The island of Luzon (it is also called Nueva Castilla) is the largest of all those which submit to the Catholic crown in this Philippine archipelago. Its figure is that of an arm somewhat doubled, and the latest observations give it three hundred and fifty leguas of circumference, and two hundred leguas of length. Its width cannot be accurately stated, because the land is in some places broad and in others narrow, although it is known that it is longer from the elbow to the shoulder, and in that distance it is noticed that the greatest width is forty-three leguas; and it is about twenty-two leguas from the elbow to the hand of this imaginary arm. In this remotest part, then, of the Spanish domain, in 14° 48′ of northern latitude and 158° 38′ of eastern longitude, is situated Manila,2 nearly in the middle of its mainland, in the region of the elbow of its [imaginary] figure; and there, as being the capital of all the Spanish possessions in the Philipinas Islands, resides permanently the royal Audiencia with its president the captain-general, the archiepiscopal see, and other tribunals. The number of citizens who distinguish the city is astonishingly small; these are the Spaniards who live within the walls, and in the wards of Binondoc [88]and Santa Cruz, which adjoin it; and although in these places there is an astonishing number of people, I have the idea that they are a contemptible rabble, excepting the small number of the Spaniards. It was June 24, 1571, when Manila was founded, and it recognizes as its founder the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—a hero in truth, worthy of the greatest praises for the bravery, judgment, and good fortune by which he was distinguished in these conquests.

The site which this town occupies3 is a point of land on the shores of the sea, in a bay thirty leguas in circumference; into this falls a river of considerable size, which comes down from a lake distant five leguas from the city on the eastern side—by which it flows, surrounding the city, and in its progress washes its walls, until it pours its waters through the bar.

Up to this time the secular government has been in charge of forty governors, twenty-three of them proprietary, and seventeen ad interim. The ecclesiastical government likewise has had one bishop and thirteen archbishops. Both these numbers are carefully estimated from the list of [those who have held] both dignities.

Plan of Manila, ca. 1742

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid]

[91]

The fortifications with which this town is girt about are everywhere of irregular shape, in accordance with the surface of the ground. Its walls, although of masonry, are not regarded as inferior—if one considers the good quality of the stone, which is easy to work on account of being soft—to those of mud or brick. On the other hand, I am persuaded that an injustice would be done to our walls if one should deny them the advantage of the former kind and the solidity of the latter, in view of their great resistance; for in the course of more than a century since their construction, some slight decay has been noticed only occasionally, and in places here and there little sheltered from the salt winds; and this is remedied, or the wall is preserved, by applying a thin coat of lime, an idea which has come as the result of experience. Its circuit appears to be 12,498 Castilian feet, both its extremities closing in with the castle of Santiago, which, on account of its position, occupies in Manila the place of the citadel.

The bastions in its circuit are twelve, all furnished with terreplein; nine are small, and the others large, of the regular size. In one of these last, named “San Andres,” there is a powder-magazine, bomb-proof, which the present governor caused to be constructed; an incentive to building this was the little shelter afforded by a mere shed in former times, and the exposed condition of its contents to the shots of a besieger; these risks that were feared have ceased at sight of the present fortification. There are two sentry-towers incorporated with the said wall, and besides this there are a ravelin and a crown-work. All this is a very respectable aggregate, as contributing [92]to the greatest defense of the city; the situation of each of these defenses will be described in the proper place.

The gates of this city are six, two main entrances and four posterns. Of these Santa Lucia and Palacio, which look toward the west, allow passage to the shore—as also on the north side Santo Domingo and Almacenes give passage to the river. The main gates are distinguished by the names Real and Parian. The latter is situated in the middle of the curtain which faces the northeast between the San Lorenzo and San Gabriel bastions; and inside of it is its guard-station, capacious enough to lodge a company of men. Corresponding to the empty space below, in the upper part it has a spacious sentry-tower, furnished with some cannons, which, by favor of its sides defends the collateral bulwarks—a fortification which, it may be supposed, was placed here in order to make up for the defect of the extraordinary length of this curtain.

The outer works of this are thus composed: a crown-work, which masks the gate; a fausse-braye [falsabraga], which extends from the flank of the bastion San Gabriel, until it almost reaches the said gate, there leaving room for a little bridge for communication with the crown-work already mentioned; a ditch, of which we shall treat further on; its covered way, parapet, and palisade, with its esplanade, the whole regularly surrounded, so far as the narrowness of the place permits; and at its foot a quagmire, which serves as an outer ditch. At the end of this, and along its outer margin, extending toward the south, there is a grand highway, which at its beginning is joined with another but small [93]road, which lies between the outer ditch and the river; and both of these connect with a little bridge, next to a small fort which was erected for the guards stationed at the large bridge which, close by, crosses the river.

The ditch of the half-curtain (of which mention was reserved for this place, in order to avoid confusion) is formed by the waters which overflow from the river at the rise of the tides. It starts from the angle defended by the bastion San Gabriel, and extends until it is very near the Parian gate, with a counterscarp—which there leaves it, bending toward the crown-work, and thus is left almost isolated, with a small arm. This, a little farther, adds all its waters, as if on deposit, to the outer ditch already mentioned. Not thus the main ditch; for this, overflowing the right side according to the amount of water which it receives [from the river], continues its course along the margin of the grand highway, more or less closely according to its curves, until, coming close to the walls, it ends its course round about them, close to the bastion San Diego. At this place art has imposed restraints on it, having in mind, no doubt, the frequent inundations to which that vicinity would be exposed if (as was easy for it) this ditch should come to unite its waters with the sea. From this measure of prudence resulted two benefits of special importance, in which both the fortified post and the public are directly interested—the former, on account of the advantage which it enjoys (as may be seen in the plan) in the fact that the ditch serves it as a moat on the eastern and southern sides; and the latter, because it is utilized for the great number of vessels which, aided [94]by the rising tide, come up to the Puerta Real to discharge their lading.

This is one of the two principal gates already mentioned. It is located on the southern side of this town, in the curtain which defends the bastions San Diego and San Andres, although nearer to the latter; and it much resembles the gate of the Parian (although built in different style) in its convenience and its fortifications—for it has, like the former, a guard-station and watchtower, similarly arranged and equipped. It is only noted that this curtain, peculiar among all, is the only one which is furnished with terreplein; for this reason some cannons (which defense the others lack) have been placed in it.

Its other exterior works, arranged according to their order, are reduced to a bridge that can be raised, a moat with its counterscarp faced with stone [revestido], and at a little distance a ravelin in condition for defense—notwithstanding which, on account of masking the gate it is not found in front of the half of the curtain which was its proper place. Although this gate had the remaining features of covered way, parapet, palisade, and esplanade, they were entirely in ruins at the time when this government began—which induced us to plan them anew, in modern style, and of much better quality than were the old ones.

All the curtains which face the western and northern part of this fortress are, without question, the weakest part of its defenses; but on the supposition (which is believed to be a remote contingency) that European armies may move to attack it in earnest—and it may be regarded as an enormous undertaking by our enemies here, who are most laughable on [95]account of their lack of discipline and of forts—the natural defenses are apparently even more than sufficient. For it has on the west the waters of the bay for a moat, and on the north a river that is broad and deep; and with this all fears may be laid aside.

There is also maintained in this city, at the expense of the royal treasury (as being a necessity), a foundry for artillery, grenades, and cannon balls of all calibers; and an iron-furnace, where men are continually forging, according to the occasion, many hand-weapons and some firearms. The metals for these are transported from countries beyond the sea. Besides these, a scant half-legua to the south, is the powder-factory, which is enclosed by a triangular redoubt of stone and mortar, with seven mounted iron cannons, and fortified by three demi-bastions. This factory supplies gunpowder to Manila and the forts dependent on it; to the ships of his Majesty which sail annually to the port of Acapulco and the Marianas Islands; to the armadas which, when any danger from enemies arises, are made ready on the opposite shore; and to the public festivals. More than enough to cover the expense is received from those who wish to buy it, to whom it is furnished for their money. The ingredients of its composition are produced in the country, except the saltpetre, which is brought from foreign countries.

It has a circuit of 2,030 feet; its shape is almost triangular. Its fortifications on the southern side, which faces the city, include a curtain with terreplein, flanked by two demi-bastions; it has a fausse-braye, and a ditch which communicates with the river. On the northern side, toward the entrance of the ditch, in place of a bastion is raised a cavalier with three faces or batteries; one of these fronts the sea (the anchorage included), another the said entrance, and the third the river itself. This last side of the cavalier joins a large tower of the same height as the walls; and through the tower there is a descent to a semi-circular platform or battery, at the level of the water, with which the aforesaid triangular figure of this castle is completed. Through these sides the fort has the necessary communication with the city, through its principal gate, which faces that way; with the river, and with the shore or beach of the sea, by a postern gate [99]which furnishes passage to it. All the above will be better understood by referring to the proper plan folio [blank in MS.] where also will be found, placed in their order, the guard-stations, the barracks of the troops who garrison it, and the quarters of the warden and his subalterns. The reduced size of the plan has not allowed room for showing other buildings distinctly, such as the chapel, various storehouses (among these the powder-magazine, which is bomb-proof), the dungeons, the reservoirs of water, etc.

In sight of Manila, and south-southeast of it, at a distance of three leguas by way of the waters of the bay, and six short leguas by land—in 14° 31′ of north latitude, and 158° 38′ of east longitude—is the port of Cavite, which is formed by a tongue of land, curved from east to west; it is 5,100 feet long, and 1,200 feet broad. It is the ordinary anchorage for the ships of his Majesty and of private persons, as well as for the pataches belonging to the commerce of the various Oriental peoples, who come here to carry it on every year, at regular times.

Its population is composed of the soldiers who garrison its castle, and those of other posts; the sea-faring men who serve in the vessels of the [Acapulco] trade-route, and in various other vessels, in the royal service; and the men who compose the force of the navy-yard, for the repair and the building of ships. Among so many, the citizens of most prominence are the pilots, boatswains, and other officers of the ships and the Ribera. The entire government—political, military, and social—is in the hands of a warden and chief magistrate, who is not responsible to any one except the captain-general.

Its principal fortification consists of the fort San Phelipe, the shape of which is an irregular quadrilateral; it is situated toward the point of the Ribera, at a distance from it of about 1,100 feet. It has four bastions with orillons, in old style; its western curtain, in which is its gate, has a fausse-braye; and its southern curtain, on the shore of the [102]Ribera, has a barbette battery of twenty mounted cannons. A similar account of the two remaining curtains is omitted, because in them there is nothing new for notice. The circuit of the fort is 1,410 feet; and within it are located, in due order, lodgings sufficient for the soldiers in its garrison, an armory, a powder-magazine, a water reservoir, and other offices necessary to the service.

On the western side, which is contiguous with the village of San Roque, this fort is also fortified by a curtain 540 feet long, which, with the two large towers which flank it, occupies the entire width of the tongue of land, and, with a revetted moat, leaves Cavite almost isolated; it would be feasible to make it entirely so by the union of the two bodies of seawater—with experience of fatal results, if the double defense of a counterscarp were not interposed. This curtain has, as a mask to its gate, a half-star work with its own gate, which is the one that people call Puerta Vaga; and these two entrances furnish, for the said town and Manila, the only passage by land that is found in this port.

To this fortification is added another, and of no less importance, the necessity of which was made evident by warnings; and the plan of its structure was thought out by experience. For, having noted in less than fifty years the repeated ravages caused in this port, on the north side, by the violence of the sea when driven by the north winds—which indicated its entire destruction in the future—the superior government decided to construct a stable barrier, by which the so great damage that was feared might be prevented. This was carried out by the engineer then in charge, by constructing in the [103]water a barrier of stone and mortar, large enough to be able to resist such attacks, and of height equal to that of the highest tides, on a foundation of pile-work and beams. This work extended from the point of the Ribera, on the side which was endangered, until it reached the northern tower of the curtain which is mentioned in the preceding paragraph—that is, the entire length of Cavite. Upon this breakwater he raised a parapet with its banquette, in which were formed the bastions, demi-bastions, flanks and curtains, as this line gave opportunity, and in the plan of Cavite they are indicated; but all these works were at the level of the water. For its greater permanency, command was given to cast into the water outside, at the foot of the pile-work, a number of stone-heaps; since these are always multiplying themselves, an evident benefit has resulted.

The arms and supplies for the maintenance of these forts are those which here are scheduled.

Military supplies kept in reserve, independent of those used in actual service

2	esmerils of bronze, of 8-onza caliber.
4	small iron cannon, of the same caliber.
101	swivel-guns, with 216 chambers and quoins, of iron.
16,905	iron cannon-balls, suitable for the said artillery.
207	bar-shots of iron, “diamond point.”
67	iron crowbars.
22	iron angelots.4
190	iron grenades.
142	muskets.
221	match-lock arquebuses.
16	guns, some with bayonets.
9	pistols.
1	blunderbuss.
6,672	balls corresponding to these weapons—2,910 of iron, 62 angel—[i.e., double-headed] shot, and the rest of lead.
480	hand-weapons—Turkish swords, broadswords, cutlasses [machetes], lances, pikes, halberds, partisans, half-moons, spears, languinatas, and spontoons.
400	arrobas of gunpowder, kept in reserve.

