WAGGON OF THE VIKING AGE.

One of two waggons found in the Deibjerg bog, Ringkjobing, West Jutland, ornamented all over with bronze; and on each side representations of two human heads with heavy moustaches, and with the triskele and other mystic signs. Length of sides, 5 feet, 4 inches; straight pole, about 6 feet, including the bent piece; diameter of wheels, 3 feet.

High position of women—Married women’s property—Marriage a civil compact—The suitor—Qualities looked for in a suitor—The bride’s dower—Runaway marriages—The marriage settlement—The givers away of the bride—The betrothal—Breaking a betrothal—Length of a betrothal—The wedding—The trousseau—Illegality of marriages without betrothal—Guardians of unmarried sisters—Marriage against the will of the parents—Age of majority—Widows—Marriage on insufficient means—Laws relating to marriage—The wedding feast—Valuation of property—Laws on kissing—Women’s rights.

It is particularly striking, in reading the Sagas and the ancient laws which corroborate them, to see the high position women occupied in earlier and later pagan times.

If we are to judge of the civilisation of a people in their daily life by the position women held with regard to men, we must conclude that in this respect the earlier Norse tribes could compare favourably with the most ancient civilised nations whose history has come down to us.

A maiden was highly respected, and on becoming a wife she was greatly honoured, and her counsels had great weight; by marrying she became the companion and not the inferior of her husband. She held property in her own right, whatever she received by inheritance and by marriage being her own; though there were restrictions put upon her, as well as upon her husband, in regard to the use of her property.

In a word, a retrograde movement in regard to the rights and standing of women took place after the extinction of the Asa creed. The high position they had occupied before was lost, and it is only latterly that they have striven, and in some countries with success, to regain the authority that once belonged to them in regard to property and other matters.

2From the earliest time we see the chivalrous regard that men had for women, and the punishment that any breach of its laws involved. Young men went into warlike expeditions to attain great fame, so that their acts of bravery could be known or extolled, and that they might become worthy of the maiden they wished to woo. The same spirit afterwards spread from the North to other countries in Europe, where, however, the opinion only of women of higher rank was valued. Among the earlier tribes of the North all were respected.

Marriage was not a religious contract or ceremony. It was simply regarded as a civil compact, owing to the relations which man and wife held towards each other in regard to property. It was the means of joining families together, which was called tengja saman,^[1] and therefore the relation was called tengdir. Consequently marriage itself was a bargain and on that account was called brud-kaup (bride-buying).

When a man had selected for himself, or by the advice of his parents, a woman or maiden whom he wanted to marry, he, accompanied by his father, or nearest relatives or best friends, and by a retinue, according to his rank, went to get the consent of the father, or of those who were the guardians of the woman. It was the exception for the suitor himself not to go on this journey, which was called bonordsför (suit journey).^[2]

“Njal once said to his son Helgi, ‘I have thought of a match for thee, kinsman, if thou wilt follow my advice.’ ‘Certainly I will,’ he said, ‘for I know both that thou meanest it well and knowest well how to act; but what is it?’ ‘We will ask in marriage the daughter of Asgrim Ellidagrimsson, for she is the best match.’ Shortly afterwards they rode out across the Thjórsá (a river), until they came to Tunga. Asgrim was at home, and received them well, and they stayed there over night. The next day they proceeded to talk the matter over. Njal opened the subject, and asked for the hand of Thorhalla for his son Helgi. Asgrim received this well, and said that with no men was he more desirous to bargain than with them. They then talked about the matter, and at last Asgrim betrothed his daughter to Helgi, and the wedding feast was agreed upon” (Njala, c. 26, 27).

3The suitor, even if present, had a spokesman who spoke on his behalf, and enumerated his good qualities, deeds of valour, &c., and other qualifications which might speak well for the suit. If the suit was favourably received, a talk ensued in regard to the conditions of the marriage.

Rut, a chief, went with his brother Höskuld to the Althing, and was told by him that he would like him to marry Unn, the daughter of Mörd Gigja. They went to his booth at the place of the Althing, and after awhile Höskuld said:—

“‘I should like to make a bargain with thee; Rut wants to buy thy daughter, and become thy son-in-law, and I shall not spare my property.’ Mörd answered: ‘I know thou art a great chief, but thy brother is unknown to me.’ Höskuld said: ‘He is a greater chief than I.’ Mörd added: ‘Thou must furnish him well, for she is the owner of all my inheritance.’ ‘Thou needest not wait long for what I shall fix upon,’ replied Höskuld; ‘he shall have Kambsnes and Rutstadir and the land as far as Thrandargil; he also has a trading ship on voyages abroad.’ Rut then said to Mörd: ‘You may think, bondi, that my brother has spoken so highly of me because he loves me, but if you will take the matter into consideration I want you to state your conditions.’ Mörd answered: ‘I have thought of the conditions. She shall have 60 hundreds, and it shall be increased with one-third from thy farm, but if you have an heir each of you shall have the half.’ Rut said: ‘These conditions I accept; and now let us have witnesses’” (Njala, c. 2).^[3]

The qualities which the parents or guardians took most into consideration were good birth, powerful and prominent relatives. Families on both sides had to be well matched in rank, wealth, and personal bravery, the last being highly prized by the one whose hand was sought.

“The kings (Ingibjörg’s brothers) went to a feast at Framnes^[4] with Fridthjóf, and, as usual, he treated them all better than they were accustomed to be treated. Ingibjörg was there, and often spoke with Fridthjóf; she said to him: ‘Thou hast a good gold ring.’ ‘That is true,’ said Fridthjóf. Then the kings went home, and their envy against Fridthjóf increased. A little after Fridthjóf became very sad; Björn, his foster-brother, asked why he was so; he said he had it in mind to ask Ingibjörg in marriage; ‘though I have lower 4rank than her brothers, I am as good a man as they.’ Björn said: ‘Let us do it.’ The kings sat on their father’s mound, and Fridthjóf saluted them; afterwards he asked their sister Ingibjörg, Beli’s daughter, in marriage. The kings said: ‘It is very unwise to ask us to give her in marriage to a man of no rank, and we refuse it.’ Fridthjóf said: ‘Then my errand is ended. I will never hereafter give you any help though you may need it” (Fridthjóf’s Saga, c. 2).

“And Björn was king over Firdafylki. His jarl was Hróald, and Thorir was his son. Atli the Thin was then jarl at Gaular. His children were Hallstein, Hólmstein, Herstein, and Solveig the fair. One autumn many people were at Gaular at an autumn sacrifice. Then Ölvir Hnúfa saw Solveig, and liked her well. He asked her in marriage, but the jarl thought there was inequality of rank and would not consent to the marriage. Thereupon Ölvir made many songs of love. He loved Solveig so much that he left off Viking expeditions” (Egil’s Saga, c. 2).

“Grimkel, a godi, said: ‘I am told for certain, Valbrand, that thou hast a daughter called Signy, who is very accomplished; I want to ask her in marriage, if thou wilt marry her to me.’ Valbrand answered: ‘It is known to us that thou art of good kin and art wealthy, and a great champion; I will give a favourable answer to this’” (Hörd’s Saga, c. 3).

“I (Harald Fairhair) have thought of a match for thee; it was in my mind when thou didst endanger thy life for mine. Vigdis, the daughter of Thorir jarl the Silent, is a most handsome woman, and has much property; I will marry her to thee. Ingimund thanked him and consented” (Vatnsdæla Saga, c. 12).

In order that marriage should be regarded as perfectly lawful, the woman had to be “mundi keypt”; that is, bought with mund^[5] acquired by a legal agreement between the man on one side, and the parents or guardians of the intended bride on the other, in regard to the dower or property agreed on both sides as belonging to the bride.

“The sons of Hildirid went to Thórólf and presented their claim to the property of their father Björgólf. Thórólf answered: ‘I know of Brynjolf, and still better of Bárd, that they were men of such generosity that they would have given you of the inheritance of Björgólf as much as they knew you had a right to. I was present when you pressed this same claim against Bárd, and I heard that he thought there were no 5proofs for it, for he called you sons of a concubine.’ Harek said they would get witnesses that their mother was bought with mund. ‘But it is true that we did not first present this claim to our brother Brynjolf. There was also to be a division between kinsmen, and from Bárd we expected honourable treatment in every respect, but our dealings with him were not long. Now this inheritance has come into the hands of unrelated men, and we cannot be altogether silent with regard to our loss. It may be that there yet is as before such difference in power that we may not get our rights from thee, if thou wilt hear none of the witnesses, whom we can bring forth that we are odal-born men.’ Thórólf answered harshly: ‘I count you the less legitimate as I am told your mother was taken away by force and brought home as a captive’” (Egil’s Saga, c. 9).

Mund was originally the name for all the conditions in regard to the property of both, especially that of the wife. This agreement was the most important thing at the festar^[6] (betrothal, fastening). Children born without the payment of it were not inheritance-born—in a word, were considered illegitimate.

If the wife was poor and entirely without property the husband had to give a mund of twelve aurar, in order that the marriage should be regarded as fully legal.

“Next we must know how we shall buy women with mund, so that the child is inheritance-born. The man shall give that woman a poor man’s mund, amounting to 12 aurar, and have witnesses (at the ceremony). He shall have bridesmen, and she bridesmaids, and he shall give her a gift in the morning when they have been together one night, as large as the one at the betrothal. Then the child born thereafter is inheritance-born” (Gulath., 5).

“All men are not inheritance-born though they are free-born. The man whose mother is not bought with mund, with a mark, or still more property, or not wedded, or not betrothed, is not inheritance-born. A woman is bought with mund when a mark consisting of aurar, of the value of 12 feet of vadmal,^[7] or more property, is paid or stipulated by hand-shaking. A wedding is lawfully made if the lawful man betroths the woman, and six men at least are present” (Gragas, i. 75).^[8]

6If a man married a girl without the consent of her parents or guardians, or made a runaway match, the husband was outlawed.

“Björn, the son of a hersir at Aurland in Sogn, was a great seafaring man; sometimes he was on Viking expeditions, sometimes on trade-journeys. One summer he was in Firdafylki at a feast where there were many people. There he saw a handsome maiden whom he liked much. He asked of what family she was. He was told that she was the sister of Thórir hersir, son of Hróald, and was named Thora Hladhönd (lace-hand). Björn asked her in marriage, but Thorir refused her to him, and so they parted; but the same autumn Björn got men and went with a full-manned skuta^[9] north to Firdafylki, and arrived at Thórir’s when he was not at home. He took Thora away, and carried her home with him to Aurland.

“In the autumn ships arrived at Iceland from Norway, bringing the report that Björn had run away with Thora, without the consent of her kinsmen, and that the king had for that reason outlawed him from Norway” (Egil’s Saga, c. 32, 34).

The first matter settled was the heimanfylgja (home-following, or dowry), which follows the bride as given by the parents, or by those who had the right to give her away; and then what the man had to set against the dowry of his intended, which was called tilgjöf, or counter gift. This latter stood in a certain proportion to the former, and generally formed a third of the whole coming to the wife. It was occasionally decided at the same time what linfé^[10] (linen fee) the husband should give to his wife on the morning after their wedding.

“The king (Svein of Denmark) and the jarl agreed that Thyri (Svein’s sister) should have the possessions in Vindland which Gunnhild (deceased wife of Svein, daughter of Búrisleif) had owned, and also other large possessions as dower (tilgjöf). Thyri wept sorely, and went, very much against her will. When they came to Vindland Búrisleif made his wedding-feast and married Thyri, but she would neither take food nor drink from the heathens for seven days” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, c. 99).

7The dowry included movable property and lands.

“The mother shall take as much property if her daughter dies childless as she has given her from home, and also the mund without interest. She and her children shall get this in preference to the father. Every man who has given anything for the heimanfylgja shall get it back if the wife dies childless, and also get the mund, if he has declared it at the betrothal or the wedding” (Gragas, i. 174).

The givers-away of the bride were called giptingar-men, and were either parents, kinsmen, or guardians.

After the preliminaries to the marriage had taken place, and the agreement had been announced to the witnesses, the festar or betrothal followed, when the parties became festarmadr or betrothed man, and festarkona or betrothed woman. This was a legal tie which could not be broken with impunity. The suitor went over to the father or guardian of the woman, and the latter betrothed her to him with a “handsal” (hand-shaking); at the same time both parties also named their witnesses to their betrothal. Gragas gives the formula used at this ceremony, which is as follows:—

“A woman is betrothed according to law if a man recites the agreement about the mund; then the guardian and the man to whom the woman is betrothed shall name witnesses to it. The man who is betrothed shall say: ‘We name witnesses that thou N. N. betrothest thyself to me N. N. with a lawful betrothal, and givest me the heimanfylgja with hand-shaking, as the fulfilment and performance of the whole agreement which was a while ago recited between us without fraud and tricks.’ This is a complete and lawful match. It is lawful when the betrother is the one who has the right to betroth according to law; and it is complete if the betrothed is in such health that she would be bought at no less price if she was a bondmaid, or has no other faults or blemishes which would make her cost less or which she had when sixteen winters old. But if these faults are found in the woman, the man who knowing it betrothed the woman is liable to lesser outlawry for it, and the wedding may be prevented if the man betrothed wishes it, provided he had before pronounced the words, ‘a complete and lawful match’—but not otherwise. Now if the betrothed man wants to demand the mund he shall summon the guardian, because he has betrothed the woman knowing such faults in 8her that she would cost less if she were a bondmaid. He shall summon him to lesser outlawry, and summon nine of his neighbours to the Thing. If the witnesses are against him he is to be outlawed, and the mund cannot be claimed. If the witnesses say that the guardian knew not the faults of the woman he can defend himself, but he cannot claim the mund unless he can get five dwellers at the farm of the woman as witnesses that she has not these faults; then the mund is to be paid back” (Gragas, i. 316).^[11]

If the betrothed woman was injured or wronged in any way the man had the same right to gain redress as if she were his wife.

“Every man has full rétt on the behalf of his betrothed as well as his wife, as long as it is due; but if she sits at home in the house of a father or brother they have the full rétt on her behalf which her betrothed would otherwise have had” (Frostath., xi. 12).

“If a man runs away with a betrothed woman he shall pay full rétt to the betrothed man and also to her father” (Bjarkey law, 125).

The virtue of a betrothed woman was very carefully guarded.

“If the father dies before the wedding within the twelve months, and the child is begotten, then that child shall take its father’s inheritance as if its mother were bought with mund. But in no other way is a man inheritance-born unless his mother is bought with mund, or he is led lawfully into the family (adopted). Though a man betroth his concubine in order that according to this law his children be inheritance-born, or delays the wedding on account of this, it does not matter, for neither shall inheritance-fraud be committed, nor the wedding be dishonoured by this” (Frostath., 13).

The breaking of a betrothal by either party was severely punished, and the laws on the subject were strict.

“If a man will not take his betrothed he shall be summoned home to take her, and a day be fixed. Thereupon he shall be summoned to the Thing because he flees from his betrothed. 9Then the thingmen shall make him an outlaw, and he is called a runaway (fudflogi)” (Gulath., 51).

“If a man wants a better match, the father shall betroth his daughter himself if she is a maiden, and the brother shall do it if the father is dead. If the father will not give his daughter to the man to whom she has been betrothed, he shall be summoned home and a day be fixed on which he shall have his betrothed. If the betrother will not let him have her, he shall demand the dowry of his betrothed, and summon him to the Thing for robbery; then the thingmen have to outlaw him. The maiden has no power in this matter, if she does not draw back from the marriage herself. The man who has charge of the betrothed woman may keep her from the betrothed man for a twelvemonth. A widow may betroth herself, but shall take the advice of her kinsmen; then she cannot break her troth. If she has not taken the advice of her kinsmen, she may break it and pay three marks for the breach of faith to the one who was betrothed to her. If a man betroths to a man a woman over whom he has no betrothing power, he shall pay three marks to the one who was betrothed to her. Two or more brothers shall have power over their sister; if one of them betroths her to a man, and the others object, then they shall draw lots who of them shall rule; if the one who betrothed her draws the lot, the betrothal shall be kept, otherwise not, and then the betrother shall pay three marks for breach of faith” (Earlier Gulathing’s Law, c. 51).

The length of the betrothal, if no special agreement had been made, was limited to twelve months, that being the longest time that a woman’s guardian could defer a marriage against the will of her future husband. Three years seems to have been the longest delay allowed; during that time the woman was said to sit as betrothed, if the suitor was away and did not return within that time the agreement was void, and the woman was free to marry another man.

“Björn now rode to Borg to see his kinsman Skúli. When they met, Björn told him that he wished above all to get Oddny Thorkel’s daughter before he left. Skúli asked if he had said anything about it to her. Björn answered he had certainly done so. Then let us go, said Skúli; and they went. They came to Hjörsey, and saw Thorkel and his daughter Oddny. Björn then told him the state of his feelings, and asked Oddny in marriage. Thorkel took it well, and referred 10it altogether to his daughter’s decision. As Björn had been known to her before, and they had loved each other very fondly, she consented. Then the betrothal was performed at once, and she was to sit betrothed for three winters. And even if Björn, while staying in the same country (Iceland), was prevented from marrying her, she was to wait for him nevertheless during a fourth winter. If he should not come back from Norway in three winters, Thorkel was to give her in marriage if he liked. Also Björn was to send men to Iceland to renew the betrothal if he could not come himself. Skúli contributed as part of the contract so much property with Björn that it was as much as all the property which Thorkel added to his daughter’s mund”^[12] (Björn Hitdælakappi’s Saga).

The betrothed who without valid reason did not fulfil her engagement, and the giver-away who kept back the betrothed woman, were outlawed. If she of her free will took another man than her betrothed, both she and the giver-away were outlawed.

“If a man betroths a woman he shall have her married within twelve months if no necessity hinders” (Frostath., iii. 12).

“The giver-away of a woman may keep her from her betrothed man for twelve months” (Gulathing’s Law, 51).

“If she (the betrothed woman) wants to break the betrothal within twelve months, and says she has been betrothed against her will, he can use his witnesses against her words and get her. If he lacks witnesses then she and also her father and mother, or their nearest kinsmen if they do not exist, shall assure it is against her will with an oath, and pay the betrothed man as much as was promised. If this takes place after the wedding she loses her third” (Frostath., iii. 22).

“If the man to whom a woman is betrothed becomes sick he shall send word half a month before (the wedding) to the man who has betrothed the woman that he will not come to the wedding on account of his health, and the woman need not be brought home to him though it was agreed, and the reasons must be told. Then the wedding shall not be before the same time next year, unless the man wants it before, and then word must be sent half a month or more before, and he shall keep the wedding at his sole cost. If he does not recover in the 11next twelvemonth the betrothal is dissolved, unless both wish otherwise” (Gragas, i. 310).

The wedding generally took place at the home of the bride; very seldom at the bridegroom’s: on the wedding-night the mund became the wife’s personal property.

After the marriage the bride and bridegroom were hjón, a word which means man and wife; and then the wife became an eiginkona (own woman, wife, spouse) and hùsfreyja (housewife), and enjoyed the rights belonging to that position.

“Illugi lived at Hólm in Akranes. He was tall and strong and wealthy; he went on a wooing-journey to Ölfusvatn, and asked for Thurid, the daughter of Grimkel by his first wife. Grimkel answered favourably, for he knew Illugi; the betrothal was performed there; Hörd (Grimkel’s son by Signy) was not present at this. In the tvimanad (September) the wedding-feast was to be at Ölfusvatn, and when the appointed day came Illugi made ready to go with thirty men” (Hörd’s Saga, ch. ii.).

No rings were exchanged or given either at the betrothal or the wedding. That the bride had a special dress for the bridal ceremony seems to be certain, though in no Saga have we a description of a bridal dress; but from several passages we see that the bride was hvit-földud (white-folded), and lin-bundin (linen-bound, enveloped in linen), which implies that the bridal dress was white.

“It is told that the first evening of the wedding the brides (King Svein’s, and that of Sigvaldi, Jarl of the Jomsvikings) had their head-dress (fald) low down so that their faces could not be distinctly seen; next morning they were very merry and did not wear any skuplas.”^[13]

This bridal linen was a long wide head-dress hanging down the back from the top of the head, or a kind of veil. In Thrymskvida the bride wore such a head-dress, which was fastened on the head with an ornament. At the waist a bunch of keys was placed to show her authority as mistress of the household, and on her breast she had an ornament.

The jötun Thrym had got Thor’s hammer and would not give it back, unless Freyja were married to him. Thor was 12disguised as Freyja, and sent as a bride to Thrym; he got hold of the hammer, and crushed Thrym and the jötnar.

We have nothing to show positively that marriage was celebrated with religious ceremonies, but certain forms may have taken place. In the later Edda we have the goddess Vár, who hears the vows of men and women. In Helgi Hjörvardson there are also vows called by her name, and it seems that she was solemnly invoked at weddings, and the sign of the hammer of Thor made over the bride.

Marriage without betrothal proceedings and dowry was called skyndibrúdhlaup (hasty wedding), or lausa-brudhlaup (loose wedding). Such an union was illegal, and the children begotten thereby had no right of inheritance.

“Björgólf, a landed man in Halogaland, once in his old age was at a feast with Högni, a rich bondi, and saw his daughter Hildirid, whom he liked well.

“The same autumn Björgólf the old left on his skuta with 13thirty men. He came to Leka (Högni’s farm), and twenty men went up to the farm, while ten guarded the ship. When they came home Högni received him well, and invited him to stay there with his men; he accepted, and went into the stofa (daily room). When they had taken off their outer clothes Högni had a skap-ker (large vessel) with ale carried in. Hildirid, his daughter, carried ale to the guests. Björgólf called Högni, and said: ‘My errand hither is that I wish thy daughter to go home with me, and I will marry her in loose wedding.’ Högni saw he could do nothing but what Björgólf wished. Björgólf bought her with an eyrir of gold.... They had two sons, Hárek and Hrœrek, and Björgólf died afterwards. Then Brynjólf, his son by the first wife, sent her away to her father. They were called Hildirid-sons, and not by the name of the father. Brynjólf died, and his son Bard got his death wounds in the battle of Hafrsfjord. Bard had the king called to him, and said: ‘If I die from these wounds I ask you to allow me to dispose of my inheritance.’ The king consented. Bard said: ‘I wish my companion and kinsman Thorólf to take all my inheritance, lands and loose property; I will also give him my wife and my son to bring up, for I trust him best of all men.’ Thorólf according to the wish of his friend married this wife, Sigrid, daughter of Sigurd in Sandnes” (Egil’s Saga, 7).

The father or the guardian of the girl had the decision over her marriage. If the father was dead the brothers were the guardians of the unmarried sister. If she had neither father nor brothers, her mother in connection with the nearest uncle could give her away; and as the maiden had no voice in the matter, she could be forced by her father or guardians into a marriage against her will.

“Thorvald Usvifrsson, a rich man, demanded Hallgerd in marriage from her father Höskuld, an Icelandic chief. Höskuld told him that she was proud, but Thorvald said that did not matter. Höskuld did not ask his daughter, because he intended to give her in marriage and betroth her to Thorvald. When he told her, she said: ‘Now I have found out what I long suspected, that thou dost not love me so much as thou always pretendest, as thou didst not think it worth while to speak to me about this matter; nor do I think this match as high as you have promised me.’ It could be seen that she considered herself to be married beneath her rank” (Njala 10).^[19]

14“The giver away next to a father or brother is a lawfully wedded mother. If there is no mother, then the man twenty winters old or more who is the nearest heir after the woman who is married” (Frostath., law ii. 13).

The father did not always exercise his right of deciding about the marriage; sometimes he left the decision of the suit entirely in the hands of the daughter, but such cases must be regarded as an exception.

If a girl married against the will of her parents or kinsmen the latter could disinherit her, and her progeny were illegitimate, and this act of disobedience would even get her self-chosen husband declared an outlaw as a woman-robber.

When a poor girl was given in marriage to a rich man, one of the conditions made was that her clothes and ornaments should be provided, though if she was an heiress and fifteen years of age she could betroth herself with the advice of her kinsmen.

The different Sagas and laws place the age of majority of men as well as of women at fifteen years, and early marriages of women at that age were not uncommon.

“Thorvald (a wealthy Icelander) asked in marriage Gudrún Úsvifr’s daughter at the Althing when she was fifteen winters old. The answer was favourable, but Úsvifr said it would be seen by the conditions that they were not equally high-born. Thorvald took this well, and said he asked for the woman and not for property. Then Gudrún was betrothed to Thorvald, and Úsvifr made the agreement. It was that Gudrún alone should rule over their property after they had come into one bed, and be owner of one half of all, whether they lived longer or shorter together. He was also to buy costly things for her, so that no equally rich wife had better jewels” (Laxdæla, c. 34).^[20]

“The maiden who becomes an heiress may marry herself to whomever she likes when she is fifteen winters old, with the counsel of those of her kinsmen who are the wisest and nearest both on her father’s and mother’s side” (Frostath., xi. 18).

“Glúm, a powerful man, went with his brother (Thorarin) to Höskuldsstadir with eighteen men to ask in marriage Hallgerd, the daughter of the chief Höskuld who lived there. 15When they had stayed there overnight Glúm’s brother, Thórarin, said: ‘I have come here, Höskuld, with my brother Glúm to ask thy daughter Hallgerd in marriage for him. Thou must know that he is high-born.’ ‘I know,’ said Höskuld, ‘that your brothers are of good kin, but I will also tell thee that I married her once and it became a great misfortune.’ Thórarin answered: ‘We will not let that prevent the bargain, for a single oath is no evidence for all cases.’”

As Hallgerd had been unfortunately married, Hrut said:—

“This time Hallgerd must not, as before, be kept in ignorance of the betrothal; she shall know all this bargain and see Glúm, and have her way about marrying him or not; then she cannot accuse others if it does not do well; all this shall be without deceit.’ Thórarin said: ‘Now, as always, it will be best to take thy advice.’”

Hallgerd was sent for; and after coming in with two women—

“She sat down between Hrút and her father. She greeted them all with fine words, and spoke well, and asked for news. Then she grew silent. Glúm said: ‘I and my brother Thórarin have spoken about a bargain to thy father, namely, that I should marry thee, Hallgerd, if it is thy will, as it is theirs. Thou wilt also tell now, as thou art called a highly accomplished woman, whether it is somewhat to thy mind; but if the bargain with us is not to thy wish, we will not speak of it.’ Hallgerd said: ‘I know that your brothers are men of good kin, and that I will now be married much better than before; but I want to know what you have said, and how far the matter has advanced; but as thou lookest to me, I think I will love thee well if our tempers agree.’ Glúm himself told her all the conditions, and left nothing out, and asked Höskuld and Hrút whether they were rightly told. Höskuld said they were. Hallgerd said: ‘You, my father, and Hrút have behaved so well to me in this matter that I will do this at your advice, and this bargain shall be as you have made it.’ Hrút said: ‘I think it advisable that I and Höskuld should name witnesses, and that Hallgerd should betroth herself if the lawman thinks it right.’ Thórarin answered: ‘It is right.’ Then the property of Hallgerd was valued, and Glúm was to give as much, and there was to be joint-partnership between them. Then Glúm betrothed Hallgerd to himself, and they rode home. Höskuld was to hold the wedding feast” (Njala, c. 13).

When girls were of age they could transact their own business.

16“There are maidens called baugryg. They shall pay with rings and take rings when they are only children and inheritance-born, till they sit down on a bride’s chair. Then they throw this into the lap of their kinsmen, and shall neither pay nor take rings thereafter” (Frostath., vi. 4).

A widow, who had the same rights as a girl of age, could not be forced into a new marriage by her father or kinsmen, but on the other hand she could not marry without their consent; and the conditions of the marriage were generally settled by the spokesmen of the suitor and her nearest of kin in the usual manner.

“A widow shall betroth herself and take the advice of her kinsmen” (Gulathing’s Law, 51).

“Thorgerd, Thorstein’s daughter, Höskuld’s mother, was still a young and very beautiful woman. She did not like to stay in Iceland after the death of Koll (her husband). She declared to her son Höskuld that she wished to go abroad with the property she owned. Höskuld said he was sorry to part with her, but would not oppose her will in this any more than in other things. Then Höskuld bought the half of a ship in Dögurdarnes for his mother. Thorgerd went on board with much property, set sail, and after a good journey landed in Norway. She had in Norway a large family and many highborn kinsmen; they received her well, and offered her everything she might wish. Thorgerd accepted this thankfully, and said she intended to settle down there. She was not long a widow; Herjólf, a wealthy and highly-honoured lendirmadn, asked her in marriage. She accepted him, although he was not handsome, and a splendid wedding was celebrated. A son was born to them, who was called Hrut, and who quickly grew up and became very strong and large. He was fair of face like his mother’s family. Herjólf fell sick and died, and men thought it a great loss. After his death Thorgerd did not like to remain in Norway, but returned to Iceland to her son Höskuld with much property, and remained there until her death, after which she was buried in a mound. After her burial Höskuld took all her property, and offered half of it to Hrut, who had remained in Norway” (Laxdæla, 7).

The Icelandic chief Thorkel Eyjolfsson wanted to marry the widow Gudrun, Usvifr’s daughter. The chief Snorri godi asked her in marriage on his behalf.

“Gudrun answered: ‘My sons Thorleik and Bolli will 17have most of the power in this, but thou, Snorri, art the third man to whom I would most willingly entrust the matters which I think very important, for thou hast long given me good advice.’ Snorri said it was evident that Thorkel ought not to be rejected. Thereafter Snorri had the sons of Gudrun called thither; he told them how much support they could get from Thorkel on account of his wealth and foresight, and gave good advice about it. Bolli answered: ‘My mother will be best able to see this; I shall consent to her will. But surely we think it advisable to take into account that thou hast supported this matter, Snorri, for thou hast done many good things for us.’ Gudrun said: ‘We shall carefully heed the advice of Snorri in this matter, for thy counsels have been good to us.’ Snorri urged her strongly to do it, and it was settled that the marriage should take place. Snorri offered to make the wedding-feast. Thorkel was pleased at that, and said: ‘I have got provisions enough to supply as much as you like.’ Then Gudrun said: ‘It is my will that the feast shall be here at Helgafell’” (Laxdæla, 68).

People could not marry unless they had means enough to support themselves in comfort. If they acquired wealth afterwards, then he owned two-thirds, and she one-third, both of land and movable property, and the husband could not take his wife’s property out of the country without her consent. Partnership between husband and wife was said to be established after a certain time, which according to Frostathing’s Law was twelve months.

But according to the Gulathing, man and wife could not, without the consent of the heirs of both, enter into partnership before they had children; but when they had, they could make whatever partnership they liked. When they had been married twenty years they were partners according to law.^[21]

“If men marry who have less property than one hundred legal aurar, besides their everyday clothes, and no children, then they are liable to lesser outlawry unless the woman is barren. No féránsdóm^[22] shall be held, and their property is not confiscated, and they shall leave the land with their children, and not come back unless their property increases 18so much that they own a hundred or more, or the woman is barren” (Gragas, i. 323).

“If man and wife have equal property they shall make partnership if they wish, which is also valid for their heirs. The contract of betrothal is valid between man and wife while its witnesses live and no other contracts are made. But if the witnesses remembering it are dead, then their property is in common, according to law, if he owned a mark or more, and the mund was paid, and they have lived together three winters or more. If they are poor and earn property, their property is in common according to law. According to law the joint partnership is always thus, that he owns two parts, and she one-third”^[23] (Gragas, i. 334).

“If a wife loses her husband, and they have lived twelve months together, she owns one-third of the farm and of all loose property, and her clothes besides” (Frostathing, xi. 6).

“If a man marries a widow or maiden who owns a farm, he owns nothing of the farm before they have lived together twelve months. Then the laws lay their property together.

“If two paupers marry according to the laws of the land, and their property increases, then he owns two-thirds, and she one-third of lands and loose property” (Frostathing, ix. 8, 9).

“A man shall not take the property of his wife out of the land, except with her consent. He shall rule over all their property for their use. Neither of them shall by word or deed forfeit the property of the other. Every man has the same rétt for his wife as for himself” (Earlier Gulathing’s Law, 52).^[24]

“If a man wants to leave the country with the property of his wife, she may give full powers to any man she wishes to forbid him going, and prosecute him and the men who take him away, if needed” (Grágás, i. 331).

“A wife shall not refuse partnership to her husband. If a man marries a maiden, they cannot enter into partnership unless the men who have right to their inheritance assent; but if they have inheritance-born children, they can enter into such partnership as they like.

“If a man marries a widow, and she has children (inheritance-born children) which are under age, and the man nevertheless wants to enter into partnership with her, ‘then a meeting shall be summoned of the children nearest of kin on their father’s side, and a partnership be made according to the worth of their property; land shall be valued against land, 19and loose property against loose property,’ and his property valued also if it is more than hers. It cannot be broken if thus made.

“If they enter into partnership in another way, it may be broken, whether his heirs or hers want it, by going to a Thing before they have been twenty winters together, and declaring that the partnership is broken. If this is not done before they have been twenty winters together, he (the husband) can never change it thereafter.

“Wherever husband and wife enter into partnership, they shall declare it before many men. Now if they have lived together twenty winters or more, they are partners according to the laws, if they were not before. Then she owns a third of the property, and he two-thirds. Though it (the partnership) be made, if it is not made public during the twenty winters, it is as if it had not been made” (Gulathing’s Law, 53).

Marriages were forbidden to the fifth degree of relationship.

“It is a new law that marriage is not allowed nearer than the fifth degree in the same degrees of relationship and kinsmanship. If they are both kinsmen in the fifth degree they may marry if they like, but pay a larger tithe of all their property” (Grágás, i. 308).

The wedding feasts, at which the gods were invoked for the happiness of the marriage, were often very splendid, and guests, to whom presents were given, came from long distances. The length of the feasts varied according to the rank and wealth of the family, and were so gorgeous that they remained long in the memories of the people.

The brúd-kaup, or wedding, was the fulfilment of the conditions stipulated at the betrothal.

“Sigmund^[25] rode to Orradal, and visited Thorkel, and was well received. He now began his wooing, and asked Thurid in marriage. Thorkel took this well, and thought it a great honour for his daughter and them all. Sigmund made his wedding-feast at Hladir with Hakon jarl, and the jarl made it last for seven nights” (Færeyinga Saga, 26).^[26]

“Heidrek married Herborg, the daughter of King Hrollaug in Gardariki. Their wedding-feast was made, and no man had heard of a greater feast in these lands; it lasted a month; 20when it ended the chiefs were led away with gifts. Hrollaug gave his daughter a dower of gold and silver and costly things; Vindland, which lies next to Reidgotaland, was also to follow her as dower” (Hervara Saga, c. 14).^[27]

The celebration of King Olaf’s wedding is thus related:—

“Olaf had made preparations, with the best of all kinds of drink and provisions that could be got. He had invited many high-born men from the districts. When Rögnvald jarl arrived with his men, the king received him well, and large, good, and well-furnished rooms were given to him; the servants took care that there should be lack of nothing which might be proper for a feast. When the feast had lasted some days, the king and the jarl and the king’s daughter spoke together; it was agreed that Rögnvald of Western Gautland should betroth Astrid the daughter of Olaf, King of Sweden, to Olaf, King of Norway, with the dower which they had before agreed upon that her sister Ingigerd should have. The king also was to give Astrid as much as he would have given to her sister Ingigerd. Then the feast was made larger, and the wedding of Olaf and Astrid was celebrated with great splendour” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 94).

In sparsely-settled countries we find that a bondi was obliged to shelter the bridal party.

“A bondi shall feed at least five of them (the bridesmen and bridesmaids). He is an outlaw if he refuses to lodge them. This is if the bride or bridegroom are with them; otherwise he must feed three men” (Kristinrett Thorláks og Ketils biskupa, p. 94).

In the hall where the wedding-feast took place there were bridal benches, which were probably kept in the family for such an occasion; just as to-day the bridal crowns are kept in Norway.

On one of the long benches the bridegroom was seated with his men; on the other, which was opposite, the father of the bride and his male guests. On the cross-bench sat the women, with the bride in the middle; therefore this bench was called brudbekk (bride-bench).

Sverting Hafr-Bjarnarson was going to marry Húngerd, Thorodd’s daughter, and invited Hlugi the black, father of Gunnlaug Ormstunga, and his sons to the wedding-feast.

21“The women sat on the cross-bench; Helga fagra (the fair) sat next to the bride, and her eyes often glanced at Gunnlaug, and there the saying was proved that ‘the eyes do not hide it if a woman loves a man.’ Gunnlaug was then well dressed, and wore the fine clothes which King Sigtrygg gave him; he was thought greatly superior to other men, both in strength, beauty, and stature” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga c. ii.).^[28]

We find that during the feast the bride was seated between the bridesmen and bridesmaids, a custom that has come down to this day; the linfé was then presented to her as she sat under the bridal linen.

“Then he (the bridegroom) shall sit between the bridesmen, and she between the bridesmaids. He shall walk across the floor and give her linfé. That is lawful whether the gift is small or great” (N. G. L., ii. 305, King Magnus’ Laws).

It was the custom to offer to the bride a bekkjar-gjöf (bench-gift) while she sat on the bridal bench.

Kjartan Olafsson, a famous Icelandic champion, was taking leave of Ingibjörg, the sister of King Olaf Tryggvason, as he was going to Iceland.

“At this moment Ingibjörg opened a mead-cask standing at her side, and took out of it a white and gold woven woman’s head-gear, which she gave to Kjartan, saying it would be only too good for Gudrún Osvifr’s daughter to wrap around her head; ‘and thou wilt give it to her as a bench-gift. I want the Icelandic women to see that she who has been talking with thee in Norway is not of thrall-kin. It was in a bag of gudvef,^[29] and was most costly” (Laxdæla, c. 43).

When Olaf Tryggvason kept his wedding-feast with Thyri of Denmark, he asked her whether he should choose a bench-gift befitting a maiden or a woman who has been married. She answered that he should do what seemed to him most beseeming for himself and her. He was pleased with her answer, and at once sent her a woman’s cloak with very fine furs and beautifully ornamented.^[30]

We see not only how particular people were in regard to precedence, but how jealously wives guarded the reputation of their husbands.

22“The chief Gudmund Riki (the powerful) was present at the wedding-feast of his overseer Thorstein; he sat in the high-seat, Thorir Helgason (a chief) opposite to him, and the women on the cross-bench; bright lights were burning, and tables were placed in front. The bride sat on the middle of the cross-bench, with Thorlaug (wife of Gudmund) on the one side, and Geirlaug (wife of Thorir Helgason) on the other. A woman went with water to the cross-bench, having a cloth on her shoulder, and first went to Geirlaug because she had been with her the previous winter. Geirlaug said: ‘Thou actest with goodwill, but in a thoughtless way; carry the water first to Thorlaug.’ She did so. Thorlaug beckoned it away with the back of her hand, saying: ‘Too much trouble is taken, Geirlaug, for the woman is right; there is no jealousy in my mind at this; it is not certain that any other woman is of higher rank in the district than thou.’ Geirlaug answered: ‘The trouble is little, Thorlaug; but if thou hast the ambition to be most honoured, I have nothing equal to thee, except my marriage.’ Thorlaug replied: ‘Certainly I think thee well married, though I do not now know another who is better married than I.’ Geirlaug added: ‘Thou wouldst be well married, if thy husband were said by all to be courageous or valiant.’ Thorlaug replied: ‘This is wickedly spoken, and thou art the first to say it.’ Geirlaug replied: ‘It is true, for many others say it; but Thorkel Hák said it first, and my husband Thorir and every man who can move his tongue says it.’ Thorlaug said: ‘Bring the water hither, woman, and let us end this talk” (Ljosvetninga Saga, c. 13).

“The famous champion Gunnar of Hlidarendi was to have his wedding, and had invited to the feast many people. He placed his guests as follows. He sat himself in the middle of the bench; and to the right of him was Thráin Sigfússon, Ulf Aurgodi, Valgard the grey, Mörd, Runólf, the sons of Sigfús, and innermost Lambi. Next to Gunnar on the other side sat Njál, then Skarphedin, Helgi, Grim, Höskuld, Hafr the wise, Ingjald from Keldur, and the sons of Thorir from Holt. Thorir wanted to sit outside all the men of distinction.... Höskuld was in the middle of the other bench, and his sons inside to the left of him; Rút sat outside to the right of Höskuld; it is not said how the others were placed. The bride, Hallgerd, sat in the middle of the cross-bench with her daughter Thorgerd on one side, and on the other Thórhalla, daughter of Asgrím Ellidagrímsson” (Njala, c. 34).^[31]

The man, as the guardian of his wife, had to manage their 23property; but nevertheless the property of each was quite separate. At the marriage the property of both was valued, and the heimanfylgja, tilgjöf, linfé, and also what she had got or would get by inheritance or other ways, were regarded as the property of the woman.

If the husband died first, his natural heir got his property, while the wife kept hers; but if the wife died first, the husband took back the tilgjöf, and the other property went to her heirs.

If a man did not value the property of his wife at the marriage, then he had to pay the value to her heirs if she died before him, and take an oath that he had not received more. But if he died first, and his property also had not been valued, and they had been married for twelve months, then she got one-third of the loose property and land, besides her clothes.

“A man shall rule over his wife’s property while they are married, and not separated, except that which is stipulated at their betrothal or their marriage; that property shall she answer for and rule herself. If an inheritance falls to a man’s wife, and there are umagi^[32] in that inheritance but no property,^[33] her husband shall take care of these, and “fit them out,” but her heimanfylgja shall not diminish when it is made public in a drinking-hall.^[34] But if there is property in that inheritance, the lands and all loose property shall be valued, and he shall have the care of them and the increase, but he shall pay as much back as he got, except the land-rents which he got afterwards” (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, xi. 5).

“A gift given to a woman shall be her property, in whatever manner she may be separated. All the property of a maiden shall be valued, loose property against loose property, but one half of a widow’s property shall be valued. The valuation shall be lawful in every case except two—if she dies childless or leaves him without a protector” (Gulath., 54).

The only certain examples of polygamy^[35] occur among the great chiefs, such as Harald Fairhair. Harald Hardradi had 24two wives, Elizabeth, the daughter of the King of Gardaríki, and Thora, the daughter of a Norwegian chief; both enjoyed the name of queen.

The husband was obliged to protect his wife, and take as much care of her honour as of his own.

“Now is about the rights of women. Every man has claim on behalf of his wife. A Hauld owns three marks if she is struck; but a widow shall have the same rétt as her last husband (had), and the one she wishes shall prosecute. But if a maiden is struck, her nearest kinsman shall claim her rétt as if it were his own. But if she is to have it herself, the right plaintiff shall summon a Thing” (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, x., c. 37).

The following laws show how strict people were in regard to kisses:—

“If a man kisses a woman (belonging to another) secretly, with her will, he is liable to pay three marks, and the one who would have to prosecute for seduction has to prosecute. If she gets angry at it, she may prosecute herself, and the man is then liable to lesser outlawry. If a man kisses a man’s wife secretly, he is liable to lesser outlawry whether she allows it or refuses it. Nine neighbours are to be called as witnesses to this at the Thing.... If a man puts on a fald or woman’s clothes to deceive a woman, he is liable to lesser outlawry”^[36] (Gragas, i. 337).

“If a man makes a song of love^[37] on a woman, he is to be outlawed. If the woman is twenty years or older, she shall prosecute the case herself. But if she is younger, or will not prosecute, her legal guardian has to do it” (Gragas, vol. ii., p. 150).

Women’s rights appear to have been not altogether unknown even in these early days; for women who got their own livelihood and whose kinsmen did not trouble themselves about their support, were their own masters.

“If kinsmen will not take proper care of women, and they (the women) get their living themselves, then they shall rule over themselves as they like” (Frostath., xi. 17).

Manner of declaring a divorce—Causes for divorce—Divorce easy to get—Separation—Division of property in case of separation—Penalty for wife-beating—Restrictions on the extravagance of women.

A divorce was declared in the following manner. The wife had to declare the separation, and the reason of it, three times in three places in the presence of witnesses—first, in front of them on a bed; secondly, in front of the men’s door; and, thirdly, at the Thing; but separation did not prevent either party from marrying again afterwards.

Mörd gave advice to his daughter Unn how she should separate herself from her husband, Rut, when he was not at home.

“When thou art quite ready thou shalt go to thy bed, and with thee the men who are thy followers; thou shalt name witnesses at the bedside of thy husband, and declare that thou art separated from him by a lawful divorce, as fairly as is possible after the rules of the Althing and the laws of all the people. The same naming of witnesses thou shalt also have at the men’s door, and then thou shalt ride away” (Njala, c. 7).

The causes for divorce were numerous. A cause of divorce was that of wearing clothes belonging to the opposite sex, as when a man wore a shirt so open that you could see his breast; or when women wore breeches; and we find that sometimes these clothes were cunningly made on purpose to bring about a separation.

One day Thórd Ingunnarson asked Gudrún what a woman was liable to if she always wore breeches like men. She answered:

“‘They are to be punished for that just as a man is 26punished who has such a large opening in his clothes that his bare chest is displayed. Both are reasons for divorce....’ Thórd at once rushed to the law court and named witnesses, he declared himself divorced from Aud, because she wore closed breeches like men” (Laxdæla, c. 35).

“Gudrun, Usvifr’s daughter, was forced by her father to marry Thorvald Halldórsson, of Garpsdal. She always asked him to buy her the most costly things. Once, when she asked him for something, he said that she knew no moderation, and gave her a cheek-horse (box on the ear). She answered: ‘Now thou hast given me what we women think of great importance, and that is a good complexion, and thou hast cured me of importunate requests.’ The same evening Thórd (Ingunnarson, a good friend of hers) came in. Gudrun told him of this disgrace, and asked how she should take revenge for it. Thórd smiled, and replied: ‘I know a good way; make a shirt for him with an opening of divorce, and declare thyself separated from him for this reason.’ Gudrun said nothing against this, and they left off speaking, but that same spring Gudrun declared herself separated from Thorvald, and went home to her father at Laugar” (Laxdæla, ch. 34).

Divorce was easy to get,^[38] especially for the man, on the ground of the wife’s infidelity; while the wife could get it on the ground of repeated ill-treatment from her husband.

“If a man does not sleep in the same bed with his wife for six seasons on account of dislike, then her kinsmen can claim her property and also her rétt, but she shall herself keep her property” (Gragas, i. 329).

A man could separate from his wife without a lawful reason, but the separation was looked upon as a disgrace by her kinsmen, and revenge was sure to follow.

“If a man wants to separate from his wife, he shall declare himself separated so that each of them may hear the other’s voice, and have witnesses present” (Gulathing’s Law, 54).^[39]

If a husband tried to take his wife out of the country against her will she could separate herself from him.

27“If a man wants to take his wife against her will out of this land she shall declare herself separated if she likes, wherever they happen to be, if she can do it with reason; then he is liable to lose her and her property as if they had owned no property together, and he has no more right to that woman after they have separated than to any other woman with whom he has not lived” (Gragas, i. 331).

A wife could not separate without reason,^[40] and even if she left her husband with good reason on her side, he could keep her dower, and could force her to come back.

In case of a separation, the wife’s parents or kinsmen could claim the mund and the heimanfylgja.

A bondi, Thorkel, having heard that his wife Asgerd loved another man, was, on his remonstrating, told by his wife to choose one of two alternatives.

“Thou mayst choose one of two conditions. To stay with me as if nothing had happened; otherwise I will at once name witnesses, and declare myself separated from thee, and let my father claim my mund and heimanfylgja” (Gisli Sursson’s Saga, p. 16).

If a separation took place where neither party could be said to have been guilty of criminality, then the wife took the same amount of property as she would have at the death of her husband, or as she would take in case she left him on account of any unfaithfulness on his part. If she left him without any valid cause, or he separated from her on account of her repeated infidelity, then the husband had the right to retain all her property as long as she lived, and her heir had no claim to anything of the tilgjöf. But if she was unfaithful only once, she forfeited her tilgjöf, and kept the rest of her property. If the man drove her away against her will for that single offence, she came into all her rights.

“If a wife commits adultery, or separates from her husband without reason, she has forfeited her mund and her increase of a third (thridjungsauki). If her husband offers to take her back and she will not accept it he shall keep all her property while she is alive and then her next heir shall get her heimanfylgja 28but no increase of a third. If they are reconciled and he takes her back, their property shall remain as if there had been no breach between them. If she repeats the crime he shall keep her property while he is alive, and if he will not take her back, then it shall be as has already been said. If she does not and promises redress, and offers to live with her husband and he will not take her, then she shall get her heimanfylgja but not the increase of a third. If the husband wants to rob her of her heimanfylgja and says she has committed this crime before, and people have not before heard him accuse her of it, she shall take the einseidi (oath of one) and get her heimanfylgja, but not her increase of a third if he will not take her back. If a hindrance separates them according to God’s laws each of them shall have their respective property” (Frostathing’s Law, xi. 14).

It was a common provision in all the laws that a man was not allowed to beat his wife, under a penalty of paying the same indemnity as he had a right to receive if he himself were beaten. If he had beaten her three times and did it a fourth, then she could leave him, taking with her her heimanfylgja and tilgjöf.

“If a man beats his wife with keys or latches, then he is liable to pay three marks. Also if he takes another woman and puts her in the house; she is called hearth-rival. Thirdly, if a man beats his wife with a horn or with the fist on an ale-bench, then he is to pay three marks. If she three times gets rétt for these reasons, the fourth time she may separate from him, or not, as she likes” (Borgarthing^[41] Laws, ii. 8).

“When Börk had left his farm Helgafell Thordis went forward and named witnesses that she declared herself separated from her husband Börk, and pleaded as a reason that he had struck her, and she would not put up with his blows. Their property was divided, and Snorri (a son of her former marriage) took charge of it on behalf of his mother, for he was her heir” (Eyrbyggja, c. 14).

Restrictions were put upon the extravagance of women.^[42]

“The wife of a hauld (odal’s bondi) is allowed to buy to the extent of one eyrir, and not more. If she buys for more the 29bargain shall not be kept, except her husband wishes it so” (Earlier Frostathings Law, xi. 22).

“If a wife gives away her husband’s property he can claim it all, and prosecute the man who received it. If a man sends his wife to the Thing to pay debts or other expenses of theirs, her hand-shaking is valid,^[43] and also when she goes to a ship to make bargains with his consent, but no other transactions are valid unless he wishes them to be so. When she buys what is necessary for their household while he is at the Thing, that is also valid. The woman shall not sell half her land, a farm or more, or a godord (dignity of godi), or a seagoing ship, except with the will of her guardian” (Gragas, i. 333).

Appearance of the Nornir at a child’s birth—Ceremony attending birth—Religious rites—Antiquity of the custom of sprinkling water over a child—The Asa form and the Christian form of baptism—Naming the child—Birth of Sigurd, Ragnar Lodbrok’s son—Helgi’s birth—Distinctive names—Belief in predestination—Possession of two names considered lucky—Presence of the household and of neighbours at childbirth—Gifts of weapons and animals—Cutting the first tooth—The prime sign—Exposure of children—Reasons for exposure—The custom continued after the introduction of Christianity—The bringing up of children—Attention paid to physical development—Secret adoption not allowed.

The Nornir seem to have appeared during the night that followed a child’s birth, which among the high-born was attended with a great deal of ceremony. The newly-born infant was placed on the floor, and remained there without being touched by any one, until taken up and put in the folds of his cloak, by his father, or in his absence by the nearest of kin, who by this ceremony acknowledged the legitimacy of his offspring. After he had received the child in his arms he looked at it, and from its appearance judged of its temper, proportions, fortune, luck in war, &c., and decided if the newly-born infant should live or be exposed and left to die—a custom similar to that of the Spartans.

Then if the child was to live, a religious or sacred rite called Ausa Vatni,^[44] which seems to have consisted either in pouring or sprinkling water over the child, was performed, a custom so common that we are not told how the water was poured or sprinkled over, though it may have been with the hand.

This ceremony was considered a most sacred rite, and was an integral part of the Asa creed, and consequently of great 31antiquity, antedating Christian baptism, and most binding among the ancestors of the English-speaking peoples: to expose a child after this ceremony was considered murder. It was once, no doubt, practised by the Franks who belonged to the Northern tribes; and certain forms of Christian baptism of the present day may be based upon this earlier form, which was only changed in name by the earlier Christian missionaries. That the heathen or Asa baptism was not recognised by the Christians we have ample proofs in the Sagas. The Asa form was, as we have seen, called Ausa Vatni, and the Christian, Skirn.^[45]

“It was then the custom to choose the best men to water-sprinkle or give names to the children of high-born men. When the time came at which Thora expected to bear her child, she wished to go and find King Harald. He was then north at Sœheim, while she was at Mostr; she went northward on Sigurd Jarl’s ship. During the night they lay to near the shore, and Thora bore a son upon the rock at the end of the bridge. Sigurd Jarl water-sprinkled the boy, and called him Hákon, after his father, Hakon Hlada Jarl” (Harald Hárfagr’s Saga, c. 40).

“Harald Fairhair when he began to get old gave to his sons the rule of Norway. He made Eirik king over all his sons, and when he had ruled for seventy winters, gave the kingship into his hands. At that time Gunnhild (Eirik’s wife) bore a son, and Harald water-sprinkled him and gave him his own name, therewith declaring that he should be king after his father if he should live”^[46] (Egil’s Saga, c. 59).

The child was often named after some renowned kinsmen or friends; and sometimes the person who performed the rite gave his own name, and it was believed that the luck of the namesake would follow the child through life: thus Sigurd, one of the famous sons of Ragnar Lodbrok, was named after his grandfather Sigurd Hring.^[47] The one who gave a name to the child always made it a present, which was called 32nafnfesti (name-fastening), and consisted either of rings, weapons, farms, or lands. Helgi, the son of Borghild, at whose birth the Nornir were present, was given presents at his name-fastening.

The birth of Sigurd, son of Ragnar Lodbrok, is thus described.

“The time arrived when she (Kráka or Aslaug) was confined and bore a son, whom the servant-maids took and showed to her. She bade them carry him to Ragnar (Lodbrok), and let him see him; the boy was taken into the hall and placed in the fold of Ragnar’s cloak. When he saw the boy Ragnar was asked what he should be named; he sang:

“He drew a gold ring from his hand, and gave it to the boy as name-fastening” (Ragnar Lodbrok’s Saga, c. 8).

The following stanzas give the account of Helgi’s birth:—

Special or characteristic names were often given to grown-up persons as name-fastenings for one reason or another, in addition to their proper name, and almost every important man seems to have had one.

“The king Ingjald of Naumdæla fylki said: ‘What sounded so shrill, An, when thou didst enter the door the first time here?’ ‘My bow,’ answered An, ‘because the door of your hall was so small, king, that it was all bent together when I had it on my shoulders before I came in; it sounded loud as it straightened again.’ ‘Thou shalt,’ added the king, ‘be named An Bogsveigir (bow-bender).’ ‘What dost thou give me as name-fastening?’ ‘Here is a gold ring as name-fastening and Yule gift, because I heard what thou didst say a little while ago, and thou, tall as thou art, must also be a very strong man.’ ‘I suppose I am very strong, but I do not know it,’ said An” (An Bogsveigi’s Saga, c. 3).

“King Olaf said: ‘Thou art a Vandrædaskáld (troublesome scald), but thou shalt be my man.’ Hallfred answered: ‘What wilt thou, king, give me as name-fastening, if I shall be called 34Vandrædaskáld?’ The king then gave him a sword, but without a scabbard, and said: ‘Now make a stanza about the sword, with “sword” in every line’:-

Then the king gave him a scabbard and said: ‘“Sword” is not in every line.’ Hallfred answered: ‘There are three swords in one of them.’ ‘That is true,’ said the king” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 90; Fornmanna Sögur, ii. 56).^[67]

All through the old Saga literature we see how strongly the people believed in predestination. Luck and good fortune were considered hereditary in certain families, especially in those of kings who were supposed to have their individual good luck, which they could communicate to their champions and friends, not only for the execution of some one adventurous undertaking, for it followed the person during his whole life.

“A death-fated man cannot be saved” (Islendinga Sögur, ii. 103; Fms., vi. 417).

“All is dangerous for the death-fated” (Fafnismál, 11).

“A man not death-fated cannot be dealt with (fought against)” (Gisli Súrsson, 148).

“He who is not death-fated escapes in some way” (Fostbrœdra Saga, 171).

“Every one must go when he is death-fated” (Gretti’s Saga, 138).

Two Norwegian brothers, Thórólf and Thorstein, had a fight against the Viking Ljót and his men, and were victorious. After they had landed and were walking up from their ships, Thórólf said:

“‘I will now make a stop in my journey; I do not like to walk farther.’ Thorstein asked: ‘Art thou wounded, brother?’ Thórólf answered: ‘I will not conceal that when Ljót threw his sword he aimed at thee, and I covered thee with the shield; then I was unprotected, and it hit my stomach below the ribs, and pierced it; then I wrapped the 35clothes around me, and thus I have walked since; my walking will soon be finished now.’ Thorstein said: ‘It has happened as I supposed, that one of us would not return; I would give much not to have gone on this journey.’ Thórólf added: ‘Let us not reproach ourselves with that now, for no one can get over his day of fate, and I prefer to die in good repute than live in the shame of not having followed thee; nevertheless I want to ask of thee a boon, which shows my pride.’ ‘What is that, kinsman?’ asked Thorstein. Thórólf said: ‘I will tell thee. It seems to me my name has not existed long enough, and it will disappear as withered grass, and I shall never be mentioned when thou art dead; but I see that thou wilt increase our kin, and live a long time; thou wilt be a man of great luck. If thou shouldst get a son, I want thee to give him the name of Thórólf, and all the luck which I have had I will give to him, for thus I believe my name will live while the world is inhabited.’ Thorstein answered: ‘I will grant thee this willingly, for I expect it to be to our honour, and good luck will follow thy name while it remains in our family.’ Thórólf added: ‘Now I think I have asked what seems most important to me,’ and then he died” (Svarfdæla, c. 5).

“Thorstein had a son by his wife, and, when the boy was born, he was brought to his father. Thorstein looked at him and said: ‘That boy shall be named Ingimund, after the father of his mother, and I expect him to be lucky on account of his name” (Vatnsdæla, c. 7).

