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Title: Private Journal of Henry Francis Brooke
       Late Brigadier-General Commanding 2nd Infantry Brigade
              Kandahar Field Force, Southern Afghanistan, from April
              22nd to August 16th, 1880

Author: Henry Francis Brooke

Editor: Annie Brooke

Release Date: June 25, 2014 [EBook #46095]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8

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FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION ONLY.

PRIVATE JOURNAL

OF

HENRY FRANCIS BROOKE,

LATE BRIGADIER-GENERAL

COMMANDING 2ND INFANTRY BRIGADE

KANDAHAR FIELD FORCE,

SOUTHERN AFGHANISTAN,

FROM APRIL 22ND TO AUGUST 16TH, 1880.

For................................................

From...............................................

DUBLIN:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CURWEN, 3, NASSAU STREET.

1881.

PREFACE.

The following Journal or Diary was written by my dear Husband—to use his own words—"for you, of course, first, but written in this form specially for the dear chicks, and therefore quite simple and plain, so as to interest and amuse them; but I shall be very glad if it interests the others if you will send it the rounds, as then I need not try to write the same story over and over again, which is very tiresome."

When on the 20th March, 1880, being at the time Adjutant-General of the Bombay Army, my dear Husband, to his infinite satisfaction and delight, and full of ardour and zeal, was ordered to the Front, to take command, as Brigadier-General, of the 2nd Infantry Brigade at Kandahar, Southern Afghanistan; knowing how deeply interested we (his wife, and children, his mother, brothers and sisters) would be in all his movements and actions, he conceived the idea of writing this Journal, and most regularly week by week, as he found time to write, and as the Indian mail arrived, did I receive it, and most eagerly was it looked for and read. It will be seen that at first going off the wording of it was simple so that the children might easily understand all that their dear Father was doing, and small details describing the various stages of his journey up to Kandahar from Bombay are fully entered into with the object of amusing and interesting them, and that they might the more readily picture him both then, and when later on, having reached Kandahar, and before troubles began, he amused himself by daily rides into the neighbouring fields and orchards, and still further into the villages and surrounding districts, not always unattended without a certain amount of risk and danger, and thus became acquainted intimately with the country within 12 or 15 miles of Kandahar. But as difficulties developed themselves, and were followed, first by the lamentable defeat and retreat from the battlefield of Maiwand, of a portion of the already too small force that was holding, what appeared to him, the very false military position at Kandahar, and ended as a climax, in the Siege of Kandahar itself, the subject matter of the Journal necessarily became of such painful interest, that the language of it on many points almost went beyond the comprehension of the children, or, at any rate, was not too "simple" for their elders, albeit only too "plain" and grievous for all to read hereafter, when we remembered that He, whom we so dearly loved, had been besieged within the walls of that city, and had been in daily danger of losing that life so valuable to his wife and children, and which, alas! it was God's will—before the Kandahar garrison was relieved—should be sacrificed in the performance, in the first instance, of his duty, as a true and ardent soldier in the service of his Queen and country, during the sortie upon the village of Deh Khoja on the 16th August, 1880, while in command of the attacking party; and, more directly, in the endeavour to rescue from a cruel death a brother officer—Captain Cruikshank of the Royal Engineers—whom he found in the village severely wounded and unable to save himself! This sortie had been determined upon six days before it was actually undertaken, and strongly then objected to, for various sound military reasons, by my dear Husband, as we now know by what is written in the Journal of the events that daily occurred during the Siege of Kandahar, and also from friends who were there themselves, extracts from whose letters—giving us the sad details of that ill-fated sortie—will be found in the Appendix. These extracts speak volumes of themselves, and need no comment from me. The manner and character of my dear Husband's self-sacrificing death are indications in themselves of the ruling power which influenced all his actions.

It will be seen that the Journal itself ends abruptly with the events of the 14th August—all that happened afterwards we have learnt through the letters of kind friends—and when the former was written it was never intended that it should have been printed, but as all relating to my dear Husband has now become of painful interest to those most nearly connected with him, I have been asked, and have yielded to the temptation, to print it as it stands, for private circulation among his nearest relations, to whom he was, in each relation of life, without reproach, and who now mourn his irreparable loss.

ANNIE BROOKE.

[Pg 1]

JOURNAL.
RECEIVED ORDERS TO PROCEED TO KANDAHAR.

On Saturday, the 20th March, 1880, I received the official notification that my appointment to the command of a Brigade of the Kandahar Force had been approved by the Viceroy, and I decided to leave for Kurrachee by the mail steamer of the 27th, as, although I had commenced my preparations a few days before, there was still a good deal to be done, and many things to be got to complete the small service kit which I had to take with me. The first thing to be thought of was some horses, as I had only one at the time, and as the season for purchasing horses in the Bombay market was over (the best time is November, December, and January, when the Arabs arrive from the Persian Gulf with horses), I knew there would be great difficulty in getting horses up to my weight. After many fruitless visits to the various stables, I heard of a very large and handsome Arab for sale at the stables of Addool Rahman, the great horse dealer of Bombay, who strongly recommended me to buy him if I was [Pg 2]prepared to give the long price asked (£120). After seeing him and riding him, I quite came to the conclusion he was worth the money, and purchased him, getting him for £110. I then bought a Persian horse out of Sir Richard Temple's stud, for which I gave £60, and with my old friend, a chesnut Australian horse which I have now had for four years, I felt quite made up, and requiring only a pony, which I will get in Beloochistan. I have named the Arab horse (an iron grey) "Akhbar," the Persian (also a grey) "Selim," and the Australian's name is "Rufus." Before going further I must mention that I nearly lost both my new purchases the day after they came into my stables, as the Arab got a bad attack of colic, and the Persian got away from the man who was leading him, and got a very bad cut on his hind leg from some wire paling, but fortunately both got better much more quickly than I hoped, and seem very happy and comfortable in their stalls on board this ship to-day (S.S. "Umballa," at sea March 28th). The next thing to do was to find servants, and in this I think I have been fortunate, having got a quiet Portuguese as general servant, to take care of my clothes, cook, and make himself generally useful. He is to get 25 rupees a month, his clothes and food. Each horse has its groom, and they seem good sort of men, but there is not much choice, as one has to take pretty much what can be got, as there is not much desire among this class of men to see foreign parts. They [Pg 3] |Preparations for Kandahar.| each get 15 rupees a month, and their clothes and food. After the horses and servants were procured the next consideration was how to get all the things I wanted to take with me into the limit of weight allowed us by the Regulations. I have, of course, considerably more than other officers, but even so I find it quite impossible to manage all I should like to do, so I have brought about 100 lbs. over my weight, as I can easily take any quantity I like as far as the railway goes (i.e., to Sibi), and I am told beyond that I shall perhaps be able to hire some private carriage to take the extra quantity on to Kandahar, and certainly to Quetta, where it can be left, and sent on after me to Kandahar, when the press of sending up troops is over. Even with this extra weight I have been obliged, of course, to limit greatly my desires and wants, but I hope I have got together a fairly compact kit with nothing but what is absolutely necessary in it. First of all I have two very small trunks, which contain my clothes (all of which are uniform), shirts, &c., &c. I have, as a great treat, brought two white shirts, to be worn on high days and holidays, as a change from the coloured flannel shirts which, though useful and appropriate for the occasion, are articles of dress I dislike very much. As the cold season is now past, and it is heat rather than cold we shall suffer from, it has not been necessary to bring up warm clothing, although, of course, I have a few warm things in case of meeting sudden changes of temperature which [Pg 4]is quite possible. General Hogg, the Quartermaster-General, presented me with an excellent breech-loading revolver, and I have purchased a sword belt of the kind called the "Sam Browne Belt" (having been invented by General Sir Sam Browne), as it is so arranged that without inconvenience the pistol and ammunition can be carried on it, and the sword itself can be arranged according to one's pleasure, for riding or walking, which is a great convenience. The Government carry for me 200 lbs. weight of tents (for other officers only 100 lbs.), so I have purchased two tents, one for myself and the other |Service kit for Kandahar.| for the servants. My tent is 9 feet by 8, and has a double top as a protection against the sun, and a sort of small verandah on one side, which can be used as a bath-room. The furniture of the tent consists of a bed 6 feet long and 2 feet 3 inches wide, a small folding table and one chair. When I get to Kandahar, if obliged to live in a tent, I will, of course, supplement this scanty supply by such articles of native manufacture as I can get. I have a block tin basin, but no tub, as that is too bulky and heavy, and the custom on the march is to have the water-carrier (Bheestie) to empty a skin of water over one, which, though not so comfortable as a marble bath, answers all the purposes very well. My cooking utensils are so arranged as to go into a strong basket 2 feet high and 12 inches in diameter. In this there are 3 saucepans, which fit one into the other, a kettle, a stewpan, a frying-pan, and a pewter [Pg 5]teapot, and 2 teacups and saucers pack into the saucepans, and 2 soup plates and 2 dinner plates, enamelled iron, go into the stewpan. In my luncheon basket are 3 knives, 3 forks, 3 spoons, and a couple of glasses, so on a pinch I can give a dinner party of two, without resorting to the usual fashion, which is that when you are asked to dinner in camp you bring your own knives, forks, plates, glass, and generally your chair, your host supplying only the table, food, and, if he is a very good manager and very generous, drink. Of course as the country gets more opened up, native traders will push forward, and everything one can want will be procurable, although, of course, at exorbitant prices; and even now I hear almost anything can be bought at Quetta, and a good number of things at Kandahar. My establishment and kit are therefore constituted as follows:—