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The fighting men of the said port of Cavité and its fortress (who are in one body, just as the above-mentioned supplies are considered collectively) comprise three companies of Spanish infantry—one commanded by the warden, another by the sargento-mayor, and another by a captain—with 180 soldiers in all, with their leading officers and minor posts. There is also a captain of artillery, with twenty-four artillerymen; the deputy of the castellan; three orderlies; two carpenters for the gun-carriages of the artillery; and one military notary. There is, besides, a company of Pampango infantry with its master-of-camp, sargento-mayor, and other officers, with two hundred and twenty regular soldiers, one hundred and twenty of whom are assigned to work as sawyers. All the officers and soldiers, both Spaniards and Pampangos (except the warden and the notary) receive a suitable ration of rice and their pay in cash monthly. The wages amount to 11,500 pesos, and the rations to 3,084 fanegas of rice. These are furnished from the royal treasury and the storehouses in Manila, according to the list here set down.

Officers: The warden, 100 pesos; the sargento-mayor, 25 p.; one captain of Spanish infantry, 15 p.; the alferezes, each 4 p.; the sergeants, each 3 p.; one captain of artillery, 15 p.; the deputy of the castellan, 15 p.; three orderlies, each 6 p.; one military notary, 8 p.; the Pampango master-of-camp, 10 p.; the sargento-mayor of that people, 6 p., 4 t.; the alférez, sergeant, and adjutant of the said nation, each 2 p., 4 t.

Soldiers: The Spanish soldiers, each 2 pesos; the pages, standard-bearers, drummers, and fifer, each [106]2 p.; the artillerymen, each 2 p.; two carpenters for the artillery, each 2 p.; minor posts in the Pampango company—standard-bearer, fifer, and drummer—each [blank] p., 6 t.; 220 Pampango soldiers, each 1 p., 2 t. Of the Pampangos the following receive extra pay, with the title of sawyers: three each, 4 p.; another, 2 p., 4 t.; another, 2 p.; and eighteen others, each 1 p., 4 t.

The place which is now called “Ribera of Cavité” includes all the ground from the point of Cavité to Fort San Phelipe. All this is enclosed, with two gates, [which are] at the angles flanked by the bastions—that of the powder-magazine on the northern side, and by that of Cháchara [i.e., “Chit-chat”] on the southern side. Although these passages had formerly been open, it was considered best to shut them off thus, in order to check the frequent thefts that were committed of nails and other furnishings at times when ships were being repaired or built; but in doing so a narrow strip was left, in order to furnish a path for the work-people from the Ribera, thus forming the barbette battery; and this strip has preserved the principal curtain of the fort from the continual former lashings of the waves of the sea.

Plan of Cavite and its fortifications, (ca. 1742)

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid]

On this Ribera is located the shipyard, where the galleons, pataches, galleys, and galliots of his Majesty are constructed into ships; also here is the bridge which is used for careening the said ships, and others that belong to private persons. It also includes the royal iron-works, where are forged the iron tools and instruments, of all kinds and sizes, that are necessary for the said construction; and the workshops of the various artisans who are daily at work on this Ribera. [109]There are separate storehouses for the masts, anchors, cables, rigging, and other kinds of cordage; for cannon, and for gun-carriages; and generally for all the military supplies and nautical equipments, with the dwelling-houses of their principal officers. All this was built by the present government, and with so good management that in a short time, and without confusion, everything necessary for this purpose was constructed, repaired, or equipped. Other royal buildings which are not included in the Ribera are indicated on the chart of this port, for which reason I omit notice of each.

All this arrangement for the navy-yard of the Ribera, although it is planned for the benefit of all vessels, whether native or foreign, is chiefly designed for those of his Catholic Majesty, and more especially for the galleons which annually make the voyage to Nueva España; these are built, equipped, and supplied in this port and Ribera. A sufficiently detailed account of these will be given in the following lists.

In the island of Zebû, which is regarded as the center of all the islands of Pintados—it is thirty leguas long, twelve wide, and eighty in circuit—is the city of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus. It is the capital of this province, wherein, amid the evident ruins of its former opulence, is preserved, close to the city, the fort of San Pedro. It is built of stone and mortar, with a terreplein, and is situated on a point on the shore of the sea, in 10° of north latitude, and 161° 47′ of east longitude;9 it is distant from the capital, Manila, ninety-six leguas to the southeast, and is five degrees south of that city.

The shape of this fort is triangular, with three [114]bastions having straight flanks; it is 1,248 feet in circuit. Its curtains are of unequal length, and in that one which fronts the city, toward the northwest, is the gate of the fort. This is masked by an outer work of stakes, of square shape, with its gate to the city; and a palisade extends the whole length of the curtain, in the form of a fausse-braye.

This fort contains the necessary buildings, as they are indicated on its plan; it has also arms and soldiers, as herewith stated.

Arms and supplies

13	pieces of bronze artillery, caliber 2 and 4.
18	iron cannons, caliber 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 10, and 14.
2	bronze mortars, with iron pivots.
6	bronze stone-mortars.
12	chambers.
50	pinzotes.
250	arquebuses and muskets.
1,826	iron balls for the artillery.
14,055	lead balls for the muskets, arquebuses, and pinzotes.
294	grenades.
500	arrobas of gunpowder, with small-arms and hand weapons, are kept in reserve, as is certified by the royal officials.

All the above, with the clothing [for the soldiers], and the replenishment of arms and gunpowder, is provided from the capital, Manila, in accordance with the orders of this government.

Cebú and its fortifications, ca. 1742

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid]

This fort is in the town of Samboangan,10 a separate [118]jurisdiction with a chief magistrate, who is the governor of this military post. It is situated in the [119]great island of Mindanao, near the promontory which is called Punta de la Caldera, in 7° 4′ north [120]latitude, and 160° 30′ east longitude;11 it is distant from the capital, Manila, 134½ leguas south by east, and four degrees to the east.

Plan of fort at Zamboanga, 1742

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid]

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This fort is constructed of stone and mortar, with a terreplein, at the entrance of the town, on the sea-shore; the beach surrounds it on the eastern and southern sides, along which it has also, externally, a palisade. On the western side, where the gate is, it has a marsh for a moat; and on the northern side, which faces the dwellings, it has an artificial moat.

Its shape is that of a rectangle, with four full bastions—three with straight flanks, and one with an orillon; it has a circuit of 820 feet, and in it are enclosed the necessary buildings, as the plan shows.

The town has its own special fortifications; for on the eastern side it has a long curtain of palisades, in the midst of which there is a semicircular platform, which defends it. On the northern side there is a long curtain of stone and mortar, flanked at the east by a bastion with orillon, called Santa Cathalina; and at the west by a cavalier of rectangular shape, called Santa Barbara. This curtain has its palisade, which ends on the western side of this town, at some distance from the said cavalier; and the rest of this said side has some marshes for defense. The said wall and curtain of this town is surrounded by a canal, full of water, ten or twelve feet wide; and it connects with the said marshes.

The arms, supplies, and soldiers with which this military post is maintained and defended are stated in the following lists: [124]

[Title-page:] The ecclesiastical estate in the aforesaid Philipinas islands: Its archbishopric and its suffragan bishops, and the territory which each one includes. Their cathedrals, with the dignities, canonries, and prebends, with which they are endowed; the stipends and offerings which they receive; and the amounts allotted to the other churches, colleges, and hospitals in the district. Active encomiendas which are at this present time enjoyed by the various corporations and by private persons; and those in which the tributes are collected on his Majesty’s account for the objects to which they were granted. Missions established, with a statement of their locations and the expenses which they occasion: settlements of Indians who have been subdued, distinguishing the ministries, conducted by the secular ecclesiastics and the religious; the neophytes whom they direct; what they receive on account of this, not only on his Majesty’s account, but from the natives themselves, with a summary of the total of both. Added to this relation by Don Pablo Francisco Rodriguez de Berdozido, accountant, royal official for his Majesty in [129]these Philipinas Islands, and the senior official of those who have appointments in the royal treasury therein. In the year 1742.

Within the walls of this city there is a royal chapel with six chaplains, who render service in the functions of the royal Audiencia; and it was especially instituted for the [spiritual] direction and assistance of the soldiers who serve in this royal army. Its expenses are met from the payments and wages which are issued monthly from the royal treasury, deducting from each of these a certain amount called “the contribution” for the said royal chapel, which amounts during the year to 6,004 pesos, 1 tomin. From this sum are paid annually 3,020 pesos for the salaries of chaplains and the expenses of divine worship; and the remainder is held in the said royal treasury, in order with it to provide for repairs on the aforesaid chapel, the renewal of the ornaments, and other extraordinary expenses—[134]on account of which it is not brought into the computation with the other allotments.

There is a royal hospital £or the soldiers of the regiment, with two chaplains, a steward, a physician, a surgeon, and an apothecary, all salaried; and it is provided with everything necessary for the comfort and treatment of the sick. The proceeds of its endowment annually amount to the sum—which is paid to it in money, including the value of 8,400 fowls—of 7,891 pesos; 960 cavans of rice, 3 arrobas of Castilian wine, and 384 gantas of cocoanut-oil.

The royal college and seminary of San Phelipe was founded and erected by royal decrees of April 8, 1702, and December 21, 1712. It has a teacher of grammar, and eight seminarists who serve in this holy cathedral church in all its offices and functions as a class; their maintenance amounts annually to 1,520 pesos in money, including other supplies which are delivered from the storehouses—360 cavans of rice, one arroba of wine, and 192 gantas of cocoanut-oil.

The seminary of Santa Potenciana was founded in the year 1591, when Gomez Perez Dasmariñas was governor of these islands, and was received under the royal patronage. It has twenty-four inmates, daughters of Spanish fathers, with their chaplain, superior, doorkeeper, and other servants, all paid on the account of his Majesty; their salaries and maintenance amount each year to 2,476 pesos in money. They receive also 504 cavans of rice, two arrobas of wine, and 168 gantas of cocoanut-oil; in this is also included the cost of the clothing for the students and servants, that of divine worship, and other lesser expenses. And for this it enjoys an encomienda, [135]by an act of the royal Audiencia dated February 4, 1668, the income of which is collected for the treasury, and its management and administration is placed in charge of the royal official accountant.

There are two royal chairs of canons and institutes, one in the college of San Ygnacio of the Society of Jesus, and the other in the college of Santo Thomas, of the Order of St. Dominic; these were recently established, by royal decree of October 23, 1733, with two professors at salaries of 400 pesos each, which make 800 pesos a year.

The brotherhood of the holy Misericordia, and the seminary of Santa Ysabel for girls, in which a great number of them are sheltered; these are administered by a purveyor and twelve deputies, who are appointed yearly. They take charge of the incomes and charitable funds assigned to the said house, from which is produced a sufficient amount for the support of the establishment, for dowries, and for other large charitable contributions, which they distribute in accordance with the Constitutions of the brotherhood. This house is at present under the immediate protection of his Majesty, by his royal decree of March 25, 1733; and it enjoys on the account of the royal treasury only an encomienda of 963 tributes, by a royal grant of October 24, 1667, the net value of which will be set down in the proper place.

The calced Augustinians have a convent of San Pablo with an adequate number of religious, who are annually assisted by this treasury with a contribution of wine for celebrating the holy sacrifice of mass, and oil for the lamp which burns before the [136]blessed sacrament, in accordance with the late royal order of his Majesty, dated September 15, 1726—at the rate of one arroba of wine for each priest, and 75 gantas of cocoanut-oil for each lamp.

The convent of San Gregorio, of discalced Franciscan religious, is likewise assisted by the contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the aforesaid royal order.

The monastery of the nuns of Santa Clara is likewise assisted with a contribution of wine and oil, in virtue of the said royal decree; and besides this it enjoys an encomienda, by decree of April 4, 1664, the income of which is collected on the account of his Majesty, and its net amount, which is paid from the treasury, is 583 pesos.

The convent of the religious of St. Dominic, with two colleges (named Santo Tomas, and San Juan de Letran), enjoys the same contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the aforesaid royal decree. It has likewise 400 pesos in money, and 800 cavans of rice, for the stipend of four priests in active service, who must reside in the said convent in virtue of a royal decree dated July 23, 1639; and the said college of San Juan de Letran enjoys an encomienda of 700 tributes by royal grant of January 10, 1734, the value of which will be entered in its class.

The college of San Ygnacio, of the fathers of the Society of Jesus, and that of San Joseph, composed of students, are likewise aided with a contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the aforesaid royal decree. They likewise receive 400 pesos, and 800 cavans of rice, for the stipends of four priests in active service who must reside in the said college of San Ygnacio, in accordance with the royal decree [137]dated February 18, 1707. And the said college of San Joseph enjoys an encomienda of 383½ tributes, on account of 20,000 pesos which were granted to it by royal decree of his Majesty dated October 5, 1703, the net value of which will be entered in the class to which it belongs.

The convent of San Nicolas of the Recollect religious of St. Augustine similarly enjoys its contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the said recent royal decree of his Majesty.

The convent of San Juan de Dios is also assisted with the contribution of wine and oil in virtue of the said royal decree, and 50 pesos in medicines; it also enjoys an encomienda of 541½ tributes, by royal grant of July 2, 1735, the net value of which will be entered in the class to which it belongs.

Within the walls [of the city] are also contained two beaterios—one of Dominican nuns, called Santa Catharina, with sufficient incomes; and another connected with the Society of Jesus, containing poor Indian women, who are maintained by charity and do not enjoy any allotment on the account of his Majesty.