“Ingimund, son of a famous Viking who had helped King Harald Fairhair in the battle of Hafrsfjord, had married Vigdis, daughter of Thórir Jarl. While on her way to Iceland she gave birth to a boy, who was handsome. Ingimund looked at him and said: ‘He shall be named Thorstein, and I think my father’s luck will follow him.’ Some time after he had another son, and said: ‘The boy is large-limbed and has sharp eyes. If he lives there will not be many to equal him; he will become a great champion, if I am not much mistaken. I will not forget our kinsman Jökul, as my father begged of me, and he shall be called Jökul” (Vatnsdæla, c. 13).

It was considered lucky to have two names, and it was thought that by adding the name of a god to a person’s name he would acquire the special protection of this deity; hence such names as Thorólf, Thorstein, &c., from Thor, the most popular prefix. Sometimes the general name of the god, such as As or Gud, or the word Ve (holy), was added or prefixed.

36“Helgi, son of Thorgils, was a tall, strong and hardy man; he was fine-looking and stout. He did not talk much in his youth, and was even then overbearing and headstrong; he was ingenious and whimsical. It is said that one day, when the cattle were at the milking-place, a bull was there which belonged to the farm, and that another bull came, and they butted each other. The young Helgi was outside, and saw that their bull was defeated, so he went away and fetched an iron spike and tied it to the forehead of the bull, and thus it defeated the other. From this he was called Brodd-Helgi, and he was more skilled than any other man who grew up in the district” (Thatt of Thorstein the White, c. 1).

“Thorólf in his old age married Unn, and by her had a son named Stein. This boy Thórólf dedicated to his friend Thór, and he was therefore called Thórstein” (Eyrbyggja, c. 7).

“Thorstein was married to Thóra, and by her had a son, who was water-sprinkled and named Grim; his father gave him to Thor, saying he would become hofgodi (temple-priest); he was on that account called Thorgrim” (Eyrbyggja, c. 20).

When a woman gave birth to a child the household and neighbours had to be present.

“Housemaids and neighbouring women shall be at the bed-journey of every woman until the child is born, and not leave it before they have laid it to the breast of the mother.... No woman shall have her child at the breast longer than three fasts,^[68] but shall have it until the third one. If her husband says that she must take her child from the breast and his wife has such power that she will not obey his words, she is liable to pay three marks of her own property. If he does not heed it any more than she, then they are each to pay three marks of their property” (Borgarthing Law, 3).

The children of prominent families were said to be born with weapons, which seem to have been specially made to be given at the time of birth; and the animals born that day were also given to the child as a birth-gift.

“Hlöd, the son of King Heidrek, was brought up with King Humli, his mother’s father, and was the most handsome and bold of men. But it was an old saying at that time that a man was born with weapons or horses; this was said about the 37weapons that were made at the time the man was born. Also sheep, animals, oxen or horses, if born at the time, were given to high-born men in their honour, as here is said about Hlödver Heidreksson:

When a child cut his first tooth it was the custom to give him a present.

“Ásta, Gudbrand’s daughter, bore a boy who was named Olaf when he was water-sprinkled by Hrani. It was said by some that Gudbrand would not let him be raised on account of the hatred he had against his father (Harald Grænski), until Hrani told him that he had seen light over the house in which the child was born. Gudbrand himself went to look at it. Then the boy was taken and brought up with great love. Hrani gave him a belt and a knife as tooth-fee, and when he grew up he gave him a ring and a sword” (St. Olaf’s Saga, vol. iv.; Fornmanna Sögur).

In the battle of Svold, Olaf Tryggvason said to Thyri, his queen:-

“Now thou needest not weep, for thou hast got back thy possessions in Vindland, but I shall to-day claim thy tooth-fee from King Svein, thy brother, which thou hast often asked me to do.”

The goddesses and gods seem to have been called upon to help women in the pangs of childbirth.

“Borgný, a king’s daughter, could not be delivered of her child before Oddrun, the sister of Atli, came to help her; and then Borgný says:

38Traders and warriors who lived abroad among Christians had to receive what was called the prime sign, which enabled them to live among Christians without becoming baptized and forsaking their ancient faith. These prime-signed men on their return to their native land brought with them the first notions of Christianity, and undoubtedly paved the way for its final acceptance.

“A man by name Toki came to King Olaf Haraldsson. The king asked him if he was baptized. Toki answered: ‘I am prime-signed and not baptized, because I have been in turn with the heathens and the Christians, though I believe in Hvitikrist (the white Christ). My errand to you is also that I want to be baptized and have the creed which you preach, for I am not likely to get it from a better man. The king was glad, when he wanted to be baptized and serve God. Thereupon Toki was baptized by the king’s hird-bishop and died in the white garments (of baptism)” (Flateyjarbok, ii. 137).

“In the spring the brothers-in-law Thorgrim and Thorkel made the ship of the eastmen ready for a voyage abroad, and took it as their property. These eastmen had been very unruly in Norway and there was no peace there. They went to sea, and this same summer Gisli and his brother-in-law Vestein went abroad from Skeljavik in Steingrim’s fjord. Önund of Medaldal managed the farm of Gisli and Thorkel, and Saka-Stein that of Thorgrim in Sœból, with the latter’s wife, Thordis. He was a near kinsman of Thorgrim. At this time Harald Grafeld (gray skin) ruled over Norway. Thorgrim and Thorkel landed north in Thrandheim and there met the king, went before him and greeted him, and he received them well; they became friendly with his men, and it was easy for them to get property and honour. Gisli and his followers were at sea more than a hundred days and landed in Hördaland, during the winter-nights (first three nights of winter), in a heavy snowstorm and violent gale. Their ship was broken into chips, but they saved their property and lives. Skegg-Bjalfi had a trading ship, and was going to Denmark. Gisli wanted to buy half his ship from him, and he said he had heard they were good men and sold them this half; they at once gave him more than its value in property. They went south to Denmark, to the trading town called Vebjörg (Viborg); they stayed there during the winter with Sigrhadd; they were three together there, Gisli, Vestein, and Bjalfi; they were good friends and exchanged many gifts. At this time Christianity 39had come into Denmark, and Gisli and his companions let themselves be prime-signed; it was a custom at that time much used by the men who were on trading journeys, for they could then hold free intercourse with the Christians. Early in the spring Bjalfi made his ship ready for Iceland. Sigurd, a Norwegian, the companion of Vestein, was then west in England” (Gisli Sursson’s Saga, pp. 95–97).

The exposure of the child depended so entirely upon the will of the father, that not even the mother dared to oppose it; if the child was fatherless at its birth, the right was exercised by the person who ruled over the household or family, and the child was then carried out by a thrall. Such children as had not been received by the father, or with his knowledge or consent, were called úborin börn (unborn or non-accepted children); the exposure itself is called utburd (= carrying out, i.e., out of the house).

There was a chief in Iceland named Asbjorn Gunnbjarnarson; his wife was Thorgerd, a fine and accomplished woman. They had a daughter, Thorny, whom Thorgerd gave in marriage to Skidi without Asbjorn’s consent.

“Some years after Asbjorn rode to the Thing and said to Thorgerd: ‘Now I ride to the Thing as I am wont, and I know that thou art far gone with a child; now whatever it is, boy or girl, it shall not be raised, but exposed.’ She said he should not do that, so wise and powerful a man as he was; ‘for it would be an unheard-of wickedness even if a poor man did it, but especially as you do not lack goods.’ Asbjorn replied: ‘I thought when thou gavest our daughter Thorny to Skidi, the eastman, without my knowing it, that I should not raise more children for thee to give away against my will, but if thou dost not do as I tell thee, thou wilt feel it, as will all who break my orders, or do not do what I want.’ He rode to the Thing. A little after Thorgerd gave birth to a boy; it was large, fat, and very fine; all who saw it, both men and women, praised it. Though Thorgerd thought the child was fine and loved it much, nevertheless she wanted it to be exposed, for she knew the temper of her husband, Asbjorn, that he must have his will. Then she got men to expose the child, and prepare him, as was the custom. They took it out of the house, laid it down between two stones, and put a large slab over it; they left a piece of pork in the child’s mouth, and went away. Gest, a bondi, heard the child 40crying, and took it home to his wife; she was the foster-mother of Thorgerd, and recognised the boy. They agreed to raise the child as their own” (Finnbogi Rammi’s Saga).

Among the chief reasons which led to the exposure of a child were deformity, and discord between man and wife; dissatisfaction of the wife’s father with the union of which the child was the fruit; persuasion of the wife if her husband got a child by a concubine; superstitions as to evil omens at the time of birth, which were thought to indicate coming misfortunes caused by the child; and, finally, the utter inability of the parents to raise the child on account of their poverty.

“Every child which is born into this world shall be raised, baptized, and carried to the church, except that only which is born so deformed that the mother cannot give strength to it, whose heels are in the place of the toes, whose chin is between his shoulders, the neck on his breast, with the calves on his legs turning forward, his eyes on the back of his head, and seal’s fins or a dog’s head. It shall be carried to a beach and buried where neither men nor cattle go; that is the beach of the evil one. Next is the child which is born with a skin-bag on its face; it can be seen by every one that it cannot get its food, though it might grow up; it shall be taken and carried to the church, be prime-signed, laid at the church door; the nearest kinsman shall watch it till breath is out of it; it shall be buried in the churchyard, and its soul shall be prayed for as well as is possible”^[70] (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, i. 1).

“Signý bore a girl, both large and handsome; her brother Torfi would not let it be water-sprinkled until he knew how it would go with her life. She died, and he became so angry^[71] that he wanted to have the child exposed. He asked his foster-father Sigurd to take the child and go with it to the Reykjardals river and there drown it. Sigurd said this was very wicked, but could not refuse; so he took the child, and went with it. It seemed to him so handsome that he had not the heart to throw it into the river; he turned up to Signýjarstadir, and laid the child down at the yard gate, thinking it likely that it would soon be found. Grim bondi Signýjarson was standing outside at the house gable, and saw this. He went and took it up and brought it in, and gave out that his wife 41Helga was sick and had borne a child.... Torfi became angry at this; he took the girl, but did not dare to kill her, for it was called murder to kill children after they were water-sprinkled” (Hord’s Saga, c. 8).

“Thorstein (son of Egil Skallagrimsson) one summer prepared to go to the Thing, and said to his wife Jófrid: ‘Thou art with child; if it is a girl thou shalt have it exposed, but raise it if it is a boy.’ It was the custom, while the country was all over heathen, for those who had little property to have their children exposed, although it was always considered very wicked. And when Thorstein had said this, Jófrid answered: ‘This is unworthy of a man like thee, and thou who art so rich, oughtest not to do this.’ Thorstein added: ‘Thou knowest well my temper, and that it will not be well with thee if my order is not obeyed.’ Then he rode to the Thing, and Jófrid gave birth to a girl which was exceedingly handsome. The women wanted to take it, but she said they needed not, and called her shepherd Thorvard, and said: ‘Take my horse and lay a saddle on it, and bring this child to Thorgerd, daughter of Egil (Skallagrimsson) in Hjardarholt, and ask her to raise it secretly so that Thorstein may not know it; I look on this child with such eyes of love that I have not the heart to expose it. Here are three marks of silver as reward; Thorgerd will send thee abroad.’ Thorvard did as she said. He rode to Hjardarholt with the child and handed it to Thorgerd; she had it raised with her tenant at Leysingjastadir in Hvammsfjord.... When Thorstein came home from the Thing Jófrid told him that the child had been exposed as he had ordered, but her shepherd had run away and stolen her horse. Thorstein said this was good, and got another shepherd. For six winters this was not discovered. A few years after, when Thorstein was on a visit to his brother-in-law, Thorgerd told him that the beautiful girl before him was his own daughter, and how she had come thither. Thorstein said: ‘I cannot blame you for this; most things that are fated take place, and you have remedied my foolishness. I like this girl so much that it seems to me great luck to have so fair a child; but what is her name?’ ‘Helga she is called,’ answered Thorgerd. ‘Helga the fair,’ added Thorstein. ‘Now thou shalt make her ready to go home with me’” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, c. 3).

No violent hand was ever laid upon children that were to be exposed. Only one case is mentioned of a child which was to be thrown into the water. One custom was to put the 42child in a covered grave; but the most common was to leave the death or life of the child to fate, by exposing it in an out-of-the-way place; for instance, between heaped-up stones, or in a hollow under the root of a tree, but making it tolerably secure against wild animals. Sometimes nourishment, mostly pork to suck, was given, in order to prolong its life, in case any one might possibly find it and take pity on it.

“Thórkatla, Asgrim’s wife, bore a boy, and he ordered it to be exposed. The thrall who was to dig the grave whetted a hoe, and laid the boy on the floor. Then they heard the boy sing—

Thereupon the boy was water-sprinkled, and named Thorstein.”

The custom of exposing children was so deeply rooted in the minds of the people that Christianity itself could not at first prevent it from taking place.

“It was then made law, that all men of the country should become Christians, and such as were not baptized should be so. But in regard to child exposure and the eating of horseflesh the old law was to stand; men would be allowed to sacrifice in secret, if they wished to, but became outlaws if witnesses saw it” (Islendingabók, c. 7).

“Sigvat skáld and other Icelanders were with King Olaf as has been told. Olaf enquired carefully how Christianity was kept in Iceland. He thought it was very badly kept when they told him that it was allowed by the laws to eat horseflesh and expose children as the heathens used to do” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 56).

It was the general custom among the chiefs and other leading men not to have the children reared at home, but to have them educated with some distinguished friend for the future duties of life. Those who received them were bound to treat them as their own children, with love and kindness; and there are many examples in the Sagas of the great love of the foster-parents for their foster-children.

43The general custom was first to have the child knee-seated (knésetja), or put on the knees of him who was to be fosterer; the child was then called the knee-seated (knésetningr) of his foster-father, who bestowed upon him as much care as if he had been his own child.

“Harald (Gormsson) took Harald, son of Eirik (Blood-axe), to raise him, and knee-seated him; he was raised in his hird”^[72] (Fornmanna Sögur, i., ch. 19).

“Höskuld, an Icelandic chief, having died and his sons having held arvel after him, one of these, Thorleik by name, was jealous of his stepbrother Olaf, whose mother was Melkorka, an Irish king’s daughter, who had been bought as a thrall by Höskuld. To conciliate him, Olaf offered to foster Thorleik’s son, saying: ‘I will foster thy son, for he is always called a lesser man who fosters the child of another’”^[73] (Laxdæla, c. 27).

To raise another’s child was a proof that the fosterer considered himself of lower or subordinate position than the father. A very good example in this respect is that of Harald Fairhair and Athelstan of England.

“At this time there ruled over England a young king, Adalstein (Athelstan) the Good, who was one of the most high-born men in Northern lands. He sent men to Norway to King Harald with a message. The messenger went before the king and gave him a sword the handle and hilt of which were ornamented with gold. The whole scabbard was ornamented with gold and silver, and set with precious stones. The messenger held out the sword-handle towards the king, and said: ‘Here is a sword which Adalstein, King of England, sent you as a gift.’ The king took hold of the handle, and at once the messenger said: ‘Now you have taken hold as our king wanted, and after this you will be his thegn and sword-taker.’ King Harald felt that this was sent to delude him, thought much over it, and asked his wise men if the messenger should be killed or the king disgraced in any other manner, for he would not be the thegn of the Engla king or any other man in the world. Then King Harald at the persuasion of his men remembered that it was not king-like to kill the messengers of another king, who bore the message of their master without adding to it; but to let plot contend against 44plot, and word against word; and he let the men of the Engla king go in peace. The following summer Harald sent a ship west to England, and gave the command of it to his best friend, Hauk Hábrók. The king gave into his hands a child which a bondwoman of the king’s, by name Thora Mostrstöng, had borne. She was a native of Mostr in Sunnhördaland. This boy was named Hakon, and the mother said he was the son of King Harald. But Hauk came west to England, and found King Adalstein in Lundúnir (London), and went before him when the tables were cleared and greeted him. The king bade him welcome. Then Hauk said: ‘Lord, Harald, the King of the Northmen, sends you good greeting, and therewith sends you a white bird well trained, and asks you to train it better hereafter.’ He took the child from his cloak and put it on the knee of the king, who looked at him, but Hauk stood in front of the king, and did not bow to him; he had under the left side of his cloak a sharp sword, and thus all his men were dressed, and they were altogether thirty. Then King Adalstein said: ‘Who owns this child?’ Hauk answered: ‘A bondwoman in Norway, and King Harald said that thou shouldst raise her child.’ The king answered: ‘This boy has not the eyes of a thrall!’ Hauk answered: ‘The mother is a bondwoman, and she says that King Harald is the father, and now the boy is thy knee-seater, and now thou owest him as much as thy own son.’ The king answered: ‘Why should I raise the child of King Harald though it were the child of King Harald’s own wife, much less the child of a bondwoman?’ and with one hand he grasped a sword lying at his side and the child with the other. Then Hauk said: ‘Thou hast taken as fosterer one child of King Harald’s and knee-seated it, and thou mayest murder it if thou wishest, but thou wilt not therewith kill all the sons of King Harald, and it will be said hereafter, as has been said before, that he who fosters the child of another is a lesser man.’ Thereafter Hauk went away, and took the cloak on his left arm and held his drawn sword in the other hand; the one of his men who had entered the last went out first. This done they went down to their ship, and as there was fair wind from the land out to sea, they made use of it, sailing to Norway. And when they came to King Harald he thanked Hauk well for his journey. King Adalstein had Hakon raised at his Court, and he was afterwards called Athelstan’s foster-son. In these dealings of the kings it was seen that each of them wanted to be regarded as higher than the other, but there was no difference made between their rank on this account, and each of them was king in his realm till his death-day” (Fagrskinna, c. 21–22).

45In the raising and education of boys, most attention was paid to their physical development; both physical and intellectual accomplishments were named idrottir. The most important of these were—the skilful handling of all kinds of weapons, riding, swimming, snow-shoe running, rowing, wrestling, working in wood and metal, and harp-playing; to which should sometimes be added skill in training and managing dogs, falcons and hawks for the hunt. Of intellectual accomplishments are mentioned knowledge of runes, laws, the art of poetry, so necessary for remembrance of the deeds of heroes, eloquence, skill in draughts or checkers, chess, and the use of foreign tongues.

Kali, the son of Kol, who had settled in the Orkneys, well known as a kindly and accomplished man, composed the following stanza:—

“It is told that Hjördis gave birth to a boy, and he was carried to King Hjalprek. He was glad when he saw the flashing eyes in his head, and said no one would be his equal, and he was water-sprinkled with the name Sigurd; all people say the same of him, that in vigour and size no man was his equal. He was brought up by Hjalprek with great affection. When all the famous men and kings in the old Sagas are named, Sigurd will be the foremost in strength and accomplishments, energy and valour, which he had in a higher degree than any other man in the northern half of the world. Sigurd grew up there with Hjalprek, and every child loved him; he betrothed Hjördis to King Alf, and fixed her mund. The foster-father of Sigurd was Regin, son of Hreidmar; he taught him idrottir, chess, and runes, and to speak many tongues, as then was the custom with kings’ sons, and many other things” (Volsunga Saga, c. 13).

Raising children secretly seems not to have been allowed.

“King Harald Hardradi, during a visit to the Norwegian chief Áslák, inquired of him if he was not well versed in the laws established by the late king, Olaf Haraldsson (digri). Áslák saying that he was, the king asked him if he knew what 46punishment was given for having a son fostered in secret. Áslák replied that he did not know, but that a man might have his child fostered where he pleased. The king answered that he would lose lands and life. Áslák confessed he could not see why such a severe punishment should be imposed, but, however, it did not concern him. The king informed him that it did, as he had been told that he had a son fostered in secret, at the same time naming the man who told him. Áslák then acknowledged having had a son named Heming, who at first was very promising, but after awhile became insane, and therefore had been sent far away from Torgar (Áslák’s home), and he now did not know whether this son lived or was dead. The king said he should soon go away, but would return next season, and then expect to see either Heming or his bones, if he should be dead” (Flateyjarbók, iii.).

The children seem to have amused themselves in a manner very similar to that which is customary in the present day.

“The boys Guthorm and Hálfdán, Ásta’s sons (St. Olaf’s half-brothers) were playing with large bœr and barns, cattle and sheep, which they had themselves made. Harald (the third son) was a short way off at a muddy creek of the lake with many chips of wood floating on the water. (St.) Olaf asked him what they were for. He said they were his war-ships. The King laughed and said: ‘It may be, kinsman, thou wilt rule ships in time to come’ (this boy was Harald Hardradi)” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 75).

The inheritance feast—Its duration—Customs of the feast—Right of sitting in the high seat—The feast after Heidrek’s death—Division of property—Settlement of debts—Support of paupers—The arvel in Christian times—Consent of heirs to the disposal of property—Rules regulating inheritance—Adoption—Ceremony of adoption—Public announcement of adoption—Female degrees of inheritance—Property of foreigners.

The erfi-öl (ale or inheritance feast) was a very important ceremony at which the heir took formal possession of the property of his kinsman. The seventh day after death seems to have been the earliest on which the arvel, which usually lasted three nights, could legally be held. If the deceased was a prominent man, sometimes one or more years passed ere the arvel was held, and numerous guests were then invited from far and near.

“Thorolf was laid in a mound with some property suitable to his rank. Then Thorstein made a feast (arvel) and invited the jarl and many other high-born men. They sat at it for three nights as was customary. Thorstein sent them away with good gifts” (Svarfdæla Saga).

“If a full-grown man remains quiet for seven days, or till the morning of the thirtieth day, and does not call for the inheritance, then he never can get that inheritance. If he remains quiet and is not entitled to take it (i.e. is not of age) then he shall declare that he is inheritance-born. Another may declare it on his behalf. He shall claim this inheritance during the first five years after he is entitled to it. If he does not he can never claim it afterwards. This is if no necessity hinders. If he is not in the fylki and not in the land he must claim it in the first twelve months after he gets into the fylki where the inheritance is, if no necessity hinders. Necessities shall be taken into consideration” (Gulath., 122).

The high-seat of the deceased stood empty until the arvel. On the first evening the heir or heirs sat upon a lower seat, 48generally the steps of the high-seat, until the memorial toast of the deceased and of the mightiest of their departed kinsmen and the gods had been proposed. They then sat down on the high-seat, and by this act took possession of the inheritance.

It was the custom for the heir to empty a horn of mead or ale, and make a vow to perform some great and valorous deed. The feast continued for several days, with an abundance of drink and eatables as at other feasts, and presents were given to the guests at their departure, as was the custom at such entertainments.

“Shortly after the great news was heard from Denmark that Strútharald jarl, the father of Sigvaldi and Thorkel, was dead; the third brother Heming was young, and King Svein (Tjuguskegg) thought it was his duty to arrange the arvel of Strútharald jarl if the elder sons did not come, for Heming was regarded as too young to manage the feast. The king sent word to Sigvaldi and Thorkel in Jómsborg, that they should come to the arvel, and make the feast with him, and so arrange it that as much honour as possible might be done to such a chief as their father Strútharald. They sent word that they would come, and that he should prepare everything needed for the feast, and that they would defray the expenses, and he should take everything he needed from the property of Strútharald. Most of their men thought it unadvisable that they should go there, and suspected that the friendship of King Svein and Sigvaldi and the Jómsvikings was rather shallow, after what had happened between them before, though they had then behaved becomingly to each other. The brothers wanted by all means to go there, as they had promised. The Jómsvikings would not stay at home, but followed them to the feast.

“They left Jómsborg with a large host; they had a hundred and seventy ships. They went to Zeeland, where Harald jarl had ruled; Svein was there, and had prepared the arvel; it was about the time of the winter-nights. There was a great number of men, and a good feast; the Jómsvikings drank eagerly the first evening, and the drink intoxicated them much. After it had gone on for a while, Svein saw that they had become nearly all dead drunk, as they were very talkative and merry, and little afraid of saying many things which they else would not have said; seeing this the king said: ‘Here is great merriment, and many men, and I propose that you shall find some new and worthy enjoyment to entertain the people, which will long hereafter be remembered.’ 49Sigvaldi answered: ‘We think it most becoming, and best for the entertainment that you, lord (herra), should make the first proposal, for we all have to obey you, and we all will assent to the entertainment you desire.’ The king said: ‘I know it has always been customary at great feasts and meetings, and where select men have met, to make vows to entertain and make themselves renowned, and I am willing to try that now, for as you, Jómsvikings, are far more famous than all other men in all the northern half of the world, it is easy to know that the vows you will make here will be as much more renowned than others as you are greater than other men, and it is likely that people will long remember them, and I will begin. I vow that I will, before the third winter-nights hereafter have passed, have driven King Ethelred (of England) out of his realm, or else have slain him, and thus have got his realm. Now is thy turn, Sigvaldi, and make no less a vow than I” ... (Jomsvikinga Saga, c. 37).

“Ingjald had a great feast prepared at Upsala, and intended to give an arvel after his father Önund, in a hall no less large or stately than the hall at Upsala. This he called the hall of the seven kings, for seven high-seats were in it. He sent men throughout Sweden, and invited kings and jarls and other high-born men; to this arvel came six kings, who were seated in the new-made hall. One of the high-seats which Ingjald had had prepared was empty. All the guests were seated in the new hall, and Ingjald had placed his hird and all his men in Upsala-hall. It was customary at that time that, where an arvel was made after the death of kings or jarls, the one who gave it and was to be led to the inheritance should sit on the step in front of the high-seat until the horn, called Bragi’s horn, was brought in, then he had to rise, take the horn, make a vow, and drain it to the bottom. After this he was to be led to the high-seat of his father, and then he was the owner of all his inheritance. Thus was it done here; when the horn of Bragi came in Ingjald rose, and took the large deer’s horn; he vowed that he would increase his realm by half in every quarter, or else die; then he drank it off. In the evening when the men were drunk, Ingjald said to Folkvid and Hulvid, the sons of Svipdag, that they and their men should arm themselves as was agreed upon. They went out to the new hall and set it on fire; six kings with all their men were burnt there, and those who tried to escape were soon slain. Thereupon Ingjald took possession of all the realms owned by these kings, and took taxes from them” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 40).^[74]

50It appears that the right of sitting in the high-seat, conveyed with it the right to rule over household and land.

“When King Harald (Fairhair) was eighty winters old he became heavy in his movements, so that he thought he could not journey about the country or conduct the affairs of the realm. He then led his son Eirik into his high-seat, and gave him power over the whole country.

“When his other sons heard of this, Halfdan the black placed himself in a king’s high-seat and took the rule over the whole of Thrandheim, and all the Thrands supported him in this. But when the men of Vikin heard of it, they took Olaf as king over the whole of Vikin, which Eirik did not like” (Olaf Tryggvason, vol. i.; Fornmanna Sögur).

“It is said that one day when the people went to lögberg (the place of the court at the Althing), Olaf (son of Höskuld, a chief who had died shortly before) rose and asked for silence, and told the people first of the decease of his father: ‘Here are now many of his kinsmen and friends; it is the wish of my brothers that I invite to the arvel after the death of our father, Höskuld, all temple-priests, for most of his relatives are likely to be prominent men; I declare that none of the more highborn men shall go away without gifts; we also want to invite the bœndr and every one who will accept, rich and poor; ten weeks before the beginning of winter you will come to a feast lasting half a month at Höskuldstadir.’ When Olaf ended his speech he was cheered, and his speech was thought very fine. When Olaf returned to his booth he told his brothers the plan; they did not like it, and thought too much had been offered. After the Althing the brothers rode home. The summer passed, and the brothers made ready for the feast; Olaf contributed the third part lavishly, and it was prepared in the best manner. Great preparations were made, for it was believed that many would come. At the appointed time most men of rank who had promised came; they were so many, that people say there were not less than nine hundred (1080). This feast had the greatest number of guests in Iceland, next to that which the sons of Hjalti made after their father, where twelve hundred were present (1440). In all respects it was very fine, and the brothers got much honour, but Olaf, who gave as much as both his brothers, the most; gifts were given to all men of prominence” (Laxdæla, c. 27).

“Every man shall himself rule his property, so long as he can sit in his high-seat, man as well as woman. If a man gets so much out of wits that it seems to his kinsmen on male and 51female side that he know not how to manage his property, the next heir shall take care of it. It must not be sold away from the owner, and he shall get his living from it as is befitting for both” (Frostath., ix. 20).

After the death of Heidrek we read an account of the arvel, and see one of the brothers coming to claim his share of the division, which seems to have been made by mutual arrangement, but not in this case.

“Thereupon Angantýr made a great feast in Danparstadir, at a bœr called Arheimar, as an arvel alter his father’s death.

“Hlöd heard of the death of his father, and that his brother Angantýr had been made king over the whole realm. King Humli wanted Hlöd to go and demand his inheritance from his brother Angantýr....

“The man went in before the king’s table and said:—

“When the king heard this he threw his knife on the table and rose and put on a coat-of-mail, and took a white shield in one hand, and the sword Tyrfing in the other. Then there arose a great uproar in the hall, as here is said:—

52“Angantýr said: ‘Welcome! hail to thee! go in and drink with us, and let us first drink mead after our father to the honour of us all.’ Hlöd replied: ‘We came hither for another purpose than filling our stomach.’

“Gizur Grýtingalidi, the foster-father of Heidrek, was then with Angantýr; he was very old; when he heard the offer of Angantýr he thought he offered too much, and said:—

“Now Hlöd became very angry at being called a bondwoman’s child and a bastard if he accepted his brother’s offer; he went 53away with all his men to Húnaland to Humli, his mother’s father, and told him that his brother Angantýr had offered him a third of the realm, Humli heard all they had spoken, and was very angry that his daughter’s son Hlöd should be called the son of a bondwoman. He said:—

Property was divided also by mutual arrangement.

“Now that season passed and the moving days came. Thorkel told Gisli that he wanted to have all the property divided between them, and begin joint housekeeping with Thorgrim, his brother-in-law. Gisli said: ‘It is best to see the property of brothers together, brother; and I should be thankful if we did not divide.’ Thorkel answered: ‘I saw long ago that we are unequally kept, as thou toilest night and day for our household, while I am good for nothing.’ Gisli replied: ‘I am well content, and would willingly let it be thus.’ But Thorkel would listen to nothing but division, and said: ‘Thou shalt get the homestead in the division, and our father’s estate, because I ask for the division, but I will take the loose property.’ Gisli said: ‘We have tried both to agree and to disagree, kinsman, and both of us have succeeded better when we agreed; let us not change this, brother, when we agree well.’ ‘It is of no use talking of it,’ said Thorkel; ‘the property must be divided.’ ‘Then do whichever thou likest,’ said Gisli; ‘divide or choose; for I do not care which I do.’ ‘Then I want thee to divide,’ said Thorkel; and it was done. Thorkel chose the loose property, which was more than the land which Gisli got. There were two children to be supported by it, a boy Geirmund and a girl Gudrid; the children of their kinsman Ingjald. Gudrid went with Gisli, and Geirmund with Thorkel. Thorkel went to his brother-in-law Thorgrim and lived with him; Gisli remained at Hól, and did not find that the household was worse than before”^[79] (Gisli Sursson’s Saga, p. 100).

54At the arvel the debts of the dead were settled, and divisions made if the heirs were several. If the property left was not sufficient to pay the debts, then the creditors had to share the loss in proportion to their claims. If the heirs were sons or daughters of the deceased they had to pay the debts out of their own property.

“When a man is dead his heir shall sit in the high-seat and summon all the creditors to come there on the seventh day and take away each their due, as much as witnesses proved. If the property is not enough all shall share the loss. The one to whom more was due shall lose more. If a pauper’s and a woman’s share are in the inheritance it holds good if there is money enough for both; if there is not she shall lose her gagngjald (tilgjöf).... If there are sons or daughters they shall pay the debts if they have property, but no other man shall do so unless he inherits property” (Gulathing’s Law, 115).

After the debts were paid, then the paupers were distributed between the heirs (or if only one pauper existed, each heir supported him in turn in the same proportion as the inheritance), for the community never intervened in the support of paupers.

“If people divide paupers without property between them the division shall be kept up, however they may divide. They (paupers) shall follow the heirs”^[80] (Gulath., 127).

Only children by a lawful union were legitimate skirborinn (holy-born), and consequently arfborinn (inheritance-born).

“The child whose mother is bought with mund is inheritance-born when it comes into daylight living and receives food” (Gragas, i. 223).^[81]

“The man who has been carried between the skaut (cloak-skirts) of father and mother shall have the same rights as his father had” (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, ix. 15).

“If a man lives with his concubine twenty winters or more, and they never separate during that time, and no hindrances come forward during the time, then their children are inheritance-born and they are partners by law” (Gulath., 125).

55In Christian times the arvel changed its name into that of soul-ale.

“Wherever men die and the heir wants to have an arvel, whether it is in seven days or on the thirtieth morning or later, it is called erfiöl. If they make ale and call it sálu-öl (soul-ale) they shall invite to it the priest, of whom they buy service, with two other men at least. The priest shall go to arvels or soul-ales if not hindered by necessity. If he will not go he shall lose his tithe” (Gulath., 23).

No one who had lawful heirs was allowed to dispose of his property before his death without the assent of these heirs.

“No man shall divide a property or inheritance before the owner allows it, until men see that he spoils it. As long as a man has his wits and can manage his farm and bargains, and is able to ride on horseback and drink ale, he shall rule his property, and no man is allowed to divide it; if it is divided it shall not be kept” (Gulath., 126).^[82]

“When two daughters inherit from their father, and one has a daughter and the other a son, the son can redeem (the land) from his kinswomen according to law. But if this son has only daughters, while the daughter of his mother’s sister has a son, he can redeem the land from them for the same sum as was paid to his mother. Then the land shall remain where it is, for it has come three times under spindle” (Gulath., 275).

The nearest of kin inherited the property, and the rules regulating the inheritance are these:—

“A son shall take inheritance after his father if it goes as it ought, and an adopted son like one family-born; and if things go badly (if the son dies) the father inherits from his son if the latter has no heir.

“The second inheritance is the one which a daughter and son’s son take, if he and also his father are lawfully born.

“If two lawfully born son’s sons are inheritance-born, and the one’s father is lawfully born and the other’s not, then the first shall take the inheritance.

“Brothers who have the same father inherit from each other. When a brother dies, the sister born of the same father gets the inheritance.

56“A father’s father, and father’s brother, and brother’s son each inherit a third.

“The sixth inheritance is taken by a brother of the same mother (half-brother), and by a brother’s sons.

“A lawfully born mother is the heir of her child, and then a lawfully born father’s sister.

“A prisung^[83] and a thrall-born son, and a hornung,^[84] if freedom is given to them, take the same inheritance, and each of them inherits from the other.

“A mother’s father and daughter’s son both take the same inheritance, and each inherits from the other.

“A mother’s brother and sister’s son both take the same inheritance, and inherit from each other.

“Men who are sons of sister and brother both take the same inheritance, and inherit from each other.

“Sons of two sisters take the same inheritance, and inherit from each other.

“It is decided and decreed in the laws of men that if a man slays a man in order to inherit from him, he has forfeited his inheritance, and it shall be given according to law as if the man did not exist who slays another for the sake of inheritance” (Frostath. viii. 1–14).

By the so-called ættleiding, or leading into the family, i.e. adoption, a person could give the illegitimately born the right of inheritance, or at least a right to a certain part of the inheritance, together with the legal heirs, the consent of the latter being always necessary. The ceremony appears from different laws to have been the same all over the country, and its primitive form seems to indicate great antiquity; a shoe was placed alongside the skapker, the large vat into which the beer was poured in the banqueting hall, and from which the smaller vats and horns were filled and carried round among the guests. The ceremony which followed is thus described:—

“It is a full adoption, when a father leads into his family his son, and those men assent who are the next heirs of the one who adopts his son. Ale from three measures of grain shall be made, and a bull three winters old be killed, and the skin be flayed off its right hind-leg above the hough, and 57therefrom a shoe be made. The father shall let the one to be adopted step into it, and have in his arms those of his sons who are not of age, but those of his sons who are full-grown shall step into that shoe. If he has no inheritance-born sons those who are his nearest heirs shall step into the shoe. The adopted man shall be led into the embrace of the man and the wife. Women shall be witnesses as well as a man to a full adoption, as well as to the shoe if it is kept. The thrall-born son to whom liberty is given shall be adopted if either father or brother, or whoever is nearest heir, whether he is young or old, gives him his liberty, and those being the nearest heirs of the man who wants to adopt him assent. The son of a freed woman shall be adopted like that of a thrall-woman” (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, ix.).

“No man is allowed to give away an inheritance; a fraudulent bargain shall be reckoned as no bargain. The father who adopts his own son shall step into the shoe, and then his full-grown son. That is a full adoption. If there is no son the one who consents to the adoption shall step into the shoe. Then he who consents to his ódal rights shall step into the shoe. He shall say this: ‘I lead this man to the property which I give him, to payment and gift, to seat and settle, to indemnities and rings, and to all rétt as if his mother had been bought with mund” (Earlier Gulathings Law, c. 58).

The father^[85] had then to declare that he led the adopted son into the share of the inheritance which he gave him, and with the same rights as if his mother had been law fully wed. Those present had to bear witness to this leading into the family, as also to the use of the shoe, by means of which it had been done.

The Gulathings Law required the adopted to publicly announce his adoption at the Thing every twenty years, until he stepped into his inheritance.

“A man shall announce publicly his adoption every twenty winters until he gets his inheritance, which shall thereafter be his witness” (Gulath., 58).

“A woman could adopt as well as a man, but she could not adopt her illegitimate son, nor a man his illegitimate daughter.

58“A man must never lead a woman into his family (adopt her), nor a woman a man” (Frostathings Law, ix. 21).

To an illegitimate son a father could not give more than a certain amount without the consent of his heir.

“Höskuld Dala-Kollsson fell sick in his old age. He sent for his sons, and other friends and kinsmen; when they came he said to the brothers Bard and Thorleik: ‘I am now ill, but I have been a man not apt to be taken ill. My third son is not legitimately born, and I ask you, his brothers, to let Olaf inherit a third of my property, and you the two other thirds.’ Bard answered first, and said he would do as his father wanted. ‘I believe Olaf will do us credit in every respect, and the more so the richer he is.’ Thorleik answered: ‘I do not want Olaf to be made legitimate heir; he has already more than enough property; thou, father, hast given him many things, and for a long time hast shared very unequally between us brothers; I am not willing to give up the honour to which I am born.’ Höskuld replied: ‘You will not object if I give my son three mörk^[86] (of gold), since he is so high-born on his mother’s side.’ To this Thorleik consented. Then Höskuld took the gold ring that Hakon jarl had given him, which weighed two mörk, and the sword which was the gift of the king, on which was a mörk of gold” (Laxdæla, ch. 26).

The Gulathings Law expressly mentions those female degrees to which the ódal descended. These were: daughter, sister, aunt, father’s sister, daughter of brothers, and son’s daughters. It adds that if two sisters inherited an ódal, and one had a son and the other a daughter, the former had a right to purchase the shares of his kinswomen in the ódal.

The right of inheritance does not seem to have extended further than the third cousin on the father’s side, or second cousin on the mother’s.

Where sons existed they always inherited to the exclusion of their sisters.^[87]

If an ódal by inheritance came to one not entitled to ódals-right, the right of redemption was open to the nearest of kin, who had such right.

59If one of joint heirs had the right of ódal and the other not, the former got his share of the inheritance in ódals land, the other in personal property. In case a son’s son and daughter inherited together, the former had the right of purchasing the latter’s share in the ódal.

Daughters always inherited certain things, such as article of clothing, household goods, bedding, ornaments, &c.

“This shall a daughter take in inheritance after her mother, if her brother is alive: all clothes except cloaks (skikkja) of gudvef (costly stuff), and all uncut clothes; these her brother owns. And of clothes the brother shall take gold-lace, if he wants it; but woven cloaks and all bed-hangings, and lace-clothes (i.e. edged with lace), brocades and feather-clothes and down-clothes, the daughter shall have. If a web is in the loom, the son owns that which is woven, and the daughter that which is not woven. The son owns all mats and bench-clothes, fur-hoods and house-furniture; the daughter owns the bed-covers if her mother owned them, and the son if the father owned them. The daughter owns five sheep, and all linen and yarn, and five sheepskins with the wool on, and the geese, and the son owns all the rest. The daughter owns all cloth-chests, if her mother owned them. The daughter shall have a cross or a brooch, whichever she may want; or the best breast-ornament, if it is not of gold but of silver; and all brooches if they weigh one eyrir or less, and are of silver and precious stones. All vessels out of which women drink to each other across the floor at home belong to the daughter, though they are ornamented with silver. The son shall own the silver vessels. The daughter shall have one washing-basin, unless there be a chain between two, then she shall have both” (Earlier Frostathings Law, ix. 9).

If, during his lifetime, a father gave more property to one of his sons than to another, such a gift was taken into consideration at the division of the inheritance on the father’s death.

“If a man gives more to one of his sons than to the other then the latter shall take as much from the undivided property as was given to the one that got more; then they shall divide equally all that is left” (Gulath., 129).

The property of a foreigner who died in the country went 60to the country in which the man died unless the heir came to claim it.

“If English (Enskir) men die here or those whose language or tongue is not known here, then the law does not require that their inheritance be sent out of the country, unless a father or son or brother of the deceased has been in this country and claims it. The inheritance of foreigners received here by law need not be given up except to the heir” (Gragas, i. 224).

“King Svein held this feast in Ringstadir, and took great pains that nothing should be wanting to render it more splendid than any before it. The Jomsvikings came on the first day, and King Svein welcomed with great kindness Sigvaldi jarl and all his men. According to old custom the arvel had to be held during the year in which the person died for whom the arvel was made, but the man who gave it could not occupy the high-seat of him from whom he inherited until the arvel was drunk. On the first evening of the arvel many horns were to be filled, as is now done with memorial cups, and there they drank in honour of their mightiest kinsmen, or of Thor and other gods in the heathen times. The horn of Bragi was to be filled last then he who gave the arvel was to make a vow at it, and also all who were at the feast, after which the heir could sit down in the seat of the man for whom the arvel was made, and thereafter enjoy his inheritance and honour” (Fagrskinna, ch. 55).

Sacred character of foster-brotherhood—Ceremony of becoming foster-brothers—The oath—Joint ownership of property—Dissolution of the tie rare—Love between foster-children and foster-parents—Obligations.

Perhaps the most beautiful, touching, and unselfish trait in the character of man of which we have any record is the ancient custom of foster-brotherhood, which prevailed among the earlier Norse tribes. This relation between two men was of a most sacred and binding character, and was not even severed by the death of one.

Foster-brothers were those who in their youth had been brought up together—the sons of the fosterer and he who was fostered by him—or men who had fought against each other. Many examples are given of valiant men who fought against each other admiring each other’s bravery and becoming foster-brothers, pledging themselves by an oath, attended with the ceremony of letting their blood flow together on the earth.

After this impressive ceremony the men considered themselves bound to each other for life—to be unselfish and true to share the same danger, and avenge each other’s death; in fact their motto was, “One and the same fate may come over us.”

“In old times it had been the custom of valiant men, who made the agreement between themselves, that the one who lived the longest should avenge the other; that they should walk under three jardarmen,^[88] and that was their oath (equivalent to an oath). It was done thus: Three long slices of turf were to be cut up; their ends were to be fastened in the ground, 62and the loops raised so high that a man could go under them. This Thorgeir (Hávarsson) and Thormód (Bersason) did” (Fostbrædra Saga, 1).^[89]

Gisli was at a Thing with his brother-in-law Vestein. There were also a Godi named Thorgrim, and Gisli’s brother Thorkel. Gisli said:

“‘I think it right that we should bind our friendship still closer than before, and we four swear one another foster-brotherhood.’ To this they consented, and went on Eyrarhvolsoddi (point or tongue of land), and there cut from the ground a loop of turf, both ends being attached to the ground, and under this placed a spear inlaid with ornaments, so long that a man could reach with his hand to the spear-nail (i.e., the nail fastening the spear-point to the handle). Under this were to go the four, Thorgrim, Gisli, Thorkel, and Véstein. They then drew blood from themselves, and let it run together into the mould, which had been cut under the loop of turf, and mixed together the earth and the blood; thereupon they all fell on their knees and swore an oath that each should avenge the other like a brother, and called all the gods as witnesses. They all shook hands” (Gisli Súrsson’s Saga, p. 11).^[90]

When Angantýr and Beli were fighting, the latter became exhausted, and would have been killed by the former but for Thorstein, who came forward, and said:

“‘I think it right, Angantýr, that you should stop fighting, for I see that Beli is exhausted, and I will not be so mean as to help him against thee, but if thou becomest his slayer I will challenge thee to a hólmganga, and I think we are not less unequal than thou and Beli; I would kill thee in that hólmganga, and it would be a great loss if both of you were to die. Now will I offer thee this condition, if thou givest Beli his life, that we swear each other foster-brotherhood.’ Angantýr said: ‘It seems to me a fair offer, that I become the foster-brother of Beli, but it is a great boon for me to become thy foster-brother.’ This was then agreed upon. They let blood flow from the hollow of their hands, and went under a sod, and swore oaths that each one should avenge the other, if any one of them was slain with weapons” (Thorstein Vikingsson, c. 21).

It was usual to swear an oath that whoever survived his foster-brother 63should avenge him by weapons if he died, not sparing even his own relatives.

Orm Storólfsson, an Icelander, went to Norway, and there met Ásbjörn Prudi, from Vendilskagi in Jutland.

“They soon became friends, and tried many idróttir; they swore each other föstbrœdralag (foster-brotherhood) according to ancient custom, that the one who lived the longest should avenge the other, if he was slain in battle” (Thatt of Orm Storólfsson, Fornmanna Sögur 111).

In order that there should not be anything that might awaken the temptation of ill-feeling or jealousy, foster-brothers owned jointly and equally all their property, or any which might come into their possession during their Viking expeditions, so that all either of them owned or acquired was considered as belonging in equal shares to the other.

“The two kings Högni and Hédin vied with one another in all idróttir; they tried swimming and shooting, tournaments and skill with weapons, and were equal in all.

“After this they swore themselves into foster-brotherhood, and to own everything by halves” (Sörla Thátt, c. 6).

In very rare instances we see that foster-brotherhood could be dissolved.

“Thorgeir and Thormod, after having performed many a deed of valour, one day had a talk, and the former said to the latter: ‘Knowest thou anywhere two foster-brothers who are our equals in courage and manliness?’ Thormod replied: ‘They might perhaps be found, if we were to look for them far and wide.’ ‘Nowhere in Iceland, I think; but which of us two, dost thou think, would be the winner, if we were to try each other?’ Thorgeir inquired. ‘That I do not know,’ Thormod answered; ‘but this I know, that thy question puts an end to our fellowship and foster-brotherhood’”^[91] (Fostbrædra Saga).

This shows the proud spirit of the men of that period. Thormod felt deeply wounded that such a thought should 64have entered the heart of one with whom he had shared so many dangers.

The love which existed between foster-children and foster-parents is seen in many instances. When Olaf, son of Höskuld and Melkorka, daughter of king Mýrkjartan, came to Ireland—

“The foster-mother of Melkorka, who was bedridden from sickness and old age, was most moved by this news; she walked without a stick to see Olaf. The king (Mýrkjartan) said to Olaf: ‘Here is the foster-mother of Melkorka, who would like to hear from thee about her condition.’ Olaf took the old woman in his arms and seated her on his knee, and told her that her foster-daughter was well-off in Iceland. He handed to her the knife and the belt, and she recognized them and wept with joy. She said the son of Melkorka was imposing in appearance, as was likely, he being her son. The old woman was in good health all that winter” (Laxdæla, c. 21).

To carry a foster-brother’s last request and greetings to his relatives or friends, to bury him in a suitable manner, and to bring to the funeral pile or to the mound his property with all the love that could be shown, were considered obligatory by the surviving one.

“Asmund being one day in the forest met a man, who called himself Aran, and after a while proposed that they should try each other in some idróttir. Asmund saying he was ready, they proceeded with such idróttir as were customary among young men in those times, and no one could have determined who was the better man. They then began to wrestle hard, and neither could excel the other, and after it both were tired. Aran said to Asmund: ‘We will not try our skill with weapons, for that would be to the injury of us both. I should like to swear to each other foster-brotherhood, that each shall avenge the other, and possess in common property gotten and ungotten.’ They also took oaths that whoever lived the longest should have a mound thrown up over the other, and place therein as much property as seemed to him befitting, and the survivor had to sit with the dead one in the mound for three nights, and then depart, if he liked. Then both drew their blood and let it flow together; this was then regarded as an oath” (Egil and Asmund’s Saga, c. 6).

Arms of offence—Defensive weapons—Swords: Their rich ornamentation—Scabbards—Belts—Figurative names of swords—Supernatural qualities attributed to weapons—Weapons as heirlooms—Spears: Their figurative names—Axes: Their figurative names—Bows and arrows: Their figurative names—Mythical arrows—Slings—Shields: Their figurative names—Coats of mail: Their figurative names—Helmets: Their figurative names.

The finds, as well as the Sagas, fully corroborate the fact that from the earliest times the Northmen were a very warlike people.

⅖ real size.

Fig. 782.—Sword-hilt of iron. The pommel and hilt inlaid with bronze.—Norway.

⅓ real size.

Fig. 783.—Hilt of iron inlaid with silver.—Hedemarken, Norway.

Their arms of offence were the sword, the axe, the spear, the bow and arrow, the sling, &c., &c. Those of defence were the coat of mail, the shield, and the helmet. The weapons are often described as being ornamented and inlaid with gold and silver.

66

⅓ real size.

Fig. 784.—Double-edged sword of iron inlaid with silver; found with balance in a tumulus with charcoal, burnt bones, iron pincers, and remains of twine of lamp-threads.—Norway.

⅓ real size.

Fig. 785.—Double-edged sword-hilt, inlaid with silver and bronze, with broken blade. In a tumulus with an axe, a spear-head cut and bent, three shield-bosses, two horses’ bits, two stirrups, a hammer, the end of a chain, a piece of a two-edged sword, &c.—Norway.

⅓ real size.

Fig. 786.—Double-edged sword-hilt. In a round tumulus with fragments of bronze kettle, two sharpening stones, a pin with a mobile ring of bronze, amber bead, glass beads, remains of textile stuff with thread of gold weaved into it, two bronze fibulæ. About 2 feet higher were found an anvil, several hammers, pincers, two gimlets, a spear-head, a quantity of rivets; clinch nails and charcoal were scattered all over in the tumulus.—Norway.

⅓ real size.

Fig. 787.—Double-edged sword with hilt inlaid with silver; in a tumulus with a hook of iron, a spear-head cut on purpose on one side; an axe, a shield-boss damaged with blows of an axe, a horse’s bit, a scythe blade, fragments of an iron kettle. These antiquities lay in a kind of sepulchral chamber. A big chain of iron, &c., was also found.—Norway.

67The hilts of the swords were of iron, bronze, or wood, often inlaid and ornamented with precious metals, garnets, ivory, &c., &c.; when made of wood they were sometimes adorned with silver-headed nails. The handles of some of those swords belonging to the period of the earlier iron age are nearly identical in form with those of the bronze age.

Fig. 788.—Hilt of a double-edged sword, ⅓ real size, inlaid with silver, placed over an urn containing burnt bones.—Bohuslan.

Fig. 789.—Hilt of a double-edged iron sword, ⅖ real size, inlaid with silver, found with a spear-point of iron.—Södermanland, Sweden.

The scabbards were of wood, covered with skins, often richly ornamented with gold and silver. The men carried them in a belt across the shoulder, which by means of a double button could be lengthened or shortened. The luxury of the ornamentation on their weapons corresponds with that of the countries whence the forefathers of the race claimed to come.^[92]

68“Eyvind Urarhorn was in the winter at the Yule-feast with King Olaf, and received rich gifts from him, Brynjolf Ulfaldi was also there, and got as Yule-gift from the king a gold ornamented sword, and also a farm called Vettaland, which is a very large farm” (St. Olaf’s Saga, ch. 60).

“There were in the house not a few gold ornamented swords. Sigvat made a stanza, in which he said he would accept a sword if it were given to him by the king. The king took one and gave it him; the hilt was bound with gold, and the guards were gold ornamented; it was a very costly weapon” (St. Olaf’s Saga, 172).

⅓ real size.

Fig. 790.—Hilt of a double-edged sword inlaid with silver; in a tumulus with an axe.—Norway.

⅓ real size.

Fig. 791.—Hilt of a sword. Hilt of iron ornamented with carved and raised notches, the first of bronze, the latter of silver, partly destroyed.—Norway.

The swords were carefully tested before use.

“Thórólf took his own sword and gave to Thorstein; it was a fine and well-made sword. Thorstein took it, drew it, and catching its point, bent the blade between his hands so that the point touched the guard; he let it spring back, and 69it did not straighten again. He gave it back to Thórólf, and asked for a stronger weapon....” (Svarfdæla, ch. 2).

Fig. 792.—Hilt of sword ornamented with silver and gold. ½ real size.—Scania, Sweden.

Fig. 793.—Double-edged sword handle. ½ real size.—Götland.

From the following we see how careful the people were in polishing their swords, so that they might be very bright:—

“Thorir was the herdman of King Olaf, and was greatly honoured. As a token of it the king gave him the sword which his kinsmen had owned for a long time and been very fond of. It was called Thegn; it was both long and broad, sharper than any other, and three times polished” (An Bogsveigi’s, Saga, ch. 1).

70

Fig. 794.—⅛ real size. Found in a tumulus with an axe, the teeth of an iron comb for weaving linen, &c., and a glass bead.—Norway.

Fig. 795.—⅛ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 796.—⅛ real size. Found with a file in a round mound, a fragment of a shield-boss, three arrow-heads, a horse’s bit,
a gimlet, the end of a chain, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 797.—⅖ real size. Single-edged sword of iron, found with a spear-head of iron, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 798.—⅙ real size. Sword with runic letters on the blade.—Norway.

71Whetstones were used from very early times to sharpen their weapons or tools of iron, for these are quite common in the finds.

Fig. 799.—Sharpening stone, found with 108 Roman coins (Vitellius-Commodus), with small bits of bones, under a stone which was part of a double circle of stone.—Götland.

Fig. 800.—Sharpening stone encased with bronze. ⅔ real size.—Upland.

Fig. 801.—Real size.

Real size.

Fig. 802.—Buckle for belt, plated with silver and gilt, ornamented with coloured glass, found by the side of a skeleton, with fragments of a sword and spear-heads.—Upland.

72

Fig. 803.—Bronze button to sword-hilt, ⅔ real size; enamelled in blue, white, and red, with the centre originally enamelled: found in a round tumulus with several ornaments of swords of bronze, a shield-boss of bronze, plaqué with silver, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 804.

Fig. 805.

Fig. 806.

Fig. 807.

73

Fig. 808.—Ornament for scabbard. Real size.—Upland.

Fig. 809.—Ornament of gold for mouth of scabbard; real size.—Vestre Slidre, Norway. Weight, nearly 2½ oz.

Fig. 810.

Fig. 811.

Fig. 812.—Norway, real size. Silver mounting to a scabbard.—Horseus. It lay under a large clayurm filled with bones, together with a damaged double-edged sword, spear-point, arrow-point, shield-boss, all of iron, fragments of iron shears, and mountings to a drinking horn of bronze.

Swords seem to have been prized above all other weapons; occasionally their genealogy was carefully kept. Some swords caused death every time they inflicted a wound, from which we must infer that their blades had been poisoned, either during or after the forging.

74

Fig. 813.—Double-edged sword, with handle hilt of silver and bronze gilt; found by the side of the remains of a skeleton, with a spear-head, several arrow-heads, and a knife—all of iron; a glass cup, a gilt bronze fibula, and bones of a dog, &c. ⅙ real size.—Götland.

Fig. 814.—Pommel of the sword. Real size.—Götland?

Fig. 815.—Ornament of bronze gilt, with round garnets. Real size. Endregårda, Götland.

Fig. 816.—Buckle of gilt bronze with garnets enchassés. Real size.—Endregårda, Götland.

Fig. 817.—Pommel of sword, in gilt bronze and silver.—Falköping, Vestergötland. ½ real size.

Fig. 818.—Part of a massive gold pommel of sword found in a field in Leijeby, Halland. Real size.

75The mækir, the sverd, and the sax seem to have been the three kinds of swords used by the people.

Fig. 819.—Silver ornament for scabbard, real size.—Norway.

Fig. 820.—Pommel of sword of massive gold, ornamented with garnets enchassés. Real size. Earlier iron age.—Bohuslan.

Fig. 821.—Reverse view of Fig. 822.

Fig. 822.—Silver ornament (both sides shown) found in the sand. Real size.—Scania.

Fig. 823.—Silver thong aiguillette. Real size.

76

Fig. 824.—Gold ornament of sword belt. Real size.—Thureholm, Södermanland.

Fig. 825.—Bronze mounting to a belt, found, when ploughing, with a short single-edged sword, four arrow-heads, a shield-boss, iron bit, a round fibula of bronze, and thirty glass beads, &c. Real size.—Götland.

Fig. 826.—Ornament of gilt bronze, with border in silver, found in a mound. Real size.—Öland.

Fig. 827.—Mounting of thong, ⅔ real size, with leather still attached to it, in gilt bronze with red enamel. With it were an iron sword with gilt bronze handle, two bits, two stirrups, more than 100 clinch nails of the size of those in the Ultuna mound, a clay urn with burnt bones, and the unburnt jaw of a dog, &c.—Scania.

77

Fig. 828.—Ornament of gilt bronze, real size.—Norway.

Fig. 829.—Ornament of gilt bronze, ⅔ real size; found in a tumulus, with fibula, horse’s bit, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 830.—Ornament of solid gold for the mouth of a scabbard.—Malby, Vestergötland.

Fig. 831.—Reverse view of Fig. 830.

In all ornamentation one side is not similar to the other.

Fig. 832.—Massive ring of gold (probably fixed at the mouth of a scabbard); weight, 5 oz. Real size.—Vestergötland.

78

Fig. 833.

Fig. 834.—Reverse of Fig. 833.

Fig. 835.—Double-edged sword-hilt and mounting of scabbard of gilt bronze and of silver. ½ real size.—Ultuna, Upland.

79The sax had only one sharp edge in contrast to the sverd, which had two.

Upon the swords more than upon all other weapons the poets lavished their most figurative and poetical names; they are called:—

Among the most celebrated swords were Tyrfing, the sword of Sigurlami, son of Odin, which had come down to Angantyr and his descendants. It shone like a ray of sunshine, and slew a man every time it was drawn. It was always to be sheathed with man’s blood upon it; it never failed, and always carried victory with it.