• 1 General Man Servant,
• 3 Native Grooms,
• 3 Horses,
• 2 Tents,
• 2 Trunks,
• 1 Table,
• 1 Bed,
• 1 Chair,

Cooking Utensils and Plates, Glasses, Knives and Forks for two. I have brought up with me a dozen case of whiskey and two small boxes containing a carefully selected assortment of stores to eke out the [Pg 6]rations on the march. I have brought some soups, some chocolate and milk, biscuits, sardines, macaroni, tea, pickles and sauces. How far I shall be able to get these three little boxes I don't know, but at the worst they can easily be got to Quetta, and after that must follow me as they can. On the whole, I am quite satisfied with all my arrangements, especially with my horses, which, if I can only land them safely at Kurrachee (a very troublesome business) and get them to the end of the Railway journey without hurt, will, I think, turn out well, and I am sure I hope so, as all one's efficiency and usefulness (to say nothing of one's comfort and safety) depends on being well mounted, and being able to move about rapidly and see everything for oneself. My saddles (each horse has his own) are all fitted with arrangements for carrying coats, rugs, &c., &c., and extras of all sorts, and during the march the horses I am not riding will have to carry their own clothing, and also that of the horse I ride and of the Syces (native grooms). It will be quite a delightful change to me, after eight years continuous office work day after day from ten till five, to live an active life constantly in the saddle and knocking about, and I feel sure the change will be very good for me in every way. I have brought with me a Persian Grammar and Dictionary, and intend, when settled at Kandahar, to work up a little Persian which might prove useful to me some day or other. The last week at Bombay was very busy, as, in addition to my preparation for [Pg 7]a start, I wanted to keep up my work to the last, and leave nothing unfinished, which I am glad to think I did. I had farewell dinners to go to every night, and indeed had not nights enough nearly to enable me to accept all the invitations I received. I must not forget to say that among other superfluities which I have left behind me at Bombay, are my razors and shaving brush, as I don't intend to use either till I return to civilization. To-day is the second day without shaving, and I am very glad to feel that I have only men in the same stage as myself to meet, as one feels very dirty and scrubby, and will continue to do so for the next month at least, especially as I have had my hair and whiskers very well cropped, which, if not becoming, is certainly very convenient.

[Pg 10]

[Pg 29]

[Pg 52]

At each of these places there is a small enclosure, it cannot be called a fort, in which the commissariat stores are placed. General Stewart refused to garrison the smaller of these with our troops, but left them in charge of native levies who the civil authorities assured him were perfectly trustworthy. The value of this opinion has been very conclusively shown by the events of the past week. Each enclosure or fort is like the other, except in size, some [Pg 56]being larger than others. They are of the following shape:—

General Phayre (leaving me, however, full powers to act as I thought best) suggested to me that it would be better to wait at Gatai till the guns and the European troops reached me, but on reflection I came to the conclusion that to leave Dubbrai unoccupied, and the dead unburied a moment longer than could be avoided, would have the worst effect, and that it was quite worth risking something to obviate this, so, as soon as it was light, I issued orders (I may mention for my soldier and sailor brothers' information that I have throughout given each person distinct and plain written orders, so that everyone knew exactly what to do, and once I issued an order I never changed it) for reconnoitering parties of cavalry to proceed to Dubbrai and the hills to our right front, while I pushed on a detachment of native infantry, with a few cavalry, to re-occupy [Pg 57]Dubbrai. I, of course, left a sufficient force at Gatai to hold it, instructing the officer in command to strengthen the defences and keep a good look out. I did not, I confess, expect opposition, and was not therefore surprised to find, when I followed the main body with a small cavalry escort, that they had found Dubbrai empty, except of dead bodies, and seen none of the enemy on the road. We found in and around the Fort 30 dead bodies and 1 wounded man, who told us he was a Ghazi (fanatic), from Khelat-i-Ghilzi, and that there were plenty more of them coming. The men were most anxious to shoot the wretched creature, and I think the officers generally thought it would have been right to do so, but of course I forbid anything of the kind, and ordered him medical aid, and such food and drink as we had at our disposal. I am bound to say he was not a bit grateful, but regularly spit at us and defied us. He died the next day, which was quite the best thing he could |Account of the Dubbrai Attack.| have done. Among the dead we found and recognized poor Major Waudby's body, which I buried near the place he fell, reading the funeral service myself as the best and greatest mark of respect I, as commanding the force, could give to as gallant a soldier as ever lived. Poor fellow, he had warning full 8 hours before the attack, and could easily have evacuated the place, but knowing the country and natives well, he knew what an evil effect it would have if it was known a Sahib had shown fear, and so he clearly elected to accept, one may say, certain [Pg 58]death, rather than discredit his name. He had only 2 sepoys of his own regiment with him, all the rest being helpless unarmed servants of his own and the commissariat establishment. He must have fought splendidly, as the enemy themselves acknowledge that they had 16 killed and 18 wounded, which was very good shooting. Nearly everyone we saw of the enemy was shot right through the head, so poor Waudby must have been as cool and collected as if he had been shooting pheasants. His 2 sepoys died with him, and were found beside him. We also found his dog sitting by his body refusing to be moved. The poor dog had 2 terrible sword cuts on his back, but is recovering, and will be sent home to Mrs. Waudby. While at Dubbrai I received a despatch from Kandahar, saying that they had sent out troops from there to open the road up to wherever they met us, and the officer in command sent me word that no resistance had been offered and I could march on in the ordinary way. I at once sent back to Chaman and countermanded the move of the guns, and gave the necessary orders for the improving of the defences of Dubbrai, and at the same time wrote to Kandahar to General Primrose, recommending that I should remain a few days in the neighbourhood with a force of cavalry, artillery and infantry, and that I should march through all the disaffected districts, as I believed this course necessary and desirable. I then rode back to Gatai, on my way going to see about the removal into safety [Pg 59] |Await orders—return to Gatai.| at that place of a large quantity of Government property which one of my patrolling parties had discovered in the middle of some hills about half way between the two places. These things proved to be a large convoy of Government stores which an Afghan contractor had been bringing upon camels to Kandahar, when he was attacked by the enemy, and obliged to drop his load, and give them his camels to carry the wounded and the loot from Dubbrai. We succeeded in rescuing them and bringing them into the fort at Gatai, where I was obliged to leave them.