Outside the walls of this city is the hospital of San Lazaro, in charge of discalced religious of St. Francis, for contagious diseases. This is annually assisted from this royal treasury, in accordance with the royal decree of January 22, 1672, with 787 pesos, 4 tomins in money, including the cost of 1,500 laying hens, 200 blankets, and 1,500 cavans of rice; and one arroba of wine for the celebration of the holy sacrifice of mass.

The church of Los Santos Reyes of the Parian, and the hospital of San Gabriel for the Christian [138]Sangleys, and for medical treatment of them and of the infidels, in charge of the religious of St. Dominic, receive from the communal treasury of the Sangleys themselves 2,400 pesos; and from the royal treasury only the contribution of five arrobas of wine for the aforesaid celebration of the holy sacrifice of mass, and one hundred and fifty gantas of cocoanut-oil for the lamps which burn before the depository of the Divine One.

The sanctuary of our Lady of Safety and convent of San Juan Bauptista, of the discalced religious of St. Augustine, situated in Bagumbayan, enjoys only the aforesaid contribution of wine and oil.

To the infirmary which the religious Order of St. Dominic has, for the medical treatment of its religious, is paid every year 100 pesos as a contribution, in accordance with the royal order of his Majesty, dated September 4, 1667.

To the three infirmaries of the Order of St. Francis is paid every year a contribution of 329 pesos, for the treatment of its sick religious who are in this city and in the provinces of Laguna de Bay and Camarines, in virtue of his Majesty’s decree of October 30, 1600.

At the distance of one legua, or a little less, there are two houses or sanctuaries—one named San Francisco del Monte, with two chapels close by, where regularly serve one religious (a priest of the Order of St. Francis), and one lay-brother, or donado of the reformed branch, which is called “the house of retreat or penance;” the other is called San Juan del Monte, with a religious of the Order of St. Dominic—and these enjoy only the contribution of wine.

The sanctuary of our Lady of Guadalupe, of [139]calced Augustinian religious, enjoys the same contribution of wine and oil.

In the port of Cavite there is a convent of religious of St. Dominic, and another of Recollect religious; a college of the fathers of the Society of Jesus; and a hospice of the Order of St. John of God—all without [parochial] administration; and they enjoy only the contribution of wine and oil.

Likewise in the city of Zebu there is a convent of calced Augustinians with three religious, priests; another convent of discalced Augustinians, with one priest; and a college of the Society of Jesus, with two priests. In the port of Yloylo, in the province of Ogton, the Society have another college with one priest. The religious of St. Dominic have a convent with two priests in the city of Nueva Segovia, in the province of Cagayan. All these houses are without administration, and enjoy only the same contribution of wine and oil.

In accordance with royal decrees of donation, his Majesty has assigned encomiendas in these islands to the extent of 18,041¼ tributes. Of these, 8,784¼ are assigned to four religious communities and eleven private persons, and their net product is collected by the encomenderos themselves or by their agents; and the remaining 9,257 are collected by the royal officials of these islands for the subventions and contributions which are stated in the aforesaid grants. They are separately mentioned in the following form: [141]

There are at present thirty-nine apostolic missionaries, distributed among twenty-one active missions which are situated in various places and provinces, who are engaged in the conversion and settlement of the infidels who dwell in the mountains in the greater number of these islands. Of these, one is a secular ecclesiastic; four belong to the calced Augustinian religious; five are discalced Franciscans; twenty are Dominicans; two belong to the Society of Jesus, and seven to the Augustinian Recollects. Aid is given to them on the account of his Majesty, in accordance with his royal decrees, by the stipend of 100 pesos and 100 fanegas of rice to each missionary, and with the military escorts necessary to their protection and to the safety of the subdued Indians. Likewise they receive a monthly allowance for these men, of one peso and one cavan of rice [for each], to which is added the cost of transporting this provision to the places where they are, which sometimes [144]amounts to as much as the value of the principal. The mission which now is especially considered to have made the greatest progress and advancement is that established in the mountains of Ytuy and Paniqui in the province of Cagayàn, in charge of the religious of the Order of St. Dominic—who, penetrating into the country, a task which had previously been greatly facilitated by the calced religious of the Order of St. Augustine, have brought that province into communication with the others in this great island (something which formerly could not be done, except by sea), with great harvest of souls who have been converted to our holy Catholic faith. These costs are stated in the following summary, that which belongs to each mission being given separately.

[Chapter i relates “the urgent reasons for the present treatise; and the necessity for, and usefulness of, our hospital order in Philipinas.” In the [162]last paragraph of the chapter Maldonado says: “These islands are in need of physicians and surgeons, as well as of medicines; for excepting the capital Manila and the port of Cabite—where we have hospitals, and where the few secular persons who exercise the profession [of medicine] can render assistance—the rest of the provinces, and the many dependent towns, are supported by Providence alone, being helped by herbs and other simples about which they have been instructed by continual use. But, as this is so complicated a matter, whenever the patient’s constitution and the dose disagree, or when other substances are added to make the latter more effective, the very article which was regarded as a remedy usually aggravates the sickness, and consequently there are continual deaths among those who make mistakes. In this capital, although there are apothecary shops, and practitioners who write prescriptions—whose charity is taken for granted, so far as they can exercise it—the crowd of patients who resort to them does not allow them to succor all, and it results that there is a great number who are unprovided [with medical aid]. Others, because their poverty cannot bear the cost of the medicines, and who have no one from whom to obtain food, find their only asylum in our hospitals—where, without any hesitation, all are received; and, making a distinction in the respect paid to them, in regard to the rank or character of various persons who have entered these houses, in so far as our abilities extend, the institution has succeeded in giving entire satisfaction. [163]Although the royal charity maintains here a hospital and chapel at enormous cost, it is understood that this is only for officers, soldiers, seamen, and Pampangos who have positions and render actual service; for the men retired from service are excluded by this rule, except by special favor of the superior government. On this account, our attention to our duties brings us in contact with a variety of people—priests, citizens, militiamen, retired officers, Indians, negroes, besides foreigners who trade in these ports. [These constitute] a great throng of patients, and convince us that if so important a charity were to fail or be neglected many dead persons would, to our sorrow, be found in the streets and entresuelos2 (the dwellings of the poor); and others, worn out by their afflictions, would be suffering the pangs of their necessities. These are relieved, in the present circumstances; but the permanency of the work demands that the superiors to whom the matter belongs shall aid us with laborers and encourage us with their support, obtaining from the Catholic royal piety what they shall deem suitable for this purpose.”]

[Chapter ii recounts the royal decrees for the aid of the hospitals at Manila, dated in the years 1590–96; the foundation (April 16, 1594) of the Misericordia brotherhood, and their establishment of a hospital, which after 1596 opened its doors to all who needed its aid; and the surrender of the royal hospital to their care (January 8, 1598), at the instance of Governor Francisco Tello—their labors [164]therein making evident the difference between the work accomplished by pure charity and that done by persons hired to do it; they also maintained Franciscan ministers for attending to the spiritual needs of the sick. In the conflagration of May 1, 1603, the royal hospital was utterly destroyed, “with the third part of the buildings of this city, a loss which amounted to more than a million of pesos.” Then are enumerated the losses and calamities which rendered this loss more grievous to the colony, the destructive earthquake of June 21, 1599, followed by lesser shocks and disturbances until the following year of 1600; the loss of two richly-laden galleons (1599), the “Santa Margarita” and “San Gerónimo;” the attack of Oliver van Noordt (December, 1600); the wreck of the “Santo Thomas” (1601), and of another galleon which was about to be launched at Panamao; the return to port of the galleons despatched in 1602 and 1604; and the revolt of the Chinese in May, 1603. A royal decree dated November 4, 1606, directed Acuña to make every effort to rebuild the royal hospital; meanwhile the Misericordia were aiding the throngs of people who, made destitute by the various disasters above mentioned, implored their help, and they spent in these exercises of charity eighty thousand pesos in five years. Another royal decree (February 10, 1617) directed the Audiencia of Manila to place the hospitals there in charge of the brethren of St. John of God, who were going thither for that purpose; but the war with the Dutch and other hindrances prevented them from carrying out this enterprise]

[Chapter iii states that about the year 1611 two [165]brethren of this order, Fray Juan de Gamboa and Fray Lucas de los Angeles, had arrived in Manila, desirous to found a hospital; but that the authorities there discouraged their plan. Some writer has stated that these brethren returned in 1621 and founded a hospital for convalescents at Bagumbaya; but Maldonado regards this as uncertain, and difficult to verify, although some circumstances would indicate the probability that they made a second attempt to establish their order at Manila. At various times requests were sent from Manila for these hospitalers, and in chapter iv are related the arrangements finally made by the superiors of the order in Nueva España to send laborers to the Philippines, which was accomplished in the spring of 1641; these were Fray Andrés de San Joseph (a priest) and Fray Antonio de Santiago (a lay brother). The warrant given them and other official documents connected with their going are reproduced in full by Maldonado.]

[The brethren of St. John of God began their labors at Cavite, in November of 1641. Corcuera provided lodgings for them in the royal buildings, and the inhabitants contributed so liberally that they were able to open a hospital of ten beds; but so great was the number of applicants for its aid that in January following, the hospital brethren asked for and received the surrender (January 30) to their management of the royal hospital at Cavite, with all its property and slaves—provided that within four years they obtain the royal confirmation of this grant. An inventory of this hospital and its equipment [166]is more curious than edifying: “The house which served as a hospital was of wood and piles, covered with tiling that was old and in bad condition; for dispensary [botica], it had a wooden framework containing various gallipots, vials, and earthen jars. In the infirmary were sixteen mattresses, ten pillows, twenty-seven sheets, two coverlets, and fourteen blankets; and its larder contained eighty cabans of rice, forty gantas of oil, fifteen arrobas of sugar, and four jars of conserves. For divine worship it had a box for an altar, hardly fit [for such use]; a chalice with its paten, without any ornament; a bell of medium size, and two small ones. For its service, it had some slaves, five men and seven women. As for revenues, it had three and a half residence lots and two lots occupied by shops, which yielded twenty-six pesos and [word omitted?] granos a month; also some woodlands, and a grazing tract in Leyton, a place near the said port, with several head of horses and cattle. The most important [of its assets] were the deliveries made from the [royal] storehouses, for these were permanent; they had been ordered when the said hospital was in charge of the religious of our seraphic father St. Francis.” These supplies, as appears from the records of the treasury board of Manila, had been furnished since January 12, 1619, at the request of the Franciscans in charge of the Cavite hospital. They asked, for immediate use, for “a dozen blankets, a dozen cupping-glasses, two syringes, two pairs of Castilian scissors, two clasp-knives, six lancets, two scarifiers; some wool for mattresses; two books, one entitled De Medicina, by the author Barrios, and the other by Dioscorides; four arrobas [167]of Castilian wine; a barrel of raisins and almonds; and half an arroba of rosado sugar.”3 For regular annual supplies, they asked two hundred fanegas of cleaned rice, as hitherto they had had no amount allotted for the hospital; six hundred fowls, since they received only little more than two hundred a year from those assigned them by his Majesty in Balayán; and three hundred pesos from the royal treasury, to be spent for meat, sugar, flour, and eggs, drugs from China, clothing for the slaves and servants, and other needs of the hospital. All these were granted them, and paid regularly until the hospital was placed in charge of the Order of St. John of God (1642); “from that time there was a gradual diminution, to such an extent that, by another general conference of the treasury officials in 1657 the whole was reduced, so that by way of contribution [from the government] only two hundred pesos should be given, in the articles which should be required each year, and this [only] in the interval until other provision should be made.” At the time when Maldonado wrote, all government aid had been taken away; moreover, in 1645 the brethren had been obliged to vacate the royal buildings, in which they had been conducting the Cavite hospital, and were incommodiously quartered in some poor shops of the Sangleys; but in October of that year the authorities granted them the use of an empty building belonging to his Majesty; it was constructed of nipa and bamboo, and had been occupied by some fishermen. The Cavite hospital was rebuilt [168]four times by the brethren of St. John: “the first time, by the reverend father Fray Francisco de Magallanes, which lasted until the year 1682; the second, by the reverend father Fray Marcos de Mesa, a priest of the order, which lasted until the year 1699; the third, by the reverend father Fray Juan de Alarcòn, a priest, which lasted until the year 1728; and lastly, the one which is being built by the present superior, Fray Antonio de Arçe. There is no doubt that this will be established in so good order that it will be an improvement on the previous ones; and meanwhile a house has been made ready, with sufficient space for lodgings. This was given as a contribution by Captain Don Miguel Cordero; and in it are maintained eight beds, and the corresponding offices. The title of this hospital always was, and still is, that of St. Joseph. All its receipts in the year hardly reach two hundred and sixty pesos, a support so scanty that it is not necessary to emphasize the straitened manner in which the religious who minister in it must support themselves; the one who directs it has the appointment of prior.” The sick soldiers and seamen at Cavite are sent to the royal hospital of Manila for treatment; if the money which they cost there were handed over to the Cavite hospital it could take better care of them than they now receive.]

[A little more than two years after founding the Cavite hospital, the hospitalers undertook to open a hospital for convalescents, where these could have the dieting, rest, and care necessary for fully regaining their health after they were discharged from the [169]general hospitals; for lack of these, many persons had before perished. Accordingly, they obtained from Governor Corcuera permission (April 16, 1644) to erect or buy a house for this purpose, to be situated on the Pasig River above Manila; but circumstances afterward induced them to locate it at Bagumbaya, a suburb south of the city, outside the walls—permission being given for this by Faxardo in the following September. Here, as in other places, Maldonado mentions this enterprise as a revival of the one supposed to have been undertaken in 1621. It contained two wards, one for men and one for women, in which twenty persons could be cared for. This work was continued but a short time—partly for lack of hospitalers, who had to devote their main energies to the hospital in Manila; and partly because the Bagumbaya house had not sufficient facilities for the entertainment of its inmates, who quickly grew tired of remaining there and of the strict dieting necessary for their full recovery, and went away—in the majority of cases, to die.]