“In the battle Heidrek was in the foremost array, and he carried Tyrfing in his right hand, and cut down the host of the jarl like saplings, and neither helmet nor armour could resist; he went through the host; he slew all who were near him” (Hervarar Saga, c. 10).

Some weapons had special names given to them, and the great fame they had acquired was doubtless due to the personal bravery of the warriors who had owned them, to the great skill with which they were handled, and to their superior workmanship. People believed in their supernatural qualities; some were even thought by them to have been forged by the Dvergar, others were supposed to have been given by Odin himself; while some had become infallible by akvœdi, that is, by charms and incantations used over them while they were being made, or else by mal, i.e., mystic signs engraved or inlaid upon them.

80

Fig. 836.—Sword, found in a tumulus with two spear-heads, shield-boss, and a garniture of a shield handle.—Norway.

Fig. 837.—Found amongst some burnt bones and objects of iron; ⅕ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 838.—Sax found in a small tumulus with a human cranium; two spear-points; ¼ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 839.—Sword-hilt with an outer sheet of thin silver, very much injured by fire; nearly ⅓ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 840.—Sword-hilt with wood and bronze bands; nearly ⅓ real size.—Norway.

81

Fig. 841.—Sax or single-edged sword found with an umbo shield boss of iron in a cairn. ⅕ real size.—Långlöt, Öland.

Fig. 842.—Sax or single-edged iron sword, found in a stone cist of over nine feet in height, with a skeleton, spear-point, clay urn, &c. ¼ real size.—Öland.

Fig. 843.—Double-edged sword, with bronze mounting for scabbard; found by the side of a skeleton in a tumulus at Hammenhöj, Scania, together with an iron shield boss, a clay urn, two bone dice, forty bone checkers and other things. ⅕ of real size.

82“Hraungvid said: ‘I have ravaged for thirty-three years, summer and winter, and I have fought in sixty battles, generally gaining victory; the name of my sword is Brynthvari, and it has never been dulled” (Hrómundar Saga Greipssonar, ch. 1).

Grettir asked for a weapon, and Asmund, his father, answered:

“‘Thou hast not been obedient to me, and as I do not know what thou wilt do with weapons, so I will not give thee any.’ Grettir replied: ‘Then there is nothing to repay, where nothing has been given.’ Father and son parted with little affection. Many wished Grettir farewell, but few safe return. His mother followed him on the way, and before they parted she said: ‘Thou art not fitted out from home, my kinsman, as I would like, able as thou art; it seems to me the greatest want, that thou hast no weapon fit for use, and my mind tells me that thou wilt need one.’ She took an ornamented sword from under her cloak; it was very costly, and said: ‘This sword my grandfather Jökul owned, and the old Vatnsdælir, it used to give them victory. I will give thee the sword; use it well.’ Grettir thanked her much for the gift, saying he liked it better than greater valuables” (Gretti’s Saga, ch. 17).

The jarl Viking said to his son Thorstein:

“The only thing that gladdens me is that no man will stand over thy scalp (have thy head at his feet), although thou wilt have a narrow escape. Here is a sword, kinsman Thorstein, which I want to give thee; its name is Angrvadil, and victory has always followed it; my father took it from the slain Björn Blue-tooth; I have no other remarkable weapons, excepting an old spear which I took from Harek Jarnhaus, and I know it is not manageable by any man” (Thorstein Vikingsson’s Saga, ch. 10).

“When Viking drew it (‘Angrvadil’) it was as if lightning flashed from it. Harek seeing this, said: ‘I should never have fought against thee, if I had known thou hadst Angrvadil; it is most likely it will be as my father said, that we brothers and sisters would be short-lived, except that one only who was named after him; it was the greatest misfortune, when Angrvadil went out of our family;’ and at that moment Viking struck down on the head of Harek, and cleft him in two from head to feet, so that the sword entered the ground up to the hilt” (Thorstein Vikingsson, ch. 14).^[93]

83“King Athelstan gave him a sword, with hilt and guards of gold, but the blade was still better; with it Hakon cut a millstone through to the centre hole,^[94] and therefore the sword was afterwards called kvernbit (mill-biter). It was the best sword that ever came to Norway” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga; Fornmanna Sögur).

Many were considered valuable heirlooms in families, and their possession was so much coveted that even burial mounds were broken open in order to get them.

Grettir had broken into the mound of the Norwegian chief Kár, with whose son, Thorfinn, he was residing, and had taken therefrom a great deal of property.

“Late at night he returned to his house, and placed on the table before Thorfinn the property he had taken from the mound. Among the treasures was a sax, such a good weapon that Grettir said he had never seen a better. He wanted to have this very much, but produced it last of all (the treasures). Thorfinn’s face brightened when he saw the sax, for it was a great treasure, and had never gone out of his family; he asked how he (Grettir) got it, and Grettir told him.... Thorfinn said: ‘Thou must accomplish something that I think famous, before I will let thee have the sax, for my father never allowed me to use it’” (Gretti’s Saga, ch. 18).

“Arinbjörn gave to Egil a sword called Dragvandil, which Thórólf Skallagrimsson had given to him; Skallagrim had got it from his brother Thórólf, and Grim Lodinkinni (shaggy-cheek) had given it to Thórólf. Ketil Hœng, Grim’s father, had owned it, and carried it in single-fights; it was sharper than any other sword” (Egil’s Saga, c. 64).

“He (King Magnus) was girt with a sword called Leggbit (the leg-biter); its guards were of walrus-tusk, and its hilt was covered with gold; it was one of the best of weapons” (Magnus Barefoot’s Saga, ch. 26).^[95]

In time of peace warriors wrapped round their swords what was called Fridbönd (peace-band). This was a strap wound round the sheath, and fastened to the hilt, but unfastened in case of war.

Thorkel, Gisli’s brother, was well dressed at the Thorskafjardar-thing.

84“He wore a hat from Gardariki and a grey cloak and a gold fibula on his shoulder, and he carried a sword in his hand.”

Two boys came walking up to him.

“The older boy said: ‘Who is the noble-looking man sitting here? Saw never I a better-looking or more dignified man.’ Thorkel answered: ‘Thou speakest well; I am called Thorkel.’ The boy said: ‘The sword in thy hand must be very precious; wilt thou allow me to look at it?’ Thorkel answered: ‘This is strange, but I will allow thee to look,’ and handed the sword to him. The boy took the sword, turned a little aside, unloosed the peace bands and drew the sword. When Thorkel saw this, he said: ‘I did not allow thee to draw the sword.’ ‘I asked no leave from thee,’ said the boy; and he brandished the sword and struck at the neck of Thorkel, taking off his head” (Gisli Sursson’s Saga, ch. 55).^[96]

A Valkyria says to Helgi:

Spears.—Different kinds of spears are mentioned, such as kesja; höggspjót (hewing-spear); gaflak (javelin); snœris-spjót (string-spear); which last was thrown with the aid of a string fastened to the spear; pál-staf (pole-staff), a pole provided with an iron spike; skepti-fletta (cord-shaft), a shaft with a cord attached to it; atgeir, a kind of halberd.

The sockets were often richly ornamented with gold or silver inlaid in beautiful patterns, sometimes with fine notches of silver, or were covered over with sheets of silver, upon which were engraved the serpentine ornamentation peculiar to the North.

85

Fig. 844.—⅔ real size.

Fig. 845.—Spear-head. ½ real size.

Fig. 846.—Damascene spear-head, found with a fragment of a single-edged sword with hilt, a key, a scythe, iron blade, &c. ⅓ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 847.—Spear-head. In a tumulus. The upper line in the handle has been filled with silver. ⅓ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 848.—Spear-point, with lower part plated with silver and gold. ⅓ real size.—Götland.

Fig. 849.—Spear-head, found with two swords, iron knife, and three bronze buckles. ¼ real size.—Götland.

Fig. 850.—Spear-point, ⅓ real size, found in Kragehul bog.

86

Fig. 851.—Spear-head. ½ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 852.—Spear-point. ⅓ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 853.—Spear-point. ⅓ real size. In a tumulus with two bent double-edged swords, another similar spear-head, &c., &c., and the bones of two horses.—Norway.

Fig. 854.—Spear-head of iron. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 855.—Spear-point. ½ real size. In a round tumulus with a gold ring, pieces of a glass cup or vase, fragments of silver repoussé and gilt, and part of a bracelet.—Norway.

Fig. 856.—Spear-head of iron, found with two other larger spear-heads, a single-edged sword, and the bottom of a Roman vase in bronze, &c. ½ real size.

Fig. 857.—Spear-point. ½ real size. Found in a round tumulus with a two-edged sword, &c.—Norway.

87From the more numerous finds of spears, of which great numbers have been discovered together, we gather that the spear was a more common weapon than the sword. We also learn that spear-shafts were generally made of ash, and that they were sometimes more than eleven feet long, while their thickness rarely exceeded an inch; on some spears the centre of gravity was marked by nails or strings, in order that the thrower might quickly give the spear the right position in his hand.

Fig. 858.—Triangular arrow-point. ½ real size.

Fig. 859.—Iron spear-point. ¼ real size.—Karleby, Upland.

Fig. 860.—Iron spear-point, found with a skeleton, double-edged sword, knife, two spear-points, and shield-boss, in a cairn at Folkeslunda, Öland. ⅓ real size.

Fig. 861.—Iron arrow-head. ½ real size, found with 11 others of the same shape.—Vestana, Upland.

Fig. 862.—Spear-point. ¼ real size.—Hade in Gestrikland, Sweden.

Fig. 863.—Ornamentation of a spear-handle, ½ real size, from Thorsbjerg bog.

88Spears, like swords, had numerous poetical names. Odin’s spear was called Gungnir. Some other names were—

These are of many shapes, and it is impossible to tell those which were used for war, or for household, or for felling trees.

“It was seen from the Thing that a body of men rode down along Gljúfrá (a river), and that shields glittered there. When these arrived a man in a blue cloak rode foremost; he had a gilt helmet on his head and a gold-ornamented shield at his side; in his hand a hooked spear; the socket of its head was inlaid with gold; he was girt with a sword. This was Egil Skallagrimsson” (Egil’s Saga, ch. 85).

The axe.—The axe is frequently mentioned in the Sagas, and must often have been a formidable weapon. Some were artistically and splendidly made, and inlaid with precious metal, each side being made of different patterns.

Fig. 864.—Axe inlaid with metal, of silver mixed with gold. ½ real size.—Bjerringhoï mound at Mammen, near Viborg.

89One of the earliest forms of this weapon is probably the one here represented (Fig. 865), for it was found with a bronze sword, and shows the transition that was taking place, when iron was to supersede bronze in the making of weapons.

They also had peculiar figurative names—

The most celebrated axe in later times was that of Skarphédin, called Rimmugýg (the war-witch).

Fig. 865.—Iron axe, ⅓ real size, probably of early iron age, found in a small stone cist with a short bronze sword and burnt bones.—Götland.

Fig. 866.—A little less than ¼ real size. Iron axe, with a celt, a two-edged sword with hilt, a spear-head, an axe, two blades of knives, a horse-bit, a scythe-blade, &c., all of iron.—Norway.

Fig. 867.—A little less than ¼ real size. Iron axe, in a half-ruined tumulus, with two other axes, a horse-bit, and a little bell.—Norway.

90

Fig. 868.—Axe head, ⅔ real size.—Sweden.

Fig. 869.—A little less than ¼ real size. Iron axe, in a tumulus with charcoal, a spear-head, a knife-blade, a fire-steel, a single-edged sword, and end of an iron chain.—Norway.

Fig. 870.—⅓ real size. Iron axe, found with checkers in a round tumulus with a stone vessel, which contained burnt bones and a purposely-broken and bent sword, with hilt inlaid with silver, a spear-head bent, two shield-bosses, a horse-bit, a pair of stirrups defaced by blows of a hammer, two buckles, and an iron ornament for a belt, fragments of bone comb, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 871.—¼ real size. Iron axe.—Norway.

Fig. 872.—¼ real size. Iron axe.—Norway.

91“The jarl (Hakon) asked (Hallfred) who he was? He said: ‘I am an Icelander; but my errand is, lord, that I have composed a song about you, and wish you to listen to it.’ The jarl replied: ‘Thou lookest to be a man who would be bold in the presence of chiefs, and thou shalt have a hearing.’ Hallfred recited the poem; it was a drápa (laudatory poem); he delivered it with skill. The jarl thanked him, gave him a large silver ornamented axe, and good clothes, and invited him to remain with him over winter; and this Hallfred accepted” (Hallfred’s Saga, ch. 5).

“As they parted, the jarl (Hakon) gave him (Olaf Höskuldsson) a most costly gold ornamented axe” (Laxdæla, ch. 29).

Fig. 873.—Iron axe. ¼ real size. Found in a field with another axe, &c.—Karleby, Upland, Sweden.

Fig. 874.—Small axe. ½ real size. Found with double-edged sword, 10 arrow-points, &c.—Forneby, Vestmanlan.

The bow (bogi) and the arrow (ör) were among the most important weapons for war. The bows discovered are generally about six feet long.

Arrows were called by the poets—

92The quivers from the earlier iron age were occasionally of wood, sometimes with bronze mountings, and were made to hold a score of arrows. Some arrows were ornamented with gold, were long, and often barbed with iron or bone. The arrow-shafts, of wood, were two or three feet long, with four rows of feathers, fastened into pitched thread; they, as well as the spears, often bore the marks of ownership; while some were engraved with runes.

Svein (England’s conqueror), King Harald’s son, Pálnatóki’s foster-son, went on warfare in his father’s realm and fought a battle at sea against him near Bornholm. He was defeated and shut up in a bay, Harald’s ships lying across it, each stem being fastened to the other.

Fig. 875.

Fig. 876.

“The same evening Pálnatóki came to the island with twenty-four ships. He laid his ships on the other side of the cape, and there tented over his host (on board). Thereupon he went ashore alone with his bow and arrows, and his sword at his belt. Now it must be told of King Harald that he went ashore with eleven men. They walked into the wood, made a fire there, and warmed themselves at it. They sat on a felled tree, and it had become dark as the night fell on. Pálnatóki went into the wood opposite where the king sat, and stood there. The king warmed himself at the fire, and came with his back close to it. Clothes were laid under him. He was on his knees, and stooped forward so low while warming his back and shoulders that the hind part of his thighs stood out. Pálnatóki heard the king’s voice, and recognised that of his father’s brother, Fjölnir. He laid an arrow on his (bow) string and shot at the king, and, it is told, that the arrow hit the king straight between his thighs and came out of his mouth. The king fell dead, as was to be expected. When his followers saw what had happened, Fjölnir said: ‘A great mishap has occurred to the man who has done this deed, or caused it to be done. A strange wonder is the way in which this deed has been committed.’ He asked what should be done. They left 93to him to decide that, for he was the wisest of them. It is told that he took the arrow out of the king’s mouth, and put it by as it was. It was easy to know, for it was bound with gold. Fjölnir said to the men: ‘I think it advisable that we all tell the same tale about this event, and it seems to me we cannot do better than say he was shot in the battle to-day. That is more likely than the wonder which has occurred here.’ They all bound themselves firmly to tell the same story” (Jomsvikinga Saga).

Fig. 877.—½ real size. Arrow-head. In a round tumulus, with fragments of two stone vases, pincers of iron for blacksmith, a two-edged sword with hilt inlaid with silver, the blade bent and the inlaid silver half melted; a bent spear-head, one axe, one shield-boss, fifteen arrow-heads, a horse-bit, two stirrups, two spears, four buckles for belts, and many ornaments for harness; two hammers, an anvil, fragments of a stone mould, remains of a bronze balance, two files, two blades of knives, and two celts of iron, a gimlet, two sharpening stones, a piece of flint, an iron key, fragments of checkers of bones, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 878.—½ real size. Arrow-head of iron.—Norway.

The most celebrated mythical arrows^[99] of the Sagas were the Gusi arrows, which had come into the possession of Ketil Hœng, and were owned afterwards by his grandson, Orvar Odd.

There are several accounts of these wonderful arrows in the Sagas.

“Grím (father of Orvar-Odd) followed them (Odd, Gudmund, Sigurd) to the ships and said: ‘Here are the costly things which I want to give thee, Odd, my kinsman; they are three arrows which have a name and are called Gusi’s nautar (Gusi’s followers).’ He gave the arrows to Odd, who looked at them and said: ‘They are very costly.’ The feathers were gilded, and the arrows flew off and on the string by themselves, and one never needs to search for them. These arrows Ketil 94Hœng took from Gusi, the king of the Finnar; they bite everything they are aimed at, for they are forged by Dvergar. Odd said: ‘No gifts have I which I think equally fine.’ He thanked his father, and they parted with friendship” (Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 4).^[100]

Slings and stones thrown.—Stone-throwing was an important means of attack. Stones were sometimes thrown by hand, but oftener with slings, particularly in sea-fights, and the art was brought to great perfection. Slings were also used on land by bodies of men who had no other weapons.^[101] The stone-throwers are mentioned as occupying the flanks in King Hedin’s army; and the slingers stood in the last ranks of King Hring’s order of battle on Brávalla heath.

As heavy stones could not be thrown any great distance by mere muscular strength, machines were employed, called Valslöngva.

The chief Sturla Sighvatsson was attacking his enemies, who defended themselves inside a high wall.

“Sturla walked about outside, and took a stone; he threw stones better than any man, and usually hit the mark. He said: ‘It seems to me if I wished to throw a stone, that I, rather than you, would choose where it should hit; but I will not try it now,’ and he then threw down the stone” (Sturlunga, v., ch. 17).

“Búi (the son of Andrid, in Brautarholt) would never carry any weapon but a sling, which he always wore tied round him. Búi was outlawed because he did not want to sacrifice. Once when he was on a journey, Thorstein, a son of the chief Thorgrim, attacked him with eleven men. Búi had come to a hill called Kleberg, where he saw them pursuing him; he stopped and gathered some stones. Thorstein and his men went fast, and when they had passed a brook which was there, they heard the sling of Búi whistle and a stone flew; it struck the breast of one of Thorstein’s men and killed him. Búi sent more stones, and hit a man with each one. By this time Thorstein had almost come up to him; Búi retreated down the hill on the other side” (Kjalnesinga Saga, ch. 3).

Defensive weapons.—The shield, the form of which, as we 95see from the finds, was always round, and somewhat convex. Almost all shields were probably covered with leather. They were of wood, the boards surrounded on the rim by a ring of metal, sometimes of gold, and they were braced and furnished with a boss and handle of iron or bronze. Many were painted in different colours, or richly ornamented, and sometimes covered with gold.

Many figurative names were given to them:—

Thjódolf of Hvin, one of Harald Fairhair’s scalds, got as a gift from the Norwegian chief Thorleif^[102] a shield. The shield was painted with subjects from Norse mythology. On these Thjódolf wrote the poem Haustlöng (autumn-long), which is preserved in the later Edda in two parts. The first part tells about the journey of Odin, Loki, and Hœnir; how on their way they met the Jötun Thjassi; and it also describes the rape of Idun, and Thjassi’s death. This part of the poem winds up thus:—

The second part of the poem tells the fight of Thor with the Jötun Hrungnir, and Thjódolf ends it with these words:—

“When the jarl heard the poem, he gave Einar a most costly shield. It was painted with old Sagas, and all the 96spaces between the paintings were covered with plates of gold and set with stones.

“When he was ready he went to the seat of Egil, and hung the costly shield there, telling the servants that he gave it to Egil, and then rode away.

“It is said that Egil took the shield on a bridal journey to Vidimyri, where it was spoiled by being thrown into a tub of sour milk; he had the ornaments taken off, and there were twelve aurar of gold in the plates” (Egil’s Saga, ch. 82).^[103]

Fig. 879.—Shield-boss of bronze, with handle of iron covered with bronze. ½ real size.—Ultuna.

“Sigurd rode away, his shield had many layers, and was covered with red gold, and on it was painted a dragon. It was dark brown on the upper part, and light red on the lower, and in the same way were coloured his helmet, saddle, and armour. He had a gold coat-of-mail (gullbrynja), and all his weapons were ornamented with gold and marked with a dragon, so that every one who saw the dragon might know who the man was, if he had heard that Sigurd slew the large dragon which the Vœrings call Fafnir” (Volsunga Saga, ch. 22).

97

Fig. 880.

Fig. 881.

Fig. 882.—Shield boss of iron. ½ real size.—Hammenhoj, Scania.

Fig. 883.—Button of shield boss of bronze, plated with silver gilt; the heads of the nails or notches are not gilt. ¾ real size—Norway.

Fig. 884.—Shield boss. ⅓ real size. Found in round tumulus with a spear-head, &c.—Norway.

98The shield of Bragi Boddason, presented to him as a gift by the famous Ragnar Lodbrók, seems to have been divided into four sections, each containing a separate subject:—Sörli and Hamdir killing Jórmunrek and avenging Svanhild;^[104] Gefjon ploughing Selund out of Sweden;^[105] Thór fishing the serpent (Midgardsorm); the everlasting fight between Högni and Hédin, which last is as follows:—

“King Hédin, son of Hjarrandi, took Hild, daughter of King Högni, away while he was absent from home. When Högni heard this he pursued him, and found him on Háey (Hoy, High Island), one of the Orkneys. Hédin offered him much gold as indemnity, but Högni said: ‘Thou offerest peace too late, for now I have drawn the sword Dáinsleif, which was made by the Dvergar, which causes a man’s death every time it is unsheathed; the wounds cut by it are never healed.’ Hédin said: ‘Thou boasteth of thy sword, and not of victory; I call every sword good which is faithful to its master’ (owner). Then they began the battle called Hjadninga-fight, and they fought all that day, and at night went to their ships. During the night Hild went to the field of the slain, and with witchcraft called all the dead to life again. The next day the kings went to the battle-field, and all those who had been killed the day before fought with them. Day after day the battle went on, and all the slain and all the weapons in the battle-field and the armour changed into stones. But at daybreak all the dead men rose and fought, and all their weapons could be used. It is told in songs that the Hjadnings shall remain thus till ragnarök (the last fight of the gods)” (Later Edda, Skaldskaparmál, ch. 50).

Fig. 885.—Shield, Gokstad ship; about 3 feet in diameter.

Fig. 886.—Front view of shield handle of bronze, found by the side of a skeleton.—Skogsby, Öland. ½ real size.

99From some passages in the Sagas it seems that some of the shields were so large that men could be laid on them, and that some were oblong, as represented in wood-carvings and on the Bayeux tapestry.

“Then the king made ready and went along the valley; he selected a resting-place for the night where all his men came together and lie in the open air under their shields” (St. Olaf’s Saga, ch. 219).

“When Olaf was in the Syllingar (Scilly Islands) a hermit prophesied to him ‘that he would get severely wounded in a fight, and be carried on a shield on board his ship; that he would be cured in seven nights, and then be baptized;’ and this proved to be true” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga (Heimskringla), ch. 32).

Brynja, or ring coats-of-mail, are often alluded to, and the benches in Odin’s hall were covered with them. We have seen from the finds that Brynjas were used at a very early period, probably even before the Christian era. They were made long and short—some, in fact, were so short as not to cover the stomach. Only in two instances is the spanga-brynja, or plate coat-of-mail, mentioned. Occasionally brynjas are described as being made of gold. We read that the loss of the famous battle of Stamford Bridge by Harald Hardradi was attributed to his men having left their coats-of-mail on board their ship. Many coats-of-mail are described as being impervious to weapons, owing, no doubt, to their wonderful workmanship and the hardness of the rings.

Some of the poetical names given to brynjas are:—

From the following account we see that some of these coats-of-mail were made thicker than others:—

“Hjálmar said: ‘I want to fight Angantyr, for I have a brynja in which I have never been wounded; it is set with fourfold rings’” (Orvar Odd’s Saga, ch. 14).

100In the sea-fight between Olaf and Svein jarl—

“The latter had more men, but the king had picked men on his ship, and they were so well equipped that every one had a brynja; and on this occasion they did not get wounded” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 47).^[106]

Fig. 887.

Fig. 888.

Helgi Hardbeinsson, was told by his herdsman that he had seen many armed men, who had come to kill him, and he thus described the war-dress of one of them, as they sat in a circle taking their morning meal (day-meal):—

“He had on a coat of plate-mail^[107] and a steel cap, the brim of which was as wide as a hand’s breadth, and a shining axe on his shoulder, the edge of which seemed to be two feet long. He had black eyes, and was very viking-like in appearance” (Laxdœla Saga, c. 63).

Helmets (hjálm) are often mentioned; they were generally gilt, or of gold. On the front of them was a herkumbl (war-mark). From several bronze plates we see that they were sometimes made in the shape of animals. The Saga says of King Adils that he had a helmet called Hildigölt (war-boar). In the finds they are extremely rare; one of silver has been found, and a fragment of another inlaid with gold, and one or two of iron.

101The viking Framar is thus described: “He wore a helmet on his head, and was girt with a sword; had a gold-enamelled gull-smeltr shield, and a spear in his hand” (Sturlaug Starfsamis Saga, ch. 11).

Fig. 889.—Helmet of iron, ¼ real size, found in the decayed remains of a small ship buried in the Ultuna mound not far from Upsala.

Olaf Haraldsson, when he was about to fight the battle at Ness against Svein jarl:

“Had on his ship one hundred men, and they had on ring coats-of-mail and Welsh (foreign) helmets. Most of his men had white shields, and on them was the holy cross in gold, but some were painted with red or blue; he had painted crosses in white on the front of all helmets. He had a white standard which was a serpent” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 47).^[108]

Marking and choosing the battle-field—The war arrow—Peace and war shields—Age when called to arms—The guest expected to fight for his host—War horses—Formation of an army—Standards—War booty—Chivalry in war.

To such warlike people, well-regulated laws or customs in regard to war were necessary. It seems to have been the right, from very ancient times, of the chief whose land was invaded to choose the battle-field^[109] where the conflict was to take place. The battle-field was marked with poles, and no plundering was allowed before the end of the decisive battle. The messengers who brought the summons for the conflict, and those who afterwards came to announce that the combatants were ready, were protected.

“King Hakon sent word to the sons of Eirik (Blood-axe), and asked them to go ashore, as he had enhazeled a field for them at Rastarkalf; there are level and large plains, on the top of which is a long but low hillside. Then Eirik’s men left their ships” (Hakon the Good’s Saga, c. 24; Heimskringla).

After the declaration of war the war-arrow was sent, to summon the warriors, when all who were able to carry arms had to turn out, whether thralls or free men. The sending of the war-arrow seems to imply that the message should be carried swiftly.

“When a man carries war-news he shall raise an iron arrow at the end of the land. That arrow shall go with the lendirmen, 103and be carried on a manned ship both by night and by day (i.e., never stop) along the high road (on the sea). Those who drop that arrow are to be outlaws. A wooden arrow shall go into the fjords from the high road, and be carried with witnesses, and each man shall carry it on to the other. The one who drops it must pay a fine of three marks. When it comes where a woman lives alone, she must procure ships and food and men if she can. But if she cannot, the arrow shall be carried onwards. Every man in whose house the arrow comes is summoned within five days on board a ship. If any one sits quiet he is outlawed, for both thegn and thrall shall go”^[110] (Earlier Gulathing Law, c. 312).

“When news came to Einar Thambarskeltir about King Olaf’s journey, he at once took a war-arrow and sent it in four directions, summoning thegn and thrall with full war-dress to come and defend the country against the king. The arrow summons went to Orkadal, and then to Ganlardal, and all the host gathered together”^[111] (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 37).

Every warrior went to battle combed and washed, and after having eaten well.

There were peace and war shields, the former white and the latter red; when the first was hoisted on a ship it was a sign for a cessation of the conflict, while the appearance of the later on the masthead, or in the midst of a body of men, was a sign of hostility. Another sign was the throwing of a spear or shooting of an arrow over the host. The battles always began by the blowing of the horns. The horn seems to have been the earliest instrument known. No horns belonging to the iron age have been found, though so often mentioned in the Sagas, from which we must suppose that, unlike those of the bronze age, they were of wood.

When the Volsungs approached to attack the sons of Hunding with their fleet, and neared the shores, and were asked what they came for,

Their standards stood by the leaders, and were protected by 104a shield burgh, that is, surrounded by a circle of men armed, besides their offensive weapons, with shields.

“King Magnus Barefoot went from Vikin with some of his lendirmen to procure the submission of Sveinki, a powerful bondi, who resided near the Gauta river. When they came ashore they saw Sveinki coming from his bu with a host of well-equipped men. The lendirmen raised a white shield, and when Steinki noticed this he stopped his band, and they met” (Magnus Barefoot, c. 8).^[112]

“As the host of Snorri passed below by the mountain-side, Steinthor threw a spear over the host of Snorri, according to ancient custom, for the sake of good luck” (Eyrbyggja, c. 44).

It seems that the age at which the youth of the country were called to bear arms was fifteen years, when they became of age. If the country was in great peril they could be called out at the age of twelve; but from eighteen upwards seems to have been the age when young men were most appreciated.

The guest, like the hostage, was expected to fight and help his host.

“Next spring Half was twelve winters old, and no man was as tall or as strong as he. Then he made ready to go on warfare, and had a new and well-outfitted ship. In Hördaland there was a Jarl named Alf the old. He was married to Gunnlöd, daughter of the Berserk Hromund, sister of the hersir Hámund the valiant. They had two sons, both named Stein. The elder was then eighteen winters old. He was at that time the advice-giver of King Half. No one could go on expeditions who was younger or more youthful than he. A large stone lay in the yard, and no one was allowed to go who could not lift it from the ground; nor could any one go who was not so hardy that he never was afraid, or who spoke words of fear, or drew back his lips (changed countenance) on account of wounds.”

“Stein the younger, Gunnlöd’s son, was not able to go on account of his age, for he was only twelve winters old” (Half, and Half’s Champions’ Saga, c. 10).

105Horses used for war could not be less than three years old, except in cases of great danger, when they could be taken at the age of two years.

One of the formations of an army was that of “Svinfylking” (swine-array), or a triangle. This array was adopted in the Bravalla battle,^[113] where it is said to have been introduced by Odin himself, thus showing its great antiquity.

Sigmund Brestisson, the famous champion of the Faroes, in the time of Hakon Jarl made a raid into Sweden. One of the chiefs of the King of Sweden, by name Björn, gathered a numerous host and cut Sigmund off from his ships. One day when they saw the host of the land, the men of Sigmund talked of what they should resolve to do. Sigmund said:

“‘There are yet many good chances, and very often the more numerous host does not gain the victory, if there are fearless men against them. Now we will make a resolve to arrange our host in swine-array. We kinsmen, I and Thorir, will be foremost, and then three and five white shielded men shall stand on the flanks; and I think it our best plan to rush at their array, and see if we can thus get through it, and the Swedes will not stand firmly on the field.’ This they did, rushed at the array of the Swedes, and broke through it” (Flateyjarbok, i., p. 140).

It seems the shieldburg was at the apex of the triangle.

“If thou art in a battle on shore, and hast to fight on foot, and art at the point of the svin-fylking, then it is very important in the earlier part of the battle that good care is taken that the locked shieldburgh be not broken or opened” (Konung’s Skuggsja, p. 85).

They had their army formations like trained soldiers.

The hosts, when in order of battle, were divided into sveitir (detachments), and a number of these formed a fylking; the strength of each probably varied according to the number of men who took part in the war.

“King Olaf made the following speech to his host before the battle of Stiklastadir:—‘We have a large and fine host. Now I will tell you how I want to array my men. I want to 106let my standard move forward in the middle of the host, and my hird and gestir shall follow it, together with those who joined me from Upplönd and Thrándheim. To the right of my standard Dag Hringsson shall stand, and the men with whom he joined us. He shall have another standard. To the left of my fylking shall stand the men from the King of Sweden and all those who joined us in Sviaveldi. They shall have the third standard. I want my men to form detachments, and friends and kinsmen shall stand together, for then each will defend the other best, and they will know each other.

“‘We shall mark all our men by making a war-sign on our helmets and shields, namely, paint on them the holy cross in white.

“‘When we come forward into battle we shall all have the same watchword: “Forward, forward, Christ-men, cross-men, king’s men.” We must have thin arrays if we have fewer men, for I do not want them to surround us.

“‘Now form sveitir. Then the sveitir shall be put together to form fylkings, and each man must then know his place and mind in what direction he stands from the standard to which he belongs. We will keep our fylking and be fully armed day and night till we know where we meet the bœndr.’ When he had spoken they arrayed themselves, and arranged as the king had told them” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 216).

“The chief Kalf Arnason raised his banner, and placed his huskarls and Harek of Thjotta and his men round it. Thorir Hund with his host was in front of the host, and in front of the standards” (St. Olaf’s Saga, ch. 233).

Standards, often very elaborately worked, were used both on sea and land; some of these had great reputations, and picked warriors were always chosen to carry them, each fylking having one. The poets or scalds seem to have stood close to them in the shieldburg.

“He, Egil Ullserk, was an old bondi who had been a great warrior, and for a long time carried the banner of Harald the Fairhaired. He said: ‘I feared for some time, while this great peace lasted, that I should die from old age on my bench, and I wished rather to fall in battle with my chief; now it may happen so’” (Heimskringla, Hakon the Good, c. 23).

“One summer the Scotch Jarl Finnleik staked out with hazels a battle-field for Sigurd at Skidamyri on an appointed day. Sigurd went to consult his mother, who knew many things. He told her that there would be against him not less 107than seven to one. She replied: ‘I would have raised thee in my wool chest if I had been certain that thou wouldst live for ever. Better is it to die with honour, than to live in shame. Take this merki (standard), which I have made with my best skill, and which I believe will be victorious for those before whom it is carried, but deadly to him who carries it.’ The standard was made with great hard-work and renowned skill. It was in the shape of a raven, and when the wind blew on it it seemed as if the raven spread his wings. Sigurd Jarl became very angry at his mother’s words, and gave the Orkney islanders their odals to help him; he went against Finnleik Jarl at Skidamyri, and both arrayed their men. When the fight began, the Scots slew the standard-bearer of Sigurd Jarl; he appointed another to carry it, but after a while he fell; three standard-bearers were slain, but the Jarl was victorious” (Flateyjarbók, vol. i.).

War booty.—The regulations about the spoils, which were very strict, were divided into shares by lot or choice. It was the custom after the battle, before the division took place, to carry the plunder to a pole fixed in the ground, where it was counted and valued.

“Then the king (Sverrir) lay at Höfudey; he had the booty carried up on a plain in the south of the island, and divided into four parts. Then a Husthing (house thing) was summoned by blowing horns, and he spoke to his men. Thereupon he made them go under a pole (stöng); it was scored (i.e., an incision was made for every twenty men) to show how many men he had; they were more than 40 hundred (4,000)” (King Sverri’s Saga, c. 136).

“In the spring the foster-brothers made ready to leave home with fifteen ships; Beli steered the dragon which Slisa-Úti had owned; it was costly; its beaks were carved and much gilded. King Beli got the dragon, for it was the best thing of the booty they got from Úti, and it was their custom that Beli always got the best of what they took as booty” (Thorstein Vikingsson’s Saga, c. 21).

While reading the Sagas which speak of the most ancient events, we find a great and chivalrous spirit animating the warriors, champion fought against champion when others were looking on, man was against man. It was not manly to attack a champion that was fighting with another. We have several 108examples of men challenging to fight with an equal number of ships.

It is only in the later part of the pagan era that this high-minded spirit disappears.

“Thorstein asked the Viking: ‘Who is talking to us?’ ‘His name is Ljót,’ he replied. Thorstein said, ‘For a long time I have been looking for thee.’ Ljót answered: ‘What dost thou want from me? I have never seen thee, though I have heard of thy renown.’ Thorstein added: ‘Short is my errand to thee; I want to make a division of property with thee, on the condition that thou shalt go ashore with thy weapons and clothes, but thy men only in shirts and linen breeches.’ Ljót said: ‘An unequal condition does that seem; but is there any other?’ ‘The other,’ Thorstein added, ‘is that we shall fight.’ Ljót asked where were his warriors that he made such a challenge. ‘My equipment,’ Thorstein replied, ‘is ten ships.’ Ljót arose and said: ‘Too unequal does this seem to me, and I will rather fight thee than thus shamefully leave my property.’ ‘Then put forward all your ships,’ Thorstein replied, ‘against mine.’ Ljót said: ‘I will not agree to that condition, to have more ships in the battle than thou, for that I have never done; but I have had fewer ships and yet always been victorious.’ Thorstein replied: ‘Thou needest not spare me thus.’ Ljót said: ‘I will not put forward more; but if thou clearest one vessel, I will put another instead.’ ‘So be it,’ Thorstein said” (Svarfdæla Saga, c. 5).

Among the laws of the Vikings, and one that was most honourably observed, was the compact made not to plunder a country or attack a man where there was fridland^[114] (peaceland), or a kind of asylum where men could come at all times on their way from one country to another, or going and coming from an expedition, or for some other reason.

“Gunnlaug was once with Sigurd jarl of Western Gautland, and messengers came there with gifts from Eirik jarl, Hakon’s son, of Norway. When questioned who of the two jarls was the more famous, Gunnlaug in a stanza decided for Eirik. The messengers told Eirik this when they came back to 109Norway. The jarl thought that Gunnlaug had shown courage and friendship towards him, and said that he should have peace-land in his realm” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga, c. 8).

“It is said that King Gorm and his son Harald disagreed when Harald was of age. Gorm therefore resolved to give him some ships, and thus get rid of him. Every summer he went far on Viking expeditions, but every winter he was in Denmark and had peace-land there” (Flateyjarbók, vol. i., p. 104).

The Viking customs point to a high code of honour, though there seem to have been general laws acknowledged by all. Special regulations were enacted by particular bodies of men or by different chiefs.

The Jomsviking Laws.—“After this (the building of Jómsborg), Pálnatóki, with the advice of wise men, made laws in Jómsborg, in order that their strength might increase. No man older than fifty and younger than eighteen winters could be received in the following of Pálnatóki; they were all to be between these two ages. No man could be received there who would run (in fighting) from one equally able and equipped. Every man who entered their following had to make a strong vow that each would avenge the other like a food-companion or brother. Not a man was to kindle slander among them. Also, though news was heard there, no man was to be so rash as to tell it, for Pálnatóki first had to tell all tidings. Any one who committed what has now been forbidden and broke these laws was to be cast out and driven from their community. Also if one had been received who had slain a brother or father or very near kinsman of a man who was there before him, and it was found out after his reception, then Pálnatóki should judge this. No one should have a woman within the burgh, or be absent from it more than three nights (days) unless with the permission of Pálnatóki. Everything that they got in war they were to carry to the poles, larger and lesser things and all kinds of property. If it was proved that any one had not done this he had to leave the burgh, whether it was much or little which he had kept back. No man there should utter a word of fear or apprehension, however hopeless matters looked. Nothing could occur within the burgh over which Pálnatóki should not have full power to rule as he liked. If men who were not in the community wished to enter, ties of friendship or kinship should have no influence. Even though the men of 110the commonwealth asked that others might enter, it would not help. They now sat in the burgh in good peace and kept their laws well. Every summer they went out and made war in different countries, got high renown, and were looked on as the greatest warriors; hardly any others were thought their equals at this time, and they were always, after this, called Jomsvikings” (Jomsvikinga Saga, c. 23, 24).

Fridthjof’s Laws.—Fridthjof, after being outlawed from Norway, for causing the burning of Baldr’s temple, went on Viking expeditions.

“He obtained much property and honour wherever he went; he killed criminals and Vikings, but bœndr and traders he left in peace. He was then again called Fridthjof the bold” (Fridthjof’s Saga, c. 11).

“It has been the custom (shortly before the time of Harald Fairhair, 800 A.D.) for powerful men, kings, or jarls, or equals, to be in warfare, and acquire property and honour; and that property must not be inherited, nor son get it after his father, but be placed in their mound with themselves. Though their sons got the lands (powerful men, kings, or jarls), they could not uphold their position, even if they got dignity with them (the lands), except they placed themselves and their men in danger and warfare, thus earning property and honour one after another, and thus stepping into the footprints of their kinsmen. I suppose that the laws of warriors are unknown to thee, and I could teach thee them; as thou now art come to such an age that it is time for thee to try what luck will grant thee” (Vatnsdœla Saga, c. 2).

Hjalmar’s and Orvar Odd’s Laws.—“Hjalmar said: ‘I will have no other Viking laws but those I have had hitherto.’ Odd replied: ‘When I hear them I will know how I like them.’ Hjalmar said: ‘First I will never eat raw food, nor shall any of my men, for it is the custom of many men to squeeze meat under their clothes and then call it cooked; that is acting more like wolves than men. I will never rob traders or bœndr except when I must make a raid upon land for my men when in need, and then I will pay full value. Never will I rob women, though we find them on land with much property, nor shall women be brought on board against their will; if a woman can show that it has been done against her will, the man shall lose his life for it, whether he is powerful or not’” (Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 9).

111King Half’s Laws.—so named after this mighty king. Of him it is said:

“Many things were forbidden in their laws (Half’s champions) so that they might become the greater champions. One law was, that no one of them should have a sword longer than two feet, so close was the fight to be; they had saxes made, so that their blows might be heavier. No one of them had less strength than twelve average men together. They never captured women or children. No one of them should dress his wounds until one day had passed (from the time he got it). No man of less strength or bravery than has been stated was accepted. They made warfare widely about the country, and were always victorious. King Half was eighteen summers on warfare, and always gained the victory. It was their custom always to lie 112before the capes; another of their customs was never to put up tents on board, and never to reef the sail in a storm. They were called Half’s Rekkar (champions), and he never had more than sixty on board his ship” (Half’s Saga, c. 11).

Houses were frequently burnt as revenge with the enemy inside, but it was the general custom to let women, servants, and also individuals of the family, against whom no grudge was harboured, or from whom no revenge was feared, get out of the house before it was fired.

Flosi, an Icelandic chief, who had surrounded the house of Njál, and was going to set fire to it, said to Njál:

‘I will not be reconciled to thy sons; and now it shall be fought out with us, and I will not go away before they are all dead, but I will allow women and children and húskarls (servants) to go out.’ Njál went in and said to his people: ‘Now all who are allowed shall go out. Go out, Thórhalla, Asgrim’s daughter, and all who are allowed with thee.’ Thórhalla said: ‘Now Helgi and I part otherwise than I thought for a while, but nevertheless I will urge my father and brothers to avenge the men slain here.’ Njál said: ‘Thou wilt act well, for thou art a good wife.’ Then she went out, with many others....

“Flosi said: ‘I will offer thee to go out, Njál bóndi, for thou deservest not to be burnt.’ Njál said: ‘I will not go out, for I am an old man, and little able to avenge my sons, but I will not live with shame.’ Flosi said to Bergthóra: ‘Go out, housewife, for I will by no means burn thee.’ Bergthóra answered: ‘I was young when I married Njál, and I have promised him to let the same overtake us both.’ Then they both went in. Bergthóra said: ‘What shall we now do?’ ‘We will go to our bed,’ said Njál, ‘and lie down. I have long been fond of rest.’ She then said to the boy Thord Karason: ‘Thou shalt go out and not be burnt with us.’ The boy answered: ‘Thou hast promised me, grandmother, that we should never part while I wished to remain with thee, and I like it much better to die with thee and Njál than to live after you.’ She then carried the boy to the bed. Njál said to his bryti (steward): ‘Now look where we lie down, and how I make our bed, for I intend not to move from here, whether smoke or flame pains me, then thou canst guess where our bones are to be found’” (Njala, c. 129).

Here we have an account of the death of Thorólf, one of the greatest blots on the character of Harald Fairhair.

113“They (King Harald and his men) came to Sandnes (estate of Thorólf Kveldulfsson) after sunset, and saw a tent-covered longship afloat in front of the bæ, and knew that it belonged to Thorólf. He was about to leave the country, and had let his parting-ale be warmed.^[116]

“The watchmen of Thorólf sat inside drinking, and nobody was on the watch. The king (Harald Fairhair) surrounded the hall with a circle of men; then they raised a war-cry, and a blast was blown on the king’s horn. When Thorólf and his men heard this, they rushed for their weapons, for all the weapons of every man hung above his seat. The king had proclaimed at the door of the hall that women, young men, old men, thralls and bondmen should go out. Sigrid, wife of Thorólf, the women who were inside, and the men who were allowed, went out. Sigrid asked if the sons of Berdlukari were there; they both stepped forward and asked what she wanted. ‘Follow me to the king,’ she said. They did so; and as she came to him she asked: ‘Is it of any use, lord, to try to reconcile you with Thorólf?’ The king answered: ‘If Thorólf will surrender unconditionally he shall be spared, but his men shall be punished according to their guilt.’ After that Ölvir Hnufa entered the hall, and told Thorólf the terms of the king. Thorólf replied quickly that he would accept no hard conditions nor reconciliation from the king. ‘Ask him to give us leave to go out, and let it then go as fate decides.’ Ölvir told the king the answer of Thorólf. The king said: ‘You must set the hall on fire; I will not lose my men in fighting against him outside, for I think he will cause us a great loss of men if he gets out, though he has fewer men than we.’ Then fire was set to the hall, and it burned quickly, for the timber was dry and the walls tarred, and the roof was thatched with birch-bark. Thorólf bade his men break off the wainscoting, get at the gable-beams, and then break the weather-boards. When they got hold of the beams, one of these was taken by as many men as could get hold of it, and pushed out at the corner so strongly that the clamps fell off outside, and the walls broke, leaving a large opening. Thorólf went out first, then Thorgils gjallandi (loud-speaking), and all, one after the other. A most severe fight began, and for a while it was impossible to see who would win, because the house protected their backs. Many of the king’s men were killed before the house began to burn; then the fire attacked Thorólf’s men, and many of them fell. Thorólf ran forward and 114dealt blows on both sides, and there was little need to dress the wounds of those whom he wounded. He pushed forward to where the king’s standard was, and at that moment Thorgils gjallandi fell. When Thorólf came to the shieldburgh he thrust his sword through the standard-bearer and said: ‘Now I stepped three feet too short (I should have stepped three feet longer forward).’ Swords and spears struck him, and the king himself dealt him a fatal wound, and Thorólf fell down at his feet. The king ordered that they should leave off killing the men, which was done. He then made his men go down to the ships, telling Ölvir Hnufa and his brother: ‘Take Thorólf, your kinsman, and give his body a becoming preparation, and bury the others who have fallen, and let the wounds of such as are likely to live be dressed. Let nothing be taken hence, for it is all my property.’ He went down to his ships, and with him most of his men, and they began to dress their wounds, and the king walked about the ship and looked at them. He saw where a man was dressing a slight wound, and remarked that Thorólf had not given that, for his weapons bit quite another way. ‘I think that few can dress the wounds he gave, and the death of such men is a great loss’” (Egil’s Saga, c. 22).

“Odd went to his father Grim and said: ‘Now tell me of the viking whom thou knowest to be the greatest one.’ Grim said: ‘You are strong men and you seem to think that nothing can withstand you; now I will tell you of two vikings of whom I know that they are the greatest and best skilled in everything; one is called Hjalmar Hugumstóri (the high-minded), and the other, Thórd Stafnglama.’ ‘Where are they,’ said Odd, ‘and how many ships have they?’ ‘They have fifteen ships,’ said Grim, ‘and one hundred men on each.’ ‘Where have they peace-land?’ said Odd. ‘In Sweden there is a king called Hlödver; they are with him during winter and lie on their war-ships during summer.’ When they were ready they walked down to their ships; Grim followed them down and bade his son farewell with great love” (Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 8).

“It is told that Odd sailed from Hrafnista when he got a fair wind, and nothing is said of their journey before they came to Sweden, where a cape ran out from the mainland into the sea; they put up tents on their ships there. Odd went ashore for news; he saw that fifteen ships lay on the other side of the cape and that war-tents were ashore. He saw plays going on near the tents. Hjalmar and Thord steered these ships. Odd went back to his ships and told this news. Gudmund (his foster-brother) asked what they should do. Odd said: ‘We will divide our men in two halves; you shall go with your ships past the ness and raise a battle-cry against 115those who are ashore; I will land with the other half and go along the forest and there raise another battle-cry; then it may be that they get somewhat startled; I think they will flee away into the forest and that no more is needed.’ It is told of Hjalmar and his men that they were not in the least startled when they heard the battle-cry of Gudmund. When they heard another battle-cry upon land they stopped the play while it lasted and then continued as before. Now Odd and Gudmund went to the other side of the ness and met. Odd said: ‘I know not for certain whether these men are so full of fear whom we have found here.’ ‘What wilt thou now do?’ said Gudmund. ‘That is soon told,’ said Odd; ‘we will not steal at these men; we will stay this night at the ness (cape) till morning.’ Next morning they went ashore with all their men towards Hjalmar, who had his men war-dressed when he saw them go up on land and went to meet them. Hjalmar asked when they met who was the leader. Odd answered: ‘There are more chiefs than one here.’ ‘What is thy name?’ said Hjalmar. ‘My name is Odd, son of Grim Lodinkinni (hairy cheek) from Hranfista.’ ‘Art thou the Odd who went to Bjarmaland shortly ago, and what is thy errand hither?’ Odd said: ‘I wish to know which of us is the greater man.’ ‘How many ships hast thou?’ asked Hjalmar. ‘I have five ships,’ said Odd, ‘and how many have you?’ ‘We have fifteen ships,’ answered Hjalmar. ‘That is great odds,’ said Odd. ‘Ten ship-crews shall not take part in the battle,’ said Hjalmar, ‘and man fight against man.’ Both made themselves ready for battle, arrayed their men and fought all day. At night the peace-shield was raised, and Hjalmar asked Odd how he liked the fight of that day; Odd answered: ‘Well.’ ‘Wilt thou play this game oftener?’ said Hjalmar. ‘No other intention have I,’ answered Odd, ‘for I never found better or hardier champions; we will begin the battle again in full daylight.’ This was done; the men went to their war-booths and dressed their wounds. Next morning both arrayed their men for battle and fought all that day; when it began to grow dark a peace-shield was raised. Odd asked how Hjalmar liked the fighting of that day; he said: ‘Well.’ ‘Wilt thou,’ said Hjalmar, ‘try this game the third day?’ Odd replied: ‘Then we shall fight it out.’ Thord said: ‘Can we expect much property on your ships?’ ‘Far from that,’ said Odd, ‘we have got no property this summer.’ ‘I think,’ said Thord, ‘I have nowhere met more foolish men than here, for we only fight out of pride and rivalry.’ ‘What wilt thou then?’ said Odd.” (Orvar Odd Saga, c. 9).

Great antiquity of the rock-tracings—A silent history of the people—Their abundance on the Cattegat—Ships or boats, fights, warriors, horses, cattle, camels, turtles, mystic signs, etc., representing warriors with horned helmets—Similar helmets found—The bas-relief of the temple of Medinet Habou—Large size of rock-tracings—The peculiar rock-tracings of Järrestad and Simris—Peculiar bowl-shaped hollows.

Among the interesting mementoes of the past which help us to get an insight into the life of the earlier inhabitants of the peninsula of Scandinavia are the “rock-tracings,”^[118] which are of great antiquity, long before the Roman period, large pictures engraved on the rocks, which, like the pyramids and sphinxes of Egypt, bear witness to the unwritten history of the people.

These illustrations are of different kinds and sizes: the most numerous being the drawings of ships or boats, canoe-shaped, and alike at both ends (with figures of men and animals), and of fleets fighting against each other, or making an attack upon the shore. The hero of the fight or the champion is generally depicted as much larger than the other combatants, who probably were of one people, though of different tribes, for their arms are similar, and all seem without clothing, though in some cases they are represented as wearing a helmet or a shield, in order to protect them against the blows of their adversaries.

117

Fig. 890.—Rock-tracing, Tanum parish, Bohuslän; large figure probably a champion; numerous small holes, and footprints between the champion and attacking force. Height, 20 feet; width, 15 feet.

On some rocks are representations of cattle, horses, reindeer, turtles, ostriches, and camels, the latter showing that in earlier times these people were acquainted with more southern climes; the greatest number, and the largest and most complicated in detail of the tracings, occur, especially in the present Sweden, on the shores of the Cattegat, in Bohuslän, “the ancient Viken of the Sagas,” on the coast of the peninsula washed by the Cattegat. They are also found in Norway, especially in Smaalenene, a province contiguous to that of Bohuslän, but more scarce in the north, though found on the Trondhjem fjord.

118

Fig. 891.—Rock-tracing—turtle, cuttle-fish, dromedary, and another animal (possibly a lion), ships, and a footprint. Height, 10½ feet; width, 15 feet.—Ryxö, Brastad parish, Bohuslän.

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Fig. 892.—Rock-tracing representing reindeer, and probably a horse in a boat. Height, 5 feet; width, 12½ feet.—Massleberg, Skee parish, Bohuslän.

Fig. 893.—Hill showing rock-tracings.

In Bohuslän the tracings are cut in the quartz, which is the geological formation of the coast: they are mostly upon slightly inclined rocks, which are generally two or three hundred feet or more above the present level of the sea, and which have been polished by the action of the ice. The width of the lines in the same representation varies from one to two inches, and even more; and their depth is often only 120a third or fourth of an inch, and at times so shallow as to be barely perceptible. Those tracings, which have for hundreds, perhaps for thousands, of years been laid bare to the ravages of the northern climate, are now most difficult to decipher, while those which have been protected by earth are as fresh as if they had been cut to-day; many seem to have been cut near the middle or base of the hills, which were covered with vegetation, and were in the course of time concealed by the detritus from above.

Fig. 894.—Part of rock-tracing, Brastad parish, Bohuslän, with numerous figures, nearly one hundred in number, varying in size from two inches to several feet, and mystic or symbolical footprints.

121

Fig. 895.—Rock-tracing—men fighting with spears; a man apparently lying dead in front of a boat, and a large number of domestic animals.—Tanum parish, Bohuslän.

The largest and most interesting rock-tracings are near Tanum church in Bohuslän, and are found on the slopes of the rocky hills overlooking the valleys which in these earlier times may have been partly arms of the sea. How many 122hours have I spent before these in deep contemplation, trying, but in vain, to unravel the mystery which surrounds them! Some of the pictures contain over one hundred figures, varying from a small object to one several feet in length or height; except in a few instances, the absence of masts in representations of ships is noticeable.

Among the many interesting rock-tracings are those where warriors have a peculiar horned head-dress, representing most probably a helmet.

In the British Museum there are two helmets of bronze, which reminded me of the representation given on the rock-tracings, which I give below, one of which was found in the Thames, the other at Apulia.

Fig. 896.—Found in the Thames, near Waterloo Bridge.

Fig. 897.—Apulia (Magna Græcia).

An engraving, illustrating part of a bas-relief of the Egyptian temple of Medinet Habou, has been brought to my notice by Dr. Warre, head-master of Eton College, from a remarkable French work.^[119] There is a similarity in this illustration with the rock-tracings of the North.

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Fig. 898.—From a bas-relief from the Temple of Medinet-Habou, Egypt.

This bas-relief of the temple contains a record of the military success and historical events of Rameses III. Among the different episodes the sea-fight shown on p. 123 is recorded. I think we can recognize the horned men of the rock-tracings. There is also a perfect similarity between the boats of the 124Egyptians and that of Hazeby, in Sweden. The boats of the Egyptians are symmetrical at both ends, and are ornamented with carved heads. They have a single mast, and their sails are furled. At the top of the mast there is a castellated structure which will be seen in the chapter on the ships of the Northmen; but this is not found on the rock-tracings. If these early inhabitants of the North went to the Mediterranean and Egypt we can account for the camel, turtle, octopus-like animal, leopards, and ostriches engraved on the rocks of the North.

Fig. 899.—Horsemen represented on a rock cutting at Tegneby, in Tanum parish, Bohuslän. 1
24 its real size.

A remarkable rock-tracing, which I reproduce from ‘The Land of the Midnight Sun,’ shows horsemen with quadrangular shields; these shields are seen on some Egyptian bas-reliefs, and two somewhat similar ones have been found in England. Either the people represent themselves on this engraving, or some foreign men which the carver of this memento had seen.

The question naturally arises, did the people of the large Scandinavian peninsula learn the art of rock-tracing from the Egyptians, if we take for granted that they went there? There is a roughness of design which I think seems to preclude that these engravings on stones could have been made by Egyptians coming North. The very great number seems to imply that they were made by the inhabitants, that 125the art flourished for quite a long time, and that on the return of their warlike expeditions, either from the north or south, they and some of the people illustrated the deeds of their heroes.

One of the finest tracings, which is about 66 feet in length and 20 feet in height, is near a small stream by the bridge at Hvitlycke. Among the prominent figures, of which there are over one hundred, is a large man, probably a champion, with a shield and spear, attacking another; in another part, two men fighting with axes; in another a large snake attacks a man much smaller in size than the snake. There are also 22 ships, varying in size from 2 to 3 feet in length, but one is about 10 feet long. The earth which covered the lower part of the tracings had just been removed some days before my arrival at the spot, and they were as distinct and fresh as if they had been just cut.

Fig. 900.—Rock-tracing at Såtorp, Tanum parish, Bohuslän. A champion defending his ship against two smaller ones. Height, 4¼ feet; width, 6½ feet.

The large size of some of the tracings shows that a long time must have been required to complete them, and indicates that the people must have been settlers in the country. With whatever instruments some of them were cut, the work, on account of the great number of figures, must have been in many cases slow. The question naturally arises: Did the early tribes, who, according to the story, came to the North with Odin, find a different people, who themselves or whose ancestors had made these illustrations of their history, or a people 126belonging to the same race and tribes of which we have spoken before, who gradually advanced in civilisation? These are queries which it is to be feared no one will ever be able to answer with satisfaction.

Fig. 901.—Rock-tracing, probably representing the death of a warrior who has boarded a ship. Height, 12½ feet; width, 9 feet.—Sätorp, Tanum parish, Bohuslän.

It is a most remarkable fact that in the Eddas, Sagas, or songs of the people, no mention is ever made of rock-tracings. In the Sagas we are often told that drawings on shields, embroidery, cloth, &c., were made to preserve the memory of heroic deeds and important events. From these facts we must 127come to the conclusion that the rock-tracings are of great antiquity.

Fig. 902.—Rock-tracing—two men fighting for a wheel, man ploughing, man with bow, and fleet of boats or ships. Tanum parish, Bohuslän. Height, 23½ feet; width, 17½ feet.