so I have one room to sleep, sit, and write in, and a room where we dine and breakfast, and which is, of course, public property. I have, as a special indulgence, a bath-room all to myself, but no one else has one. The room when I came into it was horrid; the floor was six inches deep in dust; there were no doors or windows, and altogether it was most unpromising. I have, however, had a floor made for it, the passage and dining-room, of a wonderful kind of stuff like Plaster of Paris which abounds here, and which hardens in the most wonderful way. I have had windows put in, and hope to have a door soon; and having bought a few pieces of a rough native carpeting in the city, and a couple of tables and chairs, my room begins to look very fair indeed. The mud walls are appropriately [Pg 68]covered with yards of maps, which look very business-like, and in the small recesses I have had a few wooden shelves put up which quite do to hold my very scanty wardrobe. I find my room very hot and close at night, so I have pitched my little tent outside my door and sleep in it, watched over by a sentry whose sole duty is to guard his sleeping General, who can, therefore, slumber in the most perfect security. It would be rather monotonous to live with my Brigade Major and orderly officer only, as I am afraid we should get very tired of each other during the hot weather, so I am trying to get up a sort of mess between General Burrows and me, taking in our staff, and a couple of outsiders who have no special place to go to—viz., our Chaplain, Mr. Cane, and the Judge Advocate, Colonel Beville. The latter has agreed to manage the affair, so I have nothing to do with housekeeping, which is a blessing, and as Colonel Beville quite understands management and likes good things, I hope the affair will be a success, and that General Burrows will agree to join. The parson begged me to take him in, and I did not like to refuse, though I cannot say I care much about him (though perhaps he will improve on acquaintance), as he has the reputation of being rather inclined to quarrel and be difficult to manage. We will hope he is maligned and will prove not to have so unclerical a failing. A mess on service is a very rough affair, as we have no plate, crockery or linen, and live what is called [Pg 69]camp fashion, that is, all the mess provides is tables and food, and each person's servant brings his plates, knives, forks, and spoons, and chairs, and when dinner or breakfast is over removes them. We shall, I daresay, in time get a few luxuries such as chairs, dishes, and perhaps a few table-cloths (I have 2 of my own for great occasions), and we have already made our dining-room look fairly comfortable (I am writing on 4th May), by putting down some carpets, and I have no doubt between Colonel Beville and me that we will get rid of as much unnecessary |Annoyances from flies and sand-flies.| roughness as we can. The great drawback of the whole place is the flies, which are most exasperating and pertinaceous. I am preparing a complete set of fortifications against them for my own room, by having net (which I have been fortunate to get in the city), such as musquito curtains are made of, nailed over the windows, and a door covered with net for the one entrance, so that I hope in time to be fairly free from them. They retire for the night, I am glad to say, about 7 o'clock, but as soon as they leave the sand-flies begin, and I think they are almost as bad, as they buzz and bite just like musquitos. They are a kind of very small gnat, and their bite is most irritating to some people, but they don't hurt me. The regiments are necessarily scattered over a large extent of ground, and the work is consequently very heavy on the men, as we have to post sentries very closely together to prevent the Afghans coming within our lines. The great proportion of the force [Pg 70]is outside the city where I am living, but we hold the citadel, which is inside the city, where also we keep our arsenal and commissariat stores. A native infantry regiment and a detachment of a British infantry regiment hold the citadel, and the quarters occupied by both the officers and men there are much preferable to ours in the cantonments, as they are all regular native houses, many of which have gardens, and all some trees near and about them, and in this desert land a bit of green or a little shade have a value which no one who has not seen the country can understand. There is nothing striking about the actual city of Kandahar to anyone who has visited or seen an ordinary Indian town of the 5th or 6th rank. There are the usual bazaars with the occupants of the shops at work at their various trades in the front of their shops, and in many shops coarse English earthenware and cheap Birmingham and Manchester goods are exposed for sale, as is the case in even small villages in India. Raisins of all sorts and description, from the little sultanas up to dark purple ones, are sold in quantities, and seem to be a regular portion of the food of the poorest people. So far I have seen nothing curious or unusual which I would be tempted to buy, but then we cannot here wander about and go into the shops and ransack them for curiosities, as the people have a nasty trick of watching till a person is busy looking at things in a shop, and then coming up quietly and stabbing one in the back. It is consequently necessary, when [Pg 71]we go shopping, to go in parties of 2 or 3, or take an escort, so as to always have some one on the watch against treachery, and as long as one takes this precaution they are too cowardly to attack in the open. The people in the streets are very picturesque, and most of them fine handsome men. No women are ever seen except very old ones, and even they generally wear the Turkish yashmak or veil which covers |Kandaharis—the Charsoo.| them from head to foot. In the centre of the city the 4 main streets meet under a curious large-domed building, around which are shops, and which is always crowded with a very mixed gathering of villains of all sorts. This place is called the Charsoo (or four waters), and it was in it that Lieutenant Willis, of the artillery, was murdered in broad day light by a Ghazi (N.B.—Next week I will explain who and what Ghazis are), who, however, was himself immediately killed. Any native attempting the life of any officer or soldier is now always hung in the Charsoo, which has had a very good effect.

[Pg 75]

And though the command entails plenty of work and responsibility, I like it, and wish I could keep it while I am here. The first thing, of course, was to ascertain the positions held by various regiments, their weak points, &c., and so I spent the afternoon in riding round and making myself acquainted with everything as far as I could, so that in case of a row at night, I should be ready to decide on what might be necessary to do. I moved into my quarters in the cantonments, and obtained permission for Capt. Law, of the artillery, to act as my Brigade-Major, as the officer who is to hold the appointment permanently has not yet arrived. Capt. Law is a smart good officer, and I am very glad to have him as my staff officer.