[The religious of the order then devoted themselves to the Cavite hospital, and to the one established by the Misericordia in Manila, which that brotherhood placed in their charge in March, 1650; they took possession of it on May 31 following. The conditions of this transfer are given by Maldonado in full (pp. 86–93). The donation is full and irrevocable, including all the property, servants, and incomes of the hospital. The hospitalers are obliged to treat poor women who are ill, both Spaniards and [170]mestizas; also the slaves (both men and women) of the citizens, who in such cases are expected to make an offering to the hospital of three pesos each—save that for slaves belonging to the seminary of Santa Isabel and to the Misericordia this offering shall not be made. The latter institution shall be regarded as the patron of the hospital, and shall aid it every year with such contribution as is in its power, for necessary expenses and the support of the sick. The women who are inmates of Santa Isabel shall be treated by the brethren of St. John, so far as possible in the seminary itself; and the medicines needed for these patients shall be provided by the Misericordia, to the extent of two hundred pesos a year in advance. The officers of that confraternity may visit the hospital, and shall have the right to notify the superior of the hospitalers of any deficiency or neglect they may find therein. Any charitable person may erect a church or additional ward or wards in connection with the institution, and be regarded as a patron thereof; and such addition shall not be under the control of the officers of the Misericordia. The hospital, however, shall retain the name of that brotherhood, and alms or contributions for its benefit shall be asked in its name. All property, incomes, rights, and credentials of the institution shall be surrendered to the brethren of St. John, who shall not be expected to give account to the Misericordia of any contributions which they may receive; that association shall also use all its influence with the authorities to secure their aid and favor for the hospital in all ways, and to defend it from any objections or difficulties which may arise against it, particularly from the Franciscans, who formerly had been [171]connected with it. In case the hospital order shall lose all its laborers in the islands, the Misericordia shall administer the hospital until the provincial of St. John in Nueva España shall be able to send more of his brethren to Manila; and provision is made for the final settlement of affairs between that order and the Misericordia, in case they decide to sever the present relations. The latter association shall pay at once to the order eight hundred pesos in cash, for the necessary expenses and equipment of the brethren in opening their hospital labors. All the documents regarding this affair and other important transactions of the Order of St. John are reproduced in full by Maldonado. On taking possession of the hospital (May 31, 1656) the hospitalers equipped three wards, with twelve beds in each, where men and women might be cared for separately, and the Indians and Morenos apart from the Spaniards. A small church was also erected, with lodgings for the religious of the order; these buildings were injured in the earthquake of July 19, 1664, but were repaired for use until new ones could be erected. A new and large church was built, but this also was wrecked by an earthquake in 1674; a new church and convent were then built, which lasted until 1727, when they were found to be in so bad condition from the repeated seismic shocks which they had undergone that they must be reconstructed. This was accordingly done, the new edifice being dedicated on May 10, 1732 (see chapters ix and x for full description of it). This was the building which was standing at the time of Maldonado’s writing, and it had three wards, each containing more than twenty beds; that for the women is especially praised for its comfort [172]and convenience. “During these last twelve years” [Zaragoza’s approbation states that the book was written in 1739] “there have been admitted sixteen priests, secular clergy, one religious of our father St. Dominic, two other religious of our seraphic father St. Francis, seventy-six students from the four colleges which are in this city; and from the laity, the licentiate Don Juan Francisco de Velasco, auditor of this royal Audiencia, and a large number of citizens—not to mention eight thousand poor persons of inferior condition and rank. This appears from the books of registration, from which this enumeration has been made. Attention was given to all these patients, in accordance with their respective stations; and with the same consideration burial was given to those who died.”]

[Later, doubts arose as to the exercise of the right and title of patronage which was reserved to the Misericordia in the foregoing agreement; and certain individual members of that association, “moved (as it is inferred) by pious although very indiscreet zeal,” stirred up these doubts and made officious inquiries. Although they did no harm, it was thought best to consult the heads of the Jesuit university in regard to the objections thus raised; and their opinion (undated) is given by Maldonado. Those learned professors declared in favor of the hospitalers, saying that any official visitation and inspection of their work could be made only by the archbishop of the islands; the officers of the Misericordia might visit the hospital, but could not, even as its patrons, exercise any legal authority or compulsion [173]over the brethren of St. John, or bring against them any legal claim. The Jesuits refer to such a stipulation in the original document transferring the hospital (chap, vii); they also remind the Misericordia of the wretched condition in which the hospital was when that association gave it up—for this purpose citing the inventory made at that time of the property thus transferred. Some curious particulars are found therein. The old hospital had but one ward, under which was “the old chapel, where the dead were buried.” One of the items is, “Twelve head of slaves, most of them more than fifty years old, and some past sixty.” Its equipment of bedding, etc., comprises “four old tents of medriñaque; seven mattresses, made of Ilocos blankets, with their outside badly worn; ten pillows, with their covers of medriñaque, old; two tables, with tablecovers, with six napkins, old; twelve sheets of Ilocos weave.” Various articles for the use or adornment of the altar in the church are listed, most of them characterized as “old;” while an image of St. Joseph and the Holy Child is “old and battered.” There are “nine old cots for beds;” “a large chest, old, without any key;” “an old wooden table, on which the food is distributed;” “two old chairs for seats;” “four large cots, for Spanish women;” “two old books which treat of medicine” (evidently those asked for by the Franciscans in 1619); “one hundred and twelve porcelain vials, empty;” “sixty-one gallipots of Chinese porcelain, empty;” “two stone kitchen mortars, without handles;” and some few other articles suitable for hospital use, that are presumably in good condition. In view of these facts, there is no ground for bringing complaints against [174]the brethren of St. John, especially since they were not obliged by the document of donation to conform to any given standard in their management of the hospital, nor was any provision made therein for summoning them to give account thereof to the ordinary. The labors of conducting the hospital and providing means for its support are quite arduous enough for the order, without imposing upon it the burden of keeping accounts of all the receipts and expenses—a charge which it probably would not have accepted, and which cannot be now imposed upon it. The income of the institution from the property surrendered with it—a legacy from the late Captain Nicolas de Luzurriaga—does not exceed a thousand pesos, which is a very inadequate endowment for meeting all the expenses which must be incurred for the patients sent to the hospital by the Misericordia, even if these number no more than eight; and its scantiness prevents that association from making any just claim to the exercise of authority over the hospital. Indeed, the Jesuits censure the Misericordia for having done so little for the institution since they surrendered it to the brethren of St. John. Further: “Apparently the mistake of the Board [of the Misericordia] consists in their being surprised that the sick are not better treated or regaled in the said hospital, when they see that the Order of St. John of God has an encomienda granted by his Majesty the king (whom may God preserve), a ranch of cattle and cultivated lands, some lots occupied by shops in the Parian outside the walls of Manila, and other considerable revenues—which, as evidently appears, are all considered as possessions of the said hospital of the Misericordia, of which [175]they are patrons—[a mistake which arises] from seeing that all these are possessed by the religious of St. John of God, but not making a distinction in regard to what belongs to that order as an order, for the support of its brethren. Such is the ranch; when, in the year 49, Captain Don Pedro Gomez Cañete lay sick in the hospital for convalescents at Bagumbaya, without the walls of this city, he made a donation, by a clause of his last will and testament, of the said farms to the said religious order. Suit having been brought by Captain Geronimo Fuentes for a sum of money which the said Captain Don Pedro Gomez Cañete owed, the aforesaid properties were placed at public auction, and the said religious order secured in the said auction, for a bid of 12,100 pesos, the said ranch and some shops in the Parian—nineteen of them upper, and twenty lower; and eight other shops for the peddlers, with their lodging-rooms above. The said order also obtained at public auction eight residence lots in the locality of La Hermita and Santiago de Bagumbaya (which were the ones where they started their work), and some others which they bought. The site and locality where the church and convent of the said order are at present built were the houses which belonged to Captain Don Alonso Parrilla; these also were secured at auction, for the price of 3,000 pesos, by paying in cash (as it did) 2,650 pesos, and the remainder of the 3,000 was left in a mortgage that could be paid up, the said order paying the amount due every year to this same Board of the holy Misericordia. Another [resource is] a chaplaincy of masses to the Holy Ghost and the Conception, which was founded by Doña Hypolita de Zarate y Osseguerra. [176]These incomes have nothing to do with the hospital as a hospital; and therefore, in accordance with this, the members of the Board cannot require that these revenues be subjected to official investigation, any more than in the case of other contributions and incomes which other benefactors had left to the said hospital, even though the proceeds of these are handled, and surrendered to the said religious, by this same Misericordia as administrators for the said benefactors; for the members of the Board have no rights as patrons over any of these, as is clearly stated in the agreement made in the conditions of donation.” “From all this, the fathers rector and masters of this university of the Society of Jesus conclude that only with the gravest scruples of conscience, and at the risk of defaming the said religious order by accusations of omission or negligence in fulfilling their obligation to render assistance to the said sick persons, can the members of the Board on this pretext demand before the illustrious archbishop that the said religious be visited, and account be demanded from them of the expenses and receipts, and of other matters pertaining to the said assistance—not only in regard to all the incomes which the hospital order, as such, possesses, noting down the contributions from all the benefactors of it; but as little even the proceeds which by the said donation the religious received from this same brotherhood of the holy Misericordia—since that is expressly contrary to the agreement made with the said religious order in the instrument of donation, and would be a very heavy and onerous new burden upon it, if imposed now, after sixty years, on a donation which was originally free, complete, and irrevocable.” [179]This opinion is signed by Joseph Hernandéz, Antonio Arias, Pablo Clain, Nicolas de Zarate, and Joseph de Bobadilla.4 It brought about a cessation of the controversy, and afterward, the hospital and its labors grew in public esteem and many favors were bestowed on it.]

Church of San Juan de Dios, Manila, in Religiosa hospitalidad, by Juan M. Maldonado de Puga (Granada, 1742)

[From copy in collection of Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., at Colegio de Filipinas, Valladolid]

[These chapters are devoted to a history and description of the church and convent erected in 1727, an account of the solemn functions annually celebrated therein, instances of miraculous intervention by the Virgin, etc. The church was dedicated on May 10, 1732, with festivities and solemn ceremonies which lasted during eight days. On the last day an oration was delivered by the Dominican Fray Juan de Arrechedera, who is styled by our writer “the Tullius of Manila.” The church measured one hundred and fifty feet in length, and forty-two in breadth; Maldonado describes it, both within and without, with much detail, and presents a large illustration of the exterior of the edifice, which is herewith reproduced on a smaller scale. Among the notable donors to the adornment and furnishing are Don Buenaventura Morales, a physician in Manila; Don Juan Monroy, court secretary of the Audiencia; General Antonio Gonzalez Quijano; Don Joseph Antonio Nuño de Villavicencio, a regidor of Manila; General Miguel de Allanegui, secretary of the government; Doctor Joseph Correa Villareal, an [180]advocate of the Audiencia; and General Joseph de Morales.]

[In chapter xi occurs a curious digression in the midst of the descriptions of the solemn functions solemnized in the hospital church; enumeration of the instances of miraculous aid afforded by the Virgin to her devotees gives occasion for an account of the system of weights used by the Chinese traders in the islands, and the change made from these to the Castilian system. General Joseph Antonio Nuño de Villavicencio “also relates that commission had been given to him to abolish the use of a certain make of steelyards [pesadores] customary with the Chinese and other foreigners, with which commerce had been carried on in this city from the earliest times; and to establish [a system of] weights and measures modeled on the Castilian, according to the provisions of the laws of both kingdoms. He recognized that the serious nature of this charge demanded the most extraordinary exertions, or else that the hindrances should be removed which had hindered it from being effective on occasions when, at various times, the [same] attempt had been made. But, being also stimulated by his own reputation, in order not to be conquered by the difficulty without a previous investigation, and being incited to close application by his interest in a transaction as much to the service of his Majesty as to the general welfare of the commonwealth, he proceeded to the consideration of the importance of this business (the serious inconveniences of which might defeat his efforts), and of the risk incurred for his reputation if, after he had accepted the commission, he could not fulfil it; and the more he thought about it, the less did he unravel the tangle. [181]At last, in his anxiety he found no recourse more certain of success than to offer himself to the divine favor [as expressed] in that sovereign object, the holy image [of the Virgin]; and in this confidence he carried on the enterprise, heedless of any risk, and succeeded in his object, to the satisfaction of the many who before were disparaging it as chimerical, or who regarded it as impracticable. He gained the approbation of the royal Audiencia so thoroughly that it conferred upon him new powers for [introducing] the same arrangement in all the provinces of its jurisdiction in these islands, where the same injurious effect was experienced; and he executed this commission with exactness, sending [to all places] carefully regulated models and instructions for making it effective.” Maldonado then goes on to describe the mode of weight formerly in vogue among the Chinese traders, as well as the Castilian system, thus:]

[This chapter is devoted to an account of the government of the province of the Order of St. John; a list of its provincials, with their terms of office; and a list of all the members of the order therein, at the time of writing this history. This province had always been subject to the very reverend commissary-general of the order resident in Nueva España; and, as its funds did not permit it to bring men from Europe, the superior at Manila would admit novices who wished to engage in the work of the order. These, when sufficiently instructed, if they showed a true vocation for that work were received into the order, and thus its numbers were sufficiently recruited to sustain its labors. The choice of a provincial for the islands was always reserved to the said commissary at Mexico, who usually reappointed the same man, when he had been found competent for that office; this appointee was regarded as the vicar and visitor for the commissary (except in the matter of authority to grant dismissory letters to members of the order), and those titles were bestowed on the prior of the Manila convent (the principal house), regarded to all intents and purposes as provincial, but with the modest title of “superior” [prelado]. The province had four houses: those at Cabite and Manila, and two others, at Bagumbaya and Zebù respectively. When Maldonado wrote, the two former alone remained. The prior at Cabite was nominally appointed by the commissary at Mexico; but the uncertainties, delays, and costs caused by the distance thither and the long and dangerous voyage rendered it necessary to leave this choice practically in the [192]hands of the superior at Manila. The brethren of the community met every three years to elect councilors and transact other business. The superior appointed a procurator-general, manager of the hospital, and other minor officials. Besides the priests and brethren of the order, certain men called donados were admitted to its ranks for the service of the poor and for the commoner duties of the convent. In the month of November of each year, the officers of the Misericordia visited the hospital officially—it being definitely understood that they had no right to meddle with its management in any way. On New Year’s day of each year, the community assembled and chose by lot a patron saint for the coming year.]