The beautiful antiquities of bronze found in the North seem to show a civilisation higher than that existing at the time of the rock-tracings. The conscientious inquirer will naturally 128ask himself. To what epoch do these earlier rock-tracings belong—to the so-called stone, bronze, or iron age? Unfortunately, nothing can positively settle the question. Scholars who have made them their special study do not agree; and we know that graves of the stone age have been found with tracings, but not of human figures.^[120]

But many of the tracings show that even at that remote period cattle were known to the inhabitants, and the existence of the plough conclusively shows that the people cultivated the soil.

The frequent appearance of swords on the rock-tracings shows that they could not have been made during the stone age, in which swords were unknown; but there are several indications that the tracings were made before the iron age, and that they probably belong to the bronze age.^[121]

Fig. 903.—Ship on a rock-tracing at Lökeberg in Foss parish, Bohuslän. ⅒ real size.

This art of tracing seems to have been earlier than that of writing runes, for not one of these peculiar representations, numbering several hundreds of different sizes, have runic characters upon them.

129

Fig. 904.—Rock-tracing of reindeer, &c.; possibly representing a journey to the far North by the man wearing snow-shoes. Height, 6½ feet; width, 15 feet.—Backa, Brastad parish, Bohuslän.

130

Fig. 905.—Rock-tracing, apparently representing men returning from some expedition in which the women have been made prisoners; numerous bowl-shaped hollows, varying in size from one to two inches in depth and diameter, have been made in the rock. Height, 10¾ feet; width, 8¼ feet.

They are very primitive, and in several cases plainly show that modesty was not one of the characteristic traits of the people.^[122] The first impression gathered on seeing them is that they belonged to a people of low civilisation, who must have been engaged in perpetual warfare, and who by this means commemorated the deeds of their warriors, and it is quite clear 131that the people who made them were not only warlike but seafaring.

Fig. 906.—Human figure 1 foot 6 inches in height, holding an axe with a handle 1 foot 8 inches long, and a head nearly 1 foot 2 inches.—Simrislund, Scania.

A very interesting district, rich in rock-tracing, exists on the south-eastern coast of Sweden, in the neighbourhood of the little town of Cimbrishamn, where the rocky coast falls very gently towards the sea, losing itself in a somewhat sandy beach covered with boulders. The most curious tracings are to be found on the farms of Järrestad and Simris. The ships represented present the same characteristics as those of Bohuslän; in some places they are 26 or 27 inches long, and generally have 14 ribs. There are also wheels with crosses inside, with a diameter of 5 to 6 inches, and in many instances only axes are seen on the illustrations, which apparently is not the case with any of the Bohuslän tracings.

At Järrestad there exists on a rock slanting towards the sea a tracing 54 feet in length and 40 feet in height, which contains, besides the characteristic figures of the rock-tracings of Bohuslän, a ship with a mast. Another superb tracing is found on a large rock at Simrislund, in which the figures are placed in several groups, and consist of 10 vessels, 33 war axes, two men with weapons, one horse, four circles without crosses, a mass of round excavations or cups, some of which are quite large and deep; and finally a couple of figures impossible to determine. One of the circles encloses a ship, and passes along the belly of a horse, which is placed upside down in relation to the ship. One tracing represents wheel-tracings and several ships, one of which is 26 inches long, almost on a line with fifteen or sixteen small hollows. Quite close to these web tracings is a low mound, in which were found an urn with burnt bones and a bronze button. The graves in the neighbourhood though robbed of their contents, present the same characteristics as those of the bronze age, to which all the cairns found in the neighbourhood belong.

132

Fig. 907.—Rock-tracing with wheel enclosing a cross, and ships.—Herrestrup, Scania.

Fig. 908.—Stone with tracings, Ingelstrup, Zealand. Height, 2 feet 8 inches; width, 2 feet 10 inches; thickness, 13 inches.

133

Fig. 909.—Height, 29 feet; width, 17 feet; with large birds and footprints, &c.—Tanum Parish, Bohuslän.

134

Fig. 910.—Rock-tracing, Scania.

Fig. 911.—Rock-tracing, Scania.

Fig. 912.—Rock-tracing—chariots with horses, ships, and hollows.—Jerested, Scania.

What the bowl-shaped hollows, which vary in size from 1 to 2 inches in diameter and are generally about 1 inch deep, and which are shown on the illustrations by small black dots, represent will probably always remain an enigma. The reader will also notice peculiar figures, such as circular rings, divided by crosses or double crosses, footprints, &c. Only two rock-tracings 135thus far have been discovered, where waggons are seen with wheels and horses attached to them.

Fig. 913.—Stone with round hollows.

In Denmark, tracings have thus far only been discovered on the slabs of passages in graves, such as those of Herrestrup in Zealand, and Ullerup in Northern Jutland, and their absence is to be accounted for by the want of rocky formation.

The Northmen pre-eminently a seafaring people—Figurative names given to ships—Classification and names of ships of war—Ironclads—Swift cruisers—Transport vessels—Foreign ships—Different parts of a war-ship—Oars—Ship’s boats—Tents—Ship’s moorings—Sheds—Launching—Ornamentations—Beautiful sails—Colour of war-ships—Standards—Ornamentation of ship’s sides with shields—The port of Jomsburgh—Size of ships—The Tuneship—Shipbuilding—Crews—Description of a storm.

One of the most important features in the life of the Viking Age was the ships in which the hardy Norsemen were able to rove over the seas of Europe, and conquer and plunder the lands around them. In the Eddas and Sagas these ships are often minutely described, so that we are able to form a fair idea of the shipbuilding art of those days.

The ships were called by figurative and most poetical names, and from many of these we see that speed was valued very highly:—

The general name for all ships was skip, but these were classified under different appellations. The war-ships were also classified under several names, viz: Dreki (dragon), Skeid, Snekkja, Skúta, Buza, Karfi. The herskip (host or war-ship), 137also called the langskip (long ship), was their most powerful ship of war. The Dragon was the finest and largest vessel of the North, and derived its name from the prow and stern being ornamented respectively with the head and tail of one or more dragons.

The most celebrated for its beautiful proportions was the Ormrinn Langi (the long serpent), which, long afterwards, even during the time of Harald Hardradi and Sigurd Jórsalafari, served as a model (11th and 12th centuries).

The skeid (swift sailer) was another kind of long ship, which held from twenty to thirty or more rowers’ benches, and was occasionally as large as a dragon-ship. The largest skeid mentioned is that of Erling Skjalgsson, which had thirty-two rowers’ benches, and carried two hundred and forty or more men. He used it on viking expeditions, or when he was summoned to participate in war.

“Erling Skjálgsson, the king’s brother-in-law, had his large skeid; it had thirty rooms, and was well manned” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 105).

“It was then told to the king that Erling Skjálgsson had many men gathered in Jadar. His skeid lay fully equipped near the shore, and many other ships owned by the bœndr, such as skutas, lagnarskip (fishing ships) and large rodrar-ferjas (rowing ferries)” (St. Olaf, c. 184).

The snekkja was a somewhat smaller long-ship, of which frequent mention is made; but sometimes it must have been as large as a dragon-ship.

“Erling had prepared a twenty-seated snekkja, a fifteen-seated skuta, and a vistabyrding (store-ship)” (Magnus Erlingsson’s Saga, c. 25.)^[123]

The Skuta^[124] was a small vessel, much used and often mentioned, containing probably fifteen seats. In it the upper part of the gunwale was so built that the crew could easily step on it, and more easily board the enemy.

138“In the spring Eirik obtained men, and Thorleif (Eirik’s foster-father) gave him a skuta, with fifteen rowers’ seats and complete equipment, tents, and provisions” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 20).

This vessel was manned in time of peace by about thirty men.

“Egil had his ship afloat and the cargo on board before he departed for the Thing. When they left Arinbjörn they went to Steinsund to their ship, which was floating in the harbour with the tents up. The skuta was floating with its rudder on between the shore and the ship, with the oars in their rowlocks. In the morning, near dawn, the watchmen saw that some ships were rowing towards them. Egil saw that these were enemies, and bade his men leap into the skuta. They all quickly seized their weapons, and Egil took the chests of silver which King Adalstein gave him. They rowed between the land and the snekkja nearest to it, which was that of King Eirik, but in the hurry, and as it was rather dark, the ships passed each other. When the lyptings^[125] were near, Egil flung a spear, which hit Ketil Höd in the waist, who was sitting at the helm, and killed him instantly. King Eirik called to his men to row after him, but as they passed the trading ship the King’s men leapt upon it. Those of Egil’s men who had not gone into the skuta, and were caught, were all killed; but some jumped ashore. Ten of his men were killed there. Some of the ships rowed after Egil, while others plundered the trading ship; all the goods on board were taken, and the ship burnt. Those who pursued Egil and his men rowed violently, two taking one oar and rowing in turns. They had many men on board, but Egil had few: they were eighteen in the skuta. The space between them grew less, but inside the island there was a somewhat shallow fording-sound between it and another island, and the tide was ebbing. Egil sailed with the skuta into the shallow sound; but the snekkjas could not float there, and there they parted”^[126] (Egil’s Saga, c. 58).

The Buza and the Dreki must have been somewhat similar in size, for a buza-ship, built on the model of the long snake is mentioned in the Sagas.

“When Thorir’s messengers returned, he had made ready a 139long-ship, a large buza which he owned; he manned it with his huskarls, nearly eighty men” (St. Olaf, c. 143).

“King Harald (Hardradi) had a buza-ship built at Eyrar during the winter. It was made as large as the long serpent, and as good as could be in every way. It had a dragon’s head on its prow and a tail in its stern, and the beaks (svini) were ornamented with gold all over. It had thirty-five rooms, was large in proportion thereto, and very fine. The King was very careful about its outfit, sails, rigging, anchors, and ropes” (Harald Hardradi, c. 61).

The Karfi seems to have been a vessel of the size of a skuta.

“To Ketil of Hringunes, King Olaf gave a fifteen-seated karfi” (St. Olaf, c. 50).

“Thorfinn, who dwelt at Hamarsey, was the son of Kar the old, who had long resided there; he was a great chief. When it got light the men were seen on the islet, and Thorfinn was told of it. He quickly got ready and pushed out a karfi which he owned; twenty men rowed it on each side” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 20).

“Björn and Thorolf had a karfi, the crew of which consisted of nearly thirty men, twelve or thirteen rowing on each side. They had acquired that ship in the summer on a Viking expedition. It was painted nearly everywhere above the water-line, and was very handsome. When they came to Thorir they were well received, and stayed there for a while; the ship floated, tented over in front of the farm. One day Thorolf and Björn went down and saw that Eirik, the king’s son, was there; he sometimes went out on the ship and was sometimes ashore. As he stood looking at it, Bjorn said to Thorolf: ‘The King’s son admires the ship very much, and thou must offer it to him, for I think it will be a great help for us with the King if Eirik pleads with him. I have heard that he is angry with thee on account of thy father’s deeds.’ Thorolf thought this good advice; they went down to the ship, and Thorolf said: ‘Thou lookest closely at the ship, King’s son; how dost thou like it?’ ‘Well,’ he answered, ‘the ship is very fine.’ ‘Then I will give it to thee, if thou wilt accept it,’ added Thorolf. ‘I will,’ replied Eirik; ‘but thou wilt think the return is small, for I can only promise thee my friendship’” (Egil’s Saga, c. 36).

Strange as it may seem, ironclad vessels which were used as battering rams were known and used by the Vikings. At the famous battle between Hakon Jarl and the Jomsvikings, 140Eirik Jarl, his son, had a Jarnbardi (one of the most formidable vessels at the battle of Svold was probably the same ship): the upper part of the vessel, which seems to have been a ramming ship, was provided with a skegg (beard),^[127] which apparently consisted of iron spikes.

The brothers Thorstein and Thorolf were going on an expedition.

“Thorstein asked his father to tell him of a Viking with whom he might fight, and either fall or gain some fame. His father answered: ‘Ljot, the pale, is east in the Svía-skerries (Swedish islets); he has fifteen ships, and a dragon covered with iron above the sea; it sails through every ship; he calls it Jarnbardi’” (Svarfdæla, c. 4).

“Thorstein (father of Fridthjof) had a ship called Ellidi; fifteen men rowed on each side of it. It had a carved prow and stern, and it was strong like a seagoing ship, and its sides were sheathed with iron” (Fridthjof’s Saga, c. 1).

The smaller and most easily managed ships of the Northmen were called Askar.

“Arngrim’s sons drew their swords and bit in the shield-brims (borders); then they turned to the ships, and six men went up on each Ask”^[128] (Hervarar Saga, c. 5).

Some ships were specially built for speed. Among them we find long ships—skeid and skuta. The fast-sailing skutas were called lettiskuta (light skuta), and hleypiskuta (running ships), a kind of yacht.

“Eyvind went quickly with a few men on a lettiskuta” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 83).

“Geirmund went with a hleypiskuta and some men with him” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 41).^[129]

The Knerrir (sing. Knorr) or merchant vessels must sometimes have been large, and were occasionally used as war or transport vessels. We infer from the Sagas that they could stand heavy seas better than the long ships.

141“King Olaf left behind in England the longships, and went thence with two Knerrir, on which he had 220 picked men, fully armed” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 27).

“Sigmund told Hakon Jarl that he wanted to leave off warfare and go to the Faroes; he said he no longer wished to hear that he had not avenged his father and be upbraided for it; he asked the Jarl to aid him, and advise him how to manage it. Hakon answered that the sea to the islands was hard to cross, and the breakers strong; ‘you cannot go on longships thither, but I will have two knerrir made for you, and get a crew to man them’” (Fœreyinga Saga, c. 23).

Among vessels of other nationalities mentioned are Galeid (galley) and Drómund (war-ship), both as sailing in the Mediterranean.

Fig. 914.—Ship on a stone-wall of the Church of Skröbelef, Langeland, Denmark.

“Harald went to the galeids of the Væringjar and took two on which they rowed into Sjavidarsund. When they came to where iron chains were stretched across the Sound, Harald told his men to sit down at the oars on both galeids, and those who did not row to go aft with their hammocks (used for holding baggage and for beds) in their arms. The galeids were thus run up on the chains; but, as soon as they got fast and slackened speed, Harald ordered all the men to run towards the prow. The galeid on which Harald was then turned down and slid off the chains, but the other burst asunder as she rode on the chain. Many were there drowned, but some swam and were picked up” (Harald Hardradi’s Saga, c. 15).

“Rögnvald Jarl and Erling met a drómund on the sea and attacked it with their nine ships” (Ingi’s Saga, c. 17).

142From the Sagas we infer that ships had but one mast.

Sometimes they had a Hún-Kas’ali (knob castle), or crow’s-nest, at the masthead, large enough to hold several warriors, who from such a height could throw missiles at their enemies.

King Hakon Herdibreid was going to battle against King Ingi.

Fig. 915.—On a stone. Alsnö parish in Upland, Sweden. Ship with crow’s nest.

Fig. 916.—Bautastone. Harestad, Upland, Sweden. Ship with
crow’s nest.

“He (Hakon) had two east-journey Knerrir, which lay outside his ships. On them, and also in the prows of both, were húnkastalis” (c. 5, Hakon Herdibreid).

“They (Hakon’s men) prepare themselves for pouring down stones and shots from the hunkastalis on board the trading-ships” (c. 9, Hakon Herdibreid).

The different parts of a ship were the lypting^[130] an elevated place, where the commander stood and steered, and from which he could survey the whole scene of battle; stafn (prow); rausn (forecastle); fyrir-rum (foreroom), so called, probably, on account of its being before the mast; and krapparum, the third room from the stern.

143The place in which the weapons were kept was called the hasœtis-kista, or high-seat chest.

“The King went down into the foreroom, opened the hasœtis-kista, and took out many sharp swords, which he gave to the men” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 117).

“In the foreroom were also sleeping-places. The men in this and the stafnbuar were called fyrir-rumsmenn. Those before the mast were all called frambyggjar (bow-sitters)” (Harald Fairhair, c. 11).

The ship was highest forward and aft, and was pointed at both ends.

Fig. 917.—Ship propelled by oars. Slab. Haggeley, Uppland, Sweden. Similar to the Egyptian bas-relief on the Temple of Medinet-Hakou (see p. 123).

As the largest ships were lofty, they required a deck (thiljur), but decks are very seldom mentioned.

Thorir sailed westward to England, to Knut the Great, with his valuable skins.

“Thorir Hund went on board of his ship; Finn with many men followed him thither, and went along the ship. He had taken up the deck, and under the planks near the mast they saw two barrels, so large that they wondered at them. In the barrels there was an inner bottom close to the outer one, between 144which was the drink; but the barrel itself was filled with grey skins, beaver and sable” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 149).

Oars.—In calm weather ships were generally propelled with oars, which were fastened with a strap attached to the tholes, or openings made as in the Gokstad ship and Nydam boat. The oars had to be strong, and each was generally manned by two, three, or four men, heavy or large ships being with difficulty propelled by oars.

Sometimes men were so strong that they could, on the smaller vessels, ply an oar alone, but this was an exception.

“King Hakon (Herdibreid) lay in the harbour with fourteen ships. He himself and his men were at some games upon the island, while his lendir men sat on a mound. They saw a boat rowing towards the south of the island; two men were in it, and they pulled the oars so hard that they bent themselves to the bottom of the boat” (Magnus Erlingsson’s Saga, c. 6 (Heimskringla)).

Only in one instance is the length of the oars given—those of the Ellidi—which are said to have been 26 feet long. The largest ship must have had oars still longer than those of the Ellidi, which was not a large vessel.

They were called by the figurative names of The long arms; The feet of the horse of the sea; The wave sweeper; The feet of the ship, &c.

Among the numerous fragments of oars of the Gokstad ship, four were found in tolerable preservation, and only one well-preserved, measuring nearly sixteen feet. The oar tholes were protected inside by round oaken shutters to prevent the water from running in. The large ones found show that no single man could row with one for a long time together; and the oars which propelled the large dragon-ship must have been very heavy.

Every large ship had its boats, sometimes two or more.

“Sigurd took two barkis^[131] and dragged them up on the rock above the door of the cave, and fastened thick ropes around the ribs of the ship under the stem and stern” (Sigurd Jorsalafari,^[132] c. 6).

145

Fig. 918.

Fig. 919.

Fig. 920.

Fig. 921.

Fig. 922.

Fig. 923.

Fig. 924.—Specimens of Rowlocks from Gokstad ship. Boats (see Nydam boat, Vol. I.).

Fragments of three small boats made of oak were found on board the Gokstad ship, which apparently had been destroyed intentionally. They were clinker built, and had rowlocks, not two of which were alike, fastened to the gunwale instead of holes for the oars. These boats were so broken that no part could be put together again, except their keels, the longest of which measured over twenty-one feet, and the shortest twelve feet. Two had carried masts.

146“They drifted north off Ireland, and the ship was broken into fragments on an unsettled island; while they were there Thorodd the Icelander met them as he sailed from Dublin. The men of the jarl called on the traders to help them. Thorodd had a boat put out and went in it himself” (Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 29).

The rudder, called styri, was on the right side, stjórnbordi (starboard); the opposite side being called bakbordi (larboard).

The helmsman, who held the tiller, was generally commander of the ship, and his position at the helm seems sometimes to have been below the rudder head, with a view to being protected from the continual shower of missiles to which he was subjected; the great purpose of the enemy being to disable the ship’s commander.

When Magnus Barefoot made warfare in Scotland and Ireland:

“Then men went between him and Melkolm (Malcolm) Skota-king, and they made an agreement (treaty) between themselves. Magnus was to become owner of all the islands west of Scotland, between which and the mainland a ship with its rudder on could go. When King Magnus came from the south to Satiri (Cantire), he had a skuta dragged across the isthmus (Mull of Oantire) with its rudder placed in position. The king himself sat on the lypting and had hold of the tiller, and thus got the land lying on the larboard. Satiri is large and better than the best of the Hebrides except Mön. A narrow neck of land joins it with the mainland, and longships are often dragged across there” (Magnus Barefoot’s Saga, c. 11).^[133]

Tents.—When the ship was lying still, especially for the night, tents were stretched over it. Sometimes they were put up on the shore, and in the latter case were taken on board the ship when they sailed away.

“When they came up on the islets, they saw a dragon-head, which looked like gold. They saw that twelve ships were there with the dragon, with black tents over them; light was under the tents; men sat there drinking” (Svarfdæla, c. 4).

“As soon as Karli came on board, he took down the tents, 147threw off the fastenings, hoisted the sail, and the ship went quickly out to sea” (St. Olaf, c. 143).^[134]

The men on board seem to have slept in leather bags, húdfat, and to have taken them ashore when they camped out in tents.

“They carried their leather bags from the ship and made booths. Then they resolved to live there that winter, and built there large houses, &c.” (Flateyjarbok, i.).

When in harbour the ships were tied with fastenings communicating with the shore by means of bridges or gangways.

“They rowed in search of the ship, and, when they found it, turned towards the shore. Hallvard and his men had tented it over and then laid themselves down to sleep. When Kveldulf and Skallagrim came upon them the watchmen at the end of the gangway jumped up and shouted to the ship, telling the men to rise, saying that an enemy was at hand, Hallvard and his men rushed for their weapons. Kveldulf reached the end of the gangway and got on board by the stern gangway, while Skallagrim went to the fore-gangway” (Egil’s Saga, 27).

The chiefs seem to have been very particular as to the berths of their ships when in harbour, so that the tents should be pitched ashore, places being allotted to the ships according to the rank of their owners. If there were several of equal rank, lots were drawn to decide who should have the best place.

“One summer, when Hakon Jarl had a levy out, Thorleif the Wise steered one of his ships. Eirik, who was ten or eleven winters old, was also with him on the journey. When they went at night into harbour, Eirik was not pleased unless his ship was next to that of the Jarl. On arriving southward at Mæri, his brother-in-law Skopti came to him with a well-manned longship. When he rowed to the fleet, he called out to Thorleif to make room for him and change his position, but Eirik at once told Skopti to take another position himself.

“As soon as Hakon Jarl heard that his son Eirik thought himself so great a man that he would not yield to Skopti, he at once bade him take another place, or otherwise it would be worse for them, as they might be thrashed. Thorleif then 148ordered his men to take the ship from the fastenings, which was done. Then Skopti occupied the position he was wont to have, nearest to the Jarl’s ship” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 20).

“Once Harald (Hardradi) with the Varangians had pitched their tents on a well-situated place. Gyrgir, the chief of the Greek host, wanted to pitch tents on the same spot, and they quarrelled over it. The wisest man intervened, and they consulted together. At this meeting they all agreed to throw lots into the skirts of a cloak, and thus decide which should go into harbour or choose ground for their tents first; both were to abide by the decision of the lot when the lots were made and marked” (Harald Hardradi’s Saga (Heimskringla), c. 4).

When not being used, the ships were kept in sheds; and while they were there everything loose was taken out, even the planks of the deck and the dragon-heads.

“King Eystein also had ship-sheds made in Nidaros, so large that they were famous, and built with the best materials and with great skill” (Sigurd Jorsalafari, c. 27).

“They rowed hard towards the ship-shed of Thorfinn. When the ship touched the bottom, the men jumped overboard. Grettir counted twelve of them. They did not seem to him to be on an errand of peace. They lifted up their ship and dragged it out of the water. They ran to the shed, where the large karfi of Thorfinn stood, which he never launched with less than thirty men, but they at once dragged it down on the beach. Afterwards they lifted up their own ship and carried it into the shed” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 19).

“After Yule Thorfinn made ready to go home, and sent his guests away with many good gifts. Then he went with his men till he came near his ship-shed. They saw that a ship lay on the sand, and soon knew that it was his large karfi. Thorfinn had not then heard of the Vikings. He asked them to make haste to get ashore, ‘for I expect,’ said he, ‘that friends have not done this.’ Thorfinn was first ashore, and went at once to the ship-shed. He saw a ship standing there, and knew that it was the ship of the Berserks” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 20).

When the ships were ready to go to sea, or when being built, they had rollers under them, over which they were pushed up to the shore or into the sea.

Eirek and Agnar, Ragnar’s sons, were going on an expedition to Sweden:—

149“They gathered many men, and made their ships ready; they thought it important that the launching of ships should be successful. Now when Agnar’s ship ran down from the rollers a man was struck by it and died, and they called it hlunnrod (roller-reddening). This they did not think a good beginning, but would not let it stop their voyage” (Ragnar Lodbrok’s Saga, c. 9).

Harald Hardradi had a large ship launched into the river Nid, and then had the dragon heads put on. Then sang Thjódólf the scald:

Fig. 925.—Bronze kettle, ⅒ real size, found with Gokstad ship; wooden plates and wooden carved drinking-cups were also found.

When the Norsemen came to a harbour, or to a coast without one, they often dragged their ships on to the shore, when rollers, which no doubt belonged to the equipment, had to be used.

“Hakon Jarl, after a battle with King Ragnfred, drew his ships ashore so that his foes could not take them” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 17).

150

Fig. 926.—Iron chain, found with Gokstad ship. ⅒ real size.

Fig. 927.—Bronze ornament.

Fig. 928.—Bronze handles of kettle. Real size.

Fig. 929.—Iron chain, with crook to hold bronze kettle; found with Gokstad ship. ⅒ real size.

151After the ship had been launched into the sea the equipment was put on board.

Fig. 930.—On a stone-wall of the Church of Bödstrup, Island of Langeland, Denmark.

“After Easter King Olaf had his ships launched and equipment and oars carried to them, and decks placed in them, and tents put over them, and then let them float at the bridges” (St. Olaf, c. 115).

Fig. 931.—Iron kettle. ¼ real size—Ultuna ship find.

“Asbjörn owned a longship which was a twenty-seated snekkja, which stood in a large naust (ship-shed). After Candlemas he had it pushed forward, the equipments carried on board, and everything made ready. He then summoned his friends, and had nearly ninety men, all well armed” (St. Olaf, c. 24).

It was not always the custom to have cooks on board ship, it being the habit of traders to dispense with their services, 152and to draw lots among the crew every day to decide who should prepare the food.

“He (Thorleif) took passage in the summer with the traders, who prepared to go from Straumfjord, and was with the steersmen. It was then the custom of traders not to have cooks, but the messmates drew lots to see which of them should do the cooking day by day. All shipmates also had to drink together, and a tub with a lid over it stood near the mast for this purpose, but some drank from the casks which supplied the tub” (Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 39).

Fig. 932.—Dragon.—Length, 10 to 12 feet; width between the wings, 3 feet.

The people, and especially the chiefs, took great pride in the appearance of their ships, both in regard to ornamentation and sails, and kept them well painted. We may form an idea of the labour bestowed on their embellishment, from the carved pieces of wood found on board of the Gokstad ship;^[135] what, then, must it have been on such ships as the long serpent and others mentioned in the Sagas?

Insignificant objects are adorned with exquisite and tasteful designs. Some of them seem to have been designed without the aid of mechanical appliances, and others before being engraved must have had their drawings traced with compasses, &c.

The dragons were gilt, both on the stem and stern, or covered with thin sheets of gold, thus presenting a magnificent appearance as they sailed with the sun shining upon them. 153These and other ornaments which were placed on a ship were not fixed on till it had left the rollers and was in the water.

“Olaf had a ship made in the winter, called Visund (the bison-ox), which was larger than any other. On its prow there was the head of a bison, gilt” (St. Olaf, c. 154).

“King Olaf had a ship called Karlhöfdi (man’s head); on its prow was a king’s head, which he himself had carved. That head was for a long time afterwards used in Norway on ships steered by chiefs” (St. Olaf, c. 45).

“Rand had a large dragon, with a gold-ornamented head, which had thirty large rooms” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, c. 85).^[136]

On the top of the belfry (clock-tower) in Ghent is found the figure of a dragon, of which a woodcut is here given (p. 152). It consists of gilded copper-plates, nailed on a kind of iron skeleton. The back between the wings is open.^[137]

As King Sigurd was ready to go home, we read—

“Thereupon King Sigurd made ready for his journey homeward. He gave the Emperor all his ships, and there were gold ornamented heads on the ship which the king had steered; they were put on Peter’s church. There they may be yet (i.e. 1220–1240‘)”’ (Sigurd Jorsalafari’s Saga, c. iii., Heimskringla’s text).

The date here given is that of Norri Sturluson.

Beautiful sails were highly prized; these were generally made of vadmal, or coarse woollen stuff. The Sagas often mention that they were striped, of different colours, red, blue and green,^[138] being sometimes embroidered and beautifully lined with fur; but some were as white as the newly-fallen snow. 154They were square, and consequently good speed could only be attained with fair wind.

The following poetical names were given to sails:—The cloak of the wind; the tapestry of the masthead; the sheet spun by women; the cloth of the wind; the beard of the yard; the fine shirt of the tree (mast).

Fig. 933.—Runic stone, Hallingbo, Götland, 3 feet 9 inches above ground.

“When the King on his return from Jerusalem wished to sail to Mikligard (Constantinople), he lay still for half a month with his entire fleet, although every day it blew a good stern-wind; but he waited for a side-wind, so that the sails could be set lengthways on the ships. The sails were mostly covered with pell (a sort of velvet) on both sides, as those in stem and stern wanted to see an equally handsome side. When he came into Mikligard, he sailed close to the shore, from which could be seen the whole width of the sails, which were so slightly 155separated that they resembled a continuous wall. All the people were out to see how Sigurd sailed” (Sigurd Jorsalafari, ch. 11).

Fig. 934.—Vessel with sails. Reverse side of runic stone, Hallingbo, Götland. Limestone.

“One autumn, as King Magnus the Good was on board his fleet off Scania, they saw one day a ship, sailing eastward off the land. It was ornamented all over with gold above the water, and fine dragon-heads were on it, but the sail was of twofold pell most splendidly woven. All wondered at this strange sight. This ship was painted with red, purple, and gold. All the weathervanes looked as if they were of gold, as well as the beaks of the dragon-heads; inside these were valiant men dressed in costly garments and pell. King Magnus instantly sent a ship from the port to meet them, and wanted to know where they were going; as the messengers met them, they turned towards the shore and lowered the sail. They 156rowed towards the King’s fleet, and came up with that fine beautiful ship to the King. It was then found to be the ship of Harald Sigurdsson (Harald Hardradi), the King’s uncle” (Flateyjarbok, iii.).

Sails were given as valuable gifts to powerful chieftains.

When Harald Hardradi and Eystein were sailing together, Harald said:—

“‘Where didst thou, Eystein, get so fine a sail?’ Eystein answered: ‘This is the sail, lord, which you would not receive from Thorvard.’ The king said: ‘I never saw a finer sail, and I have refused a costly thing.’ Eystein replied: ‘... take whichever of the two sails thou likest best; it is good that thou knowest what thou didst refuse.’ The king thanked him and took the sail of Thorvard, and it was thought precious, though it would scarcely fit the king’s large ship in sailing-matches” (Harald Hardradi, Fornmanna Sögur, vi. c. 100).

Ships of war were apparently always painted; dark blue ships are mentioned, but the colours were often more variegated. The ships of Knut and Hakon Jarl were painted above the water-line. Asbjörn Selsbani’s ship was painted above the water-line, in red and white colours.

“When Knut the Great left the country he had a great host and exceeding large ships. He himself had a dragon so large that it had sixty rooms; on it were heads ornamented with gold. Hakon Jarl^[139] had another with forty rooms, which also had gilt heads, and the sails of both were striped with blue, red, and green. Both were painted above the water. They had many other ships, large and well equipped” (Flateyjarbok, ii.).

Standards and weathervanes, not only on land, but at sea, are frequently mentioned.

“Odd gave to Gudmund and Sigurd the dragon of Sóti. He had the dragon of Hálfdán painted all over, and both the dragon-heads and the vane^[140] he had ornamented with gold” (Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 8).

157The standard-bearer stood by the prow of the ship, and the pennant seems to have been carried at the masthead.

Fig. 935.—Bayeux tapestry.

“The pennant, spun by women, played at the masthead of the reindeer of the rollers” (Knutsdrapa).

Fig. 936.—Baptismal font, Church of Lödurup, Scania, Sweden.

“When Eirik blódöx (blood-axe) got the kingship, he had feasts in Hordaland and Firda Fylki. He took hirdmen with him. One spring he made ready to go to Bjarmaland, and selected men for the journey. Thorolf went with him, and was placed in the prow of his ship, and carried his standard. Thorolf was then taller and stronger than other men, and therein like his father” (Egil’s Saga, c. 37).

158When Helgi came with his ships to make war at Frekastein he had a golden standard.

The ships as they came into harbour were often lined with shields, showing by this that they were ships of war. These shields added not a little to the appearance of the ships under sail, as the sun shone on them. When the warriors were numerous, they must have been very cumbersome, and on that account were often stationed all round the bulwark or gunwales.

Fig. 937.—Silver coin found in Blekinge.

In the Gokstad ship the shields were hung along the outer sides of the ship, and all seem to have been of the same size. They were placed somewhat ahead of the first oar, and a little behind the last one. They overlapped each other, the outer edge of each touching the boss of the other. They were painted either yellow or black, so that the contrast must have been picturesque.

“Then he, Olaf Tryggvason, made his ships and men ready and sailed east from Gardar out into Eystrasalt (the Baltic). The ships were lined with shields on both sides, they were swift-sailing, and went well before the wind” (Fornmanna Sögur, vol. i. p. 100).

“Hella Björn, the son of Herfinn and Halla, was a great viking, he was generally the enemy of King Harald; he went to Iceland, and entered Bjarnarfjord with a ship covered all over with shields” (Landnama, xi. 31).

“On Yule-eve the weather was bright and calm. Gretti was that day out of doors most of the time, looking at the ships that went south and north along the shore; for everybody was 159going to the Yule-feast. As the day declined Gretti saw that a ship rowed towards the island. It was not large, but the gunwales were covered with shields from prow to stern, and it was painted above water” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 19).

“They saw no fewer than ten ships coming southwards off a cape. They were rowed fast and steered towards them; they were completely covered with shields, and at the mast of the foremost one there stood a man who had on a silk jacket and a gilt helmet” (Njala, c. 84).

Some of the scattered pieces of poetry give a good idea of the appearance of these ships.

As a rule, merchant ships were not kept in as good order as the war-ships. The Northern chief Harek saved his life, after the battle of the river Helga, by the following subterfuge. King Olaf went by land to Norway, while the fleet of Knut the Great remained in the Sound.

“Harek did as he had said, waited for fair wind and then sailed westward past Skáni, till he came off the Hólar in the evening, during a strong gale. He had the sail lowered, and the mast and weather-vane taken down, and the vessel above water 160wrapped with grey cloth. He had a few rowers in rooms fore and aft, while most of his men sat very low in the ship. King Knut’s watchmen saw the ship, and talked among themselves about what kind of ship it might be. They thought it was loaded with salt or herrings, for they saw that the men were few and rowing badly, and the ship looked grey, and not tarred and dried in the sun. They also saw it was deep in the water. But when Harek got well forward in the Sound past the host, he raised the mast, hoisted the sail, and set up the gilt weather-vane. The sail was white as new-fallen snow, and striped with blue and red” (St. Olaf, c. 168).

Fig. 938.—From Bayeux tapestry. Ship with dragon’s head, striped sails, and carrying horses.

Some of the harbours built by the Northmen must have been very spacious.

Pálnatóki, jarl of Fjón, who also had a jarldom in Bretland (Wales), made one summer warfare in Vindland. The king, Búrislaf, sent a message that he desired friendship and peace with him, and invited him to come and see him.

161

Fig. 939.—Ship lined with shields, striped sails, and men pulling with oars.

162“Further, with this invitation he offered to give him a fylki or riki in his land, called Jóm, in order that he should settle there, and he would give it him on condition that he should be bound to defend the land with him. This Pálnatóki and his men accepted. He quickly had a large and strong sea-burgh made, since called Jómsburgh. He also had a harbour made within the burgh, in which 300 longships could lie at the same time, all being locked in the burgh. The entrance to the harbour was constructed with great skill. It was like a gate with a large stone arch above, and shut with iron doors locked from inside the harbour. Upon the arch was built a strong tower (kastali) in which were catapults (valslöngva). Part of the burgh stood out in the sea (water), and the burghs built thus are called sea-burghs, and thus the harbour came to be within it” (Jomsvikinga Saga, ch. 24).

Fig. 940.—⅓ real size.

Fig. 941.

Fig. 942.—Shield. ⅙ real size.

Fig. 943.—Shield. ⅙ real size.

163

Fig. 944.

Fig. 945.

Fig. 946.

Fig. 947.

Fig. 948.—Scoop for baling water. ⅙ real size.

Fig. 949.

Fig. 950.

Fig. 951.

Fig. 952.

Fig. 953.

Fig. 954.

Fig. 955.

Fig. 956.

Fig. 957.

Fig. 958.

Fig. 959.—1
20 real size.

Fig. 960.

Fig. 961.—1
20 real size.

165

Fig. 962.—½ real size.

Fig. 963.—½ real size.

Fig. 964.—1
20 real size.

Fig. 965.—½ real size.

Fig. 966.—¼ real size.

Fig. 967.—¼ real size.

Fig. 968.—½ real size.

Fig. 969.

Fig. 970.

Fig. 971.

Fig. 972.

⅓ real size.

Fig. 973.—½ real size.

166

Fig. 974.—½ real size.

Fig. 975.—½ real size.

Fig. 976.

Fig. 977.

Fig. 978.—½ real size.

Fig. 979.

Fig. 980.—¼ real size.

Fig. 981.—⅓ real size.

Fig. 982.—⅙ real size

Fig. 983.—⅙ real size.

167

Fig. 984.—1
40 real size.

Fig. 985.—½ real size.

Fig. 986.—⅓ real size.

Fig. 987.

Fig. 988.

Fig. 989.

Fig. 990.

Fig. 991.

168The size of a ship was recognised by the number of its benches, or of oars by which it was propelled; so a vessel is often described as a fifteen, twenty, thirty-seater, or more, without having its proper appellation given to it, and the length can only be approximately given.

In no Saga are we told the length of a ship, and only in one instance, that of the Long Serpent of Olaf Tryggvason, is it partially given. Fortunately, from the Nydam, Gokstad, and Tune boats we can approximate the distance between each rower’s seat, but the space varied according to the size of the ship; and the larger the ship, the wider the space, as the oars became longer and required more room to ply them.

Fig. 992.

Fig. 993.—⅕ real size.

The Nydam vessel is a fourteen-seater and about 76 feet in length: of this about 46 feet are taken up by the rowers’ seats, the remaining 30 feet being the spaces fore and aft. The space between each oar thole is 3 feet 2 inches.

The length of the twenty-seater must have been about 110 feet; that of the twenty-five seater, about 130 feet; of the thirty-seater, about 155 feet; and of the thirty-four seater, the Long Serpent of Olaf Tryggvason, about 180 feet. Taking the rise from the keel to stem and to stern, this cannot, in a vessel 169of that size, have been less than 15 feet at each end, and thus we arrive at the same result, or 180 feet.

The largest ship of which we have any record is that of Knut the Great.

His dragon had sixty pairs of oars, and therefore, according to the same calculation, must have had a length of about 300 feet. The above measurements are given without making allowance for larger spaces between the benches than those of the Nydam and Gokstad ships, which were necessary in order to give more space for the plying of the longer oars.

The width of the ship is still more difficult to determine; but, taking for example the Serpent, where it is said that each half-room held eight men, or sixteen in the whole width of the vessel, its breadth between the gunwales could not have been less than 32 feet, probably more, if we judge by the proportions of the other vessels, the Nydam boat’s width being ⅕ of its length, and that of the Gokstad boat being nearly ⅕ of its length.

The depth of the ships is nowhere mentioned, but, as we find a deck-planking (thiljur) mentioned, it must have been at least, in cases of seagoing ships, 10 feet or more.

Looking at the Gokstad ship and its beautiful shape, we can form an idea how advanced the art of shipbuilding was in the North. The vessel had no deck, the bottom boards resting over the frames were loose, and were made fast to the frames by notches cut in them. The fragments which remain of the tent or tents show the material to have been red and white striped wool, and the numerous pieces of rope were made of bast.

The Tune vessel probably had ten to twelve pairs of oars, to judge from the number of ribs and rowing benches; but as the gunwale is destroyed, the oar tholes are missing. The vessel was iron, clinch built, with the wood work almost entirely of oak; only the ribs and the wooden nails were of fir. The planks were fastened to the frame by such clamps as those described in the Nydam boat and Gokstad ship.

The ponderous beam shows that the mast, which was set in an opening made in a large oak block, could be lowered at will, a fact sometimes mentioned in the Sagas.

Fig. 994.

Fig. 995.

171Though several centuries had probably elapsed between the construction of the Nydam and that of the Tune and Gokstad boats, we find the same principle of construction and of joining the planks by rivets used in each case.

The clinch nails here represented were discovered not far from Upsala, in the decayed remains of a small ship buried in the Ultuna mound. They were from 1½ to 2 inches in length, and still remained in their places, holding the planks together. The exact size of the vessel could not be ascertained, as the mound had been disturbed before the systematic researches by competent authorities had been undertaken. There were besides a double-edged sword with hilt of gilt bronze, with fragments of its wooden scabbard, a bundle of 19 arrow-points, 3 dice, 36 checkers, parts of two horses, skeleton on the prow of the ship, and a gridiron, etc., etc.

Fig. 996.—½ real size.

Fig. 997.—⅔ real size.

The following passages are the only ones in the whole literature of the North which describe the building of a ship:—

“Next winter, after King Olaf came from Hálogaland, he had a large ship built at Hladhamrar; it was far larger than the other ships in the country, and the stocks on which it was built may still be seen (in Snorri’s time). It was 148 feet long, touching the grass (i.e., at the keel). Thorberg Skafhögg (blow-scraper) was stem-smith (made stem and stern) for the ship; many others were engaged in the work, some to fell trees, others to shape wood, others to nail, others to carry wood. Everything used was most carefully selected. The ship was long and broad, with high gunwales and large timbers. While the bulwarks were 172rising, Thorberg was obliged to go home to his farm, and was away a long time, and when he came back the bulwarks were completed. The same evening the king, together with Thorberg, went to see how the ship looked, and every man said he had never seen an equally large or fine longship. The king returned to the town. Early next morning the king and Thorberg went down to the ship; all the smiths had arrived, and stood there doing no work. The king asked why they did this. They said the ship was spoiled, and that a man had walked from the stem to the lypting and made cuts into the gunwale, the one after the other. The king looked at it and saw it was true. He swore that if he knew who had spoiled the ship from envy, that man should die, but the one who could tell him should get great reward from him. Thorberg said, ‘I can tell you, king, who did this.’ The king answered, ‘Thou wast the likeliest man to be so lucky as to ascertain this and tell me.’ ‘I will tell the king who has done it,’ he said: ‘I have done it.’ The king answered, ‘Thou shalt repair it so that it is as good as it was before, or else lose thy life.’ Thorberg shaped the gunwale so that all the cuts disappeared. The king and every one said that the ship was much better on the side which Thorberg had shaped. The king asked him to do the same on the other side, and thanked him well for it. Thereafter Thorberg was the chief smith of the ship till it was finished. It was a dragon made in the shape of the serpent which he brought from Hálogaland, and belonged to Raud, but much larger and in every respect more carefully built. He called it the Long Serpent, while the other was the Short Serpent. The Long Serpent had 34 rooms. Its beaks and the dragon-tail were all ornamented with gold; its gunwales were as high as those on seagoing ships. No better or costlier ship has been built in Norway” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 95).

“The same autumn King Olaf had a large longship built on the shore of the river Nid. It was a snekkja; he employed many smiths on it. In the beginning of winter it was finished; it had thirty rooms, high stems, but was not large. The king called it the Trani (crane)” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 79).

Crews.—The crew of the ships no doubt varied in number considerably, according to the power of the chiefs who manned them; crews of one hundred and twenty men are often mentioned; sometimes the crew consisted of seven hundred men.^[142]

173“When spring came, and snow and ice thawed, Thorolf had a large longship which he owned launched, and made ready and manned with more than 100 (120) of huskarls; they were very fine and well-armed warriors. When a fair wind came he sailed southward along the coast.... No one knew about Thorolf’s journey. He had fair winds southward to Denmark, and then to Austrveg (East of Baltic); he ravaged there that summer, but got little property. In the autumn he went back to Denmark when the Eyrarfloti (the trading-fleet of Eyrarsund) was leaving. That summer many ships from Norway had been there as usual” (Egil’s Saga, c. 19).^[143]

The division between each rower’s bench was called room (rum), and this was subdivided into half-rooms, in which many of the combatants were stationed: hence the fighting strength of a ship, as well as its size, was known by the number of its rooms or benches.

On expeditions, when the men were landed to fight, we generally find that one-third of the crew remained on board to guard the ship. This is corroborated by the Frankish chronicles, which mention that the Northmen arrived before Paris with seven hundred large ships, besides smaller ones, and landed forty thousand men. The Long Serpent had thirty-four rooms; eight men were in each half room, or sixteen in each room, making five hundred and forty-four. Then thirty men were in the foreroom, thus making five hundred and seventy-four. We have also the warriors in the prows, forecastle, and other parts of the ship, making in all probably seven hundred men.

From the laws we find that people could refuse to sail on unseaworthy ships.

“The ship which has to be baled three times in two days is reckoned, according to the right Bjarkey-rett, to be unseaworthy, unless the crew like to run the risk” (Bjarkey Law, 170).

The following is the only detailed description of a storm at sea in the Sagas; it was encountered by Fridthjof on his way to the Orkneys. There are many references to ships being lost at sea, and their crews drowned.

174“When Fridthjof got out of Sogn (fjord) a strong gale and a heavy storm came upon them, and the waves were very great. The ship sailed very fast, for it was swift and one of the best for the sea.

“They were driven (by the storm) northward into the sounds near to the islands called Solundir; the wind was then at its hardest. Fridthjof sang:

“They laid the ship under the Solundir in order to wait there. At once the wind fell. They then sailed out from the island in good hope, for they had a fair wind for awhile. Then the wind grew stronger. When they (Fridthjof and his foster-brother Björn) were a long way out at sea, the sea began to move fearfully again, and such a snowstorm arose that the men in the stern and the stem could not see the other, and the ship was so filled with water that they had to bale it all the time. Fridthjof sang:

“Björn said: ‘The one who travels widely must meet good and evil.’ ‘That is certain, foster-brother,’ said Fridthjof.

“Fridthjof said this was the time to try good men, though it was easier to sit in Baldrshagi. They made themselves ready with boldness, for valiant men were in the ship, and it was the best ship which has been in the northern lands. Fridthjof sang:

“Then great waves dashed over the ship so that they stood all baling.

175“Björn said: ‘Thinkest thou the maidens of Sogn will weep much over thee?’ Fridthjof said: ‘Surely, that is in my mind.’ Then the waves rose at the stem so that they rushed into the ship; but the ship was good, and hardy men were in it. Björn sang:

“Ásmund said: ‘It matters not though you try your arms (baling, rowing), for you did not excuse us when we rose so early in Baldrshagi (sacred grove of Baldr), and we rubbed our eyes.’ ‘Why doest thou not sing, Ásmund?’ asked Fridthjof. ‘I will,’ said Ásmund.

“Fridthjof said with laughter: ‘Thou callest not thy help less than it is, though thy thrall-kin did appear now as thou didst wish to carry food.’ Then the wind grew stronger again, so that the white sea-drifts^[146] which burst on the ship from all sides were more like mountains and mountain-peaks than waves.

“Björn: ‘Now thou art afraid, foster-brother, and there is fear in thy words; it is bad of a good warrior like thee.’ Fridthjof answered: ‘It is neither fear nor fright, though our journeys of merriment are sung, but it may be they are mentioned oftener than is needed; most men would think death likelier than life if they were situated as we are now.’

“Björn: ‘We must take this, foster-brother, as it is.’ Then came a wave dashing so strongly that it carried away the gunwales and part of the bows, and flung four men overboard who were all lost. Fridthjof sang:

Maritime power of the North—Their huge fleets—Good harbours—Strategical skill—Size of some of their fleets—Fleets accompanied by provision ships.

Nothing can give us a greater insight into the maritime power of the North than the accounts we read, here and there in the Sagas, of the fleets gathered together for the purpose of war and invasion. The number of the vessels is quite remarkable, but seeing that the finds corroborate so much that is told us in the Sagas, there is no reason to doubt the truthfulness of their statements as regards the magnitude of the fleets, and the vessels were far from being as small as have been imagined.

From the Sagas we learn that the aim of every chief was to be powerful at sea; every bondi was owner of one or more craft. They were born seamen, but were also trained to fight on land. They surrounded themselves with warlike retainers, and with these made distant expeditions to win honour and booty. These men were also soldiers, and good horsemen. As we see that in every great land battle the warriors came from all parts of the Northern lands, it must be concluded that the same took place in regard to their invasions of foreign countries. Only in a very few instances have we accounts of the Norsemen being defeated at sea by the fleets of the countries they attacked; even in these rare instances their combats took place with a very small number of vessels compared with the powerful fleets of their enemies, who were either Frisians or their own people who had settled in England.

Fortunately, Frankish and old English chronicles, which are quite independent of those of the North, help to corroborate the general truthfulness of the Eddas and Sagas, and from them we have several accounts of the number of 177vessels which sailed up the Seine, the Rhine, the Elbe, and the Weser, or went to England.

The largest fleet that ever met in the North was that which assembled for the battle of Bravöll; though the number of vessels is not mentioned, we read that the Sound was covered with vessels. This fleet reached from Kjöge to Skanör, so that, if the account is trustworthy, people could walk as on a bridge from Zeeland over the Sound, a distance of some twenty miles. Sigurd Hring had 2,500 (3,000) ships to oppose him.^[147]

The maritime expeditions of the Northmen to distant lands were undertaken with a great deal of care and foresight; the men were under strict discipline, and were attired with the greatest splendour. It would be a mistaken idea to think that the Northmen started on these voyages without any previous knowledge of the country they were to invade, or of the shores where they were going to land, or that they sailed with no definite object. Their previous knowledge of these far-off lands was no doubt gained in trading, and it was only after being thoroughly well acquainted with the geography of the part to be attacked that they ventured on their invasion.

Many of the places in foreign countries mentioned in the Sagas where the Norse fleets were safely moored and sheltered against storm, are to this day good harbours, and if others are no longer so it is because the shores of those coasts have been subjected to changes which are still taking place. The geographical positions of the rivers they ascended were well chosen; they knew what size of vessel to take there, and though their operations seemed to be detached, we find that their fleets were in communication with each other, and that their armies could assist one another in case of need, crush the enemy between the rivers they had ascended, or between them and the sea. In a word, their tactics showed considerable boldness and strategical skill, which generally left them a way of retreat, if necessary, to their vessels or to some island. Though the Sagas give us a good and vivid idea of the Norse mode of warfare at sea, they are very incomplete in regard to the description and details of the land expeditions, and we have 178to go to the Frankish chronicles in order to see the manner in which they attacked or besieged a city. From these we learn that the ships ascended the rivers as far as possible; if anything stopped the navigation, a canal was made or the vessels were drawn along the shore, and the obstacle thus passed. The Norsemen took possession of all the large islands, fortified them, and wintered there; and there they kept their spoils of war or plunder. They also brought cavalry in their ships, a fact proved by the Bayeux tapestry.

It is said that Harald Blátönn (blue tooth) went to Norway with a fleet of 700 (840) ships.

“Then King Harald summoned a host from his entire kingdom. Hákon jarl was with him, and Harald Grænski, son of Gudraud Björnsson, and many other powerful men, who had fled from their estates in Norway on account of Gunnhild’s sons.

“The King of Denmark sailed from the south into Vikin with 700 ships,^[148] and there all the inhabitants came under his rule; and when he reached Túnsberg, large numbers gathered to him.

“King Harald gave to Hákon jarl all the men who had come to him in Norway; and made him ruler over the seven fylkis of Rogaland, Hördaland, Sogn, Firdafylki, Sunnmœri, Raumsdal, Nordmœri”^[149] (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 24, 2 Fms. I.).

179Knut the Great had gathered a fleet of 1,200 vessels^[150] for an attack on Norway.

“King Knut called to mind many things with which he charged King Olaf, as follows: That he captured his nephew Hakon, and let him take oath to him, and then seized the kingdom and drove him from the land; that he also took possession of the land which for a long time had been tributary to the Danish kings; that he had ravaged in the country of King Knut. So he went east from England with a great host to Denmark, reached the Limafjord, and thence sailed to Norway with 1,440 ships, for he had raised a general levy both in Denmark and England. Arriving at Agdir, he proceeded northward along the coast, and held meetings with the bœndr; he was acknowledged as king wherever he went, and he did not stop until he came to Nidaros”^[151] (Fagrskinna, c. 104).^[152]

When fleets went on distant expeditions, special vessels called vistabyrding (provision ships) followed them. Butter, the hard bread still used, dry, smoked, or salted meat, formed the stock of eatables, and there are many instances where ale and beer are mentioned.

180From the Eddas and Sagas we gain an insight into their mode of warfare at sea. The accounts given of some of their combats are so vivid and precise, that we could almost imagine ourselves to be eye-witnesses of those terrific and bloody conflicts which, even to this day, stand unparalleled in the annals of maritime warfare for the length of their duration, the fierceness and obstinacy of the attack or defence, the number of ships or men engaged, and the carnage that took place.

For centuries these people remained undisputed masters of the sea. In their case, as in that of the ruling nations of to-day, it was their navy that enabled them to conquer, settle, and colonize other lands. If we call these men pirates, we must also apply the name to the English, French, Spaniards, Dutch, &c., because they have taken possession of countries against the will of the inhabitants, just as in the United States the land of the Indians has been gradually taken away from them. Civilisation was aggressive in ancient times, as it is to-day.

Sea fights—Standard and shield burgh—Method of fighting—Use of grappling irons—Choice of the crew—Boarding of ships—Battle at the river Helga—Custom of strengthening ships’ sides before a combat—Rowers protected by shields—Use of stones as weapons—Harbours protected by cables—The war levy.

From the numerous sea-fights described in the Sagas, we see that the most important and decisive part of the struggle took place near the prow and stem of the ship. Here the strongest and most valiant men were always stationed,^[153] among them the standard-bearer of the chief or king, round whom they were ranged in battle order, and formed the skjald-borg (shieldburg).

“During the winter King Harald had a large dragon made and fitted out very splendidly. He placed on it his hird and Berserks. The stem defenders were the most carefully selected, for they had the king’s standard. That part aft of the prow near the pumping-room (austr-rum) was called rausn (forecastle). It was manned with Berserks. Only those who surpassed others in strength and bravery and all kinds of skill got into the hird of King Harald. Only with such men was his ship manned, and he had then a large choice of hirdmen out of every Fylki” (Harald Fairhair’s Saga, c. 9).

In a sea-fight between Hakon Herdibreid and King Ingi:

“Hakon went on board the east voyage^[154] Knörr, and a shieldburgh was put round him there, but his standard remained on board the longship where he had been.”^[155]

Before the fight it was the custom to sound the horns and hoist the standards, and to tie the stems of the ships together, so that each line formed an unbroken whole; sometimes several 182anchors seem to have been employed for this purpose, as it is said that they were used to hold the ships together during the battle. When they came to the attack, the men sought to drag the ships of the enemy closer by means of grappling-hooks (stafnlé) and anchors. Eirik Jarl decided the battle of Svold by attacking the outermost ships of Olaf Tryggvason. As soon as one ship was cleared of men, he loosened its fastenings.

“It was then customary when men fought on board ships to tie them together and fight in the prows” (Harald Fairhair’s Saga, ch. 11).

In the celebrated battle of Svold most violent and fatal was the defence on the Long Serpent among the forerooms-men and the stem-defenders (see pp 192–3).

After leaving Norway Olaf steered the Long Serpent himself, and the crew was so carefully chosen that no man who was older than sixty or younger than twenty was to be on board, and they were picked also with regard to valour and strength. The king’s hirdmen were first chosen, composed of the strongest and bravest men from the country and foreign lands.

“Ulf the red carried King Olaf’s standard, and was placed in the front (prow) of the Serpent together with Kolbjörn Stallari, Thorstein Oxfoot, Vikar of Tiundaland the brother of Arnljót Gellini. The following men were on the forecastle (rausn) in the bows:—Vakr Raumason Elfski, Bersi the Strong, An the archer of Jamtaland, Thránd the Hardy of Thelamörk, and Úthyrmir (Unsparing), his brother. From Hálogaland were:—Thránd the Squinting, Ögmund Sandi, Hlödvir (Louis) the Long of Saltvik, Harek the Keen. From the inner part of Thrandheim were:—Ketil the Tall, Thorfinn the Dashing, Hávar of Orkadal and his brothers. The following were in the foreroom:—Björn of Studla, Börk of Firdir, Thorgrim Thjódólfsson of Hvin, Asbjörn and Orm, Thórd of Njardarlög, Thorstein the white of Oprustadir, Arnor of Mœri, Hallstein and Hauk of Firdir, Eyvind Snake, Bergthor Bestil, Hallkel of Fjalir, Olaf Dreng (good warrior), Arnfinn of Sogn, Sigurd Axe, Einar of Hördaland, Finn, Ketil of Rogaland, Grjótgard the nimble. The following were in the Krapparum^[156]:—Einar Thambarskelfir (he was not 183up to the standard being only eighteen winters old), Thorstein Hlifarson, Thórólf, Ivar the Starter, Orm Hood-nose, and many other very famous men were on the Serpent, though we cannot name them. Eight men were in every half-room (sixteen in one room), selected one by one. Thirty men were in the foreroom. People said that the picked men on board surpassed other men as far in fineness and strength and bravery as the Long Serpent surpassed other ships. Thorkel Nefja, the king’s brother, steered the Short Serpent, Thorkel the Wheedler and Jostein, the king’s uncles, the Trana; both these ships were very well manned. Eleven large ships left Thrandheim with Olaf, also twenty-seaters and smaller ships and store-ships (vistabyrding)” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga (Heimskringla), c. 102).

When the crew felt that they were unequal to the contest by being boarded, they then cut the ropes that tied them to other ships, and tried to avoid the coming danger.

“The king’s men attacked the jarl’s ship and almost got up on it. When the jarl saw his danger he called to the men in the forepart of the ship to cut the ropes (by which the ships were fastened together) and let them loose; they did so. The king’s men threw their grappling hooks on the club-formed beaks of the prow, and thus held them fast. Then the jarl bade the men in the prow cut off the beaks, which they did. Einar Thambarskelfir had laid his ship on the other side of the jarl’s, and cast an anchor into the prow of the jarl’s ship, and thus they got out on the fjord” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 48).