[Pg 77]

[Pg 78]

[Pg 79]

[Pg 85]

and the line was of good extent. General Primrose commanded the parade, and General Burrows and I |Feu de joie—"Akhbar" admired.| had each our own Brigades. One of the performances on the Queen's birthday parade is firing a feu de joie with blank ammunition, when the fire is run down the whole of the front rank, and then back up the rear rank, and this is done three times, and is, as may be imagined, most trying to horses, especially those who have to stand with their backs to the line as those of the Generals and Staff have to do on this occasion. Prudence suggested to me to ride my old and tried charger Rufus, but vanity got [Pg 93]the better of prudence, and being anxious to show off Akhbar, and also to make the best turn-out on my own account that I could, I made up my mind to ride the Arab, who is really a picture when got up for parade. He is young and inexperienced, and had never been on parade before, or never heard a shot fired, but Arabs very often don't mind anything of that kind, and I hoped for the best and thought it all right when he stood like a post while the Artillery were firing their salute. The feu de joie, and the consternation it produced among all the other horses, was too much for his nerves, and he gave me all I knew to sit on him, though I don't blame him a bit, as this particular kind of firing is most trying to all horses. On this occasion not one of them really stood it steadily, and General Burrows' horse was so objectionable as to succeed in throwing him, although he is a first-rate rider. I was, however, quite repaid for the little bother I had by the admiration Mr. Akhbar's appearance called forth as he went past the saluting flag at the head of the Brigade.

[Pg 99]

[Pg 103]

[Pg 107]

The Citadel is close to the north end, and the outer wall of the City forms then a sort of double wall to the Citadel.

[Pg 113]

There are 6 gates in the wall of the City, which is fully 20 to 30 feet high, and very thick and strong. At each of the city gates there is a guard of Native Infantry, and we hold the keys of the gates which we lock every night at sunset, after which hour neither entrance nor exit is permitted to anyone. The guards are stationed on the ramparts, and their posts should, from the first, according to the most ordinary rules of war, have been put in a state of defence, but nothing was done to them, and General Primrose has been unwilling to make a change in the matter. Now, however, he has allowed me to take measures to make them safe in the event of any outbreak.

to be held in readiness to march at once. About ¾ of an hour later General Primrose arrived from the Citadel and authorized my starting at once, urging on me, however, to use great caution, and avoid, as far as possible, any considerable loss of life. Being anxious to be off at once, I had no time to give any attention to getting my own property into the Citadel, but had to leave the matter to my native servant, telling him to do the best he could, and to take the most useful things into safety first, and I may here say that he must have worked admirably, as, when [Pg 136]I got to the Fort at 7 o'clock in the evening, I found he had brought off in safety every single thing I possessed. At ½ past 5 o'clock (¾ of an hour after I first heard that any remnants of Burrows' force was saved, and trying to return) I paraded my little force, which was, I was horrified to find, much smaller than I had intended, as the full number of men were not at the moment available. Time was precious to our poor comrades wearily fighting their way back to Camp, so I decided not to wait till I could get my numbers, and started with only