[Following is the list of superiors (not counting Fray Juan de Gamboa, who came in 1621, because his attempt to establish the order proved abortive): (1) Father Fray Andrès de San Joseph, a native of Mexico; his patent was dated February 20, 1641 and he ruled the province until August 3, 1643. (2) Father Fray Francisco Magallanes, a Portuguese; he received his credentials on March 10, 1643, but did not go to the islands that year; he took possession on August 3, 1644, and held the office until August 4, 1662. (3) Father Fray Francisco Cardoso, a Portuguese; he immediately succeeded Magallanes (by whom he was appointed, under special authority conferred by the commissary), and held the office for four years. (4) Father Fray Christoval Nieto de Salazar, a native of Mexico; he ruled from September 4, 1666 until August 9, 1669. (5) Father Fray Marcos de Mesa, a native of Tescuco, Mexico, held office from August 9, 1669 until [193]his death in 1682. (6) Father Fray Luis de la Cruz, a Canari by birth, next held the office, from 1682 until his death on January 25, 1683; he came to Manila as alternate for the regular appointee, Fray Fructuoso de Texada (who died three days after he reached the port of Cavite); opposition to his rule arose in the order itself, but he was finally placed in possession of the office by the provisor of the archdiocese, aided by military force. (7) Father Fray Phelipe de Jesus, a native of Manila, was superior from January 25, 1683 until September 2, 1684. (8) Father Fray Antonio de Robles, a native of Mexico, ruled from September 2, 1684 until 1687; he then went to Zebù, and was ordained a secular priest (9) Father Fray Phelipe de Jesus, as chief councilor, took the place of Fray Robles, and held office for three years. (10) Father Fray Domingo de Santa Maria, a Vizcayan, governed the province from July 16, 1690 until 1692, when he also entered the secular priesthood. (11) For the third time, Fray Phelipe de Jesus held the office of superior, this time from July 21, 1692 until July 8, 1694. (12) Father Fray Manuel de San Romàn then took his place, ruling until August 13, 1697. (13) Father Fray Francisco Beltràn, a native of Manila; as chief councilor, he took the place of Fray Phelipe de Jesus, who died after having been appointed superior by the commissary; Beltràn held the office only one year. (14) Father Fray Geronimo Nadales, a native of Habana, was sent over by the commissary, and ruled from August 28, 1698 until his death, January 20, 1703. (15) Father Fray Ignacio Gil de Arevalo, a native of Mexico; as chief councilor, he took Nadales’s place, which he filled until his [194]death in 1706. (16) Father Fray Francisco Hurtado, a native of Mexico; he was second in the council, and became superior through election by the community after the death of Fray Gil; much opposition arose from a disaffected faction, but Hurtado held the office (although with some subsequent limitations of authority) from 1706 until August 11, 1708. (17) Father Fray Juan de Santacruz, a native of Manila, was superior during the next three years. (18) Father Fray Francisco Hurtado secured the commissary’s nomination, and held the office from August 11, 1711 to July 13, 1720; “in his time there was a notable decline in this province.” (19) Father Fray Santiago Gutierrez, a native of Manila, ruled from July 13, 1720 to August 12, 1724; he was then deposed and secluded by the archdiocesan ordinary: Maldonado regrets the injury thus inflicted on the order and its privileges, but discreetly refrains from open censure of this proceeding. (20) Father Fray Lucas de San Joseph, a native of Manila; he was prior of Cabite, and took the place of Fray Gutierrez; he entered the office on August 19, 1724, and ruled only two months, being requested to resign, as a result of various discords among the brethren. (21) Father Fray Eugenio Antonio del Niño Jesus, a native of La Puebla, Mexico; he was chosen by the community, in place of Fray San Joseph, and held office from October 3, 1724 until June 17, 1726. He restrained the discontent and disputes which were rife in the order, and his firmness and good management prevented what would have been great disasters to the province. (22) Fray Antonio de Arce, a native of Mexico City (the superior at the time when Maldonado wrote); [195]he was sent by the commissary with additional powers, assumed his office on June 17, 1726, and completed the good work begun by his predecessor; he restored harmony in the province, replaced the dilapidated buildings with new ones, and secured for his order the respect and prestige which it had largely lost under inefficient superiors. Maldonado eulogizes Fray Arce’s abilities, energy, and good judgment—qualities which have advanced the order in Manila to equality with the others there.]

[Our writer enumerates the minor officials of the order at the time of his writing. There are three chaplains and preachers: father Fray Marcos Beltràn (who made his profession in 1740), a native of Cabite; father Fray Juan Manuel Maldonado de Puga, a native of Quautla, Mexico, who came to the islands in 1727; and father Fray Raphael Fernandez (professed in 1732), a native of Manila. The two councilors are father Fray Santiago Gutierrez (professed in 1700), a native of Manila; and father Fray Joseph Hidalgo (professed in 1732), a native of Mexico. The hospital is in charge of father Fray Joseph Guerrero, a native of Chalco, Mexico, who came to the islands in 1726. The procurator-general is father Fray Joseph Mariano (professed in 1722), a native of Manila; and the chief sacristan is father Fray Joachin de San Joseph (professed in 1729), a native of Mexico. The prior of the Cabite convent is father Fray Diego de San Raphael (professed in 1724), a native of Octumba, Mexico. The list of brethren then in the convent is as follows:]

Conventual religious.—Father Fray Eugenio Antonio del Niño Jesus, former prior of this convent (where he professed on March 8, 1709), a native of [196]the city of Los Angeles in Nueva España; it has been ten years during which he has remained in a continual suspension of natural motions—his head bowed, in profound silence (not speaking, unless he is questioned, and then only what is strictly necessary); he is, in the opinion of many, crazy, but, in the judgment of those who direct his conscience, he is sane. Father Fray Jacinto de los Dolores, a native of this city; a son of this convent, where he professed on January 15, 1717. Father Fray Lucas de San Joseph, a native of this city; formerly prior of this convent, where he professed on July 25, 1717. Father Fray Andrès Gonzalez, a native of Mexico in Nueva España, from which he came to this convent in the year 1726. Father Fray Francisco Diaz de Rivera, a native of Mexico in Nueva España, from which he came to this country in the year 1735. Father Fray Pedro de Noroña, a native of Queretaro in the archbishopric of Mexico; he professed in this convent on October 24, 1730. Father Fray Francisco Varaona y Velazques, a native of Mexico in Nueva España; he professed in this convent on February 20, 1735. Father Fray Thomàs Bernardo de Herrera, a native of Zafra in Estremadura, in the bishopric of Badajòz, in the kingdoms of España; he professed in this convent on June 13, 1736. Father Fray Pedro Ladron de Guevara, a native of Mexico in Nueva España; he professed in this convent on June 13, 1736.

Junior religious.—Fray Bernardino de Vilches y Padilla, a native of the city of Sevilla in the kingdoms of España; he professed in this convent on March 7, 1739. Fray Lorenzo Velasco y Castroverde, a native of Mexico in Nueva España; he professed [197]in this convent on May 7, 1739. Fray Feliciano Leal del Castillo, a native of the city of Zebù, the chief city of the bishopric of that name in these islands; he professed in this convent on April 26, 1739.

Brothers who are novices.—Brother Santiago Mariano San Ginès, who comes from the port of Cabite in the Philipinas Islands; he took the habit on December 7, 1739. Brother Juan Maldonado, a native of this city of Manila; he took the habit on the said day, December 7, 1739. Brother Nicolàs Mariano del Rio, a native of the village of Binondo, outside the walls of this city; he took the habit on the said day, December 7 of the said year, 1739. Brother Perez de Albornòz, a native of the City of Mexico in Nueva España; he took the habit on the said day, December 7, in the said year.

Brothers who are donados.—Brother Salvador de la Soledad, a native of Bacolor, in the province of Pampanga; he is punctual in obedience, silence, and humility, continual in prayer, very austere, and of fervent charity. Brother Francisco de los Dolores, a native of the city of Gorgota, in the kingdom of Vengala, in the territory of India. Brother Luis Casimiro, a native of this city. Brother Cayetano del Castillo, a native of this city. Brother Juan Ferrer, a native of this city. Brother Pablo Bertucio de San Antonio, a native of the village of Biñàn in this archbishopric.

[Maldonado makes special mention of a few distinguished members of the order in Manila, who have flourished in recent years; regarding others, he states that he lacks information. Father Fray Marzelo del Arroyo, a native of Manila, entered the [198]order at Cabite, and died at Manila, past the age of ninety years; he was “an excellent physician, and a strong defender of the privileges of the regulars;” and he filled with distinction all the offices of the order except that of superior. Father Fray Francisco Alabes, a native of the city of Oaxaca, Mexico, was the first who took the habit of St. John (1647) in these islands; he rendered excellent service in the Cabite hospital, and assisted Father Magallanes in founding the one at Bagumbaya. Father Fray Juan de Alarcòn had many gifts; he was a noted orator, who was called “Golden Mouth,”12 a famous poet, and a zealous defender of the order; for a long time he was physician for the entire city, and administrator of the convent at Cabite and of the ranch of San Juan de Buenavista, belonging to the order; he died at an advanced age. Father Fray Bernardo Xavier, a native of La Puebla in Mexico; he had held the chair of theology in the Jesuit university in Manila, and his brethren there called him “a sun eclipsed;” in disposition retiring, humble, austere, devout, and charitable, he was attracted to the labors of the brethren of St. John, and entered their ranks on November 25, 1671; he died on August 14, 1720. Three religious of this order were slain by the natives: Fray Antonio de Santiago, manager of the ranch, slain by the savage Negritos (probably before 1650); Fray Lorenzo Gomez, killed while traveling in Ilocos by the savage Tinguianes of the mountains; Fray Juan Antonio Guemez, killed with lances by the native bandits “who infested our estate of Buenavista.” Maldonado suggests that some member of the order act as recorder of its annals and labors, so [199]that hereafter these may be kept in remembrance, and published for its benefit.]

[Estate of Buenavista.—“By donation from Captain Don Pedro Gomez Cañete, various farm-sites and cavallerías13 of lands belonged to us in an estate called Buenavista, Pinaot, and Bolo, in the jurisdiction of Bulacan, provinces close to Manila. But as the donor when he died left debts behind, the lands were appraised, with preference of the legacies to the debts of justice;14 and the said property being placed at royal auction, with the offerings of other benefactors, the highest bid was made on the part of our order, in the sum of twelve thousand one hundred pesos. Afterward other lands were added to this [200]estate, by donations and purchases which were made, and questions arose over the boundaries; but, as we have for our defense the just titles, the crown15 has maintained us in the legitimate possession of the lands, which is evident from the records and decisions, which are here set down verbatim, and which declare it.” Here follow the documents which show that Cañete received a grant, April 4, 1629, of two farm-sites and three cavallerías of land in the village of San Miguel, the former part of the grant being opposed by the Indians of Candaba; another was made to Gonzalo Ronquillo Ballesteros, September 26, 1601, of “two farms for horned cattle, and four cavallerías of land, in the district of Alatib, toward Candaba, close to Canagoan;” and the boundaries were settled by acts of the Audiencia, March 2 and May 14, 1715. “These said lands, those which were likewise obtained by the accountant Pedro de Almansa, and others which belonged to the monastery of Santa Clara, were sold to the aforesaid Don Pedro Gomez Cañete, and are among those which were purchased, as was related in the beginning [of this book]; and afterward were added to it other lots of land, all which compose the estate of Buenavista, which belongs to our order in these islands.” In 1715 the hospital brethren complained that the Augustinians had intruded upon their lands, and were even building a house thereon, paying no heed to the repeated remonstrances of the superior of St. John; but the acts above cited confirmed the order in its possession of the lands, and ordered the Augustinians to cease work on their house and give account [201]of their procedure. “In this estate there are arable lands, pastures for the many cattle with which it is stocked, fruit-trees, and woodlands where the trees are cut for lumber. It was always maintained with one religious, who, as administrator, had charge of its produce; but when an opportunity to rent it occurred, it was considered best, and even more profitable, to do so. For it we receive five hundred pesos, and three hundred cabans of rice, annually for the period of five years, which is the present agreement, and it is well guaranteed.”]