“At this time there was a great war in Norway; Harald Lúfa, the son of Halfdan Svarti (black), was subduing the country.... When he came to Hördaland a mass of warriors met to fight him.... Both sides had many men. This was one of the greatest battles in Norway; most Sagas mention it, for there came men from the whole country, and many from other countries, with a great number of Vikings. Önund laid his ship at the side of that of Thorir Chinlong, which was nearly in the middle of the fleet. King Harald with his ship attacked that of Thorir Chinlong, who was known as the greatest berserk and very valiant. There ensued the severest fights on both sides. The king urged his berserks to attack; they were called Ulfhednar (the wolf-skin coats), and no weapons wounded them; and when they rushed forward nothing withstood them. Thorir defended himself very manfully and fell on his ship with great valour; it was cleared of men from stem to stern, and as the ropes 184were cut it drifted backward between the others. The king’s men then attacked the ship of Önund; he was in the fore part of the ship, and fought bravely. The king’s men said: ‘That man fights hard in the stem; let us give him some mark in memory of his having been in the battle.’ Önund was standing with one of his feet on the side of the ship, and as he dealt a man a blow a spear was thrust at him; as he parried the blow he bent backwards, when one of the king’s stem-defenders cut off his leg below the knee, after which he could fight no more. The greater part of the men on his ship fell. Önund was carried on board the ship of Thrand, the son of Björn and brother of Eyvind Eastman; he was against King Harald, and lay on one side of Önund’s ship. After this the main fleet broke into flight. Thrand, and the other Vikings who were able to, got away and sailed westward. Önund, as well as Balki and Hallvard Súgandi (gush of wind), went with him. When he was healed he afterwards walked with a wooden leg; from this he was called Önund tree-foot while he lived” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 2).

We see that at that period expeditions to and from the west were common.

The battle at the river Helga (Sweden) is thus described:—

“One evening the spies of Önund saw Knut sailing not far off. Önund let a war blast be blown. His men took down their tents, armed themselves, and rowed out of the harbour (at the mouth of the river) and eastwards along the coast; they laid their ships side by side and tied them together, and made ready for battle. Önund sent spies ashore to tell Olaf, who had the dam broken and let the river into its bed. He then went down to his ships in the night. When Knut came off the harbour, he saw the host of the kings ready for battle. It seemed to him it would be too late in the day to begin a battle, as the whole of his host was not ready. His fleet needed much space for sailing, and there was a long way between his foremost and hindmost ship, and the outermost and the one next to the land. There was little wind. When he saw the Swedes and Northmen had left the harbour, he went in with such ships as could get room there, but the greater part of his host lay out on the sea (outside the harbour). Next morning, when it was almost day, many of their men were on land, some talking, others at their games. They suspected nothing until the water rushed down upon them like a torrent; large timbers followed, and were driven against their ships; these were damaged, and the water flowed all over the fields; the men on land, and also 185many of those on the ships, lost their lives. All who could, cut their anchor-ropes, and the ships drifted in great disorder. The large dragon, on which the king was, floated out with the current; it was not easy to move it with oars, and it drifted out to the fleet of the kings. When they recognized it, they at once surrounded it. As the ship had sides as high as the walls of a burgh, and many chosen and well-armed men were on board, it was not easy to capture it. After a short time Ulf jarl came up with his ships, and the battle began. Thereupon the host of Knut gathered from all sides. Then Olaf and Önund saw that they had gained as much advantage as was then possible; they pulled back and got loose from the host of Knut, and separated the fleets. Because this attack had not been as Knut had ordered, he did not row after them; they began to array the ships and make themselves ready. When they had separated, and each fleet was mustered, the kings counted their men, and found that they had not lost many; they saw also that the odds would be so great if they waited till Knut had made ready all his great host, and attacked them, that there was little hope of victory. They decided to row with all their ships eastward along the coast” (St. Olaf, c. 106).^[157]

Before the conflict the sides of the ships were strengthened by viggyrdil (war-girdle) or vigfleki (war-hurdle).

“King Sverri was at Bergen (Björgyn) with his host, and all his ships lay ready and war-girdled at the gangways” (Sverri’s Saga, c. 52).

When King Svein of Denmark was pursuing King Harald with an overwhelming force,

“He (Harald) bid the men lighten his (ship) by throwing overboard malt, wheat, and pork, and to cut holes in the ale-barrels: this helped awhile. Then he had viggyrdils, vats, and empty barrels, as well as the prisoners of war, thrown into the sea” (Harald Hardradi’s Saga, c. 35).

“We will carry out on the boards (i.e. the sides of the ship) vigfleki, and defend ourselves as best we can, but not attack them” (Flateyjarbok).

A man with his shields protected the rowers from the missiles of the enemy; but in spite of this, many were often killed. 186Three men were generally stationed in each half-room, one for rowing, one for protecting the rower, and one for fighting.

Erling Skakki said to King Ingi: “If we now attack them and row against the current, and have three men in every half-room, then one must row, the other protect him, and we shall then have not more than one-third of our host in the fight” (Hakon Herdibreid’s Saga, c. 6).

“When the men on board the jarl’s ships began to fall and get wounded, and the line of men on their gunwales got thin, King Olaf’s men went on board. Their standard was carried on board the ship next to the jarl’s, and followed by the king himself” (St. Olaf’s Saga, ch. 48).

Stones were extensively used in sea fights.

Svein Ulfsson,^[158] King of Denmark, fought a battle outside Árós (Aarhus) against King Magnus of Norway, of which it is said,

“Svein’s men armed themselves and tied together their ships. There at once ensued a hard battle.... They fought in the stems. Only those who stood there could reach to use their swords; those who stood in the foreroom used kesjas (a kind of lance), and those still farther aft shorter javelins or large arrows; some threw stones with slings, while those who were aft of the mast used bows” (Magnus the Good, c. 31).

“A battle was fought at the mouth of the Gauta river between the kings Ingi and Hakon; there were thrown down on them kesjas (spears), and stones so large, that they were forced to retreat” (Hakon Herdibreid’s Saga, c. 2).

Cables were stretched across the mouths of rivers or harbours, in order to prevent the ships of the enemy from entering.

“Olaf went to Saudungssund and lay there; he stationed one ship on each side of the Sound, and had a thick cable stretched between them. Hakon jarl (son of Eirik who was son of the famous Hakon jarl) rowed shortly after into the Sound with a manned skeid. He thought that two trading vessels were in the Sound, so rowed into it between them. Olaf’s men drew the cable under the middle of the keel of the skeid, and hauled it with windlasses; as soon as it touched the skeid its stern was lifted, 187and the prow plunged forwards so that the sea came in; the ship was filled and upset” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 28).

The country was divided into skipreida, or ship levy districts, in Norway, and no doubt there were similar divisions in the other countries of the Northmen. Every skipreida had to build, equip, and man a certain number of ships, some more than others.

Leidangr was the term applied to a levy of men, ships, and money. A levy when necessary was effected in the following manner.

“When a ship has been loosened from its fastenings and a man has not come in to his half-room then his oar shall be raised (= stand with its blade into the air), and witnesses called that he is liable to pay a fine of three marks (merkur). If a man goes on board another ship than the one he should go to he shall row in the expedition of the levy and (besides) pay the fine” (Gulath, 301).

“Olaf summoned a Thing in the town (Nidarós). He made it known to all people that he wanted to have a levy that summer from the country; he wanted a certain number of men and ships from each Fylki; he stated how many ships he wished to have from the fjord (Trondhjemsfjord). Then he sent word southwards and northwards along the coast and inland, and summoned men for war. He had the Long Serpent launched, and all his other ships, small and large” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, c. 107, Heimskringla).

“Hakon Jarl had also equipped his men, intending to do warfare, and had twelve large ships. After Gull Harald had departed, Hakon Jarl went to the king and said: ‘Now we may go on the expedition, and nevertheless have to pay the fine for default in the levy (leidviti). Now Gull Harald will slay Harald Gráfeld, and then take the kingship in Norway’” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, vol. i., Fornmanna Sögur).

Leidviti was the tax which was paid instead of the leidangr, when the latter was not needed, being originally the fine for neglecting to participate in leidangr. It was also paid by the one who took part in the warfare, but on the wrong ship. It seems to be the latter which the jarl refers to—a warfare with loss, in consequence of lack of forethought.

The battle of Svold—The battle of the Jomsvikings.

The two most famous sea-fights which are related in the Sagas are those of Svold and Jomsvikings; the former of which took place between Olaf Tryggvason against King Svein of Denmark, Olaf of Sweden, and Eirik jarl of Norway. When Olaf Tryggvason had left Vindland (the land of the Wends), and was returning to Norway, his enemies were waiting in ambush in order to attack him, and thus was fought the battle of Svold.

“Svein King of Denmark, Olaf King of Sweden, and Eirik jarl lay under the island with all their host. The weather was fine and the sunshine was bright. All the chiefs went up on the island, and many of the host with them. When they saw that very many of the ships of the Northmen sailed out to sea they were very glad, for their host grumbled at lying there so long, and some had lost all hope of the King of Norway’s coming. Now they saw a large and splendid ship sailing, and both the kings said: ‘This is a large and exceedingly fine ship; it must be the Long Serpent.’ Eirik jarl answered: ‘This is not the Long Serpent, which must look larger and grander, though this is a large and fine ship.’ It was as the jarl said. Styrkár of Gimsar owned the ship. Shortly after they saw another much larger ship, which had a head on its prow. King Svein said: ‘This must be the Long Serpent; let us now go to our ships and not be too slow in attack.’ Eirik jarl replied: ‘This cannot be the Long Serpent, though it is finely fitted out.’ It was as he said, for it belonged to Thorkel Nefja, King Olaf’s brother; but he was not on board himself. And now they saw another large and fine ship. King Svein said: ‘There you can see the king’s ship.’ The jarl replied: ‘Certainly this is a large and splendid ship, but the Serpent must be much grander.’ Close upon it came a fourth large ship. The two last were owned by two men of Vikin, 189Thorgeir and Hyrning, the king’s brothers-in-law; but they did not steer the ships, for they were on the Long Serpent with King Olaf. A little while after appeared a fifth, much larger than any of the preceding. King Svein said, laughing: ‘Now is Olaf Tryggvason afraid, for he dares not sail with the head on his dragon.’^[159] Eirik jarl replied: ‘This is not the king’s ship; this one I know well, as well as the sail which is striped; it belongs to Erling Skjalgsson of Jadar; let them sail on, for I tell you truly that there are warriors on board, whom, if we go into battle with Olaf Tryggvason, it is better not to have, but to miss in his fleet, than to have it manned as it is, for I think Erling himself steers it.’ It was not long after these five large ships and all the small ones of the fleet had sailed past them that they recognised Sigvaldi jarl’s ships, which turned in towards the island. They saw there three ships, and one of these was a large headship (i.e. a ship having a head on the stem); then said King Svein: ‘Let us now go to the ships, for here comes the Long Serpent.’ Eirik jarl answered: ‘Many other large and splendid ships have they besides the Long Serpent, but few have yet sailed past; let us still wait.’ Then many said: ‘Now we may see that Eirik will not fight against Olaf Tryggvason, and dares not avenge his father; and this is such a great shame that it will spread over all lands, if we lie here with such a large host, and Norway’s king sails with his handful of men past us and out to sea.’ Eirik jarl became very angry at their words, and asked all to go to the ships, saying: ‘I expect, though the Danes and Swedes now question my courage much, that both of them will be less at their ease before the sun goes down into the sea to-night than I and my men.’ When they went down they saw four large ships sailing, one of which was a dragon-ship much ornamented with gold. Many men said that the jarl had spoken the truth. Here now sails the Long Serpent, and it is a very large and fine ship; no long ship is similar to it in beauty and size in the northern lands. It is not strange that the king is widely renowned, and is so great as to have such grand things made. King Svein arose and said: ‘High shall the Serpent carry me to-night. Him will I steer.’ Eirik jarl added: ‘Even if King Olaf Tryggvason had no larger ship than the one we just now saw; King Svein would never win it from him with the Dana host alone.’ But these large head ships they thought to be the Long Serpent, the first was the Tranan (the crane), and the second the Ormrinn Skammi (the short serpent). The men crowded to the ships, and pulled down the tents, and the 190chiefs arranged the host for attack, and it is said that they threw lots who should first attack Olaf’s own ship, the Long Serpent. Svein King of Denmark drew the lot to attack first, and Olaf King of Sweden and Eirik jarl last, if they needed it; and it was agreed between the chiefs, King Svein, King Olaf, and Eirik jarl, that each should become owner of one-third of Norway if they slew King Olaf; while he who first got up on the Serpent should own all the booty there was on board, and each should own the ships which he himself captured and cleared of men. Eirik jarl had a very large Bardi which he used to have on Viking expeditions; there were beaks on the top of both stem and stern, and below these was a thick iron plate which covered the whole of the stem and stern all the way down to the water.”

“When the chiefs had talked thus between themselves they saw three very large ships, and following them a fourth. They all saw a large dragon’s head on the stem, ornamented so that it seemed made of pure gold, and it gleamed far and wide over the sea as the sun shone on it. As they looked at the ship they wondered greatly at its length, for the stern did not appear till long after they had seen the prow^[160]; then all knew and no one gainsaid that this was the Long Serpent. At this sight many a man grew silent, and fear and terror crept into the breast of the host. This was not strange, for the great ship carried death for many men. Then said Eirik jarl: ‘This famous ship is befitting such a king as Olaf Tryggvason; for it is true of him that he excels other kings as much as the Long Serpent does other ships.’

“When Sigvaldi jarl had let down the sails on his ships and rowed up to the island, Thorkel Dydril on the Tranan and other ship-steerers who went with him saw that he turned his ships towards the island; they lowered their sails and followed him. Thorkel shouted to Sigvaldi, asking why he did not sail. The jarl replied he would wait there for King Olaf. They let their ships float until Thorkel Nefja arrived with the Short Serpent and the four ships which followed him; they also lowered their sails, and let their ships float, waiting for the king.

“The fleet of the kings lay inside the harbour, so that they could not see how large a host they had; but when King Olaf sailed towards the island and saw that his men had lowered their sails and waited for him, he steered towards them and asked why they did not go on. They told him that a host of foes was before them, and requested him to flee. The king 191stood on the lypting while he heard these tidings, and said to his men: ‘Let down the sail as quickly as possible, and some of you put out the oars to take the speed off the ship. I will rather fight than flee, for never yet have I fled from battle; my life is in God’s power, but never will I take to flight, for he is not a true king who in fear flies from his foes.’ It was done as the king said, and the Serpent ran in front of the ships, and the men of the other ships brought them ahead by pulling with their oars. Then the entire host of the kings rowed out from under the island; and the chiefs were very glad when they found that King Olaf had fallen into their ambush.

“When King Olaf Tryggvason and his men saw that the sea was covered far and wide with the war-ships of their foes, a wise and valiant man, Thorkel Dydril, his uncle, said: ‘Lord, here is an overwhelming force to fight against; let us hoist our sails and follow our men out to sea. We can still do so while our foes prepare themselves for battle, for it is not looked upon as cowardice by any one for a man to use forethought for himself or his men.’ King Olaf replied loudly: ‘Tie together the ships, and let the men prepare for battle and draw their swords, for my men shall not think of flight.’ The chiefs arranged the host for attack, and it is said that they threw lots, who should first attack Olaf’s ship, the Long Serpent. Svein drew the lot to attack first, then Olaf and Eirik jarl last if it was needed.

“King Olaf signalled by horn to lay the eleven ships together which he had there. The Long Serpent was in the middle, with the Short Serpent on one side and the Crane on the other, and four other ships on each side of them. But this ship-host, though he had large ships, was only a small detachment compared to the overwhelming host which his enemies had. He now missed his host, as it was likely.

“King Olaf’s men now tied together the ships as bid; but when he saw that they began to tie together the stems of the Long Serpent and the Short Serpent, he called out loudly: ‘Bring forward the large ship; I will not be the hindmost of all my men in this host when the battle begins.’

“Then Ulf the red, the king’s standard bearer and his stem defender, said: ‘If the Serpent shall be put as much forward as it is larger and longer than the other ships, the men in the bows will have a hard time of it.’ The king answered: ‘I had the Serpent made longer than other ships, so that it should be put forward more boldly in battle, and be well known in fighting and sailing, but I did not know that I had a stem defender who was both red and faint-headed.’ Ulf replied: 192‘Turn thou, king, no more than back forward in defending the lypting than I will in defending the stem.’ The king had a bow in his hand, and laid an arrow on the string and aimed at Ulf. Then Ulf said: ‘Do not shoot me, lord, but rather where it is more needed, that is at our foes, for what I win I win for thee. May be you will think your men not over many, before the evening comes.’ The king took off the arrow and did not shoot.

“King Ólaf stood on the lypting of the Serpent, and rose high up; he had a gilt shield and a gilt helmet, and was very easily recognised. He wore a short red silk kirtle over his coat of mail. When he saw that the hosts of his foes began to separate, and that the standards were raised in front of the chiefs, he asked: ‘Who is chief of that standard which is opposite us?’ He was told that it was King Svein with the Danish host. The king said: ‘We are not afraid of those cowards, for no more courage is there in the Danes than in wood-goats; never were Danes victorious over Northmen, and they will not conquer us to-day. But what chief follows the standards which are to the right?’ He was told that it was Olaf the Swede, with the Svia host. The king added: ‘Easier and pleasanter will the Swedes think it to sit at home and lick their sacrifice bowls^[161] than to board the Long Serpent to-day under your weapons, and I think we need not fear the horse-eating Swedes; but who owns those large ships to the left of the Danes?’ ‘It is,’ they said, ‘Eirik jarl Hakonsson.’ King Olaf replied: ‘This host is full of high-born men whom they have ranged against us; Eirik jarl thinks he has just cause for fighting us, it is likely we shall have a hard struggle with him and his men, for they are Northmen like ourselves.’ Then the kings and the jarl rowed at King Olaf.... The horns were blown, and both sides shouted a war-cry, and a hard battle commenced. Sigvaldi let his ships row to and fro, and did not take part in the battle.

“The battle raged fiercely, at first with arrows from cross-bows and hand-bows, and then with spears and javelins, and all say that King Olaf fought most manfully....

“King Svein’s men turned their stems as thickly as they could towards both sides of the Long Serpent, as it stood much further forward than the other ships of King Olaf; the Danes also attacked the Short Serpent and the Crane, and the fight was of the sharpest, and the carnage great. All the stem-defenders on the Serpent who could fought hand-to-hand, but King Olaf himself and those aft shot with bows and used 193short swords (handsax), and repeatedly killed and wounded the Danir.

“Though King Svein made the hardest onset on the Northmen with sixty ships, the Danish and Swedish hosts nevertheless were incessantly within shooting distance; King Olaf made the bravest defence with his men, but still they fell. King Olaf fought most boldly, he shot chiefly with bows and spears, but when the chief attack was made on the Serpent he went forward in hand-to-hand fight, and cleft many a man’s skull with his sword.

“The attack proved difficult for the Danes, for the stem-defenders of the Long Serpent and on the Short Serpent and the Crane hooked anchors and grappling-hooks on to King Svein’s ships, and as they could strike down (upon the enemy) with their weapons, for they had much larger and higher-boarded ships, they cleared of men all the Danish ships which they had laid hold of. King Svein and all who could get away fled on board other ships, and thereupon they withdrew, tired and wounded, out of shooting distance. It happened as Olaf Tryggvason guessed, that the Danes did not gain a victory over the Northmen.

“It happened to the Swedes as to the Danes, that the Northmen held fast their ships with grappling-hooks and anchors, and cleared those they could reach. Their swords dealt one fate to all Swedes whom they reached with their blows. The Swedes became tired of keeping up the fight where Olaf with his picked champions went at them most fiercely.... Men say that the sharpest and bloodiest fight was that of the two namesakes before Olaf and the Swedes retreated. The Swedes had a heavy loss of men, and also lost their largest ships. Most of the warriors of Olaf the Swedish king were wounded, and he had won no fame by this, but was fain to escape alive. Now Olaf Tryggvason had made both the Danes and Swedes take to flight. It all went as he had said.

“Now must be told what Eirik Jarl did while the kings fought against Norway’s king. The Jarl first came alongside the farthest ship of King Olaf on one wing with the Járnbardi (iron-board), cleared it, and cut it from the fastenings; he then boarded the next one, and fought there until it was cleared. The men then began to jump from the smaller ships on to the larger ones, but the Jarl cut away each ship from the fastenings as it was cleared.

“The Danes and Swedes then drew up within shooting distance on all sides of King Olaf’s ships, but Eirik Jarl lay continually side by side with one of them in hand-to-hand fight; and as the men fell on his ship, other Danes and Swedes took 194their places. Then the battle was both hard and sharp and many of King Olaf’s men fell.

“At last all Olaf’s ships had been cleared except the Long Serpent, which carried all the men who were able to fight. Eirik Jarl then attacked the Serpent with five large ships. He laid the Járnbardi alongside the Serpent, and then ensued the fiercest fight and the most terrible hand-to-hand struggle that could be....

“Eirik Jarl was in the foreroom of his ship, where a shieldburgh was drawn up. There was both hand-to-hand fight and spear-throwing and every kind of weapon was thrown, and whatever could be seized by the hand. Some shot with bows or with their hands, and such a shower of weapons was poured upon the Serpent that the men could hardly protect themselves against it. Then spears and arrows flew thickly, for on all sides of the Serpent lay warships. King Olaf’s men now became so furious that they jumped upon the gunwales in order to reach their foes with their swords and kill them, but many did not lay their ships so close to the Serpent as to get into the hand-to-hand fight, most of them thought it hard to deal with Olaf’s champions.

“The Northmen thought of nothing but continually going forward to slay their foes, and many went straight overboard; for out of eagerness and daring they forgot that they were not fighting on dry ground, and many sank down with their weapons between the ships....

“King Olaf Tryggvason stood on the lypting of the Serpent, and chiefly used during the day his bow and javelins; and always two javelins at a time. It was agreed by all, both friends and foes, who were present, and those who have heard these tidings told with the greatest truth, that they have known no man fight more valiantly than King Olaf Tryggvason. King Olaf surpassed most other kings, in that he made himself so easily known in the battle that men knew no example of any king having shown himself so openly to his foes, especially as he had to fight against such an overwhelming force. The king showed the bravery of his mind, and the pride of his heart, so that all men might see that he shunned no danger. The better he was seen and the greater lack of fear he showed in the battle, the greater fear and terror he inspired.

“King Olaf saw that his men on the fore part of the ship frequently raised their swords to strike, and that the swords cut badly. He cried out: ‘Why do you raise your swords so slowly? I see they do not bite?’ A man replied: ‘Our swords are both dull and broken, lord.’ The king then 195went down from the lypting into the foreroom and unlocked the high-seat chest, and took therefrom many bright and sharp swords, which he gave to his men. As he put down his right hand they saw that blood flowed out of the sleeve of the coat-of-mail, but no one knew where he was wounded.

“Hard and bloody was the defence of the foreroom men and the stem-defenders, for in both those places the gunwale was highest and the men picked. When the fall of men began on the Serpent, it was first amidships, mostly from wounds and exhaustion, and men say that if these brave men could have kept up their defence the Serpent would never have been won.

“When only a few were left on the Serpent around the mast amidships, Eirik Jarl boarded it with fourteen men. Then came against him the king’s brother-in-law, Hyrning, with his followers, and between them ensued a hard struggle, for Hyrning fought very boldly. It thus ended that Eirik Jarl retreated on to the Bardi; but of those who had followed him, some fell, and some were wounded; and Hyrning (Thor image) and Eirik Jarl became much renowned from this fight....

“Eirik Jarl took off the Bardi the dead and wounded, and in their stead brought fresh and rested men, whom he selected from among Swedes and Danes. It is also said by some that the Jarl had promised to let himself be baptized if he won the Serpent; and it is a proof of their statement that he threw away Thor and put up in his place a crucifix in the stem of the Bardi. When he had prepared his men, he said to a wise and powerful chief who was present, Thorkel the high, brother of Sigvaldi Jarl: ‘Often have I been in battles, and never have I before found men equally brave and so skilled in fighting as those on the Serpent, nor have I seen a ship so hard to win. Now as thou art one of the wisest of men, give me the best advice thou knowest how the Serpent may be won.’ Thorkel replied: ‘I cannot give thee sure advice thereon, but I can say what seems to me best to do. Thou must take large timbers, and let them fall from thy ship upon the gunwale of the Serpent, so that it will lean over; you will then find it easier to board the Serpent, if its gunwale is no higher than those of the other ships. I can give thee no other advice, if this will not do.’ The Jarl carried out what Thorkel had told him....

“When Eirik Jarl was ready he attacked the Serpent a second time, and all the Danish and Swedish host again made an onset on King Olaf Tryggvason; the Swedes placed their prows close to the Serpent, but the greatest part of the host was 196within shooting distance of the Northmen, and shot at them incessantly. The Jarl again laid the Bardi side by side with the Serpent, and made a very sharp onslaught with fresh men; neither did he spare himself in the battle, nor those of his men who were left.

“King Olaf and his men defended themselves with the utmost bravery and manliness, so that there was little increase in the fall of men on the Serpent while they were fresh; they slew many of their foes, both on the Járnbardi and on other ships which lay near the Serpent. As the fight still went against Eirik Jarl, he hoisted large timbers on the Bardi, which fell on the Serpent. It is believed that the Serpent would not have been won but for this, which had been advised by Thorkel the high.

“The Serpent began to lean over very much when the large timbers were dropped on one gunwale, and thereupon many fell on both sides. When the defenders of the Serpent began to thin, Eirik boarded it and met with a warm reception.

“When King Olaf’s stem-defenders saw that the Jarl had got up on the Serpent, they went aft and turned against him, and made a very hard resistance; but then so many began to fall on the Serpent, that the gunwales were in many places deserted, and the Jarl’s men boarded them; and all the men who were standing up for defence withdrew aft to where the king was. Haldór (a poet) says that the jarl urged on his men.

It is said that Thorstein Uxafót was in the foreroom aft by the lypting,^[162] and said to the king, when the Jarl’s men came thickest on board the Serpent: ‘Lord, each man must now do what he can?’ ‘Why not?’ answered the king. Thorstein struck with his fist one of the Jarl’s men, who jumped up on the gunwale near him; he hit his cheek so hard that he dropped out into the sea, and at once perished. After this Thorstein became so enraged, that he took up the sailyard and fought with it. When the king saw this, he said to Thorstein: ‘Take thy weapons, man, and defend thyself with them; for weapons, and not hands alone or timber, are meant for men to fight with in battle.’ Thorstein then took his sword, and fought valiantly. There was still a most fierce fight in the foreroom, and King Olaf shot from the lypting javelins or spears, both hard and often. When he saw that Eirik Jarl had come into the foreroom of the Serpent, he shot at him with three short-handled kesjas (a kind of spear), but they did not go as usual (for he never missed his aim when shooting), and none of these kesjas 197hit the Jarl. The first flew past his right side, the second his left, and the third flew on to the forepart of the ship above the Jarl’s head. Then the king said: ‘Never before did I thus miss a man; great is the Jarl’s hamingia (luck); it must be God’s will that he now shall rule in Norway; and that is not strange, for I think he has changed the stem-dweller on the Bardi. I said to-day that he would not gain victory over us, if he had Thor in the stem.’

“As many of the Jarl’s men had got up on board the Serpent as could be there, and his ships lay on all sides of it, and but few remained for defence against such a host. In a short time many of King Olaf’s champions fell, though they were both strong and valiant. There fell both the king’s brothers-in-law, Hyrning and Thorgeir, Vikar of Tiundaland, Úlf the red, and many other brave men, who left a famous name behind.

“Kolbjörn Stallari (Marshal) had defended the stem during the day with the other stem-defenders; he had weapons and clothing very much like King Olaf, and he had dressed so because he thought that, if necessary, as it now was, he might save the life of the king. When the most valiant of the king’s men in the foreroom began to fall, Kolbjörn went up on the lypting to the king. It was not easy to tell them apart, for Kolbjörn was a very large and handsome man. There was then such a thick shower of weapons in the lypting, that the shields of King Olaf and Kolbjörn were covered all over with arrows. But when the Jarl’s men came up to the lypting, it seemed to them that so much light came over the king that they could not see through it, yet when the light vanished they saw King Olaf nowhere.” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, Fornmanna Sögur, ii., 299–332).

The Battle of the Jomsvikings arose out of a vow made by Sigvaldi, at the arvel given by King Svein Tjuguskegg (forked beard) for Strut Harald Jarl, that he would rule Norway.

“The Jomsvikings went northward along the coast, plundering and ravaging wherever they landed. They made great coast raids, slew many men, and often burned towns; all, who heard of them and could flee, fled. When they were at Úlfasund, off Stad, it is said that they and Hakon jarl heard of each other. They sailed twenty sea-miles northward from Stad, and entered the harbour at Hereyjar, and laid all their fleet therein. Then they were in want of food again, and Vagn Ákason went on his skeid to the island Höd, not knowing that the jarl lay in the bay, near the island. Vagn landed. 198They went up, wishing to make a shore raid if they could. They happened to meet a man driving three cows and twelve goats. Vagn asked for his name. He said it was Úlf. Vagn said to his men: ‘Take the cows and the goats and slaughter them, and any other cattle you may find here, for our ship.’ Úlf asked: ‘Who commands the men on board this ship?’ ‘Vagn Ákason,’ was the answer. Úlf said: ‘I think there are, not very far from you, bigger cattle for slaughter than my cows or goats.’ Vagn said: ‘If thou knowest anything about the journey of Hakon jarl tell us, and, if thou canst tell us with truth where he is, thy, cows and goats are safe; what knowest thou about him?’ Úlf answered: ‘He lay with one ship late yesterday night inside of the island Höd, in Hjörungavag, and you can slay him when you like, for he is waiting for his men.’ Vagn said: ‘Then all thy cattle are safe; come on board our ship, and show us the way to the jarl.’ Úlf said: ‘That is not right for me, and I will not fight against the jarl, but if you wish I will show you the way into the bay; and, if I go on board, you must promise to let me go when you see your way into the bay.’ Úlf went on board early in the day, and Vagn, as quickly as he could, went back to Hereyjar, and told Sigvaldi and the Jomsvikings the news that Úlf told.

“The Jomsvikings made themselves ready as if they were to go into a most fierce battle, though Úlf said it was not needed. When they were quite ready they rowed towards the bay. It is said that Úlf thought they would see more ships there than he had told of. When the ships came into sight, Úlf jumped overboard and wanted to swim to the shore and not wait for his reward. When Vagn saw this he wished to give him what he deserved, snatched a spear and threw it after him; it hit him in the middle and killed him. All the Jomsvikings rowed into the bay, and saw that it was covered all over with warships. There were more than three hundred ships, snekkjas and skeids and trading-ships. The Jomsvikings at once arrayed their ships. Hakon and his sons saw the Jomsvikings come, and at once unfastened their ships and said which were to fight against which. It is told that the upper end of Hjörungavag is to the east, and its mouth to the west; three rocks, one larger than the two others, stand in the bay; they are called Hjörungs, and the bay is named from them. There is a reef in the middle of the bay at the same distance from the shore in three directions. An island called Primsigd is north of the bay, and Harund is south of it, off Harundarfjord.

“The Jomsvikings arrayed their ships thus: Sigvaldi laid his ship in the middle, Thorkel the high, his brother, laid 199his next thereto; Búi the stout and Sigurd Kápa, his brother, had theirs in the one wing of the array, and Vagn Ákason and Björn the British in the other. Hakon jarl determined who should fight against these champions, and in most places three were placed against one. As to their array, Svein, son of Hakon, was placed against Sigvaldi; three chiefs were arrayed against Thorkel the high, Yrjaskeggi, Sigurd Steikling, Thórir Hjört (stag); two were with Svein Hakonarson against Sigvaldi, Gudbrand of Dalir, and Styrkár of Gimsar. Against Búi were Hallstein Kerlingabani, and Thorkel Leira and Thorkel Midlang (iendirmen). Against Sigurd Kápa were Ármód of Önundarfjord and his son Árni. Against Vagn Ákason were Eirík jarl Hakonarson, Erling of Skuggi, and Ögmund the white, whose hand Vagn cut off. Against Björn the British were Einar the little, Hávard Uppsjá, and Hallvard of Flydrunes, Hávard’s brother; Hakon himself was not arrayed against any one, but had to support the whole line and command it.

“The fleets closed, and Hakon jarl was with his son Svein to support him against Sigvaldi. A most fierce fight began, and one could find no fault with the onset or attack of either; it is told that it went equally with Sigvaldi and Hakon and Svein, so that neither moved backwards. Then Hakon jarl saw that Búi had forced back a long way some of the northern wing of their array, and those who fought against him drew back with their ships, and thought it better to retreat; he followed up, nevertheless, and dealt heavy blows; they were ill-treated by him, and he was dangerous to men in the battle. The Jarl saw that the fight was equal with Eirík and Vagn in the southern wing. Eirík went thence with his own ship, and his brother Svein with another, up to Búi and fought against him, and put the wing in line again, but could do no more. Hakon meanwhile fought against Sigvaldi, and when Eirík came back to the southern wing Vagn had forced back many of Eirík’s ships, which had retreated and had been separated, so that Vagn went through the line and attacked them fiercely. Eirík became very angry when he saw this, and boarded the skeid which Vagn steered valiantly with his Járnbardi. They came alongside of each other and fought again, and never had the fight been harder than then. Vagn and Áslák Hólmskalli jumped on board Eirík’s Járnbardi from their skeid, and each went along the side of the ship, and Áslák dealt blows on both sides, so to speak, as also did Vagn, and they cleared their way so that all fell back. Eirík saw that these men were so fierce and mad that this would not last long, and that the Jarl’s help must be got as quick as possible. Áslák was bald and had no helmet on his head, and exposed his bare skull; the weather 200was bright, clear, and warm, and many took off their clothes on account of the heat, and wore only their armour. Now Eirík goaded his men on, and they made an attack on Áslák, and struck his head with swords and axes, thinking it would be most dangerous to him as his head was bare. Nevertheless it is said that the weapons rebounded from his skull, whether they were swords or axes, and did not cut, and sparks flew from the skull at the blows. Whatever they did, he went forward fiercely, and cleared his way by many hard and heavy blows, slaying many a man. Vigfús, son of Vígaglúm, caught up a large beaked anvil which lay on the deck of the Járnbardi, on which he had previously rivetted the guards of his sword as they had been unfastened; he struck at Áslák so that its beak sank into his head; Áslák could not withstand that, and at once fell dead. Vagn went along the other side, and cleared his way, dealing blows on both sides and wounding many; then Thorleif Skúma ran to meet Vagn, struck at him with his club, and hit his helmet; the blow was so strong that the skin under the helmet was grazed, and Vagn leant over and staggered towards Thorleif, and at the same time thrust his sword at Thorleif; then he leapt from the Járnbardi, and came down standing on his skeid, and none made a harder onset than he and all his men. Nevertheless he and Áslák had killed so many on the Járnbardi, that Eirík put men from other ships on it till it was fully manned, as he thought it needful; and a very fierce fight followed. Then Eirík saw that Hakon with his array had landed, and there was some pause in the battle....^[163] The sky began to darken in the north, and a dark and black cloud glided up from the sea, spreading quickly; it was about noon, and the cloud soon spread all over the sky, and a shower of hail followed at once, and the Jomsvikings had all to fight with their faces against the hail, which seemed to be followed by lightning and thunder-claps. This hail-shower was so terrible, that some of the men could do no more than stand against it, as they had previously taken off their clothes on account of the heat. They began to shiver, though they fought boldly enough. It is said that Hávard Höggvandi, Búi’s follower, was the first who saw Hördabrúd in the host of Hakon jarl, and many with second sight,^[164] and even those who had no second sight, saw. When the hail-shower abated a little, they also saw that an arrow flew from each finger of the Troll, ‘M’tch’ as it seemed to them, and always hit and killed a man. They told Sigvaldi and others; and Hakon and his men 201made the hardest onset they could when the shower burst and while it lasted. Then Sigvaldi said: ‘It seems to me that it is not men whom we have to fight to-day, but the worst Troll (fiends), and it requires some manliness to go boldly against them, though it is clear that men must take heart as they can.’ It is told of Hakon, that when he saw the shower abate and it was not as violent as it had been, he once more invoked Thorgerd and her sister Irpa, saying that he had made himself deserving by sacrificing his son for victory. Then the hail-shower burst on them again, and when it began Hávard Höggvandi saw that two women were in Hakon jarl’s ship, and that they did the same as he had seen the one do before. Sigvaldi said: ‘Now I will flee, and all my men shall do so, for it is worse than when I spoke of it before, as there was but one Trollwoman then, but now there are two, and I will not stand it any longer; our excuse is that we do not flee from men, though we draw back; but we did not vow to fight against fiends.’ He (Sigvaldi) turned away his ship, and shouted to Vagn and Búi to flee as quickly as they could. When he unfastened his ship and shouted, Thorkel Midlang jumped from his ship on board Búi’s, and at once struck at Búi. In the twinkling of an eye he cut off his lower lip and the whole of his chin downward, so that it fell on the ship, and Búi’s teeth flew off at the blow. Búi said when he got the wound: ‘The Danish woman in Borgundarhólm will not be as fond of kissing me, even though I get home now.’ Búi struck at Thorkel; the deck was slippery from blood, so that Thorkel fell at the shield-row when he tried to escape the blow, which hit him in the middle, and cut him in two at the gunwale. Immediately after this Búi took one of his gold-chests in each hand, and jumped overboard with them; neither he nor the chests came up or were seen thereafter. Some say that when Búi stepped on the gunwale to jump overboard he spoke these words: ‘Overboard, all Búi’s men.’ Sigvaldi left the fleet, and did not know that Búi was gone overboard, and shouted to Vagn and Búi’s to flee, as he was about to do.... Sigvaldi was cold from the shower, and began rowing to warm himself, while another man sat at the rudder. When Vagn saw Sigvaldi he flung a spear at him, thinking it was he who sat at the rudder, but Sigvaldi was rowing, and the man at the rudder was hit. As Vagn flung the spear from his hand he said to Sigvaldi that he should die as the meanest of men. Thorkel the high, Sigvaldi’s brother, went away with six ships as soon as Sigvaldi was dead, and so did Sigurd Kápa, for his brother Búi was gone overboard, and he could wait for him no longer. They both thought they had fulfilled their vows, and 202went home to Denmark with twenty-four ships. All who could leave the remaining ships jumped on board Vagn’s skeid, and there they defended themselves very valiantly till it was dark; then the battle ended, and very many were still on their feet in Vagn’s skeid. Hakon jarl was overtaken by night and could not make a search as to how many were alive or likely to live in the ships, so he had a watch set during the night that no man should escape from them, and they took all the rigging down. Then Hakon rowed to the land, and pitched tents; they thought they had reason to boast of the victory. Then they weighed the hailstones in order to prove the power of Thorgerd and Irpa; it was well proved, for it is told that each hailstone weighed one eyrir, and they were weighed in scales. Thereafter the wounds of the men were dressed, and Hakon jarl and Gudbrand of Dalir watched during the night” (Jomsvikinga Saga, c. 41–44).

From the following account we see that these men of old knew how to die, and how the spirit of chivalry seemed to have departed from the land, though Eirik, the son of Hakon, at last stopped the bloodshed which had taken place. After the defeat of the Jómsvikings by Hakon jarl, eighty of the men who had not been captured landed on a skerry, and suffered great privations from the cold.

“Now it is to be told that Vagn and Björn the British talked of what they should do: Vagn said. ‘There are two choices: to stay here in the ship till daybreak, and then be captured and that is not pleasant, or go ashore, and do them what harm we can, and then try to escape.’ They all made up their minds, took the mast and the sailyard, left the ship and floated on them, eighty men together, in the dark. They wanted to get on land, and came to a skerry, and thought they were ashore. Many were very exhausted, and ten wounded men died there in the night, and the other seventy lived though many were much tired, and they could get no farther; they stayed there during the night. It is said that when Sigvaldi had fled the shower ceased, and all lightning and thunder, and the weather was cold and quiet during the night while Vagn was on the skerry till it was daylight.

“Shortly before day Hákon’s men were dressing their wounds, and had been at it the whole night, beginning as soon as they landed, because so many were wounded. They had almost finished it, when they heard the twang of a bowstring in a ship, and an arrow flew from Búi’s ship, and hit the side 203of Gudbrand, Hákon’s kinsman; it was enough, and he died at once. The jarl and all thought this a great loss, and began preparing his body as well as they could, having no means to do it with. It is said that a man stood at the door of the tent. When Eirik went into it he asked: ‘Why dost thou stand here, or why dost thou look as if thou wert dying; or art thou wounded?’ It was Thorleif Skúma. Eirik said: ‘I see thou art near to death.’ Thorleif answered: ‘I am not sure that the sword-point of Vagn Ákason did not hit me a little yesterday, when I struck him with the club.’ The jarl said: ‘Badly has thy father kept his stock in Iceland if thou must die now.’ Einar Skálaglamm heard what the jarl said, and made a stanza.... Thereupon Thorleif fell down dead.

“When it was light the jarl at once went to search the ships, and came on board Búi’s ship, and wanted first of all to know who had shot in the night, thinking that that man deserved to be ill-treated. When they got on board they found one man, little more than breathing; it was Hávard Höggvandi (the slashing), Búi’s follower, sorely wounded, as both his feet were cut off below the knees. Svein Hákonarson and Thorkel Leira went to him; when they came, Hávard asked: ‘How is it, boys; was anything sent from the ship this night ashore to you or not?’ They answered: ‘Certainly there came something; didst thou send it?’ He said: ‘I will not deny that I sent it to you; did the arrow hurt any man when it stopped?’ They answered: ‘It killed the man whom it hit.’ He said: ‘That is good; and whom did it hit?’ ‘Gudbrand the white,’ they answered. He said: ‘I did not succeed, then, in what I wished; I meant it for the jarl; nevertheless I am glad that a man was hit whose death is a loss to you.’ Thorkel Leira said: ‘Let us not look at this dog, but kill him as soon as we can.’ He struck at him, and others ran thereto and cut him with weapons, and beat him till he was dead. Before that they had asked his name, and he told them.

“They went ashore after that, and told the jarl whom they had killed; that the man had been more than a common monster, and they had seen by his words that his character did not make him a better man. Then they saw that very many men were on the skerry; the jarl told them to go out to them and bring them all to him, as he wanted to have their lives in his power. The jarl’s men went on board a ship, and rowed out to the skerry; few men there were able to fight, on account of wounds and cold, nor is it told that any one defended himself; they were all taken by the jarl’s men ashore to him; they were seventy. Then the jarl had Vagn and his men led up on land, and their hands were tied behind their backs, and 204they were bound with one rope, one at the other’s side, not loosely. The jarl and his men took their food, and sat down to eat; he wanted to have them all beheaded leisurely and in no hurry that day.

“Before they sat down to eat, the ships and the property of the Jómsvikings were taken ashore, and carried to the poles. Hákon and his men divided among themselves all the property, and the weapons; they thought they had won a great victory as they had got all the property captured from the Jómsvikings, and they boasted very much. When they had eaten enough, they walked out of the war-booths to the captives, and it is said that Thorkel Leira was appointed to behead them all. First they talked to the Jómsvikings, and asked whether they were as hardy men as was said; but it is not told that the Jómsvikings gave them any answer.

“It is next stated that some sorely wounded men were untied from the rope; Skopti Kark and other thralls had hold of it, and guarded them. When they were untied the thralls twisted sticks^[165] in their hair; first three wounded men were led forward in that way, and Thorkel went to them and cut off each head; then he asked his own companions if they had seen him shudder at this work, ‘for it is told,’ said he, ‘that any man shudders if he beheads three men one after the other.’ Hákon answered: ‘We do not see that thou hast shuddered at this, though it seemed so to me before thou didst it.’

The fourth man was led out of the rope, and a stick twisted in his hair, and he was led to where Thorkel beheaded them; he was much wounded. When he came Thorkel asked, before he struck, how he thought of his death. He answered: ‘Well think I of my death; it will be with me as with my father; I shall die.’ Thereupon Thorkel cut off that man’s head, and thus his life ended. The fifth was untied from the rope and led thither; when he came, Thorkel said: ‘How likest thou to die?’ He said: ‘I remember not the laws of the Jómsvikings, if I am afraid of my death or speak a word of fear; once must every man die.’ Thorkel struck him. They wanted to ask every man before he was slain, and try whether they were as fearless as was told, and if no man spoke a word of fear they thought it proved. The sixth was led forward, and a stick twisted in his hair. Thorkel asked the same as before; the man said he liked well to die with a good fame, ‘while thou, Thorkel, wilt live with shame.’ He struck the blow. Then the seventh was led thither, and Thorkel asked the same. The man said: ‘I like very much to die, but 205strike me quickly; I have a belt-knife in my hand. We Jómsvikings have often talked of whether a man knew anything (had some consciousness) after his head had been cut off very quickly; it shall be a sign that I will stretch forth the knife if I know anything, else it will fall down.’ Thorkel struck; the head flew off, but the knife fell down. The eighth was taken, and Thorkel asked the same. He said he liked it well, and when the death-blow was coming he said, ‘Ram!’ Thorkel stopped the blow, and asked why he said this. He answered: ‘There will not be too many rams for the ewes which you, the jarl’s men, named yesterday when you got wounded.’ ‘Thou art the greatest wretch,’ said Thorkel, and dealt him the blow. The ninth was untied; Thorkel asked the same. He said: ‘I like well my death, as do all my companions; but I do not want to be beheaded like a sheep, and I will sit for the blow; strike me face to face, and look carefully whether I wince in any way, for we have often talked of that.’ This was done; he sat with his face to Thorkel, who walked to him and smote in his face; he did not wince, except that his eyelids sank down when death came over him. The tenth was led forward. Thorkel asked him the same. He said: ‘I should like thee to wait while I arrange my breeches.’ ‘I grant thee that,’ said Thorkel. When he had done, he said, ‘Many things do not go as one hoped; I thought I should get into the bed of Thora, Skagi’s daughter, the jarl’s wife.’ Hákon jarl said: ‘Behead that man as quickly as thou canst; he has long had bad intentions.’ Thorkel cut him....

“Then a young man was led forward; he had much hair, yellow as silk. Thorkel asked the same. He said: ‘I have lived the finest part of my life, and such men have now lost their life a little while ago that I do not care to live; I do not want thralls to lead me to the death-blow, but one who is no less a man than thou; it is easy to get that man, and he shall take hold of my hair, and pull away my head so that my hair does not become bloody.’ A hirdman came, took the hair, and wound round his hand; Thorkel raised his sword, and intended to strike him as hard and quick as he could. He struck; but when the young man heard the sword whistling in the air, he pulled away his head strongly, and so it happened that the blow hit the man who had hold of his hair, and Thorkel cut off both his arms at the elbows. The young man jumped up, and said as a joke: ‘What fellow is owner of the hands in my hair?’ Hákon jarl said: ‘The men who are still in the rope will do us great mischief; slay him as soon as you can; he has brought a great mishap on us, and 206it is clear that all of them who are living ought to be slain as soon as possible, for they are too hard for us to deal with, and their bravery and hardihood have not been exaggerated.’ Eirík said to his father: ‘We want to know, father, who they are before they are all slain; what is thy name, young man?’ ‘Svein,’ answered he. ‘Whose son art thou,’ asked Eirík, ‘and what is thy kin?’ He said: ‘My father was called Búi, the stout, son of Veseti, on Borgundarhólm. I am of Danish kin.’ ‘How old art thou?’ said Eirík. ‘If I live this winter I am eighteen winters old,’ said he. Eirík said: ‘Thou shalt live this winter, if I have my will, and not be slain.’ He took him into peace, and into the company of himself and his men. When Hákon saw this, he said: ‘I do not know what thou art thinking of, as thou savest a man who has caused us so much shame and disgrace as this young man; he has done us most harm, but nevertheless I like not to take him out of thy hands, and thou shalt have thy will this time.’ Thus Eirík had his will. Hákon said to Thorkel: ‘Behead the men quickly.’ Eirík answered: ‘They shall not be beheaded before I have first spoken with them, and I want to know who each of them is.’

“A man was untied from the rope when he said this; the rope got a little entangled round his feet, so that he was not quite loose. This man was of large and handsome shape, young, and bold-looking. Thorkel asked him how he liked to die. ‘Well,’ said he, ‘if I might first fulfil my vow.’ Eirik jarl asked: ‘What is thy name? And what is thy vow, which thou desirest specially to fulfil before thou diest?’ He answered: ‘My name is Vagn; I am son of Áki, son of Palnatoki, of Fyen; so I have been told.’ Eirik said: ‘What vow didst thou make, as thou sayest thou wouldst like to die if thou hadst fulfilled it according to thy will?’ ‘I made the vow,’ said Vagn, ‘to get into the bed of Ingibjorg, the daughter of Thorkel Leira against his will, and that of all her kinsmen, and slay Thorkel if I came to Norway, and much do I lack if I cannot perform this before I die.’ ‘I will prevent thy doing this before thou diest,’ said Thorkel. He rushed toward him and struck at him, holding his sword with both hands. Björn the British, Vagn’s foster-father, kicked him with his foot away from the blow quickly. Thorkel missed Vagn, and hit the rope with which Vagn was tied and cut it asunder. Now Vagn was loose, and not wounded. Thorkel stumbled when he missed the man, and fell; the sword dropped out of his hands. Bjorn had kicked Vagn so strongly that he fell, but he lay not a long time, and soon jumped up. He 207seized Thorkel’s sword and gave him a deadly blow. ‘Now I have fulfilled one of my two vows,’ said Vagn, ‘and I feel a great deal better than before.’ Hákon said: ‘Do not leave him loose long; slay him first, for he has done us much harm.’ Eirik said: ‘You shall not slay him, if I have my will, before you slay me; I take him away.’ Hákon said: ‘Now I need not meddle with this; thou wilt have thy way alone, kinsman.’ Eirik said: ‘Vagn is a good man-bargain (= acquisition), father, and I think it a good bargain to let him take Thorkel’s place and honour; Thorkel might expect what happened to him, for now it is proved which often is said that “a wise man’s guess is a prophecy”; thou sawest already to-day that he was death-fated.’ Eirik took Vagn into his power, and then he was in no danger; Vagn said: ‘I will accept life from thee, Eirik, only on condition that all my comrades who are living are given their lives; otherwise we will all go the same way, we comrades.’ Eirik said: ‘I will speak to thy comrades, but I do not refuse what thou askest.’ Eirik went to Björn the British, and asked who he was, or what was his name. He answered ‘Björn.’ ‘Art thou the Björn who fetched the man in King Svein’s hall so boldly?’^[166] ‘I know not,’ said Björn, ‘that I fetched him boldly, but nevertheless I took the man away.’ ‘What didst thou seek,’ said Eirik, ‘in coming hither, old man, or what induced thee, bald and white haired, to come on this journey? It is true that all straws want to sting us, the Noregs-men, since even the men who are off their feet on account of old age came hither to fight us. Wilt thou receive thy life from me, for I think a man as old as thou ought not to be slain.’ Björn answered: ‘I will receive my life from thee on condition that the lives of my foster-son Vagn, and of all our men who are living are spared.’ ‘That shall be granted to all of you,’ said Eirik, ‘if I have my will, which I shall have.’ He went to his father, and entreated him to spare the lives of all the living Jómsvikings, which the jarl granted him; and they were all untied, plighted faith was given to them, and they were taken into peace. It was arranged by Hákon and Eirik so that Björn the British went to the bu of Hallstein Kellingarbani. Five landed men were slain, beside Hallstein. Vagn Ákason went to the Vik with Eirik’s consent, and before they parted Eirik said to him that, regarding his wedding with Ingibjörg, Thorkel’s daughter, he might do what he liked. When Vagn came to Vik, he went to Ingibjörg, and stayed there during 208the winter. The next spring he left, and kept faithfully all he had promised Eirik. He went home to his farms in Fyen, and for a long time afterwards managed them; he was thought to be a man of great deeds, and many famous men have sprung from him. It is told that he took Ingibjörg home with him.

“Björn the British went to Bretland, and ruled it as long as he lived, and was looked upon as a most brave man” (Jomsvikinga Saga, ch. 45, 47).

Wide extent of trading expeditions—Commercial activity of the people—Fairs—Immunity of trading ships from capture—Classification and name of merchant vessels—Trade a high calling—Kings as traders—Laws regulating trade—The earliest medium of exchange—Method of reckoning—Weights and measures—Arabic and other coins and objects—Insurance.

The people of the North were, from very early times, great traders, and as such undertook long voyages, as is seen from the finds of the earlier iron age, and from many accounts in the Sagas; this ancient trait in their character is still seen in their descendants.

Their trading expeditions extended far south through the present Russia, to the Black Sea, the Tigris and Euphrates, and as far east as Samarcand; while with their ships they traded to the seas of Western Europe and into the Mediterranean.

“Thórólf had a large seagoing ship; in every way it was most carefully built, and painted nearly all over above the water-line; it had a sail with blue and red stripes, and all the rigging was very elaborate. This he made ready, and ordered his men-servants to go with it; he had put on board dried fish, skins, tallow, gray fur and other furs, which he had from the mountains; all this was of much value. He sent it westward to England to buy cloth (woollen) and other goods he needed. They went southward along the coast, and then out to sea; when they arrived in England they found a good market, loaded the ship with wheat and honey, wine and cloth, and returned in the autumn with fair winds” (Egil’s Saga).

“From England (London) Gunnlaug sailed with some traders to Dublin. King Sigtrygg Silk-beard, son of Olaf Kvaran and Queen Kormlöd then ruled in Ireland”^[167] (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, c. 8).

210“In the spring, after the Jómsviking battle, the Jarl summoned before him many chiefs east in the country. Thither also came at the Jarl’s summons the brothers Jóstein and Karlshöfud, sons of Eirik of Ofrustad. There was also a man, by name of Thórir Klakka, a great friend of the Jarl. He was accustomed to go on Viking expeditions in the summer, but sometimes he went on trading journeys, and therefore he knew many countries” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 51 (Heimskringla)).

“Some time after King Sverrir held a Thing in Björgyn (Bergen) and spoke: ‘We thank all English men who bring hither wheat and honey, flour or cloth, for coming; we thank also all men who bring hither linen, wax or kettles. We will also name those who have come from the Orkneys, Hjaltland, Faroes, Iceland, and all who bring into this country things useful for it’” (Fornmanna Sögur, vii.).

He goes on to say that the Germans coming there bring wine and teach men to be drunkards.

“King Ólaf had proclaimed the Christian law in Vikin, in the same manner as in the northern part of the country; and it progressed rapidly, for the people of Vikin were much better acquainted with Christian customs than the men in the north, for both in winter and summer there were many Danish and Saxon traders. The men of Vikin also went much on trading journeys to England and Saxland, or Flæmingjaland (Flamland, Flandres) or Denmark; but some went on Viking expeditions, and stayed during winter in Christian lands” (St. Olaf, c. 62).

There were regular places where fairs were held for the barter of wares without fear of molestation, at which the same peace reigned as at the Thing or temple, their inviolability apparently being acknowledged by all. Booths were built in these places, to which native and foreign merchants came, and goods—furs, skins, costly cloths, garments, grain, slaves, &c., &c.—were sold or exchanged.

“Melkorka’s son Olaf sailed to Ireland, and, as he was about to land, his headman, Örn, said: ‘I do not think we shall meet with a good reception here, for this is far off from harbours and those trading-places where foreigners have peace’” (Laxdæla, c. 21).

211“Next summer Thránd went with trading men south to Denmark, and reached Haleyri in the summer. There were very many people gathered, and it is said that thither come more people than to any other place in Nordrlönd (the northern lands) while the fair lasts. At that time King Harald Gormsson, called Blátönn (blue tooth), ruled Denmark. King Harald was at Haleyri in the summer, and many men with him. Two of the king’s hirdmen who were there with him are mentioned; one was called Sigurd, the other Hárek. These brothers always went round the town, and wanted to buy the best and largest gold ring they could get. They entered a booth which was very finely arranged; a man sitting there received them well, and asked what they wished to buy. They said they wanted to buy a large and good gold ring. He answered there was a good choice of them. They asked for his name, and he called himself Hólmgeir Audgi (the wealthy). He set forth his costly things, and showed them a heavy gold ring which was very costly, and valued at so high a price that they did not know whether they could get so much silver at once as he wanted, and asked him to delay it till next morning, to which he assented.

“The king and others perceived that silver had been stolen from them, so the king issued a proclamation that no ships were to sail as long as matters stood thus. This seemed to many a great disadvantage, as it was, to stay there longer than the fair lasted. Then the Norwegians had a meeting among themselves to take counsel. Thránd was at the meeting, and said: ‘The men here are very helpless.’ They asked: ‘Dost thou know a plan?’ ‘Certainly I do,’ he said. ‘Then give us thy advice,’ they said. ‘I will not do that gratuitously.’ They asked what he demanded, and he answered: ‘Every one of you shall give me one eyrir of silver.’ They said that was a great deal, but it was agreed that every man there should give him half an eyrir at once, and the other half if he was successful. The next day the king had a Thing, and said that the men should never go thence until this theft was discovered. Then a young man with long red hair, freckly and rather ugly of face, began to speak, and said: ‘The people here are rather helpless.’ The advice-givers of the king asked what advice he had to give. He answered: ‘It is my advice that every man here present give as much silver as the king demands, and when that is put into one place, then pay the loss of him who has suffered, and let the king have the rest as a gift of honour. I know that he will use well what he gets; let not people stay here weatherbound, such a multitude as here is assembled, to such a great disadvantage.’ The assembled quickly accepted 212this, and said they would willingly give silver to honour the king rather than stay there to their disadvantage. This plan was adopted, and the silver collected” (Færeyinga Saga, c. 3).

The trading ships, with very few exceptions, were free from the attacks of the Vikings, as plundering a merchant vessel at sea seems to have been considered unmanly. They were unlike the war vessels which we have described, and the general name given to these Kaup-skip (trading ships) shows that the distinction was easily recognised. They were neither ornamented with dragons nor with shields, and the war pennant was missing.