I knew there could be no organized resistance, and that if I was cautious I could come to no harm, but, all the same, I am free to confess that I could not avoid feeling anxious about my guns, as the loss of 2 more would have been simply ruin to us. I must here describe the route I had to follow, as its peculiarities added much to the difficulties and dangers of the enterprise. Immediately after leaving the Barracks the road passes for about ½ a mile through walled gardens, each garden forming a little fortification of itself, and giving cover for any number of armed men. These passed through, the Village of Abasabad is reached through the main street of which the road goes. This street is so narrow that in places it was a close shave to get the R.A. [Pg 137]carriages through, and it twists and winds about most unpleasantly. Beyond the village is another quarter of a mile of walled gardens, and then an open plain is come to with, however, commanding hills all along the road to the right (about 300 yards off), and on the left a string of strongly placed villages about the same distance from the road. It is evident, therefore, that every inch of road offered extraordinary facilities for the enemy to resist our |Terrible accounts of the retreat.| advance. As we left the camp we began to meet the first of the long string of fugitives, who continued afterwards to pass us till we reached Kokeran, a more terrible sight I never witnessed; all appearance of organization or discipline gone; each man, whether European or native, was fighting, as it were, for his own life, careful of nothing but getting into safety. All were wearied and harrassed, and many unable hardly to move one foot before the other, as indeed was not wonderful, considering that since 4 p.m. the previous day they had been marching, with a cruel enemy on all sides of them, shooting and stabbing every man who, too wearied to drag on, sat down for a moment's rest. To add to the horrors of the march they had, in the whole distance of over 50 miles, found water only twice, and what this means no one who has not lived and worked in this climate can tell. From all I can hear there were some marvellous instances of self-denial in this matter: men giving up their last drop of water, which was more than their lives to them, to [Pg 138]men more feeble than themselves, and, apparently, none equalled or exceeded in this respect Captain Slade, of the Horse Artillery, as noble a soldier as ever lived. Officers and men have since told me of his heroic efforts to save his guns, to give assistance and to sacrifice his life, or deny himself to save or help anyone; all also join in saying General Burrows' conduct was splendid, and that he had fairly won the Victoria Cross 3 or 4 times. Once when all hope seemed lost, for dismounted men he got off his horse, put two wounded officers on it, and led it himself for 3 miles, with a howling crowd of savages following him, anxious for his life. I had never seen the retreat of a panic-stricken military force before, and I trust I never may do so again, as it is too horrible for description, and this retreat excelled in terror any that I have ever read of. As each inch of the road (till my little force was seen) had to be fought for against a set of blood-thirsty savages, rather than fall into whose hands alive, it is said several men shot themselves, knowing the horrible fate that would otherwise be in store for them. Then the want of water was a fearful aggravation of the sufferings of the wretched men, and the length of the march, 50 miles, made the hope of escape seem impossible. I must now go back to my own enterprise, which, I rejoice to think, was successful, and resulted in the saving of many valuable lives. I had hardly got my little force in column of route outside the Barrack gates, when the enemy commenced [Pg 139] |Relieving force meet with oppositions.| a desultory and harmless fire on us from behind the walls of the neighbouring gardens. I at once sent forward some skirmishers to the front, and a cavalry picquet to the extreme right and left, and was glad to see the spirit with which all advanced, which at once told on the rabble opposed to us, who gave up their positions and ran for their lives, several being killed as they ran. In this way, pressing on steadily, I cleared the gardens and the Village of Abasadad, and was able to bring my guns and remainder of my column through that extremely awkward position. On the other side of the village the skirmishers had advanced, driving the enemy before them, till the more open ground was reached. Here I formed up my column once more, preparatory to pushing on for Kokeran. On the range of high hills which ran along the left of the road, at about 300 yards off, were small bodies of the enemy, as also in the strongly placed villages on my left. Before advancing I had to send out small parties on either flank to dislodge these people, which they did with the greatest ease. My way was again clear, and I advanced without opposition for about a mile, when, on a low hill, about 2,000 yards to my right-front, I saw a considerable force posted, which was being increased every moment by contingents from the villages in the rear of the hill, from which we could see people hurrying in great numbers. Seeing a good position about 1,000 yards ahead, I pushed on to it rapidly, and getting my guns into action, [Pg 140]threw forward the Cavalry to threaten the left flank, while the Infantry moved slowly to the front. A couple of shells planted, with charming precision, by my friend Captain Law had a most happy effect, and, as we could see, shook the confidence of the enemy, good as their position was. They did not, however, seem disposed to take the hint, and kept up a constant, but, owing to the distance, harmless fire on us as we advanced. Presently, however, on a repetition of the dose equally well administered, assisted by a few volleys from our rifles, they broke, the greater part rushing to the rear, but some, as I had hoped, trying to cross the road and gain the shelter of the hills on the left. This was the moment for the Cavalry, who charged with excellent effect, doing good execution at the same time. I gave the fugitives to the rear a couple of shells at 2,000 yards where, thinking themselves safe, they had halted to breathe. Serious as the work on hand was, we could not help a hearty laugh at the consternation caused by the unexpected visitors. The mass of people broke away in all directions, leaving, as we could see afterwards as we advanced, a good percentage on the ground. I dare say there are some critics who will think that this position ought to have been carried at the point of the bayonet, in order that a severe lesson might have been inflicted, and under other circumstances I might have thought so myself, but, placed as we were when the loss of [Pg 141]every man was serious, I had determined to utilize to the utmost the long range of our weapons, and to do all the fighting I could at long bowls, and by sticking steadily to this, I succeeded in carrying out my object which entailed a march of 14 miles, every inch of which had to be contested or defended, with the loss only of 1 man killed and two or three slightly wounded. I quite acknowledge there are objections to the arrangement, but I feel sure it was the right one for the occasion. After this no regular opposition was offered till I reached Kokeran, which is a large village with a fortified enclosure in its midst, which was full of the enemy, who had been ill treating the stragglers of General Burrows' force all morning. Knowing the ground well, I at once selected my position, and was quickly placed to command the whole of the country round. I was |Kokeran—General Burrows' force sighted.| just going to give the order for the guns to come into action, when, to my delight, at about a mile off, at the spot where I knew was the ford of the Argandab, where the road from Girishk crossed the river, I saw a mass of men which I at once recognized as what remained of General Burrows' Force. I decided, therefore, before hammering Kokeran to communicate with them, and sent some Cavalry to make a circuit to the right and join General Burrows, informing him that I was clearing his way, and that he might, I felt sure, advance in 20 minutes, by which time I would have his way open. The Cavalry had hardly started before I recognized that the enemy, [Pg 142]seeing that the position I had taken up had rendered Kokeran untenable, had suddenly evacuated that place, and taken up an extremely strong position on my right flank, from which, without delay, they opened a heavy fire on us. A few shells and a rapid demonstration, for it never reached a hand-to-hand fight, soon, however, did their business, and, to my great satisfaction, I found myself able to ask General Burrows to come on along a perfectly safe road. It was a sad cavalcade, many wounded, all well nigh tired to death. The gun carriages, alas, reduced by 2, which had been lost, covered with sick, wounded, dead and dying, while the wretched horses, dying themselves of thirst and fatigue, were hardly able to drag them along. Many poor fellows, wounded almost to death, trying with a terrible anxiety to cling to the back of a horse or a camel, knowing too well the fate that would await them if they failed to keep their seats. To these latter my appearance was a double blessing, as I had brought with me 25 litters (palanquins), into which the worst cases were placed, and they were able to finish their journey in comparative comfort. One poor fellow (Major Iredell) had a compound fracture of the ankle, and his foot was merely hanging on by the skin, and yet he had ridden for 18 hours, and was wonderfully well, and is, I hope, now in a fair way to recovery. Almost last of all, followed only by a Cavalry escort, came poor Burrows himself, who, poor fellow, completely broke down when he saw me, and could not [Pg 143]say a word. I made him get off his horse and take a little whiskey and water I had with me, and a bit of biscuit, and soon he was more composed and better. He, like them all, was relieved beyond measure to see me, and my diminutive following, as they knew their troubles were at an end. I agreed that they should all, to the last straggler, pass me, and that when they were half a mile ahead I should follow slowly, and bring up the rear of all, covering them from all annoyance. Soon (all too soon, for they were but a very little company) they had filed passed, and I then recalled my Cavalry, which had been watching the ford of the Argandab a mile to |Small cavalry charge—one man killed.| my front. On their return over this mile the enemy, emboldened by our preparations for departure, suddenly rushed down in great numbers to cut them off, but Captain Anderson was equal to the occasion, and setting at nought the difference of numbers, charged them, and cut his way through, leaving, however, his very best soldier dead on the ground. Although I would have liked to have punished the enemy for this affair, prudence said no, and so I commenced my return for Kandahar, keeping half a mile in rear of General Burrows' column, and picking up many poor fellows (putting them on my guns), who, even in this short distance, had begun to fall out again. For the first three miles after leaving Kokeran, all was absolute quiet, the result of the lessons of the morning, and the wearied column from Girishk passed along in unaccustomed peace. At this time, [Pg 144]however, I received information from the front, that the enemy had collected in great force on the hills around and in the Village of Abasabad, and that help to turn them out was wanted. I immediately hurried my guns and Cavalry to the front, and followed on with the Infantry, desiring Captain Law to pass General Burrows' force, and getting to his front open fire on the enemy. This he did in good style, and was making an advance to a second position, when I and the Infantry, who had also passed through General Burrows' Force, which were halted, came up. We completed the dispersion of the enemy with Artillery fire, and then throwing out skirmishers swept, for a second time that day, the gardens round Abasabad. This accomplished, and the road again clear for General Burrows' Force, I formed up on one flank and allowed them again to pass me, following them into the Cantonments, which I reached about ½ past one or two o'clock, very thankful indeed that I had gone out, and but little less delighted that I had managed to effect my object at such a very small loss. To ensure a safe conduct to any unfortunate straggler that might, by accident, have escaped notice, I sent a fresh company of the 7th Regiment to hold the entrance to the Village of Abasabad, and kept them there till all hopes of anyone coming in had gone, when I withdrew them. My column had constantly been on the move from half-past 5 a.m. till half-past one p.m., the most of the time under a burning sun, which made us all, [Pg 145]even those who were riding, suffer from an intolerable thirst, and as there was no water between Kokeran and Kandahar, this was a great addition to our labors. On arrival in Cantonments General Burrows' |Property in cantonments taken into fort.| Force received orders to pass on to the Citadel, while I was desired to take in hands, without delay, measures for the evacuation of the Cantonments, and the safe conduct of all the troops there into the Citadel. The operation was most distasteful, but I had agreed to the necessity for it, and quite saw it was the only possible course. When I came to enquire into the position of affairs I was horrified to find that the 8 precious hours while I had been absent had been wasted in the most inexplicable way. Apparently little or nothing of the Government or private property in charge of regiments had been moved to the Fort, and all had yet to be done. It was then past 2 o'clock, and General Primrose telegraphed to me from the Citadel, to say he wished me to move in there as quickly as possible. (I ought to explain that the Citadel or Fort of Kandahar is about 1¼ miles from the Cantonments.) I at once set everyone to work, excusing no one and superintending all personally, to get as much property as possible into the Fort, sending there for all available carts, camels, ponies and mules, each of which, immediately it had got rid of its load, came back again, and so the afternoon passed away all too rapidly. At last all was safely sent in, except the baggage of the 66th, which was one of the regiments [Pg 146]of General Burrows' Brigade, who, when going out to Girishk, had left some tons of things in a most careless and unpacked condition. I saw it would be hopeless had I had a day instead of an hour to get all in, but I put on big working parties, and worked away, putting off my departure from half hour to half hour, until it approached 6 o'clock, and I had been called on three or four times by General Primrose to move into the Citadel. I then saw it was useless to try and save more, and so I fixed ¼ past 6 o'clock as the hour for our departure, deciding that all not packed then must be abandoned. All this time I had been pressed all round by marauding bands of armed men, who were sweeping round, trying to kill and steal who and what they could. These necessitated strong picquets, and, from time to time, small expeditions, so my hands were full. At ¼ past 6 I paraded my force as follows:—

