chests
| The captains-general shall take four
chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth |
4 |
| The other captains shall take three chests apiece
on the same terms |
3 |
| Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece |
2 |
| The notaries of the ships one chest apiece |
1 |
| Masters and pilots, each one chest |
1 |
| Boatswains, one chest apiece |
1 |
| Alguacil of the fleet, one chest |
1 |
| Chaplains, one chest apiece |
1 |
| The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece |
1 |
| The captains’ servants, one chest for each
two |
1 |
| Physician and surgeon, one chest |
1 |
| Sailors, one chest for each two |
1 |
| Common seamen, one chest for each two |
1 |
| Boys, one chest for each three |
1 |
| Master gunners of the ships, each one chest |
1 |
| The other gunners, one chest for each two |
1 |
| Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen,
and sailors, one chest for each two |
1 |
| Stewards, one chest apiece |
1 |
| Sobresalientes, one chest apiece |
1 |
472 Not nephew,
as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context.
MS. 5,650 spells his name “Calanoghapi.”
473 The
remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650.
474 In MS.
5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: “And because he did
not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he
would go to an island called Bacchian,” etc.
475 Leonardo de
Argensola (Vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco
from the word “Moloc” meaning “the capital.”
Crawfurd [364]says that the derivation and meaning of the word
is unknown, although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo.
It has been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their
district, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta
(for whose ancient names, see Vol. XVI, p.
221). Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246),
gives a slight account of the district under the name of the
“island of Monoch, where the cloves grow,” which
Magalhães showed to Cárlos I (Guillemard’s
Magellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authentic account of
the five Moluccas (which he names) in his East African and Malabar
Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 202, 219, 220. See also
Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 283–285.
476 Francisco
Serrão, brother of João Serrão, was
Magalhães’s most intimate friend, and they had been close
companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far
eastern waters. In 1509, Serrão sailed on the fleet sent by
Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large
force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance
headed by Magalhães saved him. In January, 1510, while returning
from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as
captain of one of three ships under Antonio d’ Abreu to the
Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition
failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda.
On this expedition, Serrão’s ship was abandoned as
unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island.
Here pirates landing, Serrão and his men took possession of
their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity
offering, Serrão went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of
that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was
finally poisoned about the time of Magalhães’s death. A
number of letters passed between Magalhães and Serrão,
during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhães
made use of them to persuade Cárlos I to undertake the
expedition. See Guillemard’s Magellan.
477 See
Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard’s Magellan for details
regarding Magalhães’s negotiations with Manoel of Portugal
and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostão,
tostões) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the
fifteenth century (Hazlitt’s Coinage of European
Continent).
478 It is
impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650
gives them as follows: “Checchily Momoly, Tadore Vimghi,
Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin
Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi.” Amoretti (followed by
Stanley) makes these names “Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi,
Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi, [365]Chialinchechilin,
Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi.” Mosto gives the names as
in the present edition with the exception of the sixth and seventh
which he gives as “Chialin Chechilin” and
“Cathara.” Checheli (Chechelin) and possibly
Cili, denotes the title Cachil (“noble”).
479 Called by
Barros “João de Lourosa, a man disloyal to his country
(Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23,
24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate)
and that letters were sent him, asking him “to come and speak
with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king
of the country forbade it.” However, permission is secured from
the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from
the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa
was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 305) merely mentions the
fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the
“Trinidad,” and was promptly executed by the Portuguese
when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard’s Magellan,
p. 303).
480 MS. 5,650
adds: “hearing that.”
481 In Eden:
“ſixe hundreth and
fiftie.” The native name of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also
called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being
included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at
120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently
formed from the Arabic article al and fora,
“without,” and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside
of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan
populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island.
482 Eden (p.
227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes “as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three ſpannes
in length frome ioynt to ioynt or more.... Theyr canes are full of
moſte cleare water without any maner of taſt or ſauore
eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And ſuche as yf it
were taken owte of the freſſheſte ſprynge in the
worlde.” Pigafetta probably refers to some species of
bamboo.
483 MS. 5,650
reads: “for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with]
munjeet.” Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat,
Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar
peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the Affghân
or Ghôri empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth
century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger’s
introduction to Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society
edition), p. lviii. Foster’s Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539,
540): “Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing
the bay of [366]Cambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz
[Ahmadábád]. It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of
Cambaya, the bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and
Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of
Cambaya [the Máhi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of
Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers
others. It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many
places.” Its ports were important centers of trade.
484 This item
is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden.
485 Cf. with
the prices of various oriental products in Barbosa’s East
African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp.
221–223.
486 Probably it
was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water
near Celebes, “because they feared that in Maluco they would not
be allowed to take it in” (see the “Roteiro,”
Stanley, p. 22).
487 MS. 5,650
omits the remainder of this paragraph. [367]