We find them mentioned under their different names—viz., Knörr, Kugg, Byrding (ship of burden), Vistabyrding (provision ships), and Haf-skip (deep-sea ship); there were also smaller or less important ones, among them even ferry-boats. Byrdings (ships of burden), the real cargo-carrying vessels, are frequently mentioned.

“One day when Ásmund was rowing through a Sound, a byrding sailed towards them; it was easily recognised, for it was painted on the bows with white and red; the sail was striped” (St. Olaf, 132).

Trade was considered a high calling. Even the sons of kings did not despise it; Harald Fairhair’s son Björn was a great Farman (seafarer) and Kaupman (trader, merchant).

“King Harald’s son, Björn, ruled over Vestfold, and resided chiefly in Túnsberg, but seldom engaged in warfare. To Túnsberg came many traders, both from around Vikin and from the country to the north, from the south from Denmark and Saxland. King Björn also had trading-ships sailing to various countries, and thus procured himself precious things, and other goods which he needed. His brothers called him trading-man, or faring-man. Björn was wise and quiet, and was thought likewise to be a good chief” (Fornmanna Sögur, vol. i.).

Even kings sometimes entered into partnership with traders.

Ingimund, who had fought on the side of Harald Fairhair, but who had settled in Iceland, came to Norway.

213“Gudleik Gerski (of Gardariki) was a native of Agdir; he was a great and rich trader and seafarer, who went on trading journeys to various countries; he often went to Gardariki, and therefore was called Gudleik Gerski. One spring he prepared his ship, as he wanted to go to Gardariki in the summer. King Olaf sent him word that he wished to see him. When Gudleik came, the king said he wished to enter into partnership with him, and asked him to buy for him costly things that were rare in Norway. Gudleik promised to do as he wished.... In the summer Gudleik went to Hólmgard, and there bought excellent pell (costly cloth), which he intended for clothes of rank (tignarklœdi) for the king, and costly skins, and an exceedingly fine table-service (bord-búnad)” (St. Olaf, 64).^[168]

“Ingimund then said: ‘Here I will show you, my lord, two bear-cubs, which I captured in Iceland, and I wish that thou wouldst accept them from me.’ The king thanked him, and promised that he would grant him permission to take timber. During the winter they exchanged many presents, and in the spring his ship was loaded with the cargo which he chose, and the best timber that could be got. The king then said: ‘I see, Ingimund, that hereafter thou wilt not any more come to Norway. Thou wilt need more timber than one ship can carry; here some ships are lying; choose which of them thou likest.’ ‘Choose for me, lord, that one which will bring most luck.’ Ingimund replied. ‘I will, as I know best,’ said the king. ‘Here is one called Stigandi,^[169] which bites the wind better than any ship (sails better), and is more prosperous, too, and that I will select for thee; it is not large, but fine.’ Ingimund thanked him for the gift, and departed for Iceland, where he soon arrived, and was received with joy by all.” (Vatnsdæla Saga, c. 16).^[170]

“Eyvind (an Icelander) became a trader, and went to Norway, and thence to other countries, and stopped in Mikligard (Constantinople), where he obtained great honours from the Greek king, and remained some time” (Hrafnkel’s Saga).

“This summer a ship came from Norway to the Faroes; the steersman was called Rafn; his kin was in Vik, and he owned a house in Túnsberg. He constantly sailed to Hólmgard, and was called Hólmgardsfari. The ship came to Thórshöfn; when 214the traders were ready to go it is said that Thránd of Gata came there one morning in a skúta and spoke to Rafn privately, saying he had two young thralls to sell him. Rafn said he would not buy them before he saw them. Thránd led forward the two boys with the hair shaved off, in white garments; they were fine looking, but swollen in the face from grief. When he saw the boys Rafn asked: ‘Are not these the sons of Brestir and Beinir, whom you killed a short while ago?’ ‘Certainly, I think so,’ said Thránd. ‘They will not come into my hands,’ said Rafn, ‘for property.’ ‘Then let us both yield,’ said Thránd; ‘take here two marks of silver which I will give thee if thou takest them away with thee, so that they henceforth will never come to the Færoes.’ He poured the silver into the lap of the steersman, counted it, and showed it to him. Rafn liked the silver well, and it was agreed that he should receive the boys. He sailed when he got a fair wind, and landed where he wished in Norway east at Túnsberg; he stayed there during the winter, and the boys with him, and they were well treated” (Færeyinga Saga, c. 8).

In hard years the exportation of grain was forbidden.

“At Ömd, in Thrándarnes, lived a chief named Ásbjörn. He had three feasts every winter, as was the custom of his father. Then the crops began to fail and bad years came, and his mother wanted him to omit some or all of the feasts; but he would not, and bought corn or had it given to him as a gift. One summer he could get no more corn. It was said from the south of the country that King Ólaf forbade to carry corn, malt and meal from the south northwards. Then Ásbjörn went on his ship with twenty men, and sailed southward till they came to Ögvaldsnes. Ásbjörn asked the king’s steward, who lived there, if he would sell corn. He told them that the king had forbidden the selling of corn from the south to the north. Then Ásbjörn got corn from the thralls of the chief Erling Skjálgsson, who was the brother of Ásbjörn’s mother. The king’s steward went with sixty men out on Ásbjörn’s ship, and took the corn and his sail besides, and gave him another bad sail. Ásbjörn slew the steward some time after, when Ólaf was at a feast in the steward’s house” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 123).

Weights and balances were known to the Norse from very early times, as the finds prove; and their standard of measurement was the ell.

215

Fig. 998.—⅓ real size.

Spiral rings of gold, used as money; found at the bottom of the Vammelo, Södermanland. Weight, about 1⅒ lbs.

Fig. 999.—Real size.

Spiral rings; weight about 2½ oz. Norway.

Fig. 1000.—Spiral ring found with three other smaller spiral rings, and two fragments; weight, nearly 3 oz.—Norway.

Fig. 1001.—Silver spiral ring; weight, nearly 6 oz.—Norway.

Fig. 1002.—Spiral ring, found with fourteen bracteates of gold, of four different patterns, &c. Weight, 3½ oz.—Norway.

The earliest medium of value used as coin was the Baug (ring), which is mentioned in Rigsmál, and in the earlier laws. We find that the reckonings were by marks and aurar. One 216mark was 8 aurar (1 oz.); one eyrir was divided into eight ortugar, and one ortug into ten or sixty penningar; this latter is sometimes mentioned as being of gold; it was customary to weigh the medium of exchange.

Fig. 1003.—Iron weight, real size, inlaid with bronze, weighing 4¾ oz.—Götland.

Fig. 1004.—Iron weight, real size, inlaid with bronze, weighing slightly over ½ oz.—Rosenbys, Götland.

Fig. 1005.—Bronze weight, size, found in the real black earth, Björkö.

Fig. 1006.—One of ten weights found with balance. Real size.

Fig. 1007.—Bronze scales, ⅓ real size—Vaxala, Upland. Later iron age.

Fig. 1008.—The tongue of the balance.

Fig. 1009.

Bronze balance, with remains of bronze chain attached to it, found in a round mound, with a pincette of bronze, a bronze ornament for a drinking-horn, four or five clay urns, &c. ½ real size.—Norway. Earlier iron age.

A man named Karl of Mœri was sent by King Olaf the saint 217to the Faroes to collect taxes due to him. Leif, son of Össur, took the tax (Silver) which Thránd had collected, “and poured it out on his shield” to Karl. They looked at the silver. Leif said:

Fig. 1010.—Spiral silver ring, used probably as money, ⅔ real size, found with a little cup, 1,923 Arabian coins, &c.—Vamblingö, Götland.

Fig. 1011.

Fig. 1012.

Fig. 1013.—Hook of iron. ⅓ real size.

Fig. 1014.—Weight of iron. ⅓ real size.

“‘We need not look long at this silver; here is every penning better than the other, and we want to have this silver; get thou, Thránd, a man to look on while it is weighed.’ 218Thránd answered that he thought it best that Leif should look at it on his behalf. Leif and the others then went out, and a short way from the booth they sat down and weighed the silver. Karl took the helmet from his head, and poured the silver which was weighed into it” (Færeyinga Saga, c. 46).^[171]

Fig. 1015.       Fig. 1016.

Arabic coin called Kufic, coined in 903 in Samarcand.—Götland. Real size.

Fig. 1017.       Fig. 1018.

Kufic coin of silver, date 742–743. Real size. Found in the cemetery of Fredrikshald, Sweden, where another Kufic coin and two silver bracelets had previously been found.

As in the Greek, Roman, and earlier Byzantine periods, so in the Viking age, the island of Gotland stands foremost as the commercial centre of the North, as is proved by the number of coins discovered, showing that she kept the supremacy of trade for some ten or twelve centuries. The numerous English coins found there and in Sweden, show that the Swedes, and the people inhabiting the islands of the Baltic, were a seafaring people, and were constantly engaged in trading and warlike expeditions to England; in a word, they must have formed a great part of the host that made warfare in Western Europe. The runic stones which have been raised to the memory of those who have died in foreign lands are found almost if not entirely in Sweden.

Norway has produced fewer coins than the other Scandinavian 219countries, but this may be owing to their having been melted, as jewels of silver are far more common there than elsewhere.

Fig. 1019.—Silver cup.—Götland. ½ real size.

Fig. 1020.—Silver vase.—Götland. ⅔ real size.

After the Roman and Byzantine era the Arabic period begins. Trade still followed the ancient channel through the present Russia. Thousands of Arabic coins of silver, besides probably, silver ornaments, to which the name of Kufic^[172] has been given, struck in the countries ruled by the Arabians, found their way north from Bokhara, Samarcand, Bagdad, Kufa, &c., &c., the earliest dating from 698, the latest 1010 after the Christian era. Coins of gold are exceedingly rare; the greater number of these belong to the ninth and the first half of the tenth century, that is to say, between 880 and 955. From that time a great number of silver ornaments appear in the North.

Norway has not as yet proved rich in Arabic coins. Of Kufic 220only about seventy have been found, ranging in time from the year 742 to 952. These coins are the more interesting in that not only the names of the rulers, but of the cities, which then existed, where they were coined, are given; many are of the Samanid dynasty. More than twenty thousand have been found in Sweden and Götland; some of these, perhaps, came from Spain. They were probably brought by the ships which made voyages to the Mediterranean.

Fig. 1021.—Ornaments round pedestal.—Götland.

Fig. 1022.

Fig. 1023.

The two vases on p. 219 were found with Arabic coins and seven other silver vessels, and are probably of Arabic origin.

221Frankish coins (800 to 850) have been found in Sweden of the time of Pepin, Charlemagne, and Louis le Debonnaire. In Norway of Charlemagne, Louis le Debonnaire, Pepin, son of Louis le Debonnaire, of Lothair, Louis’ son.

Fig. 1024.       Fig. 1025.

Frankish coin. Real size. Struck at Poictiers for Pepin, King of Aquitaine, either Pepin I. (817–838), or Pepin II. (845–864). Found with eight other Frankish coins. At the same place were found seven other Frankish coins, some Arabic coins, fragments of silver objects, &c.—Vestergötland.

Fig. 1026.       Fig. 1027.

Frankish coin—ninth century—of silver. Real size. Louis (Ludovic) le Debonnaire. Found in the upper part of a round tumulus, with burned bones, a pair of oval fibulæ of bronze, a bronze key, a silver pin, beads, &c., and other silver coins, four of which were of Louis le Debonnaire type, one of Charlemagne, the other of Coenwulf, of Mercia (796–818). The coins are pierced, and seemed to have been surrounded, in part, at least, with a bronze ring, and must have been worn as hanging ornaments.—Norway.

More than twenty thousand English coins^[173] have been found in Sweden and the island of Götland, fifteen thousand belonging 222to Ethelred’s time (998–1016); this number is not surpassed in Britain itself, and the harvest still continues in the North. A number came no doubt through the channel of trade, and others probably from the Danegeld, Ethelred having thus paid more than 167,000 lbs. of silver; part of this war-booty fell to the lot of the Swedes and Danes.

Fig. 1028.       Fig. 1029.

Old English silver coin, eleventh century, beginning of King Knut’s reign. Real size. Found under a large stone, by a landslip, with about 1600 silver coins, mostly English, many German, some Swedish, Danish, Bohemian, and Kufic.—Norway.

Fig. 1030.

Silver coin of Knut the Great, used as a hanging ornament. Real size.—Blekinge, Sweden.

Fig. 1031.       Fig. 1032.

Silver coin of Ethelred. Real size. Found near Stockholm, with 737 Arabic, German, and old English coins, and one coin of the Swedish king, Olaf Skautkonung, some fragments of silver bracelets, &c.—Upland, Sweden.

Coins of the ninth and the earlier part of the tenth century, are extremely rare, though England was much ravaged by the northern countries. I think no coins have been found thus far in Sweden before Alfred’s date, and only three date before 950, but new discoveries may in time bring others to light. In Denmark only a few hundred English coins have been found; of the time of Ethelred and his successors about three thousand in Norway.

The earliest English and Frankish coins, strange as it may appear, have only been found in Sweden and Norway, but even these do not amount to more than fifty or sixty; none 223have been discovered in Denmark, and previously to the years 780 to 800, no specimen of Merovingian or English coins have been found in the North.

The number of German is very great, and more than fifty thousand have been found in Sweden and the island of Götland; they date chiefly from the middle of the tenth to the middle of the eleventh century, and are sometimes found to the number of one or two thousand together.^[174]

Fig. 1033.       Fig. 1034.

German silver coin of Henry of Bavaria, end of tenth century.—Gotland. Real size.

The intercourse with the Byzantine empire which had taken place in the earlier centuries continued for a long time, and a great number of Northmen entered the service of the Byzantine or Greek emperors, as seen in the Sagas.

Fig. 1035.       Fig. 1036.

Byzantine coins (948–949). Real size. Struck by the emperors Constantine X. and Romanus III. Found with a necklace, 15 bracelets, 2 buckles, 2 spiral bracelets, 3 perfect and 360 imperfect Arabic coins, all of silver, and all of which were under an iron dish.—Björko, Upland.

224

Fig. 1037.—Border enlarged.

Fig. 1038.—Bog find.—Fibula of gold inlaid, ⅔ real size, found in a bog, with coins.—Norway.

Fig. 1039.—Silver wire bracelet, real size, found with four rings and seventeen beads, nine of which are of different pattern, three Arabic coins, three rings of silver, one of gold of twisted wires, &c., &c., at Hejsland, Halfhem parish, Götland.

A bog find in Norway proved very rich in gold objects, Arabic, Byzantine, Frankish, and there were also found English coins and other objects.^[175]

225

Fig. 1040.—Gold fibula, real size, inlaid with coloured glass, in a copper box in the ground, with over 4,000 coins, German, English, &c., two Swedish coins, Anund Jakob (son of Olaf Skautkonung), five necklaces, nine bracelets, two finger rings, &c., &c.—Blekinge, Sweden.

Fig. 1041.—Ring, real size, with charms representing a sword, a spear head, &c., and some Arabic coins.—Öland.

Fig. 1042.—Box of bronze found in a mound, Nordrup, Zealand, with a silver fibula, glass, &c.

226

Fig. 1043.

Fig. 1044.

Bottom of vessel.

Fig. 1045.—Bronze box, ¼ real size, containing fragments of ornaments, coins, two coins of Olaf Skotkonung and several hundreds English and German coins, &c.—Findarfve, Götland.

Fig. 1046.—Bracelet of silver, ½ real size, with small rings, four of which have Arabian coins wrapped round them.—Kullaberg, Scania.

227

Fig. 1047.—Fibula of silver, ⅔ real size, figures in relief, embellished with Niello, found with Arabic coins.—Herestad, Scania.

Fig. 1048.—Chain of bronze, ⅒ real size, with comb attached.—Lake Mälar.

Fig. 1049.—The comb. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 1050.—Real size of chain.

228

Fig. 1051.—Spiral silver bracelet, ⅔ original size, found with three similar bracelets, Arabian coins, &c.—Sandby, Öland.

Fig. 1052.—Bracelet of silver, ¾ real size, found with coins, &c., near Eskilstuna, Södermanland.

Fig. 1053.—Massive silver bracelet, ¾ real size, found under an old stable, with two other bracelets, Arabic, German, and old English coins, &c.—Undrom, Angermanland.

229

Fig. 1054.—Bracelet of silver, ¾ real size.—Eskilstuna, Södermanland.

Fig. 1055.—Neck-ring of twisted silver wire, found with the massive silver bracelet.

230

Fig. 1056.—Bracelet of solid silver, real size, found with four other silver bracelets
and forty-six Arabic coins of silver, &c.—Thalings, Götland.

Fig. 1057.

Fig. 1058.

Fig. 1059.

Fig. 1060.

Fig. 1061.

Fig. 1062.

Fig. 1063.

Fig. 1064.

Fig. 1065.

Fig. 1066.—Bead of green glass, real size.—Hemse.

Fig. 1067.—Bead of glass mosaic, real size.—Hemse.

Fig. 1068.—Fibula of bronze inlaid with silver and gilt. Found in a mound in Hemse, Götland.

231

Fig. 1069.

Fig. 1070.

Pins found in a cairn.—Hemse, Götland.

Fig. 1071.—Key with chain.—Hemse,
Götland.

Fig. 1072.—Iron axe, with a round hole in the blade.—Hemse. Götland.

Fig. 1073.—Bronze buckle or fibula, found in a small cairn at Hemse, Götland.

232

Fig. 1074.—Semi-circular ornament of silver with small rings at both ends.—Fölhagen, Götland.

Fig. 1075.

Fig. 1076.

Fig. 1077.

Fig. 1078.—Bracteate.—Fölhagen, Götland.

233

Fig. 1079.

Fig. 1080.

Fig. 1081.

Fig. 1082.

Fig. 1083.

Fig. 1084.

Fig. 1085.

Fig. 1086.

Fig. 1087.

Fig. 1088.

Insurance companies were known from early times.

“Damages are to be paid if a disease comes among a man’s cattle so that one-fourth or more of his cattle dies; then the men of the Hrepp shall pay the loss. The man shall call five of his neighbours to him during the next half month after the disease has ceased, in order to value his loss. He shall tell them his loss and show them the flesh and the skin of the dead cattle. Thereupon he shall take an oath before them that his loss is as great as they estimated it, or more. Then at a meeting he shall tell how great they valued his loss to be and the bœndr shall pay him one-half of the loss” (Gragas, i. 458.)

“There are also three rooms in the house of every man which are to be paid for if they are burnt. The first is stofa (sitting-room), second is hall (eldhus), the third is the pantry where women prepare food. If one owns both eldhus and skali he shall at a meeting in the spring say whether he wants people rather to be answerable for the eldhus or the skali” (Gragas, i. 459).

234“Only the value of the clothes or things which a man owned and used every day shall be paid. If food is burned it shall be paid. The value of costly things or wares shall not be paid. A man’s losses shall not be made good to him more than three times” (i. 460).

We have in the following passage an early reference to the great fair of Novgorod:—

“One summer Harald (Fairhair) called to him his dearest favourite, Hauk hábrök (= high-breech), and said: ‘Now I am free from all warfare and hostility in the land, and will lead a life of ease and pleasure. I will send you into Eastern lands this summer to buy for me some things that are costly and rare here.’ Hauk said he should be obeyed in this as in other things, and the king allowed his men to go to various countries. Hauk departed with one ship and a good body of followers, and arrived east to Hólmgard (= Novgorod) in the autumn as the fair began, and went into winter quarters. Thither had come many people from various lands, among them were the champions of King Eirek from Uppsalir, Björn blueside and Salgard serk (= shirt), overbearing and wronging everybody. One day Hauk walked through the town with his men to buy some costly things for his lord Harald, when he came to where a man of Gardariki was sitting; he saw a costly cloak all over adorned with gold. This he bought, left and went for the money. Before this, the same day, Björn had wanted to buy this cloak for the King of the Swedes, and its value was given. After Hauk had gone, the servant of Björn came and told the trader that Björn must, of course, get the cloak, but he said the matter was settled. The servant told Björn. Then Hauk came with the money for the cloak, paid all, and took it away” (Flateyjarbok, i. 577).

Stringency of laws on debt—An insolvent debtor the property of the creditor—Redemption of debtor—Robbery and burglary—Robbery with violence—Robbery without violence—Punishments—Irreclaimable thieves—Laws on theft.

Nothing could show more plainly that, apart from the profession of Vikingry, the people carried on their commercial transactions in a very honourable way, than the fact that the laws on debt were very stringent, and that robbery, arson, adulteration of food, &c., were punished most severely, and in some cases put the offender outside the pale of the law.

In regard to debts and the right of the creditor, some customs which had become law seem to be of high antiquity.

When a debtor could not pay, he had to come to the Thing and offer his person to his kinsmen, if they would pay the debt; first to the nearest kinsman; then, if he would not, he could offer himself to any of the others. If none of the kinsmen would have him, he belonged to his creditor till he had paid the debt by work or otherwise.

A woman who was a debtor could not offer herself without the consent of her kinsmen.

The owner of the debtor could use him as his thrall as long as the debt was not paid, but the debtor had the rétt to which he was born in regard to all other men. His master could beat him, but was not allowed to sell him unless he paid a fine of forty marks, or unless he ran away, when he became a real thrall. The debtor could also give his child for a higher debt than three marks.

If he did not stay with his creditor, he was allowed half a month to go through the Fylky and try to get the debt paid. If the creditor wanted only the money and not the person, he could offer the debtor to his kinsmen; or, if they would not 236buy him, the creditor could sell him to any one in the country, though not as a common thrall, and not for a higher amount than the debt.

If the debtor would not work and was obstinate, then the creditor could take him to the Thing and offer him to the kinsmen of the debtor to redeem; if they would not, the creditor could kill or maim him.

“A debtor shall be taken to the Thing. He shall first be offered to his kinsmen, and first to the nearest one if he wants him, or to the one to whom he prefers to sell him. No one is allowed to take a woman thus for the sake of debt, unless with the consent of her kinsmen.... He (the creditor) shall not drive him to work with blows unless he cannot get his debt from him. The man has no rétt towards him (the master) and his wife and all his thralls and each to the other. If others beat him the master has equal rétt on him as on his steward; the debtor owns the rest of his rétt according to his birth, and his rétt shall be the same as if he had no debt.... If a man sells a debtor like a slave he is liable to pay 40 marks, unless he has run away from his creditor, and the same must every one pay who sells a free man.... A family-born man may give his child for debt if he does it at the Thing or at the alehouse or at church, for 3 marks and not more.... If the debtor is obstinate to the creditor and will not work for him, he shall be brought to the Thing and offered to his kinsmen to redeem him. If they will not the creditor can maim him on the upper or lower part of the body” (Gulath. Law, 71).

Robbery (Rán) was viewed from a different point, according as more or less violence was employed in its commission.

Búrán (burglary) committed with armed force was considered the worst form, and was útlegdarverk (outlawry-work). Robbery of a whole farm was punished with outlawry, and the owner sent an arrow to the men of the Herad that night to pursue the robber. If when he was caught he returned the property, he had to pay indemnity to the king. If robbers defended themselves they were unholy, and no weregild was paid for them if they were killed.

“If men attack a bondi and rob his farm and take 3 cows or more, or 3 cows’ value, then it is búrán. If the bondi owns only 3 cows, it is búrán if one is taken away. An arrow shall 237be sent, and each carry it to the other or pay a fine.^[176] If they are pursued and found with the cattle and give them back, the leader pays 40 marks, and each of his men 3 marks. If they do not they are all outlaws” (Frostath., v. 14).

“In the second place, if a man finds another in his búr^[177] who has gathered there a burden of property and clothes, he may slay him if he likes. He shall go to his neighbours and show them the slain man, and use their evidence at the arrow-thing. In the third place, if a man finds another in his sheep-house or cow-stall tying his cattle and trying to lead them away, he may slay him if he wants” (Gulathing Law, 160).^[178]

Handrán was the term applied to robbery without violence of property out of the hand. Such a robber also was unholy, and could be killed without indemnity.

“It is hand-robbery if a man tears out of the hand of a man what he holds in it, or tears anything off his back. This is also liable to greater outlawry” (Vigslodi, c. 3).

“If a man commits hand-robbery on another, and he proves it by witnesses, then the robber is liable to pay 3 marks. If the robber runs away with the thing (robbed), and the owner runs after him and slays him, then he falls as an outlaw” (Gulath., 143).

The value of the stolen thing was appraised, and if it was worth an örtug, or more, then the thief was to be outlawed and slain, for he had forfeited his life.

If a man stole something of less value than an örtug, he was a torf man,^[179] and was made to run the gauntlet while those present threw at him whatever they had handy; if he got away alive he was thereafter without rétt.

“If a man steals on trading-journeys he makes himself a götu-thjóf (gauntlet-thief). His head shall be shaved and tarred, and (eider) down be taken and put on it. Then all the crew shall make a road for him and stand on both sides, and he shall run to the wood if he can. Every one present shall throw a stone or a stick after him, and whoever does not throw is liable to pay 9 örtugar”^[180] (Bjarkey Law, 146).

238If the stealing of the very smallest thing occurred, even of less value than a thveit, the theft was called hvinnska (pilfering), and the thief was ever thereafter called hvinn (pilferer), and had no rétt.

“If a man steals less than a thveit he shall be called hvinn all his life and have no rétt” (Bjarkey Law, 147).

Any one who stole fruit or plants from a garden or farm could be beaten and deprived of his clothes.

“If a man goes into the leek-garden or the angelica-garden of another he has no rétt, though he is beaten and struck, and all his clothes are taken off him” (Frostath., xiv. 14).

The act of stealing food in order to sustain life was not, however, punished.

“Next is this, that no man shall steal from another. Nevertheless it must be remarked that the man who gets no work to live by, and steals food to save his life for the sake of hunger, then this theft must not be punished at all” (N. G. L., ii. 168).

Any one who had been caught stealing three times was held irreclaimable, and it was considered less expensive to the state to rid society altogether of such offenders than to imprison them.

“The man who can get work to live on and steals the amount of an eyrir, and has not done it before, shall be brought to the Thing and redeem his hide with 3 marks of silver. If he steals as much a second time he shall redeem his hide with 6 marks of silver. If he does not he shall lose his hide, and a key shall be put on his cheek. If he steals as much the third time he shall lose his hide, and the king shall take 6 marks of silver from his property if he has so much. If the same man steals oftener he is to be slain” (N. G. L., ii. 168).

Minors were not held responsible for their acts, but if the thief was a woman of good family, she was sent out of the country; if a native thrall, he was beheaded; if a foreign thrall, his master could beat him within five days; if a native 239bondwoman or a freed woman (free but born of slaves), she was severely punished.

“If a woman of good family steals, she shall be sent from the country to another king’s realm. If a minor steals, it shall be paid back. If a native thrall steals, his head shall be cut off, or his master shall deny it with séttareid.^[181] If a foreign thrall, or the son of a foreigner, his hide shall be flogged, or his master shall have him flogged within five days.... If a man’s freedwoman (leysingja) or a native bondwoman steals, one of her ears shall be cut off, the second time her other ear shall be cut off, the third time her nose shall be cut off; then she is called stúfa and núfa, and may steal as much as she likes” (Gulath., 259).

If a high-born man induced a slave to commit robbery, he and not the slave was punishable.

“If a freedman and a thrall committed a theft together, the freedman alone was regarded as the thief, for, says the law, he who steals with another’s thrall steals alone” (Gulath., 261).

The removal of boundary stones was considered theft.

“If a man takes up standing boundary stones and lays them down in an another place and moves them into the land of his neighbour, then he is a thief” (Gulath., 264).

According to the Gulathing Law bargains were made void in case of fals, or cheating, and the cheater was fined 3 marks.

“No man shall sell to another that in which there is fraud or deceit. If a man sells sand or dirt instead of meal or butter, with which he covers the sand or dirt, the fine is 3 marks” (Gulath., 40).

To use the property of another man without his permission was called fornœmi^[182] if it was a ship, a horse, or snow-shoes, and it was punished by indemnity to the owner, the special name for which was áfang. If he refused to pay the indemnity his act was robbery.

240The king neither received nor paid áfang, as his things could be used by other people, and he could use other people’s things.

“No man shall take the ship or horse of a man except with the leave of the owner. If he takes it he shall pay one eyrir and a half. If the owner finds him on the ship or horse and asks áfang it is well if he will pay. If he will not, the fine is doubled, and a ranbaug (robbery-fine) is to be paid to the king” (Gulathing, 92).

Spoiling the property of another was called spellvirki (spoiling-deed); if the damage was more than half a mark the owner received damages according to the valuation, and doubtless also according to his rétt. If the spoiler would not pay he was outlawed.

“No man shall spoil another man’s things. If he spoils so much that the loss amounts to half a mark it is a spoiling-deed, of all which is valued as much as half a mark. If a man cuts off the tail of another’s horse so high that he cuts some of its skin, then it is a spoiling-deed. If a man makes a cut into the side of a ship, fore or aft, worth half a mark, it is a spoiling-deed”^[183] (Gulathing, 96).

Vast size and beauty of some buildings—Wood the only material used—Halls—Durability of the wooden structures—Carved doorways—Use of tapestry—Walls adorned with shields—The seats—Positions of the guests—Carved benches—Houses and rooms—Women’s apartments—Open hearths—Use of turf as fuel—Representations of episodes from the sagas.

From the Eddas and Sagas we sometimes get a vivid conception of the vast size, beauty, and magnificence of some of the buildings of the Vikings in their home in the North.

The only material mentioned in their construction is wood.

Each prominent man or chief lived on his estate with his family, followers, and servants. The collection of buildings they occupied was called bœr;^[184] they were of different styles, and varied in number according to the power, wealth, and taste of the owners, and often seem to have been far apart from each other; every house was known by a different name. These buildings appear to have been built so as to form a quadrangle, the front facing an open space or grass plot called tún, the whole being surrounded by a fence called gard,^[185] through which the entrance was by a gate, “grind,” or gateway, “hlid.”

“Raudulf lived in the days of King St. Olaf in the Austrdal (Österdal valley), when the king was journeying round the land and forcing people to embrace Christianity. He sent his sons to King Olaf, and invited him home to a feast. It was rather late in the day when the king came to Raud, with two hundred men; he saw high and well-closed fences, and when they came 242to the gate it was open, but nevertheless well guarded.... When the king rode in, Raud bondi stood there with his sons and many people. Raud received him and his men well; they alighted from their horses. The king asked the bondi: ‘Is this fine house which I see here in the enclosure a church?’ The bondi answered: ‘It is my sleeping-house, which was built this summer, and is now just finished;’ the whole roof of the house was shingle-covered, and tarred. Then they went to the sitting-room, and the king saw that it was very large; it was roofed with planks and tarred” (Fornmanna Sögur, v. 331).

The finest buildings were called holl (hall), and were only built by kings, chiefs, or jarls.^[186] Another building, called sal,^[187] seems to have been the same as the hall, as it was built for the reception of guests. Here and there we have descriptions of halls belonging to prominent chiefs, richly ornamented with carvings, which sometimes represented the deeds of warriors; and were it not for some of these mementoes, which have been rescued from oblivion and decay, we might doubt that the art of carving had been carried to such perfection as it was. Walls, doors, beds, seats, &c., are mentioned as being richly carved.

“Olaf Höskuldsson had a hall made in Hjardarholt larger and more magnificent than people had before seen; on the wall and on the ceiling famous Sagas were carved with such skill that the hall was thought to be far more splendid when the hangings were taken down” (Laxdæla, c. 29).

“It was customary at that time to have large halls at the bœr, at which the people sat before long fires in the evening; tables were placed in front of the men, who afterward slept alongside the walls, away from the fires. During the daytime the women carded and spun wool in these halls” (Gretti’s Saga, ch. xv.).

Some of the churches and farm-houses built in the beginning of the Christian era, and some of the doors, testify to the durability of their wooden structures.

243The carved doorways with illustrations from the Eddaic songs must have been taken from buildings of a far earlier date than the churches, but it is impossible to tell the date. Some of the carvings are from two inches in depth to a line.

Only in two places are stone-built (steinhöll) halls mentioned.

“Gunnhild, Queen of Norway, said to Ögmund (one of her men): ‘Show them (Rút and his men) the way to my house, and make a good feast for them there.’ Ögmund went with them to a stone-hall, covered with the finest tapestry” (Njala, ch. 3).^[188]

King Atli sent an invitation to the sons of Gjuki, Gunnar and Högni, brothers of Gudrun, his wife.

The scene depicted on the door-jambs on the following page is thus described:—

244

Fig. 1089.

Fig. 1090.

245“King Atli urged his host to make a fierce assault; they fought hard, but the Gjukimgar made an attack so violent that he retreated into the hall, and they fought inside very sharply. Many fell, and at last all the men of the brothers (Gunnar and Högni) were slain, so that they two alone were alive; but before that many a man went to Hel by their weapons. King Gunnar was attacked, and because of overwhelming force was captured and fettered. Thereupon Högni fought with great valour and manliness, and killed twenty of King Atli’s greatest champions; he threw many into the fire which had been kindled in the hall; all agreed that such a man could hardly be found, but nevertheless at last he was overpowered and taken. King Atli said: ‘It is a great wonder that so many have been slain by him here; cut out his heart, and that shall be his death.’ Högni answered: ‘Do as thou likest, I will gladly bear what you do, and you shall see that my heart is not afraid, I have stood hard things before. I liked to go into trials while unwounded, but now I am badly wounded, and you will yet have your will on me.’ The counsellor of King Atli said: ‘I have better advice; let us rather take the thrall Hjalli, but spare the life of Högni; that thrall is death-fated, live he ever so long he will always be as bad as now.’ The thrall heard this and screamed loudly, and ran away to where he thought he was safe. He said he was to suffer on account of their fight, and that it was undeservedly; that the day was evil on which he was to die and give up his swine-keeping. They seized him and threatened him with a knife; he cried loudly before he felt its point.

“Högni did what is unusual in such personal peril, interceded for the thrall’s life, saying he did not want to hear his screaming, and that he preferred to be the sufferer himself; the thrall was glad to get his life. Högni and Gunnar were both put in fetters. Atli bade Gunnar tell where the gold was, if he wished to live. He answered: ‘I will sooner see the bloody heart of my brother Högni.’ They seized the thrall a second time, and cut his heart out, and showed it to King Gunnar. He said: ‘Here you may see the heart of Hjalli the coward, and it is unlike the heart of Högni the brave, for now it trembles much, but it trembled twice as much when it lay in his breast.’ They went to Högni, urged by King Atli, and cut out his heart, but such was his strength of mind that he smiled while he suffered this torture, and everybody wondered at his firmness; and the deed is ever since held in remembrance. They showed to Gunnar the heart of Högni the brave, who said: ‘It is unlike the heart of Hjalli, for now it quivers little, but less while it was in his breast; thou wilt lose thy life, Atli, as we do now. I alone know where the gold is, for Högni cannot tell thee now. I was sometimes going to tell it while both of us lived, but now I am left to myself; the Rhine shall keep the gold, rather than the Hunar wear it on their arms. King Atli told them to take away the prisoner, and it was done. Gudrun with some men went to Atli, and said: ‘Mayest thou fare as ill as thou didst keep thy word to me.’

246

Fig. 1091.—Carved doorway, Sauland’s Church, Thelemarken. Height, 13 feet; width, 7¾ feet; height of door, 7½ feet; width of door, 2⅓ feet.

247“King Gunnar was put into a pit in which were many snakes, and his hands were tied firmly. Gudrun sent him a harp; he showed his art, and played on it with great skill, striking the strings with his toes. He played so well and wonderfully that few thought they had heard the harp played so well with hands, and he continued this idrott until all the snakes fell asleep except a large hideous viper, which crawled to him, and pierced into his body with its snout till it reached his heart; and there he lost his life with great prowess” (Volsunga Saga, c. 37).

The halls had two doors, one for the men, the other for women;^[189] many of them, which were often covered with designs in ironwork and runic inscriptions, must have been extremely beautiful. Sweden is especially rich in them. The church door of Versås, represented on the next page, is undoubtedly of great antiquity, as the svastica is found upon it.

The walls of the halls were hung with tapestry, made by the wives and daughters of the family, often representing the deeds of their forefathers or those of their lord; the carvings on the walls were occasionally very fine. An idea of the vast size of these festive halls can be gleaned from the number of guests and attendants they could hold. Some walls were adorned with shields put so closely together that they overlapped each other; many were inlaid or ornamented with gold and silver, which must have added to the brilliancy of the scene.

“King Knut began his journey to Borgundarhólm (Bornholm), where Egil had made a grand feast for him; he went to this with a large hird.^[190] There he had a hall as large as a king’s, hung all over with shields” (Flateyjarbók iii., p. 401).

“King Harald Sigurdarson came to the chief Aslák, and invited himself to his house. Aslák went to meet him, and received him very well. The king and his men were shown in to a hall and seated; it was covered with shields and most splendidly adorned in all respects”^[191] (Flateyjarbók iii., p. 401).

Once Thorfinn (an Icelandic poet) sat on an easy chair before King Olaf. The king said to him:

248“‘Make a song, Scald, about that which is drawn on the hangings.’ Thorfinn looked at them, and saw that Sigurd slaying Fafnir was embroidered on them” (Flateyjarbók iii.).

Fig. 1092.—The Church-door of Versås, Vestergötland. Representation of Sigurd slaying the serpent Fafnir: Runic inscription, Asmutr Kärthi Dyrr = Asmund made the door; and svastica.

The halls were used for feasts,^[192] and were built east and west, the long walls running north and south; along the latter were the benches, and in the middle of each of these were the hásæti 249or high-seats, also called Ondvegi or Ondugi, because the two seats were opposite each other (Ond = opposite, vegi = way). The most important benches were the œdri bekk, which ran along the northern wall, and the high-seat or the chief seat in the hall, which stood facing the sun, and was for the use of the master of the household, who never allowed any one else to use it. The long bench which ran along the southern wall was called “úœdri bekk” (the lower bench); the high-seat on this bench was called annat ondvegi, nordr ondvegi and ondvegi a hinn uœdra bekk, and was opposite to the other high-seat. To be placed in this ondvegi was the highest honour that could be shown to any one, and consequently this place was only assigned to most prominent men. The nearer the place on the benches assigned to any one was to the high-seat, the greater the honour; the places farthest away, near the doors, were the lowest.

Fig. 1093.—Door of Faaberg’s Church, 9 feet high, 3 feet wide. Only three doors of the same kind (with ironwork) are preserved.

250

Fig. 1094.—Door from Vånga Church, Ostergötland, Stockholm Museum.

“Thorkel Hák (an Icelander) had been abroad and became renowned in foreign countries ... he went out to Sweden and became the companion of Sörkvir, and they ravaged the coast of the Baltic. East of Balagardssida, Thorkel, when going to get water one evening, met a finngalkn (a kind of dragon monster), which after a prolonged struggle he slew. Then he went east to Adalsysla, where he also slew a flying dragon; afterwards he went back to Sweden, thence to Norway, and then to Iceland. He had these great feats carved above his locked bed, and on a chair in front of his high-seat. He was called Thorkel Hák because he spared no one, either in words or deeds, with whomsoever he dealt” (Njala, 120).

251The seats on the œdri bekk were however more prominent than those on the lower bench. Next to the king, on the upper bench, on the right sat the under-kings or other prominent men.

On some occasions at a later period we find that to the left sat the queen with her women in the order of their rank, for the places of the women were then upon the long bench to the left of the king, and to the right of the other ondvegismen, the place of the men being on the left of the ondvegi.

Hildigunn wishing to make preparations to receive her kinsman Flosi, said:

“‘Now all my men-servants shall stand outside when Flosi rides into the yard, and the women shall clean the rooms, and put up the hangings and prepare the high-seat for him” (Njala, ch. 116).

The high-seat was often wide enough to hold two or three persons. Sigurd jarl of the Orkneys invited Gilli jarl of Sudreyjar (Hebrides) and Sigtrygg, king in Ireland, for Yuletide.

“Men were so seated that King Sigtrygg sat in the middle of the high-seat, and each of the jarls on either side of him. The men of Sigtrygg and Gilli jarl sat on the inner side, and Flosi and Thorstein Siduhallson on the outer side of Sigurd jarl. The hall was full” (Njala, c. 154).

There were also, in some halls, transverse benches, called Pall or Thverpall (cross-benches); on these the women sat. In such cases the middle seat was the most prominent, and the lowest seat was at the end of the bench in the corner^[193]: the word was used as a term of contempt.

“It was the custom of Gunnar and Njal to give feasts to each other once every winter in turns for friendship’s sake. Now Gunnar had to stay with Njal, and went to Bergthorshval with Hallgerd. Helgi (son of Njal) and his wife were not at home. Njal received them well. When they had stayed there for a while Helgi and his wife Thórhalla came home. Then Bergthóra (Njal’s wife) walked with Thórhalla up to the cross-bench (women’s bench), and said to Hallgerd: ‘Thou shalt give up thy seat to this woman.’ She answered: ‘I will not move, for I do not want to be a corner-woman. I shall have my way here.’ Then Thórhalla sat down” (Njala, c. 35).

252

Fig. 1095.—Door, with knob of iron inlaid with silver, from Valthjofsstad Church, Iceland (now in the Copenhagen Museum).

253The high-seats, which were cushioned, were often very beautifully carved with arms on both sides, and two pillars called Ondvegisulur, which were both carved and painted.

Only in extraordinary cases were there more than two high-seats, but we are told that Ingjald Illrádi, in order to receive the guests at his arvel after his father’s death, built a new hall with seven high seats.

“Thordis and Bödvar went up on to the roof of the hall, took away the window covering to let the smoke out, and looked about the hall; they saw that the chair of Grima stood in the middle, and that Thór, seated, with his hammer, was carved on the chair-posts, but they did not see Thormod” (Fostbrœdra Saga).

To sit on the footboard in front of the king was to show submission; and it seems to have been usual when a subject was invested with the title of jarl to sit thus before the ceremony of investiture began.

“One day when King Magnus sat in his high-seat, and had many men with him, Svein Ulfsson sat on the footboard in front of the king. The king said: ‘I will make known to the chiefs and all people my intention, which I want carried out. Svein Ulfsson, a man prominent both by his birth and deeds, has come to me here. He has become my man, and plighted me his word. You know that all the Danes have become my men this summer, and the land is without a chief; when I am gone, it is, as you know, often attacked by the Vendians, Courlanders, and others from Austrveg (eastern lands) and by the Saxar also. I promised to give them a chief to defend and rule the land. I see no man so well fitted for it in every respect as Svein Ulfsson. By his kin he is a chief. Now I will make him my jarl, and give into his hands Danaveldi to rule over while I am in Norway, as Knut the great made his father Úlf jarl chief over Denmark while he was in England....’ He rose, took a sword and fastened it on Svein’s belt; then he took a shield and fastened it on his shoulder; then he put a helmet on his head and gave him the name of jarl, and those grants in Denmark which his father Úlf jarl had had there before. Then a shrine with holy things was brought, on which Svein laid his hands, and took oaths of allegiance to King 254Magnus, who thereupon led him into the high-seat with himself” (Magnus the Good’s Saga, ch. 24).

A great change was made in the position of the high-seat in later times by Olaf Kyrri (the Quiet), King of Norway (1067–1093), who placed it at the inner end of the hall where the cross-bench stood, instead of being in the centre of the long benches.

Fig. 1096.—Chair with five distinct rows of runes. The uppermost inscription gives the name of the owner of the chair—Thorunn Benedikt’s daughter. On the front part of the seat are carved the twelve signs of the Zodiac, and above these their names in Latin, with runes; underneath them are inscribed in runes the Latin names of the twelve months.

The benches were so made as to allow the guests to place at their backs, along the wall, their shields and swords, &c.

“It was an old custom in Norway, Denmark, and Sweden to have doors at each end of the hall in king’s residences and feasting halls, with the king’s high seat on the middle of the long bench facing toward the sun. The queen sat on the left hand of the king, and the seat was then called Ondvegi (high-seat); the seats next to this on both sides were the most dignified for men and women, while the one next to the door was the least. The most high-born, old and wise man, was the king’s counsellor, as it was then the custom of kings to have wise men who knew ancient examples and customs of 255their forefathers, but the counsellor sat on the northern bench opposite the king, on what was called the lower high-seat; there were also women on his right hand, but men on his left. It was then the custom for chiefs to carry the ale over the fire, and drink to the man sitting in the opposite high seat, and it was a great honour at that time to be toasted by the king.

“King Olaf had a raised bench placed in his feast halls, and put his high seat on the middle of the cross bench. He arranged his pages and candle boys in front; he also had a candle held in front of every high-born man who sat at his table, and a page holding a table cup before each; he had also chairs (stools) for his marshals and other wise men” (Fagrskinna, c. 219, 220).

Fig. 1097.—Chair from the Church of Grund, Iceland. Height, 39 inches; width, 30½ inches; depth, 17 inches. These two chairs are now in the old Northern Museum of Copenhagen. The seats, which are but little ornamented on the back, show that they were intended to be placed along a wall, and were undoubtedly covered by cushions. The lower part of the chair forms a box, with a small lid in the seat; on the upper part of its back, and on both the side-pieces, are inscriptions in later runes.

A few seats, which have been saved from destruction, are beautifully carved with subjects from the Sagas.

256

Fig. 1098.—Inner side of the back. Gunnar in the snake pit. (Volsunga saga.)

Fig. 1099.—Back of the seat. 1
19 real size.

Fig. 1100.

Fig. 1101.

257

Fig. 1102.

Fig. 1103.—Top part of No. 1102.

Fig. 1104.

Chair. 1
13 real size.

Fig. 1105.

258

Fig. 1106.—Front view of chair.

Fig. 1107.—Side view.

Chair supposed to have belonged to an old church, in Bö, Norway.

259One of the principal houses was the skali, or eldhús,^[194] an oblong and quadrangular building, with a door at one, sometimes at both ends, intended for daily life and for feasting.

Fig. 1108.—Front view.

Chair carved with warriors fighting, with helmets on their heads. The helmets are similar to those of the Bayeux tapestry.

The skemma, dyngja, stofa, and herbergi were separate rooms, or buildings, sometimes used as sleeping apartments, where the women of the household dwelt or remained during the daytime with their maids or attendants, and occupied themselves with 260all kinds of work.^[195] Sometimes the skemma was built away from other houses, and was then called utskemma. Where there was a loft the lower room was called undir-skemma. In such rooms the light came from window openings, and no fire could be lighted.^[196]

Fig. 1109.—Side view of chair.

Warrior, with open helmet, slaying a dragon—Vaage, Gudbrandsdal, Norway.

The stofa, which was usually occupied by women,^[197] was large or small; sometimes it was intended for a sleeping apartment. At the royal residence in Nidaros, St. Olaf built a large hirdstofa (king’s men’s house), with doors at both ends, for 261meals and general intercourse; a large svefnskali (sleeping house); and also a large stofa,^[198] in which he held his hirdstefna (king’s men’s meetings). The common entrance led first into the forstofa (lobby), and then into the house proper; both were provided with doors, which could be locked. Sometimes the door was fastened on the inside with a slagbrand (bar).

Fig. 1110.—Back view of chair.

Warriors fighting on horseback.

The lofts, which consisted of rooms in the upper part of the skali, were frequently used as bedrooms, and were lighted by loft-glugg^[199] (loft openings). Outside the loft there was, at least on one side, a svalir (balcony),^[200] which was reached by an outside stairway. The loft generally had no communication with the undir-skemma.

262When Fjölnir assisted King Frodi in Denmark, he was given a loft-room as a sleeping apartment; in an adjoining loft-room the flooring had been removed, in order to fill the large mead-vat standing in the undir-skemma. During the night Fjölnir went out, and as he had to return along the svalir to his room, he made a mistake as to the door, and fell down into the mead-vat.^[201]

The beds (hvila, rekkja) were placed round the walls, inside the benches, and consisted of straw, the covering being the clothes worn in the daytime, and over the head a feld (fur cloak) was placed.

The buildings had windows, sometimes called light-holes, covered with a membrane, instead of glass, sufficiently large to enable a man to creep through them. The material used was the after-birth membrane, enclosing the fœtus of the cow, which was stretched over the light-hole. This when dried is almost as transparent as glass, and can, for a certain time, resist the rain. It is still in use in some out-of-the-way places in Iceland; in the Sagas it is called Skjall, and the window is called Skja.

“Also if men sit in houses with skjá (light-holes) in them, it is so light inside that all men indoors recognise each other” (Konungs Skuggsja, p. 47).

There was no ceiling within the roof; the smoke from the open hearths on the floor, which covered the inside with soot, escaped through the Ljori, of which there was at least one, and which also admitted light.^[202]

“Olaf Tryggvason burnt the hall of the seid-man Eyvind Kelda who escaped through the Ljóri (the light-hole in the roof)” (Olaf Trygg, c. 69).

We find that turf was occasionally used as fuel.

“Einar sailed westward to Shetland, and many men joined him. After that he went southward to the Orkneys, against Kalf Skurfa and Thorir (Treskegg). There a great battle was fought, and both the Vikings were slain.

263“After that he conquered the islands, and became a powerful chief. He was the first man to cut turf from the ground for fuel at Torfnes (Turfness) in Scotland, for fuel was scarce in the islands” (Flateyjarbók, vol. i., p. 223).

Fig. 1111.—Carved wooden work, with runes, Thorpe Church, Hallingdal. 1
18 real size.

264

Fig. 1112.—Doorway, Flaa Church, Hallingdal; 11½ feet high, 5½ feet broad. Height of door, 8 feet; width of door, 2¼ feet.

265

Fig. 1113.—Doorway, Tuft Church, Sandver. Height, 11¼ feet; height of door, 7 feet; width of carving, 5½ feet; width of door, 2½ feet.—Norway.

266

Fig. 1114.—Carved doorway.—Portal of Opdal Church in Numedal, Norway, with representation of Gunnar in the snake-pit with his hands tied on his back. Height of sculptured part, 8 feet; breadth of sculpture, 5⅙ feet; height of door, 6⅔ feet; width of door, 2½ feet.

267

Fig. 1115.

Fig. 1116.

268

Fig. 1117.

Fig. 1118.

269

Fig. 1119.

Fig. 1120.

270

Fig. 1121.

Fig. 1122.

271

Fig. 1123.

Fig. 1124.

272

Fig. 1125.—Engraved ornaments of silver upon wood, found in a mound.—Ringerike, Norway, earlier iron age.

Fig. 1126.—Hinge of bronze with rosette of silver gilt. ½ real size. Found with shield boss and sword.—Hammenhoj, Scania, earlier iron age.

Fig. 1127.

Fig. 1128.

Fig. 1129.—A unique specimen of a box in extraordinary preservation (of box-wood), found in a mound, with a bronze kettle containing two ribs, one of a cow, the other of a dog. In the box was a large needle of bronze, fragments of a small silver ornament. At the ends are seen traces of bronze nails. 9
16 real size.—Norway, earlier iron age.

273We see in smaller objects (as on p. 272) how highly finished were the carvings in the earlier iron age.

When a house was built the people inquired if the ground be lucky or unlucky in the new house. They measured the length and breadth repeatedly, and then they carefully examined if all the measurements were the same. If the measurements grew longer they thought it foreboded an increase of well-being for the dwellers; if the opposite they thought it foreboded a decrease in the well-being of the persons.

Ogmund went to Iceland from Norway.

“He measured the ground for his house. It was a belief that if the measurement was the same when it was tried repeatedly, then the well-being of the man whose measuring-yard grew too short would decrease, but increase if it grew longer. The measurement was performed three times and the yard was too short.”

Conviviality of the Northmen—Recital of poems and sagas at the feasts—Music—Arrangement of the hall—Splendour of the table decorations—Plainness of the food—Order of precedence—The custom of drawing lots for places of honour—Entertainment of the guest by high-born maidens—Presents given at the end of the feast—Heavy drinking—Viking customs—Manners at table—General hospitality of the people—Waiting at table.

In reading the Sagas we are particularly struck at the number of feasts which marked the life of the Northmen. Every event the least above the common was celebrated in this fashion, a fashion which has by no means disappeared from among the Norsemen’s descendants. On the occasion of such feasts, the houses and halls were prepared in the most elaborate manner; tapestry and embroidered cloths were hung on the walls, and spread over the benches. Poems and Sagas were recited, and music was also occasionally introduced. Among other stringed instruments, the Sagas mention as used at feasts, were, besides the harp, the fidla (probably fiddle) and gigja (also probably a kind of fiddle).

In some cases as soon as the dishes had been put on the table the enjoyment of the repast was heightened by music.

“When King Olaf of Sweden came to the table he asked where lawman Emund was. On hearing that he was at home at his lodgings, he said: ‘Go after him, he shall be my guest to-day.’ Thereupon the dishes were brought in, and afterwards players with harps and gigjar entered” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 96).

Harald Fairhair and Eirik Eymundsson of Sweden were at a feast with the powerful bondi Áki in Vermaland.

“Áki owned a large and old feast-hall; he had a new hall made; it was as large as the other, and very well made; he had it covered all over with new hangings, and the old hall 275with old ones. When the kings came to the feast, Eirik with his hird was seated in the old hall, and Harald with his men in the new hall. All the table service was arranged so that Eirik and his men had old vessels and horns, though they were gilded and well ornamented. Harald and his men had only new vessels and horns; they were all ornamented with gold, painted with images and bright like glass. The drink on both sides was very good” (Harald Fairhair’s Saga, c. 15).

A young Icelander, Brand, went to Norway with two of his friends. They visited Harek, who was high-born, but very ill-tempered.

“One day he (Harek) went up to Brand with a large drinking-horn, and asked him to drink it with him; but Brand refused, saying: ‘I have not got too much sense, but I do not drink away that which I have, and it seems to me thou wilt need all thine also’” (Ljósvetninga Saga, c. 8).

Fig. 1130.—From Bayeux tapestry, showing drinking-horns, bowls, &c., similar to those of the finds.

“When King Olaf approached the farm-servants ran ahead, to the farm and into the house, where Ásta, his mother, sat with her women. They told her of the king’s journey, and that he would soon be there. Ásta rose at once, and bade men and women prepare for him in the best manner. She set four women to take the fittings of the stofa, and quickly arrange the hangings and the benches. Two men spread 276straw on the floor, two brought in the trapiza (table at the entrance to the hall), and the skap-ker (a vat from which ale was put in cups); two placed the tables, two the food (two she sent away from the house), and two carried in the ale; all the others, both men and women, went out into the yard. Messengers went to King Sigurd to take him his tignarklædi (clothes of rank) and his horse, which had on a gilt saddle, and the bit was gilt all over and enamelled. Four men Ásta sent in four different directions throughout the district, inviting the high-born men to a feast, in order to welcome her son. All who were there were dressed in their best clothes, and to those who had none suitable she lent clothes” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 30).

In contrast with the splendour of the table decorations, the food was often plain, for cooking had not attained a high standard.

Ölver, a húskarl (free servant) of the chief Thórir, and Egil with twelve men when on a journey came to Bárd, a steward of King Eirik’s, in Atley.

“Bárd said: ‘Now we will put the tables for you, I know you will like to go to sleep, you are tired.’ Ölver liked this well. Then tables were set and food given to them, bread and butter, and large bowls filled with curds were set forward. Bárd said: ‘It is a great pity that there is no ale here, so I cannot entertain you as well as I would like. You must help yourselves to what there is.’ They were very thirsty, and swallowed the curds in large draughts. Then Bárd had buttermilk brought in, and they drank it” (Egil’s Saga, c. 43).

“King Olaf and all his men stayed with his father, Sigurd Syr, awhile. Sigurd gave them as fare on alternate days fish and milk, meat and ale” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 33).

Great care was taken at the feasts to seat guests according to their proper rank, as precedence was thought very much of.

277

Fig. 1131.—Iron knife, ⅜ real size, in a mound with burnt bones, an iron comb, fragments of two urns destroyed by fire, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 1132.—Sharpening stone made fast with bauds of bronze, ½ real size, found in a large tumulus with a shield boss of iron, several arrow-heads of iron, a large fibula of bronze, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 1133.—Knife of iron, ½ real size, found in a stone cist, with a double-edged iron sword, two spear-heads, &c., and a skeleton.—Cairn, Öland.

Fig. 1134.

Fig. 1135.

Fig. 1136.

End of horn.

Fig. 1137.

278

Fig. 1138.—Ornament of bronze for a drinking-horn, found with a little gold bead.—Götland.

Fig. 1139.—Fragment of drinking horn of bronze.—Norway.

Fig. 1140.—Spoon of Elk horn, ⅔ real size, found in the black earth in Björko, Sweden.

Fig. 1141.

Fig. 1142.

Fig. 1143.—Ornamentation drinking-horn of bronze, found with two other fragments of drinking horns, &c.

279“The Icelandic chiefs Olaf Höskuldsson and Usvifr continued their friendship, though there was some rivalry between the younger men. That summer Olaf held a feast half a month before winter; Usvifr had also prepared one on the first winter-nights. Each invited the other, with as many men as he thought proper. Usvifr went first to the feast of Olaf, and at the appointed time came to Hjardarholt; his daughter Gudrun with her husband Bolli and his sons were with him. The next morning, as they walked along the hall, a woman stated how the women should be seated; at this time Gudrun stood opposite to the bed where Kjartan Olafsson slept. Kjartan was dressing, and put on a scarlet kirtle; he said to the woman who had spoken about the seats, for no one was quicker to answer than he: ‘Hrefna shall sit in the high-seat, and be most honoured in every respect while I am alive.’ Gudrun had always before sat in the high-seat at Hjardarholt and elsewhere. She heard this, and looked at Kjartan and turned pale, but said nothing” (Laxdæla, c. 46).

The guests sometimes drew lots for the place of honour.

Two brothers, Hreidar and Ivar, had a Yule-feast at Nes, in Vors, in Norway.

“Twelve guests were to sit together, and lots were drawn about who should sit next to Astrid, the daughter of Vigfus hersir; Eyjolf, an Icelander who was on a visit, always drew the lot to sit at her side; no one noticed that they talked more to each other than other people; but many said it would end in her becoming his wife. The feast was magnificent, and the people were sent away with gifts” (Vigaglum’s Saga, c. 4).

Men and women sometimes went in pairs to the festive board, and sat together on the same seat. The pride of the high-born girls was very great, and none but brave men could claim the privilege of leading them to their seats. Occasionally the women drank together with the men.