Irrigated lands in the district of Polo.—By a donation which Fray Thomas Ortiz, one of our religious, made to this convent—it belonged to the lawful share which he inherited from his parents—we possess certain irrigated lands16 in the place which is called Colòn, within the limits of the village of Polo, in the province of Bulacàn. The co-heirs brought suit in regard to these lands; but this, when tried in the courts, was declared in our favor. The said lands yield forty pesos as yearly rent.

Grainfields in Bonga.—By purchase made of six quiñons of land, [irrigated?] grainfields,17 in a place which they call Bonga, within the limits of Balivag, a village in the said province of Bulacàn, [our order] enjoys the usufruct of one hundred and twenty pesos, which these lands pay as annual rent. [202]

Lots outside the walls.—By the donations and contributions of different benefactors, we possess eight lots in various places, from the village of La Hermita to that of Bagumbaya; these pay in land-rents eighteen pesos a year. In this land is included the original site on which was located the hospital for convalescents, which was founded by the first religious [of our order] who came to these islands, as is elsewhere related.

Properties in the Pariàn.—In the Alcayzerìa, the Pariàn of the Sangleys, outside the walls, were purchased two properties, on which there are forty-seven shops and upper lodgings; these, when occupied, yield ninety-seven pesos a month, which amounts through the year to one thousand one hundred and sixty-four pesos.

Lots in Manila.—For two houses, and two lots besides, which belong to this convent within Manila, are collected thirteen pesos a month for rent, which amounts to one hundred and fifty-six pesos a year.

Contribution from the brothers of our order.—The present superior, father Fray Antonio de Arze, by his great affability established the roll of lay brothers devoted to our order. Those who at present appear on it regularly number one hundred and thirty-four and each one has a certain day for supplying food to the sick; this he compensates with six pesos, which he contributes as an offering, the amount being thus regulated—in all, amounting to eight hundred and four pesos a year.

The contribution-plate.—The contribution-plate which, with the image of our holy father,18 [is carried] through the streets to ask for offerings gathers [203]during the week at least eight pesos, which amount to two hundred and eighty-eight pesos a year.

Contribution for the feast of our holy father.—For the feast-day of our holy father two of our religious go out a few days before, as representatives of our community, to ask for contributions among the citizens; and they collect very nearly two hundred pesos a year.

Contribution of rice.—In the month of October in each year a religious is despatched to the province of Ilocos, in order to push forward the collection and remittance of the proceeds from the encomienda which is assigned to us in that province, and at the same time he asks for contributions among the farmers of that region; he carries, by way of precaution, some medicine, and benevolently exercises the office of his calling; and if the harvests are good he collects offerings of about seven hundred baskets of rice. And so great is the esteem felt in that province for our religious, as they have acknowledged, that when they go away in the month of March (which is the time of the monsoon) the people display to them their regret that they must lack the consolation which they receive during the stay of our religious, in the assistance given by them to the many persons stricken by disease.

[This chapter is devoted to enumeration of the favors extended by the crown to the hospital order. Maldonado states that the royal grants to the ecclesiastical estate in the islands (in stipends and contributions) amount to more than 81,000 pesos a year, without counting over 11,000 pesos more which are [204]allowed to the royal chapel and the hospitals. The brethren of St. John share in this bounty, to a liberal extent. A royal decree of June 19, 1680, granted to the order an encomienda of 500 tributes for twenty years, in order to repair the injuries caused to the hospital buildings by the earthquake of March 15, 1676, and to aid in carrying on its good work. In accordance therewith, Governor Cruzelaegui assigned to the order (February 9, 1685) the following encomiendas: “The rest of Purao and Tagurin, and the village of Pedic in the province of Ilocos, which consists of 115 tributes, vacant by the death of Captain Don Nicolàs de Ibar, who was enjoying it for the second life. Also the encomienda of three-fourths of Pilitan and its subjects in the province of Cagayan, which consists of 287 tributes, vacant by the death of Juan de Robles Aldaba, which he was enjoying for the second life. The two amount to 402 tributes;” and they were adjudged to the said order, for the repair of its buildings, etc., with the charge of paying from the amount thus collected the amount allowed by the crown for religious purposes and the stipends of ministers, in the same manner as other encomenderos must. This grant was afterward extended (by decrees of September 17, 1705, and July 2, 1735); but the assignment of tributes in Cagayan was later exchanged for another in Ilocos. The net annual proceeds of this encomienda amount to 500 baskets of rice and 250 blankets; “but if those who make the collections dispense with the fees through charity, and if the aforesaid goods are conveyed to us at Manila in the same way, these favors amount to over 100 pesos more.” On November 5, 1704, the treasury officials of Manila assigned to the brethren [205]of St. John an annual allowance of two arrobas of wine and seventy-five gantas of cocoanut oil for the use of their church, in the same manner as to the other churches of the city, with the customary provision that royal confirmation must be obtained within six years. This was done, but the papers were lost in shipwreck, and the grant was therefore extended another six years. A royal decree dated June 29, 1707 (evidently a misprint for 1717), ordered the treasury officials at Manila to pay the hospital order annually the value of the said oil and wine; this was received at Manila in 1718, and from that time the brethren of St. John were paid from the treasury fifty-nine pesos three reals a year. Governor Zabalburu allotted to the hospital the services of twelve men from the “reserve,” a form of personal service which is thus described:]

This grant, which is called Reserva, and among the natives is distinguished by the name of Polo, takes substantially this form: The natives, or Indians of the four provinces which are next to Manila, are under this impost (besides the tributes which they pay to the king), that their laboring men must render service, at the tasks assigned to them, for the time of one month in each year. By this measure are furnished [the men for] the timber-cutting, shipbuilding, and other royal works. To this end, [the names of] all stand in a very detailed enumeration, each being numbered for the alternation [in such service] which belongs to each one, and the apportionment, which is made according to the number of laborers which each village has. From this levy no one can escape, or excuse himself; for their mandons, or headmen, even when they find the laborers [206]hindered by other occupations compel them, since any deficiency affects the service of the king, to pay for other men to act as substitutes in place of those who obtain excuses. This is all the harder because the substitutes do not content themselves with the wages which are assigned to them in the occupation itself, but collect three pesos besides, at which amount the bonus is settled (unless those who manage the business have somewhat more for their share) ; and it is an established custom that this bonus is shared by those whom their turn exempts. Request is being made to the authorities that for the churches and other unavoidable needs men be granted for service, to the number stated, [but] with exemption from these oppressive circumstances; and that, as a just concession, the warrant for this be issued, in which is stated the number [of men] and the village from which they are assigned to this [service, which] is distinguished by the title “reserve.” As a fact, those who have to render this service remain exempt from the turn and apportionment [of service] of which mention has already been made, without any obligation to furnish a substitute, or to pay for others to serve. With this, and with the wages which are paid to them for their labor, we succeed in obtaining people to assist us.

By other grants, also from this government, there have been allowed to us fifty “reserve” vagrants, in order that our ranch may be cultivated. This is different [from the other], because the distinctive vagrant is understood as not having a fixed residence, and not being included in the enumerations of the men liable to polo; but they burden the lists on account of tribute in double pay. These men are [207]governed by certain officers, who also impose upon them various works for the royal service; but those who by means of these “reserves” reside on ranches remain exempt, and therefore are occupied in the cultivation of the grainfields. From this it results that there are laborers for gathering the harvests, the commonwealth is furnished with provisions, those men gain the means for their support, and our estates are not lost to us by lying untilled.

Allowance for the dispensary.—By this superior government, and in an ordinance of September 27, 1709, fifty pesos were applied every year in medicines for the medical treatment of the sick in our hospitals; and, the expenses of the royal dispensary having been permanently charged [on the treasury] from the year 1717, Bachelor Don Miguel de la Torre, a physician of this city, besides the known saving of expense which he made easy for his Majesty in this respect, made the offer to increase the allowance for medicines to a hundred pesos, which was not [formally] assigned, and remains verbal. This he has fulfilled, but so liberally that without any limitation all the medicines which have been necessary for the treatment of the sick have been furnished to us; and our order, always mindful of this kindness, recognizes the aforesaid Don Miguel de la Torre as one of its special benefactors.

These are the grants and allowances which this province at present enjoys, and, most grateful therefor, in all the spiritual exercises we ask and implore the exaltation of our pious king, a munificent patron, and we make such return as is possible in our estate of poverty. For, although in the royal hospital the soldiers receive treatment, this provision is not extended [208]to their children and wives, or to the mariners of Cabite when sickness prevents their passage [from that place to Manila]; but all these find succor in our infirmaries, where they are aided with the comforts which are permitted by the scanty donations which we obtain. And although we know well how little merit there is in our labors, as being the proper function of our Institute, we nevertheless take comfort in this, that in the large number of those who in these islands are maintained at the royal expense, we cost the royal treasury least; nor do we count in this the cost of transportation, or other extraordinary expenses (of which thus far we have had no benefit [from the crown]); for, as has been stated in the proper place, this humble province has always maintained itself by asking for alms.

[Herein are enumerated the charitable foundations (obras pias)19 placed at the disposal of the Misericordia or of the brethren of St. John. The earliest of these (although its date is not given) appears to be that of General Thomàs Garcia de Cardenas; he gave the Misericordia 12,000 pesos, of which 6,000 should be invested in the Acapulco trade, and the profits applied to different charities—among them, 100 pesos being given to the hospital, which sum is still received by that institution whenever [209]the Acapulco galleons make successful voyages. Another and similar one was founded by Governor Manuel de Leon, with 50,000 pesos of principal; from the returns of this, 400 pesos were to be applied “for the care and comfort of the sick in our hospitals.” Master-of-camp Thomàs de Endaya in 1703 gave 8,000 pesos to the Misericordia, one-half to be invested in the Acapulco trade for the benefit of various charities; among these, the hospital was to receive 100 pesos for purchasing rice for the sick. Abbot Juan Bautista Sidot (by other writers written Sidoti) in 1705 collected among the citizens of Manila 12,000 pesos, which he invested in trade—one-third each in Nueva España, China, and the coast of Yaba (i.e., Java)—the returns on all these being held and added to the principal until they should be equal to 40,000 pesos, which sum was to be invested in the same manner, and its proceeds devoted to various charities. Of these, the hospital was to receive 240 pesos annually, thus: 100 pesos for the salary of a physician, 100 for the cost of the dispensary, and 40 for the salary of a surgeon. The further sum of 1,100 pesos a year afterward was assigned to the hospital, since some of Sidoti’s plans for aiding other works proved abortive. A fund of 50,000 pesos, similarly invested in the Acapulco trade, was given in 1706 by Fray Andrès Gonzalez, O.P., bishop of Nueva Cazeres, from which 400 pesos a year were to be given to the hospital; he also made provision for distributing every year certain sums to the curas and missionary fathers in his diocese, to be spent in aiding the sick poor in their charge—“for the reason that, having asked permission from the royal Audiencia of Manila to found a [210]hospital in this city of Nueva Cazeres and this not having been granted me, I desire that, since there is no actual hospital, there shall be one in substance.” From this wording Maldonado argues that, in case a hospital should be founded there, the fund left by Gonzalez for his diocese—1,305 pesos, presumably for each year—might properly be claimed for the aid of such institution; “with the said contribution, and if the natives of the said province would agree to give [each] a ganta of rice or of oil, or some other little offering of that sort, a hospital could be supported which was suitable for aiding the many necessities which those helpless people suffer.” Sargento-mayor Don Antonio Basarte, a citizen of Manila, established another foundation for the Misericordia in 1708; he left 50,000 pesos for this, but after the claims of his legal creditors were satisfied, only 9,849 pesos remained; this was duly invested, but the proceeds did not reach the amount of the original 50,000 pesos until 1726, at which time the returns became available for charitable uses; among these, 250 pesos were allotted for the meat necessary for the support of the sick in the hospitals. Captain Manuel Martinez Lobo left a bequest to the Misericordia;20 in 1727 this yielded the net sum of 3,300 [211]pesos, which was invested in the trade of Acapulco and Yaba; from the proceeds the officers of the Misericordia were to apply 50 pesos annually for the poor of the hospital, at the time when they should make their yearly visitation of that house. In 1727 [212]General Don Joseph de Morales (then steward of the Misericordia) gave 600 pesos to be invested in trade, from the profits of which 100 pesos annually were to be given for comforts for the sick poor in the hospitals. The same officer at dying left a bequest for charities, in which were included the brethren of St. John; they were to receive (presumably from the returns made on each galleon) 100 pesos for buying shrouds for the sick who should die in the hospitals, 100 for clothing for the religious, and 100 for certain religious functions to be celebrated in their church. Morales’s successor as steward, General Don Domingo Antonio de Otero Vermudes (who was also chief alguazil21 of the Inquisition), in 1729 founded an obra pia with 3,000 pesos; from its returns 100 pesos were to be applied for the support of the poor sick in the hospital. Doña Maria [213]Joachina, the unmarried daughter of Sargento-mayor Don Juan Antonio Collantes y Peredo, having property in her own right, left 4,000 pesos for charitable purposes, which included the payment of 500 pesos yearly for the convalescents from the hospital; this became available in 1736. Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera and Doña Maria Gomez del Castillo (his wife?) left some real estate, on which shops were located, at the place called Los Arroceros (i.e., “the rice-mills”), outside the city walls; its proceeds were to be given in equal shares to the hospital and to the poor who were confined in the prisons. The aforesaid shops “fell into decay, and were rebuilt in 1714, with the stipulation that from the rent of them should be deducted the third part in order to repay the amount spent for that construction;” this was accomplished in 1722, after which the full amount was received by the beneficiaries. It is estimated that this aid amounts to over 150 pesos a year, and its value is greater or less according to whether the shops are all occupied; but “we receive only what is handed over by the deputy steward of the prisoners,” to whom the collection of these rents had been entrusted by the Misericordia. Antonio de Arisiga placed 4,000 pesos at interest, for the aid of various charities; from the income of this he applied 50 pesos annually for the comfort of the sick in the hospital; but in the course of time this foundation was impaired by various losses, and the Misericordia divided its income pro rata among its beneficiaries. Juan de Moxica placed at interest 6,750 pesos, from the income of which should be given twelve reals for three masses every week, and the rest for the hospital and treasury [214]of the Misericordia; this income also became diminished, like the preceding one, and what was collected was applied to the aforesaid masses—although, in Maldonado’s opinion, any money in excess of Moxica’s requirement ought to be applied in equal parts to the hospital and the Misericordia.]