and in this order commenced my mournful and humiliating march. I had previously gone carefully round the whole place myself, had had it carefully searched by an officer with a picquet, and had made each Commanding Officer and the Chief Medical [Pg 147] Officer report to me that nothing was left behind. |Marched into Citadel after hard day's work.| At the moment I marched I withdrew my picquets and guards, and covering my rear with Cavalry, moved on the Fort. When every man had left the large Barrack square I returned to it myself and made my Staff and escort, who were with me, pass out before me, so that I might have the melancholy satisfaction of being the last man in the place. At 7 p.m. I followed the last man of the Force into the Citadel and shut the gates, and so began a fresh act of this extremely painful drama. With the exception of a portion of the clothing of the 66th Regiment, I had succeeded in getting the property of the regiments which were under me into safety, but I fear much, owing to some mismanagement, I am inclined almost to fear a panic, after we had started for Kokeran, several of the regiments hurriedly and unnecessarily evacuated their barracks early in the morning, when they were at once entered by the enemy and plundered. On starting, I made over the command to the next senior officer, giving him distinct instructions how to act, but as he himself lost some of the baggage of his regiment (in my absence), he cannot have paid much attention to them. Late as it was when I entered the Citadel, my work was not yet done, as I was the only General Officer available to issue orders or do work, as General Primrose, who was seedy, was thoroughly wearied out, and Generals Burrows and Nuttall were sound asleep, and poor fellows badly they needed it [Pg 148]after the terrible night they had gone through. I had, therefore, to set to work to put the Guards and necessary defences for the night in some state of order, and as this involved a walk and ride round the City and Fort walls, 4½ miles, it was a pleasant ending to a long day. At 8 o'clock I snatched a hurried dinner with General Primrose, the first food, except a cup of chocolate and a biscuit, I had had in the day, and at half-past nine went the round of the ramparts and guards, getting to bed at 1 a.m., having had 23½ hours of intense work of mind and body, 18 of which I had spent in the saddle. I did not want much rocking, and was horrified to find, long before I was half satisfied with sleep, that it was 5 a.m. on the 29th July, and that I had to get up to start off a reconnoitering party of Cavalry to ascertain the state of affairs round our old Cantonments. They found the whole country covered with armed men, and the Cantonment looted, and such parts of it as would burn, burned down. They were fired on at several places, but returned unopposed to Camp. We were hard at work all day, improving our defences and removing the cover which surrounded the outside of the gates, but it was clear this was, with our small force, the work of many days, and that if we were soon attacked we would have to make the best of things as they were. In the afternoon the enemy's Cavalry appeared in large numbers on our left front. We immediately turned out our Cavalry Brigade, who, however, could not [Pg 149]get near the enemy's, as they retired under the shelter of their guns, where we did not care to follow them. The night passed quite quietly, there being strong guards on all the walls, and everyone sleeping in their clothes, ready to turn out at a moment's notice. It is necessary I should mention that on the previous day, while I was at Kokeran, General Primrose was busy in the City, seizing on all the principal parts, closing and securing the Gates, and keeping the inhabitants overawed—all works, any failure in which would have been utter destruction to us. On the morning of the 28th, therefore, our small force had three important duties to perform: 1st, to go out and assist the retiring column; 2nd, to seize and hold the City, and fortify it, and prepare for the siege; 3rd, to hold the Cantonments—any one of them a task quite sufficient for the strength of the Force, so that our accomplishing all three was a matter of great satisfaction.

[Pg 155]

Though mine is shorter a good deal than either General Burrows' or General Nuttall's, it has the drawback of being farthest from the Citadel, and it is generally supposed it will be the one on which the heaviest attack will come. Each front is covered outside with a net-work of walls which must be destroyed.

Here the Diary ends!

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APPENDIX.

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Extract from another Brother's Letter.

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[Pg 194]

DEATH OF BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

We regret to announce the death of this gallant gentleman, which took place under circumstances rendering the event very sad indeed. Brigadier-General Henry Francis Brooke, who was only forty-four years of age, was in command of the 2nd Infantry Brigade Kandahar Field Force, and took part in the sortie from the garrison on the 16th of August, which resulted in securing the east face of the city from further molestation by the besieging force. He had come out of action unhurt; but with a humanity which adds lustre to his gallantry, he endeavoured to carry away a wounded brother officer, Captain Cruikshank, R.E., and while engaged in this act of friendship and of mercy he was killed by a shot from the enemy. Brigadier-General Brooke was eldest son of the late Mr. G. Brooke and Lady Arabella Brooke, of Ashbrooke, in the County Fermanagh, and was of the same family as Sir Victor Brooke, Bart., of Colebrooke, in that County. He entered the army in June, 1854, and his promotion was as follows:—Lieutenant, May, '55; Captain, September, '58; Major, February, '61; Lieut.-Col, December, '71; Colonel, February, '77. In April, 1855, he landed in the Crimea with the 48th Regiment, and served at the siege and fall of Sebastopol, for which he obtained a medal with clasp and a Turkish medal. He served also throughout the campaign of 1860 in China, as aide-de-camp to Sir Robert Napier, and was present at the actions of Sinho and Tangku, the assault of the Taku Forts, at which he was severely wounded, and the final advance on and surrender of Pekin, for which he received a medal with two clasps and the brevet-rank of Major. Subsequently he held the post of Adjutant-General in Bombay, with the local rank of Brigadier-General. He was a gallant officer, sprung from a gallant race, and one more of those brave men who have sustained and increased the military fame of Fermanagh.

[Pg 195]

BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

Brigadier-General Henry Francis Brooke, killed in the sortie at Kandahar on the 16th August, is the first general officer of Her Majesty's army who has fallen in action since 1858. The last two instances were those of Brigadier-Generals the Hon. Adrian Hope and Penny, C.B., who were killed within three weeks of each other, the former officer in Oude and the latter in Rohilcund. The sad circumstances of the gallant Adrian Hope's death will long be remembered, as well as the causes which led to the sacrifice of so many precious lives through the rashness of General Walpole.

The late Brigadier-General Brooke was one of the youngest Colonels in our army, he having obtained his Brevet-Colonelcy in less than 23 years after his entry into the Service. He joined the army in June, 1854, and as a Subaltern landed with the 48th Foot in the Crimea on the 21st April, 1855, serving at the siege and fall of Sebastopol. After the war he accompanied the 48th to India, and went as aide-de-camp to Sir Robert Napier on the China expedition, serving throughout the campaign of 1860, and taking part in the actions of Sinho and Tangku, the assault of the Taku Forts (severely wounded), and the final advance on and surrender of Pekin. For his China services he received a brevet majority, dated the 15th February, 1861. He afterwards exchanged into the 94th, and was selected for staff employ in the Bengal Presidency at the close of 1864, when he was appointed Assistant Adjutant-General of the Presidency Division. Colonel Brooke was subsequently Assistant Adjutant-General at Mean Meer, and in November, 1877, was selected to succeed Brigadier Aitchison as Adjutant-General of the Bombay army. On the formation of a Bombay corps for service in Afghanistan, Brigadier Brooke was one of the first officers selected for command, and was [Pg 196]sent to Kandahar with General Primrose. He bore a very high reputation in the service as a first-rate officer, and his loss will be greatly felt, especially at such a crisis when reliable leaders are so much needed at the seat of war.