“Egil and his brother Thórólf were on a Viking expedition, and went to Halland. As they did not ravage there, Arnfid jarl invited them to a feast, and they went, with thirty men from their ships. Before the tables were put up, the jarl said that the seats would be allotted there; that men and women should drink together, as many as could, but those who were without companions should drink by themselves. They placed the lots in a cloth, and the jarl picked them out. He had a very handsome daughter, then well full-grown. The lots fell so that Egil should sit at her side that evening.... Egil rose and took her seat. When the men sat down in their places, the jarl’s daughter sang:—

280“Egil took hold of her and seated her at his side; and sang:—

“Then they drank together, and were very merry that evening, and the next day too. Then the Vikings went to their ships, and they separated from the jarl in friendship and exchanged gifts” (Egil’s Saga, c. 48).

Sometimes high-born maidens entertained their guests alone.

Hjalti, Gizur, and Óttar, the skalds of St. Olaf, went to Sweden in order to reconcile the king to St. Olaf.

“They went one day to the house of the king’s daughter Ingigerd; she sat and drank with many men. She received them well, for they were known to her.... They sat there the greater part of the day and drank; she put many questions to Hjalti, and asked him to come often and talk with her. He did so” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 71 (Heimskringla)).

At the end of a feast presents were given to the guests.

Thorgeir, the famous Godir (lawman), who accepted Christianity on the people’s behalf at the Althing A.D. 1000, made a feast.

“After the feast Thorgeir gave large gifts. He gave his kinsman Finnbogi five stud-horses, dandelion yellow in colour. It was said that they were the best horses in Nordlendinga-fjordung (the northern quarter of Iceland)” (Finnboga Saga, c. 23).

When Harald Fairhair came to Halogaland, great feasts were prepared for his reception on his own farms among his lendirmen or powerful bœndr. The feast that Thorolf prepared was so magnificent, that the king was jealous of it.

“The king had nearly three hundred men when he came to the feast, but Thórólf had five hundred men already there. Thórólf had prepared a large corn-barn, and set benches in it; there they drank, for no other room was large enough for them all to be in it together. Shields were hung all round the 281room. The king sat down in a high-seat. When the room was full from one end to the other, he looked round and got red in his face, but said nothing, and they felt that he was angry. The feast was splendid, and all the provisions were of the best. The king was not very merry, and stayed there for three nights, as he intended. On the day the king was about to leave, Thórólf went to him and asked him to go down with him to the beach. The king went. There the dragon ship which Thórólf had had made was floating, with tents and all outfittings. Thórólf gave it to the king, and asked him to consider that so many guests had been invited to do him honour, and not to compete with him. The king took this well” (Egil’s Saga, c. 11).

Very many Sagas give instances of the heavy drinking at these feasts.

The Norwegian chief Thórólf Skjálg was at warfare one summer, and in the autumn when he came home he made a great feast.

“His foster-son Rögnvald said to the cup-bearers, that if men got very drunk in the beginning the feast would be considered a great feast, and told them to carry as much drink in as they could. Then Rögnvald burnt the hall, and the men in their beds were so drunk that they did not awake till the flames were playing round them, and they were burnt” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, 145 (Fornmanna Sögur)).

“When King Granmar heard of this (King Hjörvard’s arrival) he sent men to him and invited him to a feast with all his men. He accepted this, for he had not ravaged in King Granmar’s realm; when he came to the feast there was a great entertainment. In the evening, when the toasts were to be drunk, it was the custom for kings who ruled in the land and for their guests to drink in pairs at feasts in the evening, each man and woman together, as far as possible, the old ones keeping by themselves. It was the law of Vikings, even if they were at feasts, to drink in parties. King Hjörvard’s high-seat was prepared opposite King Granmar’s, and all his men sat on that bench. King Granmar told his daughter Hildigunn to make herself ready and carry ale to the Vikings. She was the most beautiful of women. She took a silver cup, filled it, and went before King Hjörvard and said: ‘Hail, all Ylfingar, to Hrolf Kraki’s memory’; she drank half of it and handed it to Hjövrard. He took the cup and her hand with it, and said she must come and sit at his side. She answered that it was not Viking custom to drink in pairs with women.

282“Hjörvard said that he would rather make a change in the Viking laws in order to drink in pairs with her. Then she sat down, and they spoke of many things in the evening” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 41).

Next day King Hjörvard demanded her in marriage from Granmar, and was successful in his suit (Ynglinga Saga, c. 41).

In the earliest times that the manners at table of such heavy drinkers should have been rather coarse is not surprising.

“The champion Bödvar went into the hall of Hrolf Kraki, and sat down near the door. When he had been there for a short time he heard a noise from the corner next to it, and saw that a man’s hand, very black, extended from a large heap of bones which lay there. He walked up to it and asked who was in the heap of bones; he was answered, timidly: ‘I am called Hött, good Bökki.’^[203] Bödvar said: ‘Why art thou here? and what art thou doing?’ Hött answered: ‘I make me a shield-burgh, my good Bökki.’ Bödvar took hold of him and pulled him out of the heap of bones. Hött shouted loudly: ‘Now thou wantest me to be killed; I had prepared myself so well for defence before, and now thou hast torn my shield-burgh asunder....” Bödvar took him and carried him out of the hall to a lake in the neighbourhood; and few saw it, and he washed him all over his body. Bödvar then went to the seat he had been sitting in before, and led Hött with him, and seated him at his side. Hött was so frightened that all his limbs trembled, but he thought nevertheless that this man was going to help him. Evening approached and the men came into the hall, and the champions of Hrólf saw that Hött was seated on the bench, and they thought the man who had done that had been rather shameless. Hött had a dismal look when he saw his acquaintances the hirdmen, for he had only met with unkindness from them; he wished greatly to live and go back to his bone-heap, but Bödvar held him so that he could not run away.... The hirdmen threw first small bones across the floor to Bödvar and Hött; Bödvar pretended not to see this. Hött was so frightened that he took neither food nor drink, expecting to be hit every moment; he said to Bödvar: ‘My good Bökki, now a large joint-bone is going to hit thee, and it is meant to harm us.’ Bödvar told him to be silent, and parried it with the hollow of his hand; he got hold of the joint-bone, with the leg attached, 283and threw it back at the man who cast it, and into his face, so strongly that he was slain. The hirdmen became much alarmed. The news reached King Hrolf and his champions in the castle that a tall man had come to the hall and killed one of the hirdmen, and they wanted him to be slain. The king asked if the hirdman had been killed without cause. ‘Almost so,’ they said. When he heard the truth, he said: ‘The man shall not be slain; you have got into a bad habit of throwing bones at harmless men; it is a disgrace to me, and a great shame for you to do such things. I have often spoken of this before, but you have taken no heed; call the man whom you have now assailed, that I may know who he is.’ Bödvar came before the king, and became his hirdman” (Hrolf Kraki’s Saga, c. 43).

It was a great recommendation for a man, when it could be said that his house afforded accommodation to every one. Hospitality was a leading trait in the character of the people. In the code of conduct known as Havamal (see p. 401) we see that the stranger must be well received, and the Sagas give some remarkable examples of the generous hospitality of the people, among them that of Geirrid, who had emigrated from Norway to Iceland:—

“Geirrid settled in Borgardal, inside Alpta fjord. She caused her house to be built across the high-road, so that all were obliged to ride through it. A table set with food, which was given to every one who wanted it, always stood ready.^[204] Owing to this she was looked upon as a high-minded woman” (Eyrbyggja, c. 8).

“Some winters later, Hörd Grimkelson, with his wife Helga, Sigurd, foster-son of Torfi, Helgi Sigmundarson, and thirty men, landed at Eyrar, in Iceland. At that time Hörd was thirty winters old; he had then been abroad for fifteen winters in succession, and had got much property and honour. Hlugi the red, from Hólm, came to the ship, and invited him and all his men to stay with him, and did everything most honourable to them. Hörd took this well, and thought it a good invitation; he went to him with twenty-five men, and they were treated with ale all the winter, with the greatest liberality” (Hörd’s Saga, c. 19).

There are several passages in the Sagas from which we see that the usual length of time for a visit was three days.

284When Einar, the poet, went to Iceland, he called on Egil, who was not at home.

“Einar waited three nights for him; as it was not customary to make a visit longer than three nights, he prepared to go away” (Egil’s Saga, c. 82).

The waiting at the tables was performed by servants, called skenkjarar (fillers), who filled the horns from the skapker, and carried them round; even women of rank on special occasions filled the horns for the guests and brought them to them.

After a feast, it was the custom for the host to provide those of his guests who required them with horses and all necessaries for their journey home.

Luxury in dress—Material used—Popular colours—Everyday dress—Various garments—Belts of silver and gold—Cloaks—Trailing gowns—Shoes—Plaids—Gloves—Hats—Moustaches and beards—Hair worn long—Fashions—Splendour of chiefs’ accoutrements.

The finds as well as the Sagas, which are confirmed by the Bayeux tapestry, show that from a very early period the people of the North dressed with great luxury; but, with the exception of the complete garments of the bog finds, only fragments of wearing apparel belonging to the iron age have been discovered, which in most instances are thoroughly discoloured.

In the Sagas we have only partial descriptions of the dress worn by men and women, and though many names of pieces of clothing are mentioned, very little light is otherwise thrown upon the subject.

The material used for clothing seems to have been the same for both sexes—linen, wool, silk, skins, and furs. Among the costly materials mentioned is “pell” which is supposed to be like velvet. The materials were sometimes seamed with gold and silver thread, or embroidered. It was the custom to have a border on many of the clothes called hlad, which was either a band, ribbon, or a kind of lace.

Blue, red, green, scarlet, and purple, were the colours most in favour; grey was the colour for everyday use, and white vadmal, a coarse or thick woollen stuff, was the distinctive clothing for slaves.

The trousers were worn at a very early time, as we have seen from the Bog finds, and were kept in their proper place by a belt round the waist, and had the socks knitted on to them, over which were shoes. Over the linen and woollen shirts was the coat of mail. Over the shoulders a cloak was worn, resembling that of the Romans or Greeks, with a fringe or 286border at the sides. These cloaks were fastened by fibulæ. The costumes of the Bayeux tapestry agree with the descriptions of the Sagas.

The everyday dress of Geirmund is thus described:—

“He usually dressed thus. He wore a red scarlet kirtle, and over it a grey cloak (feld), and on his head a bearskin cap (húfa). He wore in his hand a large sword. It was not adorned with silver, and its blade was keen and broad and no rust on it. He called the sword Fótbít (foot-cutter), and never let it go out of his hand” (Laxdæla, c. 29).

Fig. 1144.—Cloth with representation of lion or leopard. ⅓ real size.—Mammen find.

Vigaskúta saw “that a large man in a green cloak rode from Thverá (a farm), and knew that it was Glúm. He alighted from his horse. He had on a cloak of two colours, black and white” (Viga Glum’s Saga, c. 16).

“Hrút started up in a shirt and linen breeches, and threw over himself a grey cloak, and had in his hand a halberd adorned with gold, which King Harald had given him” (Laxdæla, c. 37).

“The king had on a red cloak (möttul)^[205] with bands, and a 287spear in his hand. He twisted the cloak-pin off, and leaned upon the blade of his spear. When Heming came down he took hold of the king’s cloak, but the king bowed down his head, and let go the cloak, so that Heming flew down off the rock” (Flateyjarbok, iii. 409).

Fig. 1145.—Piece of cloth found in Bjerringhoi mound at Mammen, near Viborg.—⅓ real size.

Fig. 1146.—Fragment of woollen cloth, ornamented with hands and human faces. ⅓ real size.—Mammen find.

Helgi, a Norwegian trader, was invited to stay with Gudmund the powerful, on Mödruvellir, a whole winter. When he left he said to him:—

“‘Now, herra, look at this payment for quarters, though it is less than you deserve.’ It was a cloak, the fur of which was lined with pell, with a golden band on the neck-strap, a most costly thing. Gudmund said: ‘I thank thee for it, I have never received a better gift.’ They parted good friends” (Ljosvetninga Saga, c. 13).

288“Ögmund put on a cloak (feld) of two colours, ornamented with bands beneath the shoulder; it was very costly” (Fornmanna Sögur, ii.).

Fig. 1147.—Well preserved bracelet of silk, knitted with gold threads, found in Bjerringhoi mound at Mammen, near Viborg. Real size.

Fig. 1148.—Piece of woven woollen cloth, brownish colour.

Fig. 1149.—Remnant of brown woollen cloth of thin threads and very loose weaving.

“He (Thormód) had covered himself with a double-furred cloak which he owned. It was black on one side, and white on the other” (Fóstbrædra Saga, c. 32).

The different garments were:—

289Skyrta, or serk, the name given to the shirt worn next the body, which was put on by means of a small opening^[206] for the head called hofudsmátt.

Fig. 1150.—Border of fine woven red silk cloth (1½ inches broad), with gold and silver threads woven into it, and four-cornered pattern with representation of Svastica, found in the mound.

Fig. 1151.—Piece of cloth with two lions or leopards facing each other. ⅓ real size.—Mammen find.

The kyrtil shaped like a shirt with sleeves, and put over it. Blue, red, and brown seem to have been the favourite colours for this garment.^[207] Sometimes the kirtle is called 290skyrta, or shirt; so both must have been alike in shape. A sleeveless kirtle is mentioned as uncommon.^[208]

The hjúp which seems to have been a short kirtle without sleeves, sometimes lined with furs, worn sometimes over the coat of mail.^[209]

“Sigurd went up on the island. He wore a red kirtle, and a blue cloak with straps on his shoulders; he was girt with a sword, and had a helmet on his head” (Fœreyinga Saga, c. 57).

Linbrækr (linen drawers) which seem to have been often worn, and were kept on at night.

Breeches seems to have been of two kinds:—

Brækr (the more common) were held up round the waist by a belt, fastened with a buckle, which was usually wide, but considered more showy when it was narrow.

Fig. 1152.—Fragment of woollen stuff, ⅔ real size, found in a tumulus with fragments of a sword, spear points, two axes, a shield boss of iron, and a large number of pieces of stuffs of different qualities, pieces of the skin of a horse still having hair adhering to it.—Norway.

“He had strange clothes made—hairy breeches (brækr) and cloak, and he had them put into boiling pitch and hardened” (Ragnar Lodbrók, c. 2).

Hosur^[210] were a showier kind of breeches; they seem also to have covered the feet, and to have been tight, like high stockings. They were of cloth or skin, and resembled high boots: spurs were often attached to them. Sometimes the 291breeches were worn outside the kirtle, and a man was then said to be “girt in breeches,” the waistband serving as a belt.

“A crowd of men had come to the bœr. Some of these had walked up to Gaulardal. It happened that a broad-shouldered man walked past them; he wore a cloak and white hose, and was alone” (Fornmanna Sögur, v.).

Leistabrækr were breeches and stockings in one, and seem to have been tight-fitting, somewhat similar to those found in the Thorsberg bog, which were of great antiquity. On the relief ornamentation on a superb silver vase of Greek workmanship found at Kertch, representing the capture of wild horses, and the different phases of taming them, the men are represented as wearing such breeches.

Hökulbrækr. Of these there is no description.

Fig. 1153.

Fig. 1154.

Sokkar (socks) were also used.

Thórodd had been wounded in a fight, and his breeches were all wet from the blood.

“The servant of Snorri was to pull off the breeches, and when he pulled he could not get them off. Then he said: ‘It is not a lie about you, the sons of Thorbrand, that you are very showy, as you wear such tight clothes that they cannot be pulled off.’ Thórodd answered: ‘You do not pull hard enough.’ Then the man put his feet against the bedside and pulled with all his strength, and the breeches did not come down. Then Snorri godi came and touched the leg all over, and found that a spear was standing through the foot between the tendon and the leg, and had pierced the foot and the breeches” (Eyrbyggja, c. 45).

292The belts worn round the waist were often very costly, and of silver and gold.

“Thjóf (= Fridthjóf) threw off his cloak; he had on a dark blue kirtle under it, and wore the good ring on his hand (or arm). He wore a broad silver belt round his waist, and a large bag with pure silver money in it, and a sword at his side. He had on his head a large hood made of skin, for he had weak eyes and was hairy all over his face” (Fridthjóf’s Saga, c. 11).

These cloaks were the most costly part of their dress; they were made of materials called gudvef, pell, and baldakin.^[211] Among the many kinds of cloaks mentioned were—

The Kapa, or hood-cloak, the usual colour of which for everyday use was grey; for feasts, scarlet; sometimes lined with fur.

The Feld, identical with the Kapa, both sides of which were sometimes of different colours.

There were also rain or dust cloaks, and cloaks made of reindeer-skin.

The finest were the skikkja^[212] and möttul, which were only worn by the high-born chiefs, being a characteristic of birth, just like the paludamentum or military cloak of the Romans, or the chlamys of the Greeks, which were of scarlet bordered with purple. The cloaks and mantles (möttul) were fastened round the neck or held up by bands or straps, which were so long that they could be put on the head.

The cloak seems to have been long enough for a sword to be carried under it without being seen.

“Then Thorólf put off his strap-mantle (seilamöttul), which was of scarlet, lined with grey fur. He laid it over Thorstein, but it did not reach lower down than his waist when he rose. He then took it off and told him to wear it himself, and give him another garment, though it might not be as fine. Thorólf then fetched a hairy cloak (lod-kápa), and told him to put it on. He threw it over him, and it was neither too long nor too short” (Svarfdæla Saga).

“He (Sigurd) wore blue breeches, a shirt, and a mantle 293(möttul) with straps (tygil) for over-garment. He looked down and kept the mantle-straps in his hands, and by turns put them on and off his head. When they had passed the cape they had got merry and drunk, rowed hard and kept little guard. Sigurd rose and went to the gunwale, and his two guards did the same, and both took his mantle and held it up as was the custom to do with highborn men” (Magnus Blind, c. 16).

“Halldór had on a cloak on which were long brooches^[213] as was then customary” (Laxdæla, ch. 75).^[214]

The Slœdur was a trailing gown of costly stuff embroidered with gold and ornamented with bands.

In the time of Olaf Kyrri (the Quiet, 1066–93) the men’s gowns had trains, laced on the side, with sleeves 10 feet long, so tight that they had to be pulled on with a leather thong, and jerked up to the shoulder. These gowns were soon considered old-fashioned: it was also customary to wear gold rings round the legs.

“In the days of King Olaf Kyrri, drinking at the inns and parting-bouts began in the trading-towns, and the people became fond of show; they wore costly breeches laced tight to the leg, and some fastened gold rings round their legs; the men wore trailing gowns (drag-kyrtil), laced on the sides, with sleeves ten feet in length, and so narrow that they had to be put on with a running-string and laced tight up to the shoulder; the shoes were high, sewed with silk, and some of them ornamented with gold. There was much other display at this time” (Olaf Kyrri, c. 2).

This sort of sleeve belonged to the old-fashioned kind of clothing.

“He (Arinbjörn) gave Egil as Yule-gift a gown (slœdur) of silk, largely embroidered with gold, and set with gold-buttons all the way down the front; he had this made so as to fit Egil. Arinbjörn also gave him a new cut suit of clothes, of many-coloured English cloth” (Egil’s Saga, 70).

Erling jarl was tall and brawny, somewhat high-shouldered, with a long and thin face and light complexion; he was very 294grey-haired, and carried his head on one side. He was amiable and high-minded, and wore old-fashioned clothes, high-necked and long-sleeved, kirtles and shirts, and foreign cloaks (valaskikkja)^[215] and high shoes. Thus also he dressed King Magnus while he was young, but as soon as he had his own way he dressed very showily (Magnus Erlingsson’s Saga, c. 37).

Shoes made of leather or skins were used, and made fast by strings, sometimes adorned with fringes: silk strings were wrapped round the leg to the knees, and sometimes very high shoes were worn, often seamed with silk and partly covered with gold, but they were old-fashioned.

“It is told about his (Sigurd’s) dress, that he wore a blue kirtle and blue hose, high shoes laced round his legs, a grey cloak (kápa) and a grey broad-brimmed hat and a hood over his face, a staff in his hand with a gilt silver-mounting at the upper end, from which a silver ring hung” (St. Olaf’s Saga,^[216] c. 31).

“Sigurd jarl had a brown kirtle and a red cloak, the skirts of which were folded up; he wore shoes made of the skin of sheep’s legs; he had a shield and the sword called Bastard” (Magnus Erlingsson’s Saga, c. 13).

“The king (St. Olaf) and his men went into the bath and laid their clothes on the ground, and a tent was pitched over it. At that time it was common to wear silk strings like garters, which were wound round the leg from the shoe to the knee; the first and high-born men always wore them, and the king and Björn had the same.... Björn always had these thongs around his legs while he lived, and was buried with them” (Bjarnar Saga Hitdælakappa).

Magnus Barefoot (1093–1103) adopted the Scotch custom (then also used in Ireland) of having bare legs and plaids, but this fashion was antiquated a hundred years later.

“It is told that when Magnus came from Vestrviking (warfare in the west), he and many of his men adopted the customs in dress that were common in the western lands (Scotland and Ireland). They walked bare-legged in the streets, and wore short kirtles and over-garments” (Magnus Barefoot, c. 18).

On the hands gloves (glófar) of skin, especially hart’s-skin, 295sometimes stitched with gold, were worn; occasionally they were lined with down. In the hand a staff was generally carried, with or without an axe.

“Bard sat in a high-seat; he was bald and dressed in scarlet clothes, and wore gloves of hart-skin” (Fornmanna Sögur, ii. 148).

On the head a hött (hat) was worn. Skálhatt (a hat formed like a bowl) is mentioned, also black, grey, and white hats. Another head-covering mentioned is a silken cap ornamented with lace; those from Gardariki seem to have been most appreciated.

After a battle at sea between King Ingi and Sigurd Slembidjákn, a pretender to the crown of Norway, in which Ingi got the victory, Sigurd jumped overboard and took off his coat-of-mail while swimming under his shield. The king’s men nevertheless found him.

“Thjóstólf Alason went to him (Sigurd) where he sat and struck off his head a silk cap ornamented with lace bands.”^[217]

“Thorkel Sursson had on his head a hat from Gardariki, a grey fur cloak, with a gold buckle on the shoulder, and a sword in his hand” (Gisli Súrsson, p. 55).

Karl and Leif saw a man approaching, “who had in his hand a cudgel (refdi), wore a broad-brimmed hat, and a green woollen cloak; he was barefooted, but had linen breeches tied (with a band) round his legs” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 153).

“The everyday dress of Án was a white fur-coat, so long that it touched his heels; a grey short fur-coat over it reached down to the middle of the calf of his leg; over it was a red kirtle, which reached below the knee. Over this was a common trading cloth blouse (stakk), which reached to the middle of his thigh. He had a hat on his head, and a chopping-axe in his hand” (An Bogsveigi’s Saga, c. 5).

The wearing of moustaches by warriors seems to have been very common from the earliest time; this is seen from the bracteates and antiquities belonging to the earlier and later iron age. The custom, which continued to the end of the Pagan era, and which is also well illustrated in the Bayeux 296tapestry, was so common that it is but seldom mentioned in the Sagas.

After the burning of Njal, Skarphedin, his son, was found dead.

“He had been standing at the gable, and the greater part of his legs were burnt up to his knees, but the rest of his body was not burnt; his eyes were open and not swollen; he had bitten his moustache, and had struck with the axe so fast into the gable that its blade went in as far as its middle, and therefore it was not softened” (Njala, c. 132).

Fig. 1155.—Man with moustache; reverse of silver coin with ship.

A peculiar story is related of Ögmund Eythjófsbani, a famous Viking, full of witchcraft and devilry, who often fought against Örvarodd.

“When Ögmund left Odd he went into Austrveg (eastern lands) and married the daughter of Geirröd the Jötun, and made all the kings in Austrveg pay tax to him; every twelve months they were to send him their lower and upper moustache. From these Ögmund had a fur cloak made” (Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 23).

The men wore their hair long, hanging over their neck; their foreheads were ornamented with a gold band like a diadem, and from the finds we learn that they parted their hair in the middle.

“Kjartan, Olaf’s son, grew up at Hjardarholt; he was the handsomest of men born in Iceland. He had fine and marked features in his face, with most beautiful eyes and fair complexion; he had much hair as fine as silk, which fell down in locks. He was large and strong as his mother’s father Egil (Skallagrimsson), or Thorolf had been. He was better shaped than any man, so that all wondered who saw him; he also fought better than most other men; he was a good smith, and swam better than any other man; he surpassed others greatly in all idrottir; he was better liked and more humble than any 297other man, so that every child loved him; he was merry and open-handed. Olaf (the Irish) loved him most of all his children” (Laxdæla Saga, ch. 38).

“He (Hakon jarl) was the most handsome man that men had seen, with long hair, fine as silk, and a gold band on his head” (Fornmanna Sögur, iv.).

“Odd was dressed every day in a scarlet kirtle, and had a gullhlad (gold band) tied round his head” (Orvar Odd, c. 1).

Fig. 1156.—Fragments of the upper part of a bronze kettle (the eyes had probably been adorned with stones), showing how men parted their hair.—Bog find, Fyen.

Fig. 1157.—Ornaments inside the kettle on another plate of bronze.

“He (Gunnar of Hlídarendi) looked handsome, and had a light complexion, a straight nose, slightly turned up, blue and keen eyes, and red cheeks. His hair was long, thick, and yellow, and sat well” (Njala, c. 19).

Chiefs seem to have often set the fashions.

“One summer a seagoing ship owned by Icelanders came from Iceland. It was loaded with trade-cloaks (varar-feld), and they went with it to Hardangr, for they heard that many people were there. When they began to sell none wanted to 298buy the cloaks. The steersman went to King Harald, for he had spoken to him before, and told him this difficulty. Harald said he would come down, and did so. He was a condescending and very merry man. He came on a fully-manned skúta. He looked at the goods, and said to the steersman: ‘Wilt thou give me one of the grey cloaks?’ ‘Willingly,’ answered the steersman: ‘more than one.’ Harald took one cloak and put it on, and then went down into the skúta. Before they rowed away every one of his men had bought a cloak. A few days after there came so many who all wanted to buy cloaks that not half of them got any. Thereafter the king was called Harald gráfeld (grey cloak)” (Harald Gráfeld’s Saga, c. 7).

The fashion in the time of King Sverri is thus described:—

“Thou shalt always choose brown cloth for hose; it is not wrong to use black skin for hose or other kinds of cloth except scarlet. Thou shalt also have a brown or green or red kirtle of good and beseeming cloth. Thy linen clothes thou shalt have made of good linen, but not much of it; have thy shirt short and all thy linen-clothes light. Always have thy shirt a good deal shorter than thy kirtle, for no good-mannered man can make himself look well with flax or hemp. Thy beard and hair thou shalt have well prepared before thou comest before the king, after the customs prevailing at the time in the hird.^[218] When I was in the hird it was customary to cut the hair shorter than the lobes of the ears, and comb it so that each hair would lie flat, and a short lock of hair be over the eyebrows. It was customary to cut the beard and the moustaches short and have whiskers like the German custom; it is not likely that there will be any better or more becoming fashion for warriors” (Konungs Skuggsjá, p. 66).

Fig. 1158.

Fig. 1159.

299From the earlier Edda and the Sagas we find that kings or warriors were easily recognised by the splendour of their accoutrements. They wore gilt spurs.

“When the king (St. Olaf) had said this, he sat down and let his shoes and stockings be pulled off, put cordovan hose on his feet and put on gilt spurs. Then he took off his cloak and kirtle and dressed himself in clothes of pell, and over these a scarlet cloak. He girded himself with an ornamented sword, put a gilt helmet on his head, and mounted his horse” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 32).

“King Hakon was easily recognized before all others; his helmet glittered when the sun shone upon it” (Hakon the Good’s Saga, c. 31).

“Kjartan Olafsson took up the scarlet clothes which King Olaf (Tryggvason) gave him at their parting and dressed himself magnificently; he girt himself with the sword which was the king’s gift; he wore on his head a gilt helmet, and had a red shield at his side with the holy cross marked thereon in gold, and in his hand a spear with a gilt handle. All his men were in coloured clothes; they were more than twenty” (Laxdæla, c. 44).

“The king (Hakon) put on his dress of war; he wore a coat of ring-mail, and was girt with the sword Kvernbit; he had on a gilt helmet, a spear in his hand, and a shield at his side. Then he arrayed in ranks his hird and the bœndr, and raised his standard” (Fornmanna Sögur, vol. i., pp. 42, 43).

“One day Gilli and Leif (kinsmen) went from their booths to a hill, which was on the island, and there talked together; they saw many men on the headland on the eastern side of the island ... there glittered in the sunshine fine shields and magnificent helmets, axes and spears, and the men looked very valiant; they saw that a man, tall and bold-looking, went in front of the rest in a red kirtle, with a shield half blue and half yellow, a helmet on his head, and a long cutting spear in his hand; they thought they recognized in him Sigurd Thorlaksson. Next to him walked a stout man in a red kirtle, who had a red shield; they thought they recognized him with certainty as Thórd Lági (the low); the third man had a red shield, with a man’s face painted on it, and a large axe in his hand; this was Gaut the red” (Færeyinga Saga, c. 48).

While King Olaf was at Stiklastadir a man came to him who was not like other men.

300“He was so tall that no other man reached higher than to his shoulders; he was very handsome, and fair-haired. He was well armed; he had a very fine helmet, a coat of mail, and a red shield; he was girt with an ornamented sword and had a large spear inlaid with gold, whose handle was so thick that it could scarcely be grasped with the hand” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 22).

It was the custom for those who attended the Thing to put on their best clothes.

“The champion Gunnar came to the Althing, so finely dressed that none were dressed as well, and the people came out of every booth to admire him. He had on the scarlet state^[219] clothes which King Harald Gormsson (Denmark) gave him, and a gold ring on his hand from Hakon jarl” (Njala, c. 33).

The gown—Festive dress—Outer garments—Under garments—Head-dress—Mode of wearing the hair—Ornaments—Buckles and fibulæ—Numerous jewels of gold.

The most important piece of clothing worn by women was the kyrtil (gown). It was made very wide, with a train, and was usually provided with long sleeves reaching to the wrists. It was fastened round the waist by a belt, often made of gold or silver, from which a bag was suspended for rings, ornaments, housewife’s keys, &c. Sometimes this dress was narrow at the waist, and had a close-fitting jacket. Over the kirtle was wore a kind of apron (blœja), which sometimes had fringe at the bottom.

The slœdur, mentioned in Rigsmál, was a festive dress for women as well as for men; it did not reach so high as to entirely cover the neck and bust; therefore a separate piece of clothing, called smokk (collar), was worn with it, and a dúk (neckerchief) was also wrapped round the neck. The neck and bust were frequently left bare, and ornamented with a necklace and other ornaments. A kind of shoulder ornament is also mentioned, under the name of dvergar.

“Gisli could not sleep, and said he wanted to go from the house to his hiding place, south of the cliffs, and try if he could not sleep there. They all went there (Gisli, his wife Aud, and her foster-daughter Gudrid); they (the women) had 302on kirtles, which left a track in the dew” (Gisli Sursson’s Saga, p. 67).

From the four representations here given, we get an idea of the dress of women, and the peculiar manner in which they arranged their hair. The long trailing dress reminds us of the descriptions in the Sagas. Three of the figures are presenting drinking-horns to some persons unseen. On the Hallingbrö stone^[220] a woman, dressed in a somewhat similar way, is presenting a drinking-horn to a warrior on horseback.

Fig. 1160.—Chain of silver. Real size. Found in the interior of a sepulchral chamber in a tumulus. Earlier iron age.—Norway.

Fig. 1161.—Silver (11th century); real size. Found with Arabic, German, and old English coins.—Öland.

Fig. 1162.

Fig. 1163.

Fig. 1164.

Real size.—Sweden.

Fig. 1165.

Fig. 1166.

The women’s outer garments were more or less similar to those of men. The principal were the skikkja and möttul, a kind of cloak worn by high-born women, without sleeves, usually fastened on the breast with a fibula, and the tygla möttul (strap-cloak), used by men and women, sometimes with costly borders (hladbuinn), and lined with fur; but the term kvennskikkja (woman’s cloak) implies some difference between theirs 303and those of the men. When travelling they wore overcoats, like men; the ólpa, with hood of felt, and hekla.

Fig. 1167.—Pin of iron. Earlier iron age. Real size.

Fig. 1168.—Pin of silver. Real size. Found inside a sepulchral chamber about 9 feet long, 3 feet wide, and over 3 feet in height, with the remains of an unburied body, the head turned towards the north; a basin of bronze, a clay urn, a glass cup, three finger rings of gold, one silver fibula, a pair of shears, fragments of a wooden bucket, &c., &c. Earlier iron age.—Norway.

Fig. 1169.—Pin of bronze. Real size. Found in a round tumulus with charcoal and pieces of a clay urn, an iron blade of a knife, &c. Earlier iron age.—Norway.

Fig. 1170.—Silver pin, with gold head. Probably for the hair. Earlier iron age. Real size.

304“A beggar-woman who died left a hekla, which was embroidered with much gold. The men of King Magnus (Erlingsson) took the cloak and burnt it, and divided the money among themselves. When the Birkibeinar (Sverris men) heard this they called them heklungs” (Sverri’s Saga, c. 41; Fms. viii.).

Fig. 1171.—From Bayeux tapestry. Woman with long dress.^[221]

Women wore the skyrta or serk (chemise), either of linen or silk, next to the body. It was so made that the breast was partly uncovered. They slept in night-shirts, as we find from the frequent occurrence of the word nattserk, which in earlier times had long sleeves.

When the house of the chief Gissur at Flugumýri was burnt by enemies, Ingibjörg, daughter of Sturla, escaped out of the fire.

“She was dressed only in a night-shirt (natt-serk), and was barefooted; she was then fourteen winters old, tall and fine. 305A silver belt was round her legs when she jumped out of her bed; a bag containing many of her precious things was hanging on it” (Sturlunga, ix., c. 3).

King Hakon went to tell his queen the news that her father, Skúli, had assumed the title of king.

“He went to the bed, and the queen stood in a silk shirt, and threw over herself a red möttul; she received him well, and he was kind to her. She took a silk cushion and asked the king to sit down; he said he would not. She asked for news. ‘There is little news,’ the king answered; ‘there are two kings in Norway now.’”

Women’s socks or hose were called skoklædi (shoe clothes); they are still worn in Sœtersdal in Norway, and are often richly embroidered.

Married women generally had their head covered with a höfudduk (head-cloth). High-born women wore a gold band, or diadem of gold, round the head, a fashion occasionally adopted by men.

“One day Án met Drifa, Karl’s daughter, and with her three women. She was handsome, and well dressed in a red kirtle with long sleeves, narrow below, and long and tight at the waist. She wore a band (hlad)^[222] round her forehead, and her hair was very fine” (An Bogsveigi’s Saga, c. 5).

One kind of head-dress was called fald (fold); others were sveig, motr, and krókfald. The last word probably means a crooked head-dress, perhaps somewhat similar to those now worn in Normandy and Iceland. It must be concluded that the so-called fald was often made of linen, and it was considered stately to wear this head-dress high.

Skupla was another head-dress, which fell down over the face.

“Once when the famous chief and Saga-writer Snorri Sturluson was travelling, he met a woman who wore a blue jacket (ólpa) with a felt hood, which was fastened round her head; she wore it instead of a hat” (Sturlunga, iv., c. 36).

306Girls wore the hair, when long, wrapped round their belt; widows also wore their hair hanging down. Long yellow hair, and a delicate complexion, were considered essentials of beauty.

Bui once went to Dofrafjöll (Dovrefjeld) on an errand for King Harald Fairhair, and there met a woman of large stature.

“She was fair to look at, and dressed in a red kirtle, ornamented all over with lace; she wore a broad silver belt; she wore her long and fine hair loose, as is the custom of maidens; she had beautiful hands, and many gold rings on them” (Kjalnesinga Saga, c. 13).

Fig. 1172.—Bone comb, a little less than ⅓ real size, found in a round tumulus, with an iron kettle, glass beads, charcoal, and burnt bones.

Ermingerd, a queen in Valland, at a feast which she gave to Rögnvald jarl,

“came into the hall with many women. She had in her hand a drinking-vessel of gold, and was dressed in the finest clothes; her hair was loose, as is the custom of maidens, and on her forehead she had placed a golden band” (Orkneyinga Saga, p. 280).

“Helga was so beautiful, that wise men say she was the most beautiful woman in Iceland. Her hair was so long that it could cover her whole body, and was as fine as gold; no match was then thought equal to her in the whole of Borgarfjord and many other places” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, c. 4).

“Then Hallgerd was sent for, and came with two women. She wore a blue woven mantle (vefjarmöttul), and under it a scarlet kirtle with a silver belt; her hair reached down to her waist, on both sides, and she tucked it under her belt” (Njala, c. 13).

When Gunnar went to the Althing he met the widow Hallgerd, daughter of Höskuld, who

“was dressed in a red ornamented kirtle, and over it a scarlet cloak ornamented with lace down to the skirt. Her long and fair hair reached down to her bosom” (Njala, c. 33).

307

Fig. 1173.—Fibula in silver gilt, adorned with niello and two green glass pieces. ½ real size.—Gillberga, Nerike, Sweden.

Fig. 1174.

Fig. 1175.

Fig. 1176.

Ring and ornament of bronze, with rivets of iron. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 1177.—Necklace of gold, weight about 1½ lbs., Thorslunda, Öland, consisting of tubes fastened one above the other and ornamented with filigree work. Two other of these have been found in Vestergötland—one on the slopes of the Alleberg Hills, near Falköping, the other near Möne Church, about seventeen miles from the former. A similar one was found in Southern Russia, now in the Hermitage Museum, with upper and lower end, ending in well formed long head of snake.

Fig. 1178.—Back of the necklace. Real size.

308

Fig. 1179.—Belt buckle of bronze. Real size.—Götland.

Fig. 1180.—Belt hook of bronze. ½ real size.

Fig. 1181.—Bronze ring for belt, real size, found with a pincette of bronze in a round tumulus inside a sepulchral chamber.

Fig. 1182.—Heavy gold arm-ring; weight, 1 lb. 7 oz. ⅔ real size. Found in a very large tumulus, with fragments of a two-edged sword, with a magnificent scabbard of wood and bronze mounted with silver gilt, and partially ornamented; a gold ring, six small rings of gold, a gold pin, fragments of bronze kettle and vases, pieces of a bronze sieve, ornaments of silver of drinking horn, fragments of spear-heads of iron, &c.

309

Fig. 1183.—Bracelet of silver plated with silver gilt with the exception of the heads of the small nails.—Norway.

Fig. 1184.—Spiral bracelet of gold. Real size. Weight, over 1½ oz. Found in the lower part of a stone cairn with a gold spiral ring. A little below the soil of the cairn were found charcoal, pieces of bone, and fragments of iron destroyed by rust.—Norway.

Fig. 1185.—Spiral bracelet of gold, ⅔ real size, found in a mound inside a cist. Weight, nearly 3 oz.—Norway.

310

Fig. 1186.—Ring of gold. Real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1187.—Gold ring, found in a mound with a bronze vase, pieces of a large spiral gold bracelet, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 1188.—Finger ring of gold with a cornelian. Real size.—Karneol Sneda, near Ystad, Scania.

Fig. 1189.—Spiral finger ring. Real size.—Bohuslan.

Fig. 1190.

Fig. 1191.

Fig. 1192.

Fig. 1193.

311

Fig. 1194.—Ring of gold. Real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1195.—Ring of gold. Real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1196.—Necklet of gold, weight over 4 oz., found under a large stone.—Södermanland, Sweden. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 1197.—Diadem of gold, found while digging potatoes; weight slightly over 6 oz. ⅗ real size.—Öland.

Fig. 1198.—Diadem or necklet of gold, weight 6½ oz., found in a ditch near the city of Abo, Finland. ½ real size.

312

Fig. 1199.

Fig. 1200.

Fig. 1201.—Gold bead. Real size.

Fig. 1202.—Glass bead. Real size. Found when ploughing.—Vestergötland.

Fig. 1203.—Necklet of almost pure gold (99·5), weighing 6 oz. ⅔ real size.—Öland.

Fig. 1204.—Spiral bracelet of gold; weight, 7 oz. Real size.—Öland.

313

Fig. 1205.—Filigree bead of gold.—Vestmanland.

Fig. 1206.—Charm of gold. Real size.—Vestergötland.

Fig. 1207.—Human figure of gold on the necklace of Möne, found in a stone-heap; double real size.

Fig. 1208.—Necklace of gold, ornamented with filigree work and Roman and Byzantine coins of the 5th century; ⅓ real size.—Scania, Copenhagen Museum.

314

Fig. 1209.—Bracelet of bronze, found in a mound at Husby, Erlinghumdra,
Upland. Real size.

Fig. 1210.

Fig. 1211.

Fig. 1212.

Fig. 1213.—Diadem of gold. ½ real size. Found under a big stone in a heap of stones; weight, 8 oz.—Norway.

315

Fig. 1214.—Probably a diadem of gold melted with silver; weight over 2 lbs.
½ real size.—Medelpal, Sweden.

Fig. 1215.—Diadem of gold; weight just over 6 ozs. ⅔ real size.—Götland.

Fig. 1216.

Fig. 1217.

Fig. 1218.

Fig. 1219.—Figure of gold; real size.—Scania.

Fig. 1220.—Neck-ring of gold. ⅔ real size. Found under a big stone. Weighs 11¼ oz.—Norway.

316

Fig. 1221.—Pendant of gold, found in a field. Real size.—Öland.

Fig. 1222.—Neck-ring of almost pure gold, forming part of one of the largest finds of gold ornaments ever made in Sweden, which weighed over 27 lbs.; weight, 2½ lbs. ⅔ real size.—Thureholm, Södermanland, Sweden.

Fig. 1223.—Necklace of gold with a bracteate in the centre. Found in a tumulus in Norway with two gold rings. ¾ real size.

317

Fig. 1224.—Necklace of silver. ½ real size.

Fig. 1225.—Pendant on necklace as seen from below. Real size. Found in a tumulus, in a deep hole, made on purpose, with a fragment of a silver gilt fibula, a small spiral ring of gold having been used as money, five clay vessels, a glass cup, fixtures of iron for two wooden buckets, one lever balance of spindle in clay, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 1226.—Real size.

Fig. 1227.

Fig. 1228.

Fig. 1229.

318

Fig. 1230.—Bronze fibula having the form of a tumulus; the pin of iron has been destroyed by rust.—Helgö, Smaaland. Collection Wittlock, Vexio. ½ real size.

Fig. 1231.—Fibula of iron, found with burnt bones in a clay urn.—Tanum, Bohuslan. ¾ real size.

Fig. 1232.—Fibula of iron, found in a stone cist by the side of a skeleton, with a clay urn and an iron sword, &c., &c., in Stora Dalby, Öland. ⅔ real size.

319

Fig. 1233.—Fibula of silver, plated with gold, found in a stone cist with a skeleton seated. ¾ real size.—Vestergötland.

Fig. 1234.—Fibula of silver, plated with gold, found under a stone with several glass and silver beads. Collection of Captain Ulfsparre, Stockholm.—Götland. Real size.

Fig. 1235.—Fibula of bronze plated with silver gilt. ½ real size. Found in a large sepulchral room built of slabs, with a bronze kettle, two clay urns, &c.—Aak, Norway.

Fig. 1236.—Fibula of silver found in a mound with a gold bracelet, bronze ring gilt, bronze knife, and a broken urn, etc. Real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1237.—Silver fibula. Real size. In a mound with burnt bones and charcoal.—Norway.

320

Fig. 1238.—Fibula of silver gilt. ⅔ real size.—Scania.

Fig. 1239.—Silver gilt fibula in tumulus. ½ real size.—Hagby, Öland.

Fig. 1240.—Fibula of bronze. Real size, found in a mound with a wooden bucket ornamented with bronze, pieces of iron scissors, a flat ring of gold, &c.—Near Stavanger, Norway.

Fig. 1241.—Fibula of bronze found in a clay urn with burnt bones near the border of a tumulus. Real size.—Norway.

321

Fig. 1241A.—Fibula of bronze inlaid with silver. In a mound with shield boss, spear-point and arrow-points of iron, belt ring, and knife handle of bronze, and an ornamented leather belt. ⅔ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1242.—Fibula of bronze. Place of find unknown. 3
7 real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1243.—Fibula of bronze inlaid with silver, found in a tumulus with three other bronze fibulæ, fifteen gilt buttons, &c. ⅔ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1244.—Fibula of bronze, ½ real size.—Nordland, Norway.

Fig. 1245.—Fibula of bronze in a tumulus. In a mound with other fibulas, a silver ring, &c. ⅔ real size.—Near Stavanger, Norway.

322

Fig. 1246.—Fibula of silver gilt. The most elevated flat parts are niellés. There are many blue stones here and there, some fastened with gold. ¾ size. Found in a mound, with three gold bracteates, a spiral ring of gold, three small fibulæ of silver gilt of the same type, a bronze key, pieces of a two-edged sword, a small spear-head, &c., &c., unburnt bones and teeth of a cow and other animals, &c., and a quantity of burnt grain (rye).

323

Fig. 1247.—Fibula of bronze plated with silver work, found with a bronze kettle filled with burnt bones, and covered with a slab; a gold chain, and a spiral ring. Real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1248.—Fibula of bronze. Real size. Found in a funeral chamber of stone, with two clay urns with burnt bones, a belt, ring, &c.—Lödingen, Norway.

Fig. 1249.—Earring of bronze with glass beads. Real size. Found in a round mound under a bronze kettle, glass beads, &c. The kettle contained burnt bones, and was in a bed of charcoal and calcined earth.—Norway.

Fig. 1250.—Fibula of silver gilt, partly niellé. ⅔ real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1251.—Fibula in bronze. Real size. Found when ploughing over an ancient tumulus. Nearly similar in form to the fibulæ found at Camirus, Rhodes. Not very archaic pottery.

324

Fig. 1252.—Fibula, real size.—Bornholm, Denmark.

Fig. 1253.—Fibula, real size.—Bornholm, Denmark.

Fig. 1254.—Fibula, plated with gold, only a little of the metal remaining. Real size.—Southern Jutland.

325

Fig. 1255.—Buckle of a belt in silver and bronze, ornamented with garnets enchassés. Real size. Earlier iron age.—Norway.

Men and women loved to adorn themselves with jewels and objects of gold;^[223] the ornaments for both sexes seem to have been somewhat similar; rings, bracelets, fibulæ (used to fasten together on to the right shoulder the ends of cloaks), brooches, clasps and buckles, pins, hooks, pendants round the neck, bracteates, diadems, necklaces, beads of silver, 326gold, and glass, &c., and gold rings worn round the legs, were most common.

The numerous illustrations of jewels and ornaments seen throughout the pages of this work show the taste of the people, and the different forms worn by them, even in very early times.

To gold the poets gave many figurative names which are derived from either the myths or history of the people, and which often show in their metaphors the different uses to which gold was applied:—The fire of the hand, or arm; the beacon of the hawk-seat (the wrist); the fire of the top of the masthead, &c.

Some of the rings and necklaces were of such remarkable workmanship that they had special names, and their fame was known far and wide. Among the more celebrated rings were the Sviagris,^[224] Draupnir, and Hnitud; and among the necklaces that of Freyja made by the Dvergar.

“Ulf the Red was always accustomed to be with King Olaf during midwinter. Ulf brought the king many precious things which he had acquired during the summer. And one gold ring he had got called Hnitud (the welded). It was welded together in seven places. It was of much better gold than other rings. This ring had been given to Ulf by a bondi named Lodmund” (Thatt of Norna Gest).

Beads are often mentioned.

Bardi, a good champion, was going to a fight, and when his foster-mother took leave of him

“she took out of her shirt a large necklace of beads, and put it round his neck over his shirt.^[225]

“Thorbjörn ran at Bardi and struck his neck; a very loud crash was heard; the blow hit the bead in the necklace, which had moved when Bardi gave his knife to Njal’s son. The bead burst asunder, and blood gushed out on both sides of the necklace, but Bardi was not wounded. Thorbjörn said: ‘Thou art a tröll, as irons bite thee not’” (Viga-Styr and Heidarviga, c. 23).

327Towards the later centuries of the Viking period the brooches, fibulæ, &c., become coarse and heavy.

Fig. 1256.—Fibula of bronze, ornamented with gold and silver.

Fig. 1257.—Fibula of bronze, ⅔ real size.—Zeeland, Denmark.

Fig. 1258.—Fibula of bronze, ⅔ real size.—Bjornhofda, Öland.

328

Fig. 1259.—Fibula of gilt bronze, ornamented with walrus tusk and garnets (later iron age). ⅔ real size.—Othemar’s, Götland.

Fig. 1260.—Bronze ornament gilt, found with glass beads, fragments of an axe, spears and arrow heads, &c., &c. Real size.—Norway.

Fig. 1261.—Bracelet of massive gold, ¾ real size, found in a field at Vallakra, Scania.

Fig. 1262.—Silver fibula, ⅘ real size, with filigree work and ring for a chain.—Öland.

329

Fig. 1263.—Buckle of silver; ⅓ real size; weight, 13½ ozs.—Björkås, Tanum parish, Bohuslan.

Fig. 1264.—Silver buckle; ⅔ real size; weight, 9 oz.; found in 1739.—Vible, Götland.

Fig. 1265.—Silver chain with Thor’s hammer. ½ real size.—Bredsättra, Öland.

330

Fig. 1266.—Bracelet of gold, real size. Middle iron age.—Gudme, Svendborg Amt.

Fig. 1267.—Amber beads, ½ real size.—Denmark.

Fig. 1268.—Gold bead, ⅔ real size.—Denmark.

Fig. 1269.—Ornament of silver, real size, found in a grave mound, with a large hoard consisting of two neck rings, five bracelets, two finger rings, two fibulæ, &c., &c., of silver, three hanging ornaments of bronze, one representing a human face, three silver and fourteen glass beads, &c., &c. Earlier iron age.—Tuna parish, Helsingland, Sweden.

Fig. 1270.—Silver brooch. ⅔ real size. Found in a tumulus. The sepulchral chamber was about 13½ feet long, 3 feet wide and high, made of slabs and lined with oak planks and birch bark. There were remains of several other brooches, a large bronze vessel with three handles, remains of a silver-gilt fibula and two small silver fibulæ. Earlier iron age.

331

Fig. 1271.—Fibula ornamented with filigree work and chain of silver; length, 10½ inches. Found in a field at Ekelunda, Öland.

Fig. 1272.—Bronze pin. ½ real size.—Aronstorp, Öland.

Gold bracteates—Peculiarity of their designs—Mystic and symbolical signs—Earlier runes—The Vadstena bracteate—The svastica, triskele, and triad.

Among the most curious and beautiful ornaments that have been discovered in the north are the gold bracteates, which occur in great numbers, but are seldom found in graves, and which were used, as we can see from the loop attached to them, as an ornament to be worn hanging from the neck; that they were held to be protective amulets, and were used by the temple priests in religious ceremonies, is probable.

They are formed by embossing or stamping upon a disc, and the gold is extremely thin. The peculiarity of their designs, and the mystic and symbolic signs which are used upon them, such as the svastica, the triskele, the cross, the triad in dots, birds, snakes, &c., peculiar shapes of animals, and the head-dress of men, are very remarkable; and the sign in the shape of an S, found also on objects of the bronze age, makes them specially interesting.

We must receive with a great deal of caution the interpretation put upon these signs by some of the archæologists who have tried to unravel their meaning, and have taken the svastica for the sign of Thor, for this sign has been found in Greece by Schliemann and other antiquarians; the triskele, or the triad with dots, to mean Odin, Vili, Ve, or Odin, Hœnir and Löd; the birds to be the ravens of Odin; the human heads to be representations either of Thor, Odin, or Frey; the animals to be the goat of Thor, and Odin’s horse, Sleipnir. That the representations with the sacred signs and the figure upon them had some peculiar meaning there is, I think, no doubt; 333but what they really meant is a mystery which has not yet been unravelled.

Fig. 1273.—Bracteate—with man’s head and horned animal below—found at Helsingborg, Sweden.

Fig. 1274.—Bracteate—with man’s head with helmet, and horned animal—found at Raflunda, Scania, Sweden.

Fig. 1275.—Bracteate—horse (?) apparently loaded with treasure, probably the horse Grani mentioned in Volsunga Saga—found at Eskatorp, Halland, Sweden.

Fig. 1276.—Bracteate—warrior with spear, a two-horned animal, and runes, found in Zeeland, Denmark.

The runic characters stamped upon these ornaments show 334them to be peculiarly northern, and to belong to a rune-writing people.

Fig. 1277.—Bracteates forming part of a necklace found at Faxö, Sjælland, Denmark. Real size.

Fig. 1278.—Bracteate—man’s head with symbolic signs, a hand, &c.—Lolland, Denmark. Real size.

Fig. 1279.—Bracteate—man, and two-horned animal, and runes—in Stockholm Museum. Real size.

Fig. 1280.—Real size.—Scania.

Fig. 1281.—Real size.—Scania.

Fig. 1282.—Real size.—Zeeland.

335

Fig. 1283.

Fig. 1284.—Reverse.

Fig. 1285.

Fig. 1286.—Reverse.

Fig. 1287.—Bracteate from Lögstör, Jutland. Real size. On it are the cross signs and triskele and two birds which recall the Saga about Sigurd Fafnisbani, or Odin and his ravens. A similar one with two birds has been found in Vestergötland.

Fig. 1288.—Bracteate. Southern Jutland. A warrior, bird, stag, or horse, and dots. Real size.

336Of the hundreds of bracteates^[226] which have been discovered, a large number were found together; and those of similar design, which have evidently been struck from the same die, are sometimes found in regions far apart. The bracteates with the peculiar mystic signs above enumerated disappear entirely towards the year 600, and though bracteates are still found they are of quite different designs; for those with representations of dragons, serpents, &c., are of a much later period.

Many of these designs may perhaps represent the deeds of great heroes told in ancient songs, such for example as the scene upon the gold bracteate found under the altar in the ancient wooden church of Gudsdal Troen parish in Gudbrandsdal, Norway, on which an armour-clad warrior on horseback fights a dragon. The purity of their gold is as remarkable as the skill of their workmanship.

Fig. 1289.—Bracteate. Real size.—Blekinge, Sweden.

Fig. 1290.—Bracteate. Real size.—Vestergötland, Sweden.

Fig. 1291.—Bracteate with runic alphabet.—Vadstena, Sweden. Real size.

The most important bracteate found is one of the two discovered near the little town of Vadstena on the Wettern, in Sweden. It has around its border an inscription in earlier runes, which evidently must be read from right to left. It has been ascertained by the scholars who have made a study of runes that, with the exception of the first division of eight, they represent the runic alphabet in its earliest form, the letter D being, for want of space, the only one missing.

337

Fig. 1292.—Bracteate, Lyngby, Jutland, representing a man with a two-horned animal, surrounded by the svastika, the triskele, and four dots forming a cross, a circle of men’s heads, and a circle of animals. Real size.

Fig. 1293.—Bracteate in Copenhagen Museum. Warrior, with a sword, fighting animals. Real size.

Fig. 1294.—Bracteate found at Hitterdal, Norway, with svastica, and dots on it. Warrior’s head with helmet over the face, and crown above the helmet. Real size.

338

Fig. 1295.—Bracteate found at Raflunda, Scania. Triangle of heads. Real size.

Fig. 1296.—Bracteate; place of find unknown. Real size.—Stockholm Museum.

339

Fig. 1297.—The largest existing bracteate, found at Åsum, Scania, Sweden, with svastica, in 1882. ⅘ real size.

Fig. 1298.—Bracteate found at Upland, Sweden. Real size.

Fig. 1299.—Reverse, with horseman apparently riding on the bare back of the horse.

340

Fig. 1300.—Bracteate found at Gudbrandsdal, Norway. Warrior fighting a dragon. Real size.

Fig. 1301.

Fig. 1302.—Reverse.

Fig. 1303.

Fig. 1304.

Fig. 1305.—Bracteate, Zeeland, Denmark. Real size.

Fig. 1306.—Bracteate found in Scania. Real size.

Fig. 1307.—Bracteate found in Scania. Real size.

Fig. 1308.—Bracteate found at Raflunda, Scania. Real size.

Fig. 1309.—Bracteate found at Lelling, Zeeland. Real size.

341One of the facts which attracts great attention is the different mystic signs^[227] found upon bracteates and other numerous objects represented in these pages. These no doubt had some symbolical meaning, just as the Christian cross when used as an ornament, or placed upon a grave as a symbol.

Fig. 1310.—Runic stone with three horns in the shape of triskele.—Snoldeley, Zeeland.

Some of the signs appear to have been common to various nations, who probably adopted the same religion from which 342they spring, just as to-day the Christian cross is the emblem of numerous nations or tribes scattered over the globe.

Fig. 1311.—Fibula of silver, plated with gold, in shape of svastica. ⅖ real size.—Woman’s skeleton grave, Fyen.

Fig. 1312.—Fibula of gold ⅗ real size.—Skeleton grave, Fyen.

The cross with four arms of equal length seems to be one of if not the most ancient of symbolic signs; it is seen on the rock-tracings of Bohuslan (of which several illustrations are given in this work), sometimes surrounded by a ring, at others a double cross is represented by itself. Such tracings cannot be taken for wheels or shields.

Fig. 1313.—Fibula, ⅔ real size; appears to have been gilt.—Norway.

343Bronze knives, with a cross surmounted by a ring, are also to be seen.

The svastika, or hooked cross, in its various modifications, seen on so many objects in the North, is of very ancient origin, and occurs in the Vedaic religion.

Fig. 1314.—Bracteate of gold, real size, found with the door.—Tuft Church, Sandver.

Other remarkable signs are the triad, in the shape of dots placed in a triangle, and the triskele, which are seen on many objects. There was evidently importance attached to the numbers “Three” and “Nine;” but it is impossible to tell what was the true meaning in the mythology of these people of the triad, which is very common on the jewels and other objects illustrated in this work,^[228] and it is remarkable that some of the graves are made to represent the above signs.^[229]

Honour in which work was held—Kings superintend their own estates—Importance of fisheries—Skill of the people in the working of iron, and in shipbuilding—The Thiele find—Sports—Falconry—Retrievers and hounds—Dancing not a favourite amusement—Chess and backgammon—Several varieties—Costliness of chessboards—Games with dice—Jugglers and buffoons—Horse-fights—Parables and puzzles—Gest’s riddles.

Prominent chiefs did not disdain to take part in or superintend the work on their estates, and neither master, mistress nor children of wealthy families were ever idle.