[All the foregoing funds are administered and controlled by the board of the Misericordia; but the hospital has the benefit of certain others in the hands of the Third Order of St. Francis. Don Manuel San Juan de Santacruz established a fund in that order, for investment in the Acapulco trade; the income was applied to various charities, among which the hospital was to receive 100 pesos a year. In 1711 a similar fund was given by Sargento-mayor Don Diego Thomàs de Gorostiaga, also in the Acapulco trade; from its income, the hospital was assigned 100 pesos a year. In 1721, another fund was established by Sargento-mayor Don Juan Lopez, on similar terms, the hospital receiving from the income 50 pesos a year. A like foundation from Don Jacome Maria Balestra, made in 1724, brought to the hospital 120 pesos annually. In the same year and in like manner, another fund was given by the licentiate Don Gabriel de Isturis, which added to the hospital’s income 150 pesos a year. In 1728, an obra pia was established in the Third Order by some unknown donor, under the title of San Raphael; from this 80 pesos were given, half to the convent of St. John, and half to the hospital. A year later, a similar fund was established under the title of San Miguel, by Captain Don Miguel de Caraza; among its beneficiaries, the sick of the hospital [215]received, for their food on certain holy days, 25 pesos a year. All those named in this paragraph were administered by the said Third Order.]

[Certain funds were established by benevolent women for charitable purposes, to be at the disposal of our writer, Maldonado. “Doña Margarita Luysa de Avila, who was the widow of Sargento-mayor Don Nicolàs de Rivera, from the residue of her property set aside a principal of 700 pesos for the establishment of a charitable fund, which should be invested by halves in the trade of Nueva España;” to this Maldonado added 1,000 pesos more, given to him by various other benefactors, and invested the whole thus, until its product should bring the fund to a total of 3,362 pesos; it was then to be divided into three parts, and again invested, its income being thus apportioned: “130 pesos, as the offering for 156 masses, which are celebrated in the church of our convent at Manila, three on each Monday in the year—one with an offering of one peso, and the others with one of six reals each; beginning after half-past six in the morning, and not before, nor shall they be said at one time—as suffrages for the souls in purgatory; and this stipend can be applied to the fathers belonging to this community who are priests. Thirty pesos, in order that the reverend father who is prior or superior of this convent may arrange for chanting a solemn mass with vigils, and with the assistance of the community, on one of the days in the octave of the dead, in the month of November, the suffrages being applied in behalf of the founders. One hundred and fifty pesos, in order that the reverend father who may be prior or superior of this convent may distribute [216]this sum, as is stated in the foundation of the said fund, for the expenses at the feast of the gozos22 of the blessed ever-virgin Mary, our Lady; these must be celebrated in our church as a seven days’ feast, which begins on the day of the patronage of the blessed St. Joseph, who is honored as the father of Jesus Christ our Lord—that is, the third Sunday after Easter. Sixty pesos for the offering for eighty masses to be said, with the stipend of six reals each, which the reverend father who is or shall be the prior or superior of this convent is to arrange for being celebrated during the said septenary—fourteen on the first day, and eleven on each of the other days, and inviting for this function priests by whom it can be completed, since this community has not a sufficient number of priests therefor—in order to fulfil this obligation in the manner which is prescribed, and the intention of [the founders; the] said masses must be applied as suffrages for the souls in purgatory, and for those of the founders. Twenty-five pesos, to be distributed during the said septenary among the poor, both men and women, who may be in our infirmaries. Twelve pesos, to be divided as alms among the women servants of the infirmary for women in our hospital. Twenty-eight pesos, to be divided, on the first day of the said septenary, among fourteen Spanish widows, at the rate of two pesos each. Fourteen pesos, for the cost of wine for masses, so much as is deemed necessary for the celebration of those which are mentioned in this foundation. Forty pesos, which must be kept in reserve [217]every year for the repairs on our convent of Manila, according to occasion. This foundation began to operate in the year 1738, and would be in condition for distribution if it were not for the loss of a galleon and another misfortune, which retarded the distribution until the year 1745; and request has been made that its administration be entrusted to the venerable arch-confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament that is established in the church of San Gabriel at Bin[on]doc, a mission village in charge of the holy Order of St. Dominic, outside the walls of this city.”]

[Another fund in Maldonado’s hands is that which “Doña Josepha Ortega, who was the wife of General Don Antonio Sanchez Cerdàn, set aside from the main part of her estate, the sum of 2,500 pesos as a principal, in order that a charitable fund might be established, at the disposal of the religious who writes this. According to the instructions communicated to him by the said foundress, the said principal must be invested in the trade with Nueva España, its product accruing to it until the fund should reach the amount of 7,818 pesos 3 reals; in that case it should be divided into three parts, each of 2,600 pesos 1 real, with which principal the investment should be continued in the said trade with Nueva España; and the income of this fund, usually amounting to 1,042 pesos, be distributed in this manner: Ninety-two pesos for the offering for that number of masses in the chapel of the ward [used as an] infirmary for women in this hospital of Manila. Twenty-five pesos for the expenses of the function of [the Virgin’s] Solitude, which is solemnized in our church on the night of Good Friday in each [218]year. Eighty pesos for the offering for as many masses, which are to be solemnized in our church during the septenary of the most glorious patriarch St. Joseph, at the feast of his gozos, which begins on the fifteenth day of October. Twenty-five pesos for the redemption of captives. Thirty-six pesos, to be divided, during the said septenary, among the sick poor, both men and women, in our hospital of Manila. Twelve pesos, to be divided, during the said septenary, among the women servants of the sick-ward for women in this hospital. One hundred pesos, to be distributed, during the said septenary, by the superior of this convent and one of the father chaplains, among deserving poor widows and orphan girls, especially those who are present in our church at the said festivity. Thirteen pesos, for the same purpose, among the poor beggars who are present in our church at the said festivity. Twenty-five pesos, for a hundred bulls for the living; these will be given as alms by the fathers who assist in the confessionals in our church during the said septenary, and who can ascertain the poor who are in need of this favor. Twenty-five pesos, for the alms of a hundred bulls for the departed, [to be given] on the day when their memory is celebrated in our church in the month of November, the suffrage being applied for those who shall have died in our hospital. Sixty-four pesos one real, for the function of masses, vigils, and responses for the cemetery, which has been established in our church as a suffrage for the dead, in the month of November of each year. Twenty-five pesos, for the holy places of Jerusalem. One hundred and fifty pesos for the cost of chocolate,23 with [219]which sum arrangements are made to furnish it to the religious of this convent of Manila. One hundred pesos, which are to be reserved each year for [220]the material fabrica of our convent and hospital of Manila, as occasion may require. One hundred pesos for the expenses of the arch-confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament at Binondo, which has been asked to take charge of the administration of this fund. And 134 pesos one real, in order that this sum may be separately invested, and with its accrued products form another foundation, until it shall contain 1,717 pesos one real as principal; and then, divided into three parts, it may be ventured in the galleons of the Nueva España route, and with its returns the following assignments be made: 300 pesos for two dowries, of 150 pesos each, to fatherless girls, the daughters of Spaniards, of virtuous lives—which dowries are to be allotted on one of the days of the septenary, in the manner which will be explained. Forty pesos for the Christmas masses [missas de Aguinaldo] which are celebrated in our church of this convent of Manila. Eleven pesos, for the expenses of the entertainment which must be given to those who meet in the committee which must be called together for the choice of the orphans to whom are to be allotted the dowries aforesaid, during the septenary of St. Joseph, the arrangements for which in detail are punctually set down here. In order that embarrassments arising from personal considerations which intervene may be avoided, [221]heed must be taken in the award of these dowries that the names be presented of those who are needy; and, this having been ascertained by a special conference which the father who is or shall be the superior of this convent shall have with the father priests—and if there are not two, he shall substitute the chief councilor—it shall be declared by the majority of votes who ought by right to be admitted from the persons who make claims; and, this settled, the choice shall be made among those who shall be thus accepted, by drawing lots, and the two dowries shall be awarded to the girls who shall draw the fortunate lots. The method of the said drawing shall be, that the names of all those who are accepted shall be written, each on a slip of paper; and an equal number of other slips, blank, shall be made, and on two of these shall be written the words, ‘May I be endowed by the glorious St. Joseph.’ Then in one urn, or other suitable receptacle, shall be placed the slips, folded, on which are written the names of the candidates; and in another urn or receptacle like the other shall be placed the blank slips—which, as already stated, shall be equal in number to those containing the names, and shall include those on which was written the fortunate lot, as has been explained—and both urns shall be shaken. [This shall be done] in the afternoon of the first day of the septenary; in the body of the church shall be placed a table with a neat cover, and some chairs, where the superior [of the Order of St. John] shall sit as president, accompanied by the priestly fathers who may belong to it; in case there should be no more than one [of these], the chief councilor shall assist him. With the aid of the father councilor, a slip shall be drawn from [the [222]urn containing] the names, and read, and then another shall be drawn from those that are blank, the writing on the slips being read aloud, and recorded on a paper which the said secretary shall keep by him; after this manner the other slips shall be successively drawn, until from the names those are chosen which the lot shall indicate; and, as it follows that there will be present in the church at this function the parties who are concerned, or some one who can act in their behalf, such person shall be summoned, and the order for payment handed to her, so that she may obtain her donation of 150 pesos for dowry. And for the orderly management of this business there shall be made a book of common paper, in which shall be written the [names and proceedings of the] special committee which shall be called together to investigate the claims; and they shall endeavor, before the choice is made, to gain accurate information, in order that the appointment may be confirmed in accordance with the intention of the said foundation. At the said committee-meeting the [claims of the] parties shall be presented, and especially of those admitted to the drawing, without any opinion being expressed regarding those who shall not be admitted, or any previous information regarding the decision being given to the parties concerned. Those admitted to the drawing shall be notified to come together on the day prescribed, and on the same day these regulations shall be read, when the superior shall have reported that he has carried out all their provisions, as appears from the book of the committee; and the other arrangements that are made for the fulfilment of this charge shall be put into practice in each successive [223]year, the full record thereof being afterward made in the book, with full evidence that to those who were chosen by lot the donation that was assigned them has been paid.” Maldonado expects that the income of this foundation as a whole will be available within six years, if no disaster be encountered; but the provision for dowries will have to wait twelve years. He states that two things must be considered, in estimating the value of the funds enumerated in this chapter: first, that when they were founded the profits on the Acapulco trade were reckoned at fifty per cent, but at the time when he writes have diminished at the rate of forty per cent; accordingly, the incomes of the funds have been distributed pro rata to the various beneficiaries. Second, as these incomes depend on the perils of the sea, they have encountered many losses from shipwrecks; or the failure of the vessel to complete the voyage, or even to obtain a cargo at Manila; or the delay in receiving the returns from Acapulco, caused by an unsuccessful fair there, or by other embarrassments.]

[This matter is found at the end of chapter ii of Maldonado’s book (pp. 25–29), but is transferred to this place as being more appropriate in orderly sequence; he describes the condition of those institutions at the time of writing his book.]

Commerce is contemporaneous with human society, from whose necessities it was born. [The author here sketches the origin and development of commerce among civilized nations, and states how in his undertaking this work he received the approval of the late king of Spain Fernando VI.]

[This will seem] a strange statement when it is considered that the Philipinas Islands since the year 1565 have caused to España every year a very great expense, without affording the least temporal advantage; and when I now try to demonstrate the advantage and benefit of them to the crown of España some will say that it is already time to stop; and others will ask, “Who is this newcomer2 who so [254]boldly tries to persuade us that the Spaniards have neglected their duty for one hundred and ninety-two years?” But so it is, and now is the time to warn them of this neglect; and, although ignorance attempts to prevent this, it shall not make me desist from the undertaking. I desire that his Majesty (whom may God preserve) may have positive knowledge of the treasure which he possesses in the Philipinas Islands; and I am undertaking to place before his Majesty plain and clear evidence that they can and ought to furnish very great profit, and maintain themselves from their own products.

I make no pretensions as an author, nor do I claim to have the ability for that; therefore let us lay aside panegyrics, which are so unprofitable; for, even if this little work deserves them, that does not comport with my purpose, which is simply the service of his Majesty and the advancement of his realms.