The deceased belonged to an old Irish family, the Brookes, of Colebrooke, County Fermanagh, and was a cousin of the Earl of Huntington, his mother, Lady Arabella Hastings, having been a sister of the late peer. An uncle of the deceased, Lieutenant Francis Brooke, 7th Dragoon Guards, was slain at Waterloo. The family has furnished our army with several officers of distinction.

It seems to us that the death of Colonel Brooke in the sortie of the 16th was a peculiarly sad one. No doubt it was the death which this gallant and distinguished officer would have preferred. It was, we take it, a soldier's death, realised at the head of his men. But there are enemies and enemies, and certainly a soldier might be excused if he shrank from having his throat cut by a fanatic, fighting in a cause which on the British side is not by any means clear. Colonel Brooke, as our notice of his service will show, had led a brilliant military career. He entered the army in time to take part in the Crimea war, and was present at the siege and fall of Sebastopol. Subsequently he shared the perils of the war in China, and was engaged in the assault on the Taku Forts, where he was severely wounded. It is true that a British officer must be prepared to face death wherever he may be sent to meet his country's enemies. But in the Crimea and in China there was a tangible object to be realised sufficient to justify the campaign, and to lift the enterprise from the miserable conflict which is now being raged, through no fault of ours, in Afghanistan. Colonel Brooke, like other gallant officers and men who have fallen with him, adds very heavily to the already too heavy losses of the war in Afghanistan.—Broad Arrow.

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THE LATE BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

On Friday evening the sad ceremony of transferring the remains of the late Brigadier-General Brooke, from the I.G.S. Dalhousie to the troopship Serapis, took place in the Bombay Harbour, in the presence of a large number of the deceased Officer's sorrowing friends and comrades. The circumstances under which General Brooke met with his death in the sortie from Kandahar, whilst endeavouring to rescue a wounded Brother Officer, are too fresh in the minds of our readers to require any recapitulation from us. He died nobly as became a soldier, and it was only fitting when his remains were passing through this City for interment in his native land, that those who had known and respected him during life, and others who knew him only by his deeds and his glorious death, should meet and offer their tribute of respect to his memory. It will be remembered that the deceased's body was not recovered until several days after the memorable sortie; but when found it was buried with the customary military honours at Kandahar. Subsequently General Brooke's friends expressed a wish that the body should be buried in Ireland, and, accordingly the remains were exhumed and brought to Kurrachee last Sunday. A party of the 98th Regiment escorted the remains from M'Leod Station to the Kurrachee Arsenal, the band of the Regiment accompanying the procession and playing the Dead March in Saul. It was at first intended that the body should be handed over to the Rev. Kilbee Stuart, with a view of its transmission to England, but a communication was received from the authorities to the effect that the Secretary of State had issued orders that it was to be sent home in a troopship. In accordance with these instructions, the body was, on Tuesday, placed on board the I.G.S. Dalhousie for conveyance to Bombay, where it was to be transhipped to the troopship Serapis. [Pg 198]The Dalhousie arrived in harbour yesterday morning at about nine o'clock, flying its flag at half-mast, and having its yard arms "cock billed," or placed in transverse positions, the usual manner of denoting that a vessel carries the mortal remains of some distinguished personage. After the Dalhousie had entered the harbour, the Government and other ships in the fort hauled their flags down to half-mast point, in which position they remained during the whole of the day. Orders had been issued by the military authorities directing that the transfer of the body from one ship to another should be attended with every mark of respect; and accordingly, yesterday evening, shortly before five o'clock, there was a large gathering of Military Officers on board, and in the vicinity of the Dalhousie to take part in this ceremony to the honoured dead. The body on its leaving Kurrachee was encased in a shell coffin of common wood; but on its arrival in Bombay it was transferred to a handsome teak wood coffin, with brass handles and furniture. No inscription appeared upon the lid, this work being left for a future occasion. Amongst those who took part in the ceremony were:—Brigadier-General C. T. Aitchison, C.B.; Colonels A. H. Dawson, R.A., and J. F. Chapman, 28th N.I.; Lieutenant-Colonels C. S. Stuart, 21st N.I., J. Jameson, 25th N.I., and C. P. Stokes, 2/4th K.O.; Majors C. C. Gore, 83rd Foot and Latham, R.A.; the Ven. Archdeacon Sharpin; Captains R. A. Knox, 2/4th K.O., C. T., Echalaz, 21st N.I., W. G. Muloy, R.A., H. B. Lawrence, 2/4th K.O., J. de B. Lynch, 25th N.I., R. S. Simpson, 21st N.I., and M. E. Crofton, 2/4th K.O.; Lieutenant A. J. P. Nuttall, 25th N.I.; A. B. Mein, 21st N.I.; J. Rawlandson, 2/4th N.I.; J. M. Gawne, 2/4th; G. E. Evans, 21st N.I.; C. B. Adams, 21st N.I.; H. O. Powell, 25th N.I.; Matthews, 2/4th; P. R. Simmonds, 10/9th R.A.; A. B. Ridley, 2/4th; E. Dolphin, 2/4th; J. W. Tritton, 2/4th; G. V. Burrows, 25th N.I.; Paymaster J. W. Deage, 2/4th; Quartermaster H. Rowland, 2/4th; and Surgeons-Major J. Parr, A.M.D., Codrington, A.M.D., Robinson, A.M.D., and Thorpe, I.M.D.; Captain Mellis, Assistant Quartermaster-General; Captain Moore, [Pg 199]Deputy Assistant Quartermaster-General; Captain Middlemass, Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General; Major Spring, R.A., Commissary of Ordnance; Captain Davis, R.A., Assistant Commissary of Ordnance. At the appointed time, the coffin, which was covered with the Union Jack, was placed on board a ship's boat by several sturdy Tars from the Serapis, the boats containing the mourners, in the meantime taking up their position in the rear of the corpse. The boat containing the body slowly moved off under the tow of the steam-launch Lorelie. Immediately following the boat containing the corpse was one with Brigadier-General Aitchison, who acted as chief mourner, on board; and twelve other craft, carrying the remainder of the mourners. As the procession moved away, the yard arms of the Dalhousie were placed in their proper positions, and minute guns were fired from the Apollo Bunder Saluting Battery, until the deck of the Serapis was reached. On arrival at the Serapis the mourners disembarked from their boats, and the coffin having been placed in slings, was conveyed to the deck, where it was received with due honours, the mourners and crew of the vessel all uncovering their heads in token of respect. The body having been placed in the mortuary of the troopship, the mournful ceremony terminated, and the mourners left for the shore in their respective boats. We believe that the deceased's remains, on arrival at Portsmouth, will be forwarded to Ashbrooke, Brookeboro', Fermanagh, Ireland, his native place, for final interment. We should not omit to mention that in addition to the naval and military mourners who took part in the procession, the ceremony was watched with interest by a number of private spectators seated in boats.

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11th November, 1880.

The Galley of "Serapis" will be at Apollo Pier for the Brigadier-General, at 4·30 p.m., Friday.

Steam Pinnace will be there at same time to take Pall Bearers to "Dalhousie" at once.

"Serapis'" 2nd Gig will follow Galley in procession with Officers of the "Serapis."

Six Cutters belonging to ships of the Indian Marine will be at Apollo Pier at 4·30 p.m. to embark Officers for procession.