As regards all that I shall be able to state of the products of commodities which the said islands yield, in order that every one may know that I do not advocate something that is not so, I recommend (although various persons have written on the subject) to the curious the two books of the reverend master Father Pedro Murillo Velarde, of the Society of Jesus, entitled Historia de las Islas Philipinas and Historia geografica of the same Philipinas Islands.

These are worthy of attention, and in regard to what is theoretical can furnish much light; as for what concerns the practical, and the experience [255]which I have acquired at the cost of much money, labor, and application, I must make evident all the following.

First: We must consider what commodities or products these islands contain or produce, as well as the fact that we do not have to build castles in the air or proceed on fanciful assumptions; all that I assert shall be from my own knowledge.

Second: Whether the products or commodities can be used, and to explain and demonstrate how we can avail ourselves of them; and all that I shall say on this subject will proceed from the long experience which I have had.

Third: The advantages and benefits which will redound to his Majesty, to the Spaniards settled in those regions, and to the Indians themselves.

The first point: As the products of the Philipinas Islands are enumerated by the reverend Father Murillo (whom may God keep in Paradise), whom I have cited, and those of each island separately, in order not to extend this little work needlessly I will state the most important ones, which are the following: Rice, sugar, cotton (of choice quality and very fine), indigo, sulphur, siguey, balate, wax, pepper, coffee, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl; gold, mines of iron, and mines of copper (like that of Japon); tobacco, brazil-wood [sibucao], and pearl-fisheries; oil, cacao, birds’-nests, and ebony wood; lead (I believe that, as for the soil in some parts of Bisayas,3 it melts into lead, just as in the island of Mauricius, which belongs to the French, it melts into iron); [256]cocoanuts, which produce abundance of oil;4 horses; deer and buffaloes, from which the people make what they call tapa [i.e., dried beef], and also use the sinews; and bichuca, or rattans.5

The above-mentioned products are very abundant, and exceedingly easy to collect. I do not, however, wish to include the following, for the reasons which I have mentioned: Lead, [of which] I have not personally actual experience, although I regard it as being as sure as all the others; coffee, which, as it is not cultivated, is not abundant, and its consumption is small for exportation, less than it would be for España or Europa; iron, [the working of] which, although it is very abundant, they have not yet succeeded in perfecting; the pearl-fisheries, which are not operated; copper, the mines of which are not worked; and cocoanuts, which are little used outside [the islands] except for oil and nails.6

The second: The commodities that I have mentioned are exported to the places that are enumerated as follows, and sell at prices that are very profitable[257]—although commerce has, as in all regions, its ups and downs [sus altos y bajos]. To various ports of China: rice, sugar, cotton, indigo, bichuca or rattan, balate, pepper, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl, brazil-wood, ebony, tapa, the sinews of cattle, birds’-nests, and lead when they have it. To the Malabar coast and Persia: sugar in large quantities, which is sold for money. To the Coromandel coast and Bengala: sugar, indigo, brazil-wood, sulphur, pepper, siguey, birds’-nests, cotton, and often rice.

The third: The advantages and benefit which will accrue to his Majesty from the commerce and exportation of the commodities and products of those same islands are various, to wit: The more that the commodities which they need from outside can be supplied from the native products of the islands themselves, the more silver remains in the [Spanish] dominions. The more commodities or fruits are exported, so much more land will be cultivated, and many more people employed; and consequently the tributes imposed by his Majesty can be all the more easily collected, and from that time the royal exchequer will be better filled; and the vassals, by being kept busy, become more obedient and more loyal. The Spanish traders who are established there are favored [by such policy]; for they obtain their profits on both the exportation and the importation, and if one of these fail, the other will be able to supply the deficiency; but the advantage will be the greater if it can be obtained from both sources of gain. When commerce is flourishing, his Majesty will obtain greater profits from the customs duties, for which reason it is highly expedient that his Majesty encourage the cultivation of the land and the increase of its products—a thing which I do not [258]consider difficult of accomplishment, as I have already demonstrated in another little work, which I have placed in the hands of the ministers.7

In order to demonstrate clearly how much the people of Manila could avail themselves of the products of the land, I will relate what occurred with myself (and it is a circumstance which proves what I advanced in the second point), to wit: When I was at Manila the exportation of sugar was rigorously prohibited, so that hardly could a ship carry away enough for its own supply, [the authorities] telling the vessel-owners that it was against the ordinances of his Majesty. I remained for some time under this delusion, until I had carefully examined the said ordinances, from which it was clear to me that his Majesty had decreed everything in favor of his Indian vassals, and that his royal will was, not to oppress them therein. It caused me, then, much pain to see that this thing was so entirely misunderstood, since this prohibition was diametrically opposed to it; for it forbade the people to enjoy the benefits of the country which God had given them, which the king never had intended to take away from them—especially as this [commerce] is the only means that they possess by which they can pay their tributes. Finally I undertook to establish generally the exportation of sugar. Having been warned of the difficulties, I went to the province where it8 greatly abounds (which is called Pampanga), [259]and did what I could; it was agreed that I should make an experiment, in order to please his Lordship. I consented, on the condition that a certain Don Francisco Salgado, a careful and industrious man, should be appointed my assistant; as I had not the time to execute this plan, I only gave him all [necessary] information and instructions. At last we succeeded in making indigo so good that it stood every test, the severest and most certain that are known being those of water and of fire. I sent specimens of that quality to China, the Coromandel coast, Persia, and Londres [i.e., London]; in the first three places they were anxious to obtain it, and offered good prices, and in the last-named one the indigo that had cost 500 reals vellon was sold for 2,600 reals. They will be able to manufacture every year such quantity as they desire.

I believe that I have succeeded in what I undertook to demonstrate, which is as follows: First, to make known the abundance of the products of the Philipinas Islands; second, to prove from my own experience that it is easy to secure the benefit of these; third, to set forth the advantage and benefit which will accrue to his Majesty, to the Spaniards settled in those regions, and to the Indian vassals generally.

I can say that charity has induced me to make known what I have already related from my own experience, seeing that all that has hitherto been written [on this subject] is very superficial; nor can the most intelligent man form from those books a stable opinion of what these islands are capable of yielding from their so abundant products.

This little work is condensed, but those who are capable of comprehending it will see that it is [so] [260]on account of being written out of thorough understanding and knowledge of what I write about, and not for lack of a very broad field in which I might descant, for it cannot be denied that there is material for filling a volume.

Nevertheless, I do not claim to lay down the law, nor do I presume to change any system; my intention is only to depict things as they are, in order that his Majesty may have actual knowledge of the treasure which he possesses in these islands. No advantage results to me, nor do I expect more than to be a man ready to communicate [what he knows], and desirous to do what shall depend on a limited ability, for the greater benefit of his Majesty and the advancement of his realms. But it is already time that we show in what consists the advantage and benefit which will accrue to his Majesty from the Philipinas Islands.

What precedes this serves only to demonstrate that the Spaniards settled in Manila have a broad field for carrying on a flourishing commerce, and even it would redound much to the advantage of his Majesty. But what I am earnestly advocating is cinnamon, and it is of great importance to his Majesty and worthy of his royal attention; and if I say that no one has hitherto, or since España conquered the Philipinas, made a proposition so certain, so well founded, and so advantageous to his Majesty, and to all his dominions and his vassals, it is not much to say. For it is no exaggeration when I say that it is more than the conquistador accomplished; he succeeded, with honor and glory, in conquering the islands, but they have always cost España most dearly for their maintenance. For not only do I [261]aim to relieve those expenses, which are so large, but those islands can in a few years become a benefit to his Majesty, and to his vassals, both Spaniards and Indians. I do not ask these gratuities,9 nor that the king should spend one maravedi; my chief object and desire is, that a stable commerce be allowed from those countries to these kingdoms by the most direct route.

No one is ignorant of the vast amount of silver which goes every year from España to the Dutch for the supply of cinnamon, for it is not less than many millions of pesos duros each year, as they have estimated; but I affirm that this is because they [i.e., the Spaniards] are willing to let the silver go out [of the country]. España might with as good reason send to Olanda to buy her wine as her cinnamon. I will not undertake to argue whence it comes, although I know it very well. What I am trying to do, without offending any one, is to remedy this lack which España suffers, that the Spaniards may use their good judgment and their reason and become true patriots. What a pity it is that his Majesty, possessing so noble a commodity, and being able to place it on the market—with as good success as that of Ceylán, and even at less than half of the price—should permit so many millions of silver to pass every year from his dominions to the Dutch! which is to furnish that people with arms for carrying on war when opportunity may offer. It is well known that España consumes more cinnamon than all the other nations; can there, then, be greater folly? In order (as I suppose) to humor the Dutch, España [262]leaves unused the cinnamon which she has in her own house, in order to buy it from those enemies and the destroyers of the holy faith in those countries; I say that this is opposed to the Christian religion, and I prove it in a few words: if España would avail herself of this product which she could so easily dispose of, the Dutch could not maintain [their establishments in] the island of Ceylon, and then España could even introduce missions in that island. But what foolish talk! The Dutch maintain Ceilon? The Spaniards support it; they pay for its ships, its fortresses, and its garrisons which the Dutch have there—although in order to destroy these the Spaniards need neither balls, nor gunpowder, nor war. If any one thinks that this is a sweeping statement [es adelantar mucho], we are of differing opinions, because to me it seems a moderate one.

I am known as a man who has accomplished much, who has traveled in many lands, and who has not passed through them heedlessly; nor have I stopped to consider the expenditure of money, or the risk to health, in order to satisfy my curiosity and obtain well grounded knowledge of all things wherever I have traveled. To the point: Samboanga, the capital of the island of Mindanao, is the place which could produce cinnamon as good as that of Ceylon, if our people knew how to cultivate it; I have already made the experiment, and it will yield the amount that I shall require. The Dutch are well aware of this, [as appears] by evidence which can be verified by me; for they, with their trained and accustomed cunning, placed in the said island a stone with the initial letters of [the name of] their company [263]engraved on it, like those which they are wont to place in their bales of goods, etc., by way of manifesting that these belong to the said company. The said stone was brought to Manila while I was there, and was delivered to the Marques de Obando; and his Lordship, knowing that I understood the tricks and policy of those gentlemen, sent to call me, and, showing me the stone, he said, “What is the meaning of this stone, which they have brought to me under such-and-such circumstances?” I replied to his Lordship, “It is nothing; it is a mark which the Dutch are wont to set up in order to have a pretext, when opportunity offers, for laying claim to the lands in which they have placed the said stones.”10 No one, then, who understands that people—keen, mercenary, and always on the watch—will fail to agree with me, that they do not set up these stones in barren islands, unless it is evident that, on account of the location of these islands, it will not suit the Dutch to have [other people there as] close neighbors. When they abandoned the island of Maurisius, considering it uninhabitable on account of its sterility, they left no engraved stone in it. It is a circumstance which deserves attention, and is even [264]worthy of coming to his Majesty’s knowledge; and likewise those who have or have had practical knowledge of these matters regard them in this way. Finally, I have compared the quality of the soil at Samboanga with that of Ceylon, also the leaves of the cinnamon tree; still more, I have gathered the bark of this tree at Samboanga and made certain experiments with it, and when I compared it with that from Ceylon they were of equal value. I consider, then, [from] the manner of making these experiments with the cultivation of the soil and the culture of the cinnamon, [that] it will prove to be equal [to that of Ceylon]. Finally, in commencing the experiments which I have made—with the greatest application and industry, and enormous expenses—they are quite sufficient to prove that it will be possible, in the term of five or six years, to produce a large part of the best cinnamon which comes to Europa. This I have learned from the experiment with a quantity of chocolate which I ordered to be made in my own house at Manila; this product has been greatly liked by the ladies, and by people of taste and understanding, in the said city.

In view of these proofs, which I have from actual knowledge of the method of cultivating and preparing this product, it causes me surprise that his Majesty is losing a source of profit so extensive and lucrative; and I am persuaded that if full knowledge of them could have reached the officials who might have authority to examine the subject, they would have taken suitable measures to secure this benefit—although it is certain that it would not be considered that no one hitherto has attained it [i.e., such knowledge] except that which is here explained [265]by myself, which is the simple truth. And as for what concerns my part, I can serve, if desirable, in carrying out a work so national and so advantageous to his Majesty—in which honor and fame spur me to place myself at the disposal of his Majesty, without causing him the expenditure of one real of silver; for, thanks to God, I have the means for travel. Nevertheless, I shall never weary in the acquisition of the precious treasures of honor and truth; for God only knows the exceeding satisfaction which I feel in being the first and only person who has had the good fortune to furnish this information, so clear and plain that, if it were published to the world, I am sure that the rest of the nations would conspire against me; for they know its great usefulness, and the little difficulty which I would find in carrying out the plan.

I have been assured that the clove is found in Mindanao. I have made every possible effort to investigate this, and I believe that it is certainly so, although I cannot assert more than what experience has taught me. But I can affirm with more certainty that the nutmeg grows there, and needs only to be cultivated; also pepper of the best quality, and most delicious, can be had in abundance. At present the only thing left for us is to reflect upon the many advantages and incredible benefits which will accrue to his Majesty, and to his dominions and vassals, both Spaniards and Indians, without costing him a real vellon to establish this commerce. The English and Dutch, on the other hand, will spend millions to prevent the success of this great project, for which reason it is evidently necessary to maintain the utmost secrecy regarding it. [266]