Minute Guns should commence firing when body leaves "Dalhousie." A flag will be shown at Fore Mast-head of "Dalhousie" at that time.

THE LATE BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE.

A noble Fermanagh man and a gallant soldier was committed to his last resting place on Tuesday at Colebrooke, one at whose loss the nation grieved, and one for whom the army he commanded has mourned. Brigadier-General Brooke died not only a soldier's death, but the noblest death—for he fell not only at the call of duty but in an act of christian benevolence, in saving the life of a brother officer. There is not a Fermanagh man at home or abroad, by the country fireside or in a foreign land, but will join with our gracious sovereign in sympathy with the widow and the fatherless in their sad bereavement.

FUNERAL OF THE LATE GENERAL H. F. BROOKE.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT).

The remains of the late General Brooke, which had been brought home from Kandahar, and arrived in H.M. Ship "Serapis" on the 11th inst., were interred in the family burial ground at [Pg 201]Colebrooke, on Tuesday, the 14th. The coffin, which was covered with the Union Jack, on which were placed numerous wreaths of white flowers, was carried by men of the 94th regiment, under the command of Captain Lionel Brooke, 94th regiment (brother of the deceased). The chief mourners were—George Cecil Brooke (son of the deceased), Captain Arthur Brooke, Royal Navy, Captain Hastings Brooke, Captain Lionel Brooke, 94th regiment, and Frank Brooke, Esq. (brothers of the deceased), and Major Hall, of Narrow-water, Warrenpoint (brother-in-law). Amongst those present were—Viscount Cole, M.P; Viscount Crichton, M.P.; Lieut. Campbell, 94th regiment; Lieut. Mackan, 94th regiment; Captain Lemon and Lieut. Bradshaw, Armagh Militia; George F. Brooke, Esq.; F. Wrench, Esq.; J. C. Bloomfield, Esq.; Dr. R. P. Walsh; Major R. C. D. Ellis; C. Richardson, Esq.; and five hundred of the Colebrooke Tenantry followed the remains to the grave. The deepest sorrow was shown by all for the loss of one who had been so well known and beloved by them all. During the day a telegram was received by Lady Arabella Brooke, from the Dowager Marchioness of Ely, expressing the sincere sympathy of Her Majesty the Queen with her and Mrs. Brooke in their great sorrow. The coffin, which was made at Bombay of teak, had on a brass plate with the following inscription:—

Brigadier-General
H. F. BROOKE,
Born 3rd August, 1836;
Killed in action,
Kandahar, Southern Afghanistan,
16th August, 1880,
Aged 44 years.

The coffin was brought from England by Captain Arthur Brooke and arrived at Colebrooke on Monday at 12 o'clock, where it lay in the entrance hall, and was visited by Mrs. Brooke and the children of the late General Brooke, who placed wreaths of white flowers on the coffin. Mrs. Hall, of Narrow-water, [Pg 202]also placed a beautiful wreath of white flowers intermingled with sprays of a fern which General Brooke had sent home from the foot of the Bolan Pass, near Kandahar, and which is now growing at Narrow-water. Wreaths were also placed on the coffin by Lady Arabella Brooke, Mrs. Frank Brooke, Lady Hume, and other friends. General Brooke was killed whilst trying to carry Captain Cruikshank, a wounded brother officer, out of action, and General Brooke was heard to say, when the enemy were closing round him, that he would not leave the village until the last man and the last case of ammunition were out of it, and it was in waiting so long under a galling fire, and then trying to carry a wounded man, that he met his death.

EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH MADE IN ENNISKILLEN

BY THE RIGHT HON. H. CHILDERS,

SEPTEMBER 22nd, 1880.

... to another sentence in the generous address, in which he was introduced as having charge of one of the great departments of the State, and they reminded him of what Enniskillen had done for that department. The charge which he had was a most onerous one, and was likely not to be less onerous during the future. But it was a great satisfaction to him to be able to think that such glories as had been attached to the British arms in past and present deeds of arms were connected with this country and ancient borough. The two regiments which sprang from the town, he was happy to know, were steadily recruited from its people, and were among the most gallant in the British army. (Applause). They had sent into the service of Her Majesty men who had risen to the greatest honours and positions as commanders of men. The right honourable gentleman then referred to the great loss the British army had sustained in the loss of one of its greatest generals—General Brooke, who had lost his life in Afghanistan. He was one of the best soldiers in [Pg 203]the British army. He was a marked man, who was certain to rise to a place of the greatest distinction. Just before the news came by telegraph of General Brooke's untimely death, he was reading some letters of the General which showed such good sense and practical knowledge as fitted a distinguished general officer, and he felt certain Her Majesty could have no more efficient or useful soldier. All honour to his memory—he died in the attempt to save a brother officer—and he (the speaker) would appeal to the men of Fermanagh to follow his worthy example. He was afraid he was keeping them too long. (No, no). He thanked them very much for their kind reception, and his wife and daughter heartily joined in the thanks.

THE LATE CAPTAIN CRUIKSHANK, R.E.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE "BOMBAY GAZETTE."

Sir,—I venture to send you the accompanying extract from a letter received from Kandahar, thinking that the many friends of the late Captain Cruikshank, R.E., may like to know how highly he was thought of. If a dark cloud at present hangs over the Bombay Army, here at least is the "silver lining" amid the general gloom. "Poor Cruikshank was a great friend of mine, as indeed, he would be of anyone who got to know him well. His duty was to blow up the walls of Deh Khoja with gunpowder. He dined with me on the 15th, and was as cool in talking over his work for next morning as if it were the ordinary work. He went out to the village, and set about his mining operations in the same cool way. When he received his first wound, either in the side or in the hip, General Brooke helped him outside the City (village) walls, and then got him into a doolie, but, I suppose, the doolie-bearers fled. Then General Brooke would not leave him, and they died side by side. All the wounds received that day were very severe ones, as all were in such close quarters, and the enemy, posted on roofs, shot downwards. Cruikshank was thus [Pg 204]shot. The enemy rushed out on our retreating troops, and cut them up at once, so poor Cruikshank would not be long left in pain. When I saw his body, 10 days after, it was clear his end had been speedy. The body was not, however, mutilated at all. His clothes were left on, and his butler's watch, with some maps, were found in his pocket. He was a very regular communicant, and even during the siege, when he was worked on Sunday as hard as on other days, he generally (if not always) managed to get to church for the mid-day service. He communicated last on the 15th of August, i.e., the day before he died. I had formed a very high opinion of poor Cruikshank as an R.E. Officer. He always seemed to me to be at work, and never seemed to talk about it; so after his death I asked his Commanding Officer if I had formed a too high opinion of him, and I should wish any of poor Cruikshank's friends to have heard his reply. He said he would sooner have lost any two men in the Garrison, not excluding the highest, than poor Cruikshank. He always did any work he was put to, at once, and well. For days and days he worked away outside under the walls, exposed to the enemy's fire, and never seemed to think of it. His Commanding Officer said he deserved a V.C., and had he lived he would have tried to get it for him. I can't tell you half he (the C.O.) said, but I never heard an Officer so spoken of by his immediate superiors in my life before." Alas, that sad day, the 16th of August, which saw such noble spirits, Brooke and Cruikshank, who were indeed "lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in death were not divided," left dead upon that fatal field.—I am, &c.,

HIS MOST INTIMATE FRIEND.

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