“Harald Grœnski’s son, Olaf, was fostered with his stepfather Sigurd Syr and his mother Ásta. Hrani Vidförli (the Wide-travelling) was with her, and fostered King Olaf Haraldsson. Olaf soon became an accomplished man, fair of face, of middle stature, and wise and eloquent. Sigurd Syr was a great husbandman; his men were always at work, and he often went himself to look to the fields, meadows, and cattle, and to the smithy, or wherever anything was going on” (St. Olaf, c. 1).^[230]

“King Olaf often stayed in the country on the large bœr which he owned. When he was at Haukbœr in Ránriki, he fell sick and died” (Olaf the Quiet’s Saga, c. 11).^[231]

The well-to-do generally had a very large number of servants, both free and thralls, to assist them in their work.

“It is told that Gudmund Riki was much superior to other men in magnificence, and had 100 servants and 100 cows; it was his custom to have the sons of prominent men with him, and he treated them well; they had not to do any work, but were always to sit with him, though it was their custom when they were at home, high-born though they were, to work” (Ljósvetninga Saga, c. 5).^[232]

345The bœndr after the spring cultivation went on Viking expeditions, returned at Midsummer and attended to the harvest; then again went on Viking expeditions, from which they did not return until winter, which was spent quietly at home.^[233]

“King Sigurd Syr was on his field when the messengers came to him and told him this news (that Olaf was coming) and all the doings of Ásta at the bœr. He had many men there; some cut corn, others tied it (into sheaves), others drove corn home, others stowed it in hay-houses or barns. He, and two men with him, walked sometimes on the field, sometimes where the corn was stacked” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 31).

Fig. 1315.—Plough of oak wood. Length, 9 feet. Found in Döstrup, Jutland.

Fig. 1316.—Shears. ⅓ real size.—Ultuna. Earlier iron age.

Fig. 1317.—Sickle, ⅓ real size, found in a tumulus on burnt bones in an urn.—Norway. Earlier iron age.

Fig. 1318.—Sickle, ⅓ real size, found in a tumulus on burnt bones and charcoal, with fragments of a bone comb and a needle of iron.—Norway. Earlier iron age.

The Sagas often mention people possessing sheep, and shears are often found. The one here represented was in the Ultuna ship’s find, and had been placed with weapons and other objects belonging to the warrior, who probably owned great estates and large flocks of sheep.

346The fisheries were of great importance, and much care was bestowed upon them even by great chiefs, among whom were Eyvind Skáldaspillir and Erling Skjalgsson. The seal, herring, and cod fisheries gave occupation to a large number of people.

“Erling always kept at home thirty thralls, besides other bond-people. He allotted to them a certain day’s work, and afterwards gave them leave and time to work for themselves at twilight or at night; he gave them land for tillage, to sow grain for themselves and use the produce for getting property. He placed on each one his value and price. Many redeemed themselves in the first or second season, and all who were thrifty did so in three winters. With this property Erling bought himself other thralls; and he sent some of his produce to the herring fishery, and some to other kinds of business; some cleared the woods and made themselves farms; to all he gave some means of support” (St. Olaf, c. 22).^[234]

We have seen that the people of the North were great shipbuilders, and the numerous discoveries of various tools as well as weapons show the skill of their smiths and workers in iron, some of whom were high-born men.

“He (Thorolf) had a large long ship made with a dragon’s head, and had it fitted out in the best manner. He sailed in it southward, and made a great sweep of the provisions then found in Halogaland. He also sent men herring fishing and cod fishing, and in many places seals were caught and eggs taken; all the produce of this expedition was brought to him. He had never fewer free men than a hundred at his home. He was open-handed and liberal, and became a good friend of the chiefs and all his neighbours; he became powerful, and paid much attention to the outfitting of his ships and weapons” (Egil’s Saga, c. 10).

“Skallagrim was a very hard-working man. He had always many men with him, and had fetched many of the provisions and means of subsistence, for at first they had but few cattle in comparison with what was needed for so many. His cattle found their own food during the winter in the forests. He was a great shipwright, and there was no want of drift-timber^[235] west of Myrar. He had a bœr built at Alp-tanes, and had another household there; his men went out fishing, seal-catching, and egg-gathering from there, as there was a quantity of these things; he also had drift-timber 347brought in. Many whales were there then, and they could shoot as many as they wanted, for the creatures were not used to men. He had a third bœr near the sea, in the western part of Myrar, where it was still easier to procure drift-wood; there he had grain grown and called the farm Akrar. Some outlying islands there were called Hvalseyjar, because whales were found on them. Skallagrim also had his men up at the salmon rivers to fish, and placed Odd Einbúi at Gljúfrá to take care of the catch; he lived at Einbuabrekkur, and Einbuanes is named from him.... When the cattle of Skallagrim grew numerous they all went up on the mountains in the summer. He found that those cattle which went up on the heaths became much larger and fatter, and that the sheep kept themselves during the winter in mountain valleys if they were not taken down, so he had a farm made up at the mountain, and had a household there where his sheep were taken care of. Gris took care of that farm, and Grisartunga is named from him” (Egil’s Saga, c. 29).

Fig. 1319.—Celt, of iron, ⅓ real size, found with five Roman silver coins (Adrian-Commodus).—Gotland.

“Thorstein had built a church on his farm. From this he had made a bridge with great skill; under the beams which supported it were rings with tinkling bells^[236] attached to them, so that when people walked over it they were heard at Skarfsstadir, half a sea-mile distant. Thorstein took much pains with this bridge, for he was a great worker in iron. Gretti worked hard in beating the iron that winter, though at times he did not care to do it. He was however quiet that winter, so that nothing happened” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 53).^[237]

“Then Skallagrim set up a household in Knarrarnes, and there had a farm for a long time after. He was a great iron-smith, and used much red iron ore^[238] during the winters. He had a smithy made close to the sea, far from Borg, at Ranfarnes” (Egil’s Saga, c. 30).

348“Ulf was son of Bjalfi and Hallbera, daughter of Ulf Uargi; she was the sister of Hallbjörn Half-Troll in Hrafnista, the father of Ketil Hœng. He was so tall and strong that his like was not found in the land at that time; when he was young he went on Viking expeditions. Berdlu-Kari, high-born, berserk, of great strength and boldness, was with him. He and Ulf had one money-bag together, and the most intimate friendship existed between them. When they returned from their expedition Kari went to his bœr at Berdla; he was very wealthy and had three children, Eyvind Lambi, Ölvir Hnufa, and a daughter Salbjörg. She was one of the fairest of women and very accomplished. Ulf married her, and went to his bœr; he was rich both in lands and movables. He took the rights of a lendr man, as his forefathers had done, and became a powerful man. It is said that he was a great husbandman. It was his custom to rise early in the morning and overlook the work of the men or of his smiths, and see over his cattle and fields, and sometimes to give advice to those who needed it. His counsel was good in everything, for he was very wise; but every evening he became so peevish that few men could speak to him, and he was then fond of sleep. It was believed that he was a great shape-changer (hamramm = shape-strong), and he was called Kveldulf (evening wolf). Kveldulf had two sons by his wife, the older named Thórolf, and the younger Grim. When they grew up they were both tall and strong like their father. Thorólf was very handsome and accomplished; like his mother’s kin, very cheerful and a liberal man in everything, and a great trader; he was beloved by all; Grim was swarthy and ugly, like his father, both in looks and character. He became a great man of business, and was skilled in working wood and iron and became a great smith. In winter he often went herring fishing with a lagnar skuta (fishing sloop), and many servants with him” (Egil’s Saga, c. 29).^[239]

Fig. 1320.—Blacksmith’s pincers of iron, found with an urn containing burnt bones, a hammer of iron, 29 small glass beads, &c. ⅓ real size.—Skåggesta, Södermanland, Sweden.

Fig. 1321.

Fig. 1322.

Fig. 1323.

Iron tongs, 12 inches
long. ⅓ real size.

Fig. 1324.

Iron pincers, 6 inches
long. ⅓ real size.

Fig. 1325.

Iron tongs, 10 inches long.
⅓ real size.

Fig. 1326.—Flat iron hammer of peculiar shape, 6¼ inches
long, 1 inch square at the head, and ½ inch broad at the
pointed end. ⅓ real size.

Fig. 1327.

Fig. 1328.

350Several finds have been discovered which evidently belonged to a blacksmith. At Thiele, Viborg, Jutland, was discovered in the ground a great number of objects which undoubtedly had belonged to one.^[240]

Fig. 1329.

Fig. 1330.—Two mountings of iron and a kind of light-coloured bronze, 5½ inches; consisting of two parallel twisted iron bars, between which there had been soldered a square iron bar, held together by a bronze ring. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 1331.—Two-edged sword, in an unfinished state, with trade-mark.—Norway. Found with other objects, which appear to have been quite new when placed there, and some unfinished, among which were two swords with similar analogue trade-mark as those found in the Nydam and Vimose bog finds.

Among the different occupations mentioned are those of salt and tar making.^[241] Salt making or burning seems to have been one of the humblest of occupations or trades.

“A man is allowed to take bark and birch of his tenant-land for roofing his house and buy food-salt with it, and he shall make salt if he lives by the sea in order to buy birch and bark with it, and as 351much as he needs himself, but not more” (Frostath, xiii. 4).

“A man named Karl had a brother, Björn. They were of low birth, but very industrious men. They had before been salt-burners, and had earned money and become traders. They went on trading-journeys to Saxland and Sudrriki”^[242] (Magnus the Good’s Saga).^[243]

Among the favourite pastimes of the Norsemen were falconry and hunting. Falconry existed in the North from the earliest times, and may have been brought into France, England, and other countries in Europe by the Northmen. Its existence is not, I think, mentioned in the Roman accounts of the countries conquered by them, and the low civilisation of the tribes inhabiting Germania in the Roman period did not admit of such a pastime.

Men had their hawks burned with them and a number of the talons of these birds have been found in several graves.

The inference drawn from the Sagas that men when going on a journey had their hawks with them, is corroborated by the Bayeux tapestry, where numerous chiefs are seen with these birds.

When Hrólf Kraki and his men walked into the hall of King Adils at Upsala, it is said—

“They had their hawks on their shoulders, and it was thought a great ornament in those times. King Hrólf had a hawk called Hábrók”^[244] (Hrólf Kraki’s Saga, c. 40).^[245]

“One day the king (Olaf of Sweden) rode out early with his hawks and dogs^[246] and men with him. When they let loose the hawks the king’s hawk in one flight killed two heathcocks (Tetrao tetrix), and at once he again flew forward and killed three more. The dogs ran underneath and took every bird that fell down on the ground. The king galloped after, and picked up the game himself, and boasted much. He said: ‘Long will it be before you hunt like this.’ They assented, 352and answered that they thought no king had such luck in hunting. Then they all rode home, and the king was very glad” (Heimskringla, St. Olaf, c. 90).

Hawks were protected by the laws.

“If a man kills a hawk on a man’s hand he shall pay a mark valued in silver, and damages for the outrage, but half a mark if he kills one in another place, all valued in silver” (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, xi. 25).

Besides hunting-dogs there were other kinds, among which were shepherd and watch-dogs.

“When Olaf was in Ireland he went on a coast-raid.^[247] As they needed provisions they went ashore and drove down many cattle. A bondi came there and asked Olaf to give him back his cows. Olaf replied that he might take them if he could recognise them and not delay their journey. The bondi had with him a large sheep-dog. He pointed out to it the herd of cattle, which numbered many hundreds. The dog ran through all the herds, and took away as many cows as the bondi had said belonged to him, and they were all marked with the same mark. Then they acknowledged that the dog had found out the right cattle. They thought it a wonderfully wise dog. Olaf asked if the bondi would give him the dog. ‘Willingly,’ answered the bondi. Olaf at once gave him a gold ring, and promised to be his friend. The dog’s name was Vigi, and it was the best of all dogs. Olaf owned it long after this” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, c. 35).

“If a man kills a lapdog of another he must pay 12 aurar if the dog is a lapdog whose neck one can embrace with one hand, the fingers touching each other; 6 aurar are to be paid for a greyhound (mjóhund), and for a hunting-dog half a mark, and also for a sheep-dog, if it is tied by the innermost ox,^[248] or untied by the outermost ox, and also at the gate. One aurar is to be paid for a dog guarding the house, if it is killed” (Frostath., xi. 24).

Chess, among house pastimes, was included in the Idrotter, as was gambling with dice, music, &c.

From an early period the game of chess, or at least a game 353resembling it, was known in the North; skill in playing it was held to be an accomplishment worthy of powerful chiefs. Judging from the numerous finds, the game must have been very common. It must have been of very great antiquity, for it is mentioned in Voluspa.

The game, of which there were several varieties, though in what they differed we do not know, was called tafl,^[249] and the pieces toflur. In Hnot-tafl, the pieces were called “hunar” (sing. hunn, or huni).

Hnefa-tafl was played with black and white pieces; one of them, probably the most important, was called Hnefi, from which the name of this peculiar game is probably derived. Skak, or Skak-tafl, was played on a board divided into squares, and seems to have been most like the present chess.^[250] The board was like the chessboard of our day. To learn the game was part of the education of the high-born, and was considered idróttir. It must have been a great pastime on board ship, for in many of the pieces found are little holes in the centre for pegs, which made them fast and prevented them from being upset or changing place when the vessel rolled. The placing of the pieces was decided by the throwing of dice.

“After the battle at the river Helga, Ulf jarl made a feast for Knut at Roiskelda. They played skaktafl, but the king was very gloomy.... When they had played for a while, the jarl took one of the king’s knights; the king put the piece back, and told him to make another move. The jarl got angry, upset the chessboard (taflbord), and went away” (St. Olaf’s Saga, ch. 163).

The board itself was often very costly, being sometimes made of gold, and was counted among valuable inheritances, and as worthy of adorning the temple of the gods; it was such a treasure that Hrolf Nefia, at the risk of his life, sought to capture one in the temple of Bjarmaland.

Sturlaug went to Bjarmaland, and with his men walked up to a temple.

“He looked into the temple and saw a very large (image of) 354Thor sitting in a high-seat; in front of him was a splendid table covered with silver.... He saw a chessboard and chess-pieces of bright gold”^[251] (Sturlaug’s Saga Starfsama, ch. 18).

The people often spent their time during the long winter evenings in playing chess.

Fig. 1332.—Chess piece of bone.—Norway. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 1333.—Chess piece of bone, found with two other pieces.—Norway. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 1334.—Chess piece of clay, found with three others.—Norway. ⅔ real size.

Fig. 1335.

Fig. 1336.

Fig. 1337.—Draught piece of bone.—Ultuna find. Real size.

“In Brattahlid (a farm), in Grœnland, during the winter, they often amused themselves with chess-playing (tafl), and saga-telling, and many things that could improve their homelife” (Thorfinn Karlsefni, c. 7).

It was customary for women, as well as men, to play at the game.

“He (Gunnlaug Ormstunga) and Helga often amused themselves with chess; they soon liked each other well, as 355was afterwards seen. They were almost of the same age” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, 4).

“One night in the spring Thorir could not sleep; he walked out and it rained hard; he heard a loud bleating from where the lambs were separated from the ewes; Thorir walked there and saw that two kids and two lambs were lying tied on the wall of the fold, and in the fold sat two women playing at chess; the pieces were made of silver, but all the red ones were gilded. They were much startled. Thorir got hold of them and seated them at his side, and asked why they stole his sheep.... Thorir agreed that they might take the sheep with them, but that he should have the chessboard and what belonged to it; on the strings of the taflpung (chess-bag) was a gold ring set with stones, and a silver ring was in the chessboard. Thorir took all this, and they parted” (Gullthori’s Saga, ch. 14).

The temper of the players did not always remain unruffled.

“It happened that Thorgils Bödvarsson and Sám Magnússon quarrelled over a game of chess; Sám wanted to move back a knight which he had exposed, but Thorgils would not allow it. Markús Mardarson advised them to move the knight back and not quarrel. Thorgils said he would not take his advice, and upset the chess, put (the pieces) into the bag, rose and struck Sám on the ear, so that blood flowed” (Sturlunga Saga viii., vol. ii. c. 1).

“Fridthjof sat at a hnefa-tafl when Hilding came. He said: ‘Our kings send thee greetings, and want to have thy help for battle against King Hring, who wants to attack their realm overbearingly and unjustly.’ Fridthjof answered nothing, and said to Björn, with whom he played the game: ‘There is an empty place, foster-brother, and thou shalt not make a move but I will attack the red piece (tafla), and see if thou canst guard it.’ Björn said: ‘Here are two choices, foster-brother, and we can move in two ways.’ Fridthjof answered: ‘It is best to attack the hnefi (= the highest piece) first, and then it is easy to choose what to do’” (Fridthjof’s Saga, ch. 3).

It seems that the pieces that had just been moved were called out in a loud voice.

“The king (Magnus the Good) sat and played at Hneftafl, and a man called out the names of the king’s pieces when Ásmund came.”

356Games with dice were of great antiquity, as seen from the finds, which prove even more than the Sagas how common dice-throwing was. The dice-throwing of the three Northern kings about Hisingen shows that the highest throw won.

Fig. 1338.—Die of bone. Real size.—Ultuna
find.

“On Hising (an island at the mouth of the Gauta river) was a district which had at one time belonged to Norway, and at another to Gautaland. The kings agreed to cast lots about the possession thereof, and throw dice, and that he should have it who threw the highest. The Swedish king threw two sixes, saying that King Olaf need not throw; but he replied, shaking the dice in his hand, ‘there are yet two sixes on the dice, and it is easy for God, my lord, to let them turn up again.’ He threw, and got two sixes. Olaf King of Sweden threw and again got two sixes. Olaf King of Norway threw and there was on one die six, but the other burst asunder, and then there were seven. He then took possession of the district” (St. Olaf’s Saga).

Dancing does not seem to have been a popular amusement before the end of the 11th century; and it is only referred to in a very obscure manner in the following Saga.

“King Godmund, of Glæsisvellir, was to give his sister in marriage to Siggeir, son of King Harek of Bjarmaland, and had prepared a splendid wedding-feast. Bosi was present, disguised in the garb of King Godmund’s councillor Sigurd, whom he had slain. It is not stated how the chiefs were placed, but it is mentioned that Sigurd played on a harp for the bridesmaids; and when the horns were brought in the men said that no one was his equal.... When the horn consecrated to Thor was brought in, Sigurd changed the tune; then all that was loose, both knives and plates, began to move; many jumped from their seats and moved to and fro on the floor; and this continued for a long while. Then came the horn consecrated to all the Asar. Sigurd once more changed the tune, and played so loud that it echoed all around. All in the hall rose, except the bride and bridegroom and the king, and everyone was moving round the hall, for a long while. The king asked if he knew any more tunes, and he said he still had some left, but he told the people to rest first. The men sat down and began to drink. Then he played the 357gygjarslag (air of jötun-woman), and draumbut (dream-piece), and Hjarrandahljod (air of Hjarrandi). When the horn consecrated to Odin came, Sigurd opened the harp, which was so large that a man could stand upright in it; it shone all over like red gold; he took from it white gloves embroidered with gold, and played the air called faldafeykir (the head-dress blower). At this the head-dresses flew off the women, and moved above the crossbeams; the women jumped up, the men sprang to their feet, and nothing could be kept quiet. When this toast was finished, the toast consecrated to Freyja, which was to be the last, came in; Sigurd touched the string which lay across all the others, and which he had not struck before, and told the king to expect hard playing; the king was so startled that he, as well as the bride and bridegroom, jumped up, and none were more lively than they, and this continued for a long while” (Herraud and Bosi’s Saga, ch. 12).

Some of the chiefs or kings had jugglers or buffoons and performing dogs to amuse them and their guests. It seems to have been customary to exercise dogs in jumping over poles. A beggar came to King Magnus Erlingsson.

“The king asked who he was. He answered he was an Icelander of the name Mani, who had come northward from Rúm (Rome). The king said: ‘Thou must know some wisdom, Tungli;^[252] sit down and sing.’ He then sang the Útfarardrápa (poem on a voyage to the Holy Land) which Haldór Skvaldri made about King Sigurd Jorsalafari, and the poem was much liked and thought amusing. Two players^[253] were in the stofa, who made small dogs jump over high poles in front of high-born men, and the more high-born they were the higher they jumped” (Fornmanna Sögur, viii.; Sverri’s Saga).

“Tuta, a Frisian, was with King Harald; he was sent to him for show, for he was short and stout, in every respect shaped like a dwarf” (Harald Hardradi’s Saga).

Horse-fights were a favourite amusement with the people. Several mares were kept near in order to make the horses fight more fiercely: each horse was led by the owner or the trainer. When they rose on their hind feet and began to bite each other, the men who followed supported and urged them 358on, partly by inciting them with a stick. Great chiefs often followed their stallions, and sometimes umpires were chosen, who in doubtful cases decided which horse had the best of it; to own the best horse was a great honour, and in such horse-fights many stallions were often led against each other.

“It happened one summer, as it often does, that there was a horse-fight (in Bergen, Norway). A man by name of Gaut of Mel, high of kin, a great friend of the Sturlungar, had received from Sturla a good horse; it was said by many to be the best in Norway. Arni öreyda, an Icelander, had sent the king a horse which he called the best in Iceland; and these horses were to fight. A large crowd of people gathered there. When the horses were led forth, each of them seemed to be very fine; they were let loose, and came together fiercely, and there followed a splendid fight, both severe and long; but when the fight had lasted some time, the king’s horse slackened. The king did not like this, as could easily be seen. Gaut went round the circle of men, and made good use of the one eye he had. Aron was present there, and with him Thorarin, his kinsman; they were much displeased at the defeat of the horse. Aron was the friend of Arni, but not of Gaut; he thought he knew why it was defeated. As they saw that the king did not heed his horse, they went to him, and Aron said: ‘Do not undervalue your horse, lord, for it must be most precious; but this is not the way of fighting he is used to.’ ‘What way is that?’ asked the king. ‘A man follows each horse, as it is led forth, with a staff in his hand, and strikes the horse’s quarters, and supports the horse when he rises.’ ‘If thou thinkest thou canst make the horse stand,’ said the king, ‘then go.’ Now Aron and Thorarin took off their overcoats, and took sticks in their hands; then they went to where the king’s horse stood outside the circle; they touched it with their sticks, and it started as if it knew why they had come; it rushed at the horse of Gaut, and the latter at it, and they came together violently. The horse of Gaut was now much pressed, for the king’s horse was supported with strength; and it was said that it so had the best chance. As day declined, the horse of Gaut slackened (its efforts), though it would neither retreat nor run. Aron and Thorarin pushed their horse the harder, till the horse of Gaut fell down from exhaustion and hard fighting, and never afterwards rose. Gaut could not remain quiet on account of his anger, and thought that Aron had killed his horse, and was greatly displeased; but one could see 359that the king liked it well. Then other horses were led forth, of which there is no account” (Biskupa Sögur, i.; Aron’s Saga, ch. 18).

Some kinsmen of the chief Glúm came to him one autumn, and a feast was made for them.

“When they made ready to go home, Glúm gave his kinsman Bjarni a red stallion, six winters old, and said he would give him another if any horse surpassed this one. They went home from the feast, and Bjarni at once fed it on hay, and it was very well kept there. The next summer he was very curious to know how it would fight. He talked about having a fight against a horse owned by Thorkel Geirason of Skörd, and it was decided that they should make the horses fight at Midsummer at Máfahjalli. Thormód and his son Eyjúlf had a grey stallion with a mane of a different colour, and always sold horses begotten by it, but did not like to use it in a horse-fight. It is said that once the stallions of Thormód and Bjarni met and bit each other so that they were all bloody. The servant of Bjarni came to him and said that he had seen the two stallions bitten, and red all over. Bjarni sent word to Thorkel that they would not have the horse-fight, as his stallion was no longer able to fight. Bjarni supposed that Eyjúlf and his father Thormód had made the horses fight, as they could not have maltreated each other thus by themselves, and therefore offered to have a horse-fight when eight weeks of the summer had passed. Thormód asked his son to decide whether to do it or not, for he wanted the fight. The horses were led forward, and the fight went on well till eleven rounds had passed. Then Eyjúlf’s stallion took hold of the jawbone of Bjarni’s, and held on until Bjarni came up and struck it off. Eyjúlf turned round and struck the stallion, and the stick rebounded heavily from the horse and hit Bjarni’s shoulder. The horses were parted at once. Eyjúlf went to Bjarni and said this mishap had not been wished by him. ‘I will show whether I did this intentionally or not. I will give thee sixty rams if thou wilt not blame me for this, and then thou canst see that I did not wish this to happen.’ Bjarni said that he had caused it himself, and thought they had not made the stallions bloody. Then they went home. In the autumn at the réttir (sheep-meeting) Eyjúlf took out sixty rams. Thormód asked what he was going to do with these. Eyjúlf answered that he had given them to Bjarni. Thormód said, ‘The blow was heavy, nor is the payment little.’ As soon as he had said this Bjarni turned to him and struck him a death-blow, 360and would not receive the sheep” (Vemund’s Saga, ch. 23).^[254]

These horse-fights occasionally led to a struggle.

“In the summer a large horse-fight (hestathing) was appointed at Langafit above Reykjar, and thither came many men. Atli of Bjarg (Gretti’s brother) had a good horse, with a dark stripe along the back, and of Keingála’s breed (a famous mare which had been owned by Gretti’s father). Father and son thought a great deal of the horse. The brothers Kormak and Thorgils of Mel had a brown horse, fearless in fight. The horse of the brothers and that of Atli from Bjarg were to fight against each other. There were also many other good horses. Odd Úmagaskald, a kinsman of Kormak, was to attend the horse of the brothers during that day; he had become a strong man, was very proud, overbearing, and reckless. Gretti asked his brother Atli who should attend to his horse. ‘I have not quite decided that,’ Atli said. ‘Do you wish me to stand near it?’ Gretti asked. ‘Be very quiet, then, kinsman,’ Atli added, ‘for we have to deal with proud men.’ ‘They will have to pay for their overbearing,’ continued Gretti, ‘if they do not keep it within bounds.’ These horses were now led forward, while the others were standing tied together near the bank of the river, which was there deep.

“The horses bit each other savagely, and afforded the greatest amusement. Odd followed his horse eagerly, while Gretti retreated and seized the horse’s tail with one hand, holding in the other a staff, with which he whipped him.... The horses while fighting moved towards the river; Odd thrust at Gretti with the staff, and hit his shoulder-blade, which was turned towards him. The blow was so violent that the flesh was bruised, but Gretti was only slightly wounded. At that moment the horses rose high on their hind legs. Gretti jumped under the haunch of his horse and thrust his staff into the side of Odd, with such force that three of his ribs were broken, and he fell into the river with his horse as well as all the others. Men swam out to him, and he was pulled up from the river. At this there was much shouting. Kormak and his men and those from Bjarg seized their weapons; when the men from Hrutafjord and those from Vatnsnes saw this they interceded, and they were parted, and went home threatening each other; but they nevertheless kept quiet for awhile. Atli spoke little of it, but Gretti was rather loud-spoken, and said they would meet again, if he had his way” (Gretti’s Saga, ch. 29).

361“Wherever a man makes the horse of another fight without the owner’s permission he shall pay the loss that ensues and öfundarbót^[255] to the owner, according to lawful judgment. If the hurt is valued at half a mark, he shall pay full rett according to law, as if it were done from hatred or envy. Every man shall answer for himself at a horse-fight, whoever may have the fight. If a man strikes a horse without necessity at a horse-fight, he shall pay öfundarbót to the owner; and if the horse is damaged by it, he shall pay indemnity for damages and rett-of-envy to the owner” (N. G. L., ii. 126).

Weaving and embroidery—The housewife’s keys—General occupation of ordinary women—Queens brewing ale and bleaching linen—Looms—Amazons.

High-born women occupied themselves with weaving and embroidery, participated in the household duties, and took charge of the estate while their husbands were absent.

The wife had a bunch of keys at her side, to show her authority over the household; and in many graves of women keys either of iron or bronze have been found.

Fig. 1339.—Bundle of bronze keys in a large stone cist made of slabs; found with two human skeletons upon a bed made of birch bark, &c. ¼ real size.—Norway.

The women had a special habitation called Dyngja or Skemma, which men were not allowed to enter, and where their female friends visited them.

In earlier days it seems to have been the custom for fathers to have champions outside keeping guard in order to prevent men from coming into the women’s quarters; and these champions are described as having taken animal shape.^[256]

The Bayeux tapestry^[257] corroborates in many points the truthfulness of the Sagas; for example, when referring to the dragon-ship, 363ornamented with shields, striped sails, small boats, &c., the ancient wood carvings, some of which are shown in this work, the clothing and cloaks which are only worn by the higher-born, and which are fastened with fibulæ on the right shoulder, and the embroidery.

“Then his foster-daughter Brynhild returned to Heimir. She spent her time in a bower with her maidens, and surpassed in handiwork all other women. She made embroidery with gold, and sewed thereon the great deeds of Sigurd, the slaying of the serpent, the taking of the treasure, and Regin’s death” (Volsunga Saga, c. 24).

“Gudrun went on until she came to the hall of King Half, and stayed there with Thora, Hakon’s daughter, in Denmark seven seasons (i.e., half-years), and was well entertained; she made embroidery, and worked thereon many great deeds and fine games, which were customary at that time, swords and coats of mail and all the outfit of a king, and King Sigmund’s ships gliding along the shore. They also embroidered how Sigar and Siggeir fought on Fyen. This was their enjoyment, and Gudrun now somewhat forgot her grief” (Volsunga Saga, c. 32).

The general occupation of ordinary women was to milk cows, prepare food and drink, serve the men, work in the field, and especially make the hay, card wool, attend to the clothes,^[258] wash the men’s heads, and pull off their clothes when they went to bed; a custom still prevalent in many parts of Scandinavia.^[259]

Women of high rank even superintended the work of the farm, and had at times no small amount of authority.

Fig. 1340.—Needle of iron. Real size.

Fig. 1341.—Needle of bronze. Real size. Found with a pincette of bronze, a fragment of a double-edged sword, an axe of iron, a bronze chain, &c.—Norway.

Fig. 1342.—Silver needle. Real size. Found in an oblong mound with glass and amber pearls and two clay urns, in one of which were burnt bones.—Norway.

364“Thorbjörn Skrjúp lived next to the farm of Thórd in Laxárdal. He was wealthy, mostly in gold and silver; he was also large in stature and of great strength.... Höskuld bought a ship from a Shetlandman and equipped it, announcing that he intended to go abroad, but would leave Jórun at home to take care of the farm and their children. He set sail....” (Laxdæla, c. 11).

Grettir had been captured, and they were going to hang him.

“Then they saw six men ride farther down in the valley; one of them was in coloured clothes. They guessed that Thorbjörg, housewife at Vatnsfjord, was there, and so it was. She was going to the sæter (mountain pasture). She was a highly accomplished woman, and very wise; she ruled the district, and settled all matters, when Vermund, her husband, who was a godi, was not at home” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 52).

One summer, Thorodd, bondi at the farm Froda, in Iceland, rose early one morning—

“And distributed work; some took the horses, and the women had to dry the hay, and the work was divided between them. Thorgunna had to dry as much as the fodder of a bull, and they did much work that day” (Eyrbyggja, ch. 51).

The mischief caused by gossiping women is occasionally referred to.

“The hall was 100 ells^[260] long, and five fathoms broad; to the south of it was the room (dyngja) of Aud and Asgerd, and they sat there sewing. Thorkel went thither and lay down near it. Asgerd said: ‘Help me, Aud, and cut a shirt for my bondi Thorkel.’ Aud answered: ‘I know no better than thyself how to do that, and thou wouldst not ask me if thou hadst to make one for my brother Vestein.’ Asgerd replied: ‘What concerns Vestein is a thing by itself; and thus it will be for some time; but I love him more than my husband Thorkel, though we may never enjoy each other.’ Aud added: ‘I knew long ago what Thorkel thought about it, and how it went; let us talk no more of it.’ Asgerd said: ‘I think it no fault that I love Vestein, but I heard that thou and Thorgrim often met before thou wast married.’ Aud replied: ‘No harm was in 365that, and I preferred no man to Gisli so there was no dishonour in it; let us leave off this talk.’ And so they did. Thorkel heard every word, and exclaimed: ‘Hear great wonders! hear words of fate! hear great talk, which will cause the death of one man or more!’ Thereupon he went away. And said: ‘The talk of women often causes evil, and it may be that by this evil will be occasioned; let us think over what we shall do.’ Asgerd said: ‘I have bethought myself of an expedient.’ ‘What is that?’ asked Aud. ‘I will put my arms around the neck of my husband, Thorkel, when we get into bed this evening and be very affectionate; his mind will change at this, so that he will forgive me. I will also tell him that this is such a lie, that it is of no consequence though we have babbled about it. But if he should want to make any fuss about it, give me other advice. Or what expedient art thou going to take?...’ In the evening Gisli came home from his work. It was the custom of Thorkel to thank his brother Gisli for the work; this time he did not, and spoke not a word to him. Gisli asked: ‘Art thou not well, brother, as thou art so silent?’ Thorkel answered: ‘I am not sick, but this is worse than sickness.’ Gisli asked: ‘Have I done anything which thou dislikest, brother?’ ‘Nothing,’ said Thorkel. Gisli said: ‘It is well, for I would least of all that we should disagree. But nevertheless I should like much to know what is the cause of thy sadness.’ Thorkel answered: ‘Thou wilt know it, although later.’ Gisli went away, and then went to bed. Thorkel retired first. When Asgerd came to bed Thorkel said: ‘I do not mean thee to sleep here this night.’ She said: ‘What is more befitting than that I should sleep with my husband? or why has thy mind changed so soon? But what is the cause?’ ‘Thou knowest the cause,’ said Thorkel, ‘and I know it also.’ ‘What is the need of talking in this way?’ added she; ‘believe not the foolish talk of us women, for when we are alone we always chatter about things in which there is little truth; and so it is in this case.’ Asgerd then put both arms around his neck, and was very affectionate, and begged him not to believe such things. Thorkel told her to go away. Asgerd said: ‘... I give thee two choices: either to take as unsaid what we have talked about, and not believe that which is not true; or that I at once name my witnesses and declare separation from thee. Then I will do what I like, and it may be that thou then wilt have reason to speak of real enmity. I shall let my father claim my mund and dower.’ Thorkel was silent, but after a while said: ‘I think it is best for thee to creep under there at the bedside to-night.’ She got into bed, and they agreed as if nothing had occurred. Aud 366went to the bed of her husband Gisli, and told him all the talk of herself and Asgerd. She begged him not to be angry, and to give good advice if he thought necessary. ‘I know that Thorkel wants my brother Vestein to be killed, if possible.’ Gisli answered: ‘I cannot give any good advice, but I will not blame thee for this, because some one must speak the words of fate’” (Gisli Sursson’s Saga).

Even queens attended to the brewing of ale and bleaching of linen.^[261]

“One day when Thordis went out to her linen,^[262] the weather was fine, the sun shone and the wind blew from the south” (Ljosvetninga, ch. 5).

“King Alrek, who lived in Alreksstadir, ruled over Hördaland; he was married to Signy, a king’s daughter from Vörs. One of his hirdmen, Koll, followed him north into Sogn, and told him much of the beauty of Geirhild, Drif’s daughter; he had seen her at the brewing of ale, and said he wanted him to marry her. Hött, who proved to be Odin, went to visit her when she was at her linen, and bargained with her that Alrek should marry her, but that she should invoke him for all things. The king saw her on his way home, and made their wedding the same autumn. He rewarded Koll well for his faithfulness, and gave him jarldom and residence in Kollsey, south of Hardsæ which is a populous district. King Alrek could not have them both as wives on account of their disagreement, and said he would have the one who brewed the best ale for him when he should come home from an expedition. They vied in the ale-brewing. Signy invoked Freyja, and Geirhild, Hött, who gave his spittle as ferment, and said he wanted for his help that which was between the tub and herself;^[263] the ale proved to be good; then Alrek sang:

In that year, Vikar, the son of King Alrek and Geirhild was born” (Half’s Saga, c. i.).

That the people knew the art of weaving^[264] we have ample 367proofs in the sagas, and also in the finds. From the following description we know what the looms were like.

Fig. 1343.—Ancient loom from the Färoes in Bergen Museum.

“It happened one morning, Good Friday, in Kateness (Caithness, Scotland), that a man called Dorrud went out of doors, and saw that twelve men were riding together to a woman’s house and there disappeared. He went there and looked through a ‘light hole’ and saw other women who had set up a web on the loom. The weights (whorles) were human heads, but the woof and the warp were intestines of men, a spear was used as a spindle and an arrow as a shuttle” (Njal Saga).

Whorls are very common in the graves.

Many examples occur of women taking to the profession of arms, and often fighting as bravely as the most valiant 368warriors;^[265] and that this custom was not altogether unknown in some parts of Europe at a later period than that of the Viking age is shown by the appearance of Joan of Arc.

Fig. 1344.

Fig. 1345.

Fig. 1346.—Specimen of a peculiar weaving shuttle formed in the shape of a short double-edged blade—the back being formed for putting on a handle. Specimens found in several women’s graves. About ¼ real size.—Norway.

“Svafa, the daughter of Bjartmar jarl, gave birth to a girl; most people thought she ought to be exposed, and said she would not have the character of a woman if she became like the kinsmen of her father.^[266] The jarl had her besprinkled with water, and brought up and called her Hervör, and said the kin of Arngrim’s son was not quite dead while she was alive. When she grew up she was fair; she practised more shooting and the handling of sword and shield than sewing and embroidering; she was tall and strong, and as soon as she was able she oftener did evil than good; when she was hindered from that she ran into the woods and slew men in order to take their property. When the jarl knew this he took her home, and there she stayed for a while” (Hervarar Saga, ch. 6; also Herraud and Bosi’s Saga, c. 2, and Atlakvida.)

Bodily and mental exercises—Love of athletics—Jumping—Climbing—Popularity of wrestling—Different modes of wrestling—Running—Games of ball—Skin-pulling—Swimming—Some extraordinary feats in swimming—Webbing the fingers—Warlike exercises—Dexterity in the handling of weapons—Archery—Proficiency of chiefs in athletics and gymnastics.

Bodily as well as mental exercises were known under the name of Idróttir. In no ancient records have we so many detailed accounts of games as we have in the Sagas. The education of the Northmen was thoroughly Spartan in its character. To this day the love of athletic games is one of the characteristics of their most direct descendants, the English people; and other countries have lately awakened to the importance of physical training.

Their exercises or games may be classified under three heads.

1st. Athletic games or gymnastic exercises, such as wrestling, swimming, running, jumping, leaping, balancing, climbing, playing at ball, racing on snow-shoes, skin-pulling, &c., &c.

2nd. Warlike exercises with weapons, which embraced fencing, spear-throwing, arrow-shooting, slinging, &c., &c.

3rd. Mental exercises, consisting of poetry, Saga-telling, riddles, games of chess and draughts, and harp-playing.

In those days of incessant warfare, physical training was considered of the highest importance. Old and young constantly practised games of strength and dexterity; they knew that it was only by constant exercise that they could become or remain good warriors. This made the young men supple, quick of foot, dexterous in motion, and gave them great power of endurance, insuring a good physique, which told on their children and future generations. They were thus always prepared for war, and this is the key to the character of the 370old Viking. We see what a healthy and powerful man he must have been, skilful alike to strike the fatal blow, and avoid the treacherous sword, spear or arrow. The result of such education was seen in the powerful and strong bodily frame that was attained by the youth of the country, the young men being of age and ready for war at the age of fifteen.

There were constant competitions for the honour of the championship in each of the particular games or exercises, and young and old competed together on special grounds which were selected for that purpose, where the assembled and admiring multitude came to witness these contests. There seem to have been no prizes given to the successful competitor—at least no mention is ever made of them. All that was desired was the fame which fell to the victor, and every great warrior always excelled in the use of weapons or in athletic exercises.

Their love of physical exercise explains how these dauntless and manly tribes, who had a virile civilisation of their own, contributed to regenerate the blood of the people among whom they settled or whom they conquered.

Jumping was a favourite exercise of the Norsemen. Some men could jump higher than their own height, both backwards and forwards, and this with their weapons and complete armour on.

Agility was absolutely necessary in order to obtain victory or escape from danger; many a man owed his life either to a timely jump to one side, or to a leap from a height, or over a circle of surrounding foes.

“One day as they (Herraud and Bosi) sailed near the land in a strong gale, a man standing on a rock asked to be allowed to go with them. Herraud said he could not go out of his course for him, but if he could reach the ship he might go with them. The man jumped from the rock, and came down on the tiller; it was a leap of thirty feet” (Herraud and Bosi’s Saga, ch. 3).

“Sigurd ran down on the single path, but Leif came to where Heri, one of Sigurd’s companions, lay, and quickly turned, ran forward on the island, and jumped down to the foreshore, and men say it is ninety feet down to the beach” (Færeyinga Saga, ch. 57).

371“Lambi Sigurdson ran at Kari from behind and thrust a spear at him; but Kari saw him and jumped up, at the same time spreading his legs. The spear came down into the ground, and Kari stepped on the handle and broke it asunder” (Njala, ch. 146).

“Skarphedin stood with his axe on his shoulder, smiling scornfully, and said: ‘This axe I had in my hand when I leapt 12 ells (24 feet) over Markarfljót and slew Thrain Sigfusson, and they stood there eight men, and none of them got hold of me’” (Njala, c. 120).

“Skarphedin (son of Njal, a great champion) started up when he was ready, holding the axe Rimmugyg in the air; he ran forward to the channel of the river, which was so deep that it was completely impassable. Much ice had been forced up on the other side of the river, and it was as slippery as glass; they (Thrain and his men) stood in the middle of it. Skarphedin swung himself aloft and leapt over the river between the sheets of ice, and did not stop, but ran sliding on the ice. This was very slippery, and he advanced as swiftly as a flying bird. Thrain was going to put on his helmet. Skarphedin came up to them and aimed at Thrain with his axe, struck his head, and cleft it down to the jaw, so that they fell down on the ice. This happened so suddenly that nobody could deal him a blow. He ran away instantly with great speed” (Njala, c. 92).^[267]

Climbing was another of their exercises.

“King Olaf once had his ships in a harbour, not far from a very high mountain and most steep rocks. One day two of his hirdmen were talking about their idróttir, and each thought himself the better, and that he knew more games than the other. They contended as to who could climb the steepest rock; they disputed about this so keenly, that at last they made a bet, and one wagered his gold ring, and the other his head. After this they both climbed the rock. The first went so far that he was in danger of falling down, and then returned in fear, and could with difficulty save himself from injury; the other climbed up to the middle of the mountain, but there he dared go neither forward nor backward, nor even move, for he had but little hold either for hands or feet; his position was so dangerous, that he saw his downfall and death were certain if he should make the least movement where he was. He shouted in great fear for King Olaf or his men to help him. When the king heard his shout, and found out what it was about, he bade 372them save him, saying that it would be a deed of great bravery if any one should dare to do it. When the king saw that no one stirred, he threw off his cloak and ran up the rock to the man as if it had been a level plain, took him under his arm, and went farther up with him. He then turned to go down with the man under his arm, and laid him unharmed on the ground. All praised this as a great feat, and the fame thereof was widely spread” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, vol. ii.; Fornmanna Sögur).^[268]

Wrestling was a very popular pastime, and had a beneficial effect on the body, to which it gave suppleness, strength and firmness; it was a great favourite at the Things and festivals. The most simple form of this sport was for the wrestlers to take hold of each other’s arms or waists as best they could, and by the strength of their arms to throw each other off their feet. The wrestlers often threw off not only the outer clothing, but also their under-garments, in order to be more free and agile. The competitors were divided by lots into two parties, each of which was drawn up in a row with its leader. These paired off their men to wrestle in the arena or space between the two rows, one after the other. If one side was weaker in numbers, or one man had had all his men defeated, he could challenge his antagonist, and the result of their wrestling decided the game.

A more difficult form of wrestling was that of grappling, and attacking each other (sometimes fastened together by a belt at the waist) according to certain rules, and by systematic turnings and grip movements, with arms and legs, seeking to bring each other to the ground. These combats for the championship sometimes ended fatally.

“The sons of Thórd were the leaders of the games. Thorbjörn Öngul was very overbearing, and quickly forced any one he wanted to take part in the game, seizing him by the hand, and pulling him forward to the field. Those who were less strong wrestled first, and then one after the other, which caused great amusement. When most of them had wrestled, except the strongest, the bœndr talked about who of these should contend against each of the sons of Thord; but no one came forward. They went before different men and challenged them, with the same result. Thorbjörn Öngul looked around, and saw that there sat a man of large size, 373whose face could not be clearly seen. Thorbjörn took hold of him, and pulled hard; but he sat still and did not move. Then Thorbjörn said: ‘No one has sat so firm before me to-day as thou; but who art thou?’ ‘My name is Gest’ (guest), he replied. ‘If thou wilt take part in some game, thou art a welcome guest.’ He answered: ‘It seems to me, many things may change, and I will not join in games with you, who are entirely unknown to me.’ Many said that he would do well if he, though a stranger, would give them some amusement. He asked what they wanted of him. They asked him to wrestle with some one. He said he had ceased to wrestle, ‘but,’ he added, ‘there was a time when I enjoyed it greatly.’”

“Thord rushed at Grettir, but he stood firm without flinching. Grettir then stretched his hand to the back of Thord and got hold of his breeches, lifted him off his feet, over his head, and threw him down behind him, so that Thord’s shoulders came down with a heavy thud. Then they said that the two brothers should attack him at the same time, and they did so; there was a hard tussle, and each had the better of it by turns, although Grettir always had one of them under him. They fell by turns on their knees or dragged each other along; they grasped each other so tightly that they were all blue and bloody. All thought this the greatest fun, and when they stopped thanked them for the wrestling; and it was the opinion of all who were present that the two brothers were not stronger than Grettir, though each of them had the strength of two strong men” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 72 and 74).

Thórd Fangari challenged Klaufi, who was only ten winters old, to wrestle, and called him a coward if he would not.

“They summoned many people to Hof, for Thórd would wrestle nowhere except there. They began and wrestled long, until a bondmaid came into the door of the women’s room and called it bondmaid-wrestling, as neither of them fell, and told them to kiss each other and then stop. Klaufi got angry at this, and raised Thórd up on his breast, and threw him down so hard that all thought he was hurt” (Svarfdæla, c. 12).

“One summer at the Althing men were divided in two parties at the Fangabrekka (wrestling-brink, slope), Nordlendings (men from the northern part of the land) and Vestfirdings (from the western fjords). The Nordlendings were defeated, and their leader was Már, the son of Glúm. Ingolf, the son of Thorvald of Rangárvellir, came there. Már said: ‘Thou art a stout man; thou must be strong; be on my side in the 374wrestling.’ He answered: ‘I will do it for thy sake.’ The man who opposed him fell, and the second and the third also; this pleased the Nordlendings. Már said: ‘If thou needest my help in words I will help thee; but what art thou going to do now?’ He answered: ‘I have not decided on anything, but I would like best to go northward and get work.’ Már said: ‘I want thee to go with me’” (Viga Glum, c. 13).^[269]

Some men were said to run as fast as the fleetest horse. It was often customary to run with loads, especially arms.

“There was in Iceland an outlawed thief named Geir, who was so quick of foot that no horse could overtake him” (Sturlunga, ii., ch. 13).

“Harald Gilli was a tall and slender man, long-necked, rather long-laced, black-eyed, dark-haired, nimble and swift; he often wore an Irish dress, short and light clothes; he spoke Norwegian with great difficulty,^[270] and stammered much, and many made much fun of this. Once Harald sat at a drinking-bout, and spoke to another man about Ireland; he said that there were men in Ireland so swift-footed, that no horse when galloping could overtake them. Magnus, the king’s son, heard this, and said: ‘Now he lies once more, as he is wont.’ Harald answered: ‘This is true, that men can be found in Ireland whom no horse in Norway will outstrip.’ They talked somewhat about this; they were both drunk. Then Magnus said: ‘Thou shalt bet thy head that thou canst run as fast as I ride my horse, and I will lay my gold ring against it.’ Harald answered: ‘I do not say that I can run so fast, but I can find men in Ireland who will, and I can make a wager about that.’ Magnus, king’s son, answered: ‘I will not go to Ireland; let us make the wager here and not there.’ Then Harald went to sleep, and did not want to have any more to do with him. The next morning, when the matins were finished, Magnus rode up to the roads; he sent word to Harald to come there. When he came he was dressed in a shirt and strap-breeches, a short cloak (möttul), with an Irish hat on his head, and a spear in his hand. Magnus marked out the race-course. Harald said: ‘Thou makest it too long.’ Magnus at once made it far longer, and said it was still too short. There were many people present. Then they galloped off, and Harald followed the whole way at the shoulder of the horse. When they came to the end of the course, Magnus said: ‘Thou hadst hold of the strap of the 375saddle-girth, and the horse pulled thee along.’ Magnus had a very fast horse from Gautland. Then they raced again, and Harald ran in front of the horse the whole way. When they came to the end, Harald asked: ‘Did I this time take hold of the saddle-girth?’ Magnus answered: ‘Thou didst begin the race first.’ Magnus let the horse breathe awhile; when he had done that he pricked his horse with his spurs, and it soon started off; Harald stood quiet. Then Magnus looked back, and shouted: ‘Run now.’ Then Harald soon outran the horse far in front of it, and so all the way to the end of the course; he reached the end so long before Magnus that he lay down, jumped up and greeted him when he came. Then they went home to the town. King Sigurd had been at mass during that time, and did not hear of the matter until after his meal that day. Then he said angrily to Magnus: ‘You call Harald silly, but I think you are a fool; you do not know the customs of men in other lands; did you not know before that men in other lands train themselves in other idróttir than in filling their belly with drink, or making themselves mad and disabled, and unconscious; give Harald his ring, and never hereafter, while my head is above ground, make fun of him” (Sigurd Jorsalafar’s Saga, ch. 35).

There were three kinds of games of ball: Knattleik, Soppleik, and Sköfuleik. The latter was played with sköfur (scrapers).

“Once the king (Hring) had a game called soppleik; it was played with eagerness, and they tried Bósi in it; but he played roughly, and one of the king’s men had his hand put out of joint. The next day he broke the thigh-bone of a man, and the third day two men attacked him, while many were harassing him; he knocked out the eye of one with the ball, and he knocked down another man and broke his neck” (Herraud and Bósi’s Saga, c. 3).

These games of ball and other athletic games became serious when two districts met, or when two men were jealous of each other, and sometimes ended in bloody fights.

Kolgrim the old, son of Alf hersir in Throndheim, lived at Ferstikla in Iceland; he was one of the first settlers.

“Kolgrim sent word to the men of Botn to have Sköfuleikar and Knattleikar at Sand, to which they agreed. The games began and continued until after Yule; the men of Botn were usually defeated, for Kolgrim arranged it so that the men from Strandir were the stronger in the game. Many shoes 376were used up by the men of Botn, as they often walked there; and the hide of an ox was cut up into shoes.^[271] The people thought Kolgrim wanted to know about the disappearance of the ox, and therefore had had these games; he thought he recognized the hide of the ox on their feet. Then they were called ox-men, and again were ill-used. At home they talked about this ill-treatment, and said they would soon give up the games. Hörd spoke harshly to them, saying that they were great cowards if they dared not to take revenge, and were only ready for evil doings. Then Thórd and Thorgeir Gyrdilskeggi, an outlaw, had come to Hörd. Hörd had made horn scrapers during the night. Every man was ready to go to the game when Hörd went, though they were rather backward before. Önund Thormódsson of Brekka was to play against Hörd; he was a popular and strong man. The game was very rough, and before evening six of the men of Strandir lay dead, but none of the men of Botn; and both parties went home” (Hörd’s Saga, ch. 29).

“One day the sons of the King (Njörfi) and of Jarl Viking played at ball; as usual the sons of Njörfi were very keen, and Thorstein spared his strength. He played against Jökul, and Olaf against Thórir, and the others according to their age. Thus it was during the day. Thórir threw down the ball so hard that it bounded over Olaf and fell a long way off. Olaf got angry and fetched the ball. When he came back the men were preparing to go home. Then Olaf struck at Thórir with the bat, and when Thórir saw it he ran under the bat, which hit his head and bruised it. Thorstein and others ran between them, and they were parted” (Thorstein Vikingsson, 10).^[272]

One day two unknown men came to Thorgnýr Jarl in Jotland, and said they were brothers.

“There often were games of ball; many asked the brothers to go to the games: they said they had often been at these games and were rather rough-handed. The Jarl’s men said they would take care of themselves whatever might happen. The next morning the brothers went to the games, and generally had the ball during the day; they pushed men and let them fall roughly, and beat others. At night three men had their arms broken, and many were bruised or maimed; 377the Jarl’s men now thought themselves ill-treated, and this lasted for several days.”

Then Stefnir, the Jarl’s son, got Hrólf to go with him against them.

“The next day Hrólf and Stefnir went to the games; the brothers had also come. Hrafn took the ball, and Krák the bat, and they played as they were wont. The Jarl sat on a chair and looked at the game, and when they had played it for a while Hrólf got hold of the ball. He snatched the bat from Krák and handed it to Stefnir. They then played for a long time, and the brothers did not get hold of the ball. Once when Hrafn ran after the ball a young kinsman of the Jarl’s, who liked to banter with others, put out his foot so that Hrafn fell. He got very angry, jumped up at once, caught the man, lifted him up, and flung him down on his head so that his neck was broken” (Göngu Hrolf, ix.).

“Once Víglund struck the ball out of Jökul’s (of Foss) reach; Jökul got angry, took the ball, and flung it at Viglund’s forehead so hard that both his eyebrows hung down. Trausti cut a piece from his shirt and tied up the brows of his brother. When he had done that the men of Foss had gone” (Viglund’s Saga, ch. 11).

The most popular of these games was the Knattleik. Special places were chosen, generally the ice of a frozen lake. The Breidvikings used to have games of ball during the long winter nights; and where these took place shelters were built for the people, for the games often lasted for a fortnight.

The balls, which were very hard and seem to have been made of wood, were struck by a bat of wood called knatt-tré. In this game, which often became serious from the wounds inflicted by ball or bat, two men of equal strength usually played together. Knattleik was played as follows: The ball, usually of wood, was thrown with the hand into the air, and then struck with the bat; another person caught it with his hands, or knocked it back with a kind of bat. This the other players sought to prevent by shoving him aside or throwing him down, or by striking the ball away from him. If he let the ball fly beyond the bounds, or fall to the ground, he had to go in search of it.

“It was the custom of the men of Breidavik in the autumn 378to have games of ball about the winter nights. Men came there from the whole district, and large halls were raised for the games. Men dwelt there for half a month or more” (Eyrbyggja, ch. 43).

“Games were then held in Asbjarnarnes, and men gathered for them from many districts, from Vididal, from Midfjord, Vatnsnes, Vatnsdal, and all the way from Langadal. There was a crowd of people. All talked about how much Kjartan surpassed others. Then the games were prepared, and Hall managed them. He asked Kjartan to take part in them. ‘We want thee, kinsman, to show thy skill in them.’ Kjartan answered: ‘Little exercise did I have in games during the last time, for King Olaf employed himself with other matters; but this time I will not refuse thee.’ He made ready for the play, and the strongest men present were pitted against him. They played during the day, and no man equalled Kjartan, either in strength or skill. In the evening, when the games were finished, Hall Gudmundsson rose and said: ‘It is the offer and will of my father that all those who have come the longest way here shall remain overnight and begin the amusement again to-morrow.’ This offer was thought chief-like and much praised. Kálf Asgeir’s son was there, and was a great friend of Kjartan; Hrefna, his sister, was also there, splendidly dressed. That night 100 men were on the farm besides the household. The following day they were divided for the games. Kjartan then sat and looked on” (Laxdæla, ch. 45).^[273]

Skin-pulling, which was like the modern pastime the tug-of-war, is seldom mentioned.

“The king said: ‘We (Hörd and himself) will pull a goat’s skin across the fire in this hall to-morrow....’ Early next morning they went into the hall; a large fire had been made there. A little after the king came, and said: ‘I will get Hástigi to pull with thee, Hörd.’ Hörd answered: ‘It is well for us to try skin-pulling; so make thyself ready, Hástigi.’ Hástigi took off all his clothes, but Hörd did not take off his fur-cloak. A very strong walrus-hide was given to them. Then they set to with hard grips and tuggings, and each alternately was successful. They soon pulled the hide asunder between them. The king ordered the ox-hide to be brought to them. Then they pulled with all their might, and so hard, that they were in danger of falling into the fire. 379Hástigi was the stronger, but Hörd was more agile and nimble. The king said: ‘Thou dost not pull, Hástigi, as thou allowest this child to struggle so long against thee.’ Hástigi replied: ‘It will not last long if I use all my strength.’ While they were speaking, Hjalmter took the sword and the sax, and put them in front of the feet of Hörd; nobody saw this, because the fur-cloak projected. Then Hástigi pulled so hard that Hörd nearly fell into the fire, and thought he had never had such a tug. They both pulled so hard, that all wondered that they were not dead from over-exertion and could endure it. Hörd said to Hástigi: ‘Look out; for now I will use my strength, and thou wilt not live long.’ ‘I will,’ answered Hástigi. Hörd then pulled with all his strength, and pulled Hástigi forward into the fire, and threw the hide over him; he jumped on his back, and then went to his bench. The king ordered them to take the man out of the fire; he was much burnt. The king was very angry, though he saw it was chiefly his own fault” (Hjalmter’s and Olver’s Saga, ch. 17).

To such a maritime people, the idrótt of swimming was most important. There were men who could swim for miles with armour on, or with a companion on their shoulders. Occasionally it happened that a fierce struggle ensued in the water, and that the stronger carried his adversary down to the bottom, holding him until he was almost half drowned, and unable to offer any further resistance.

“One day in fine weather and warm sunshine many men were swimming, both from the long-ship and the trading-ship. An Icelander who was swimming amused himself by taking under water the men who did not swim so well as himself. They laughed at it. King Sigurd heard it and saw; then he threw off his clothes and jumped out, swam to the Icelander, took hold of him and put him under water, and kept him there, and as soon as the Icelander came up again the king put him down again. Then Sigurd Sigurdsson said: ‘Shall we let the king drown the man?’ A man said that no one seemed very willing to go to them. Then he answered: ‘If Dag Eilifson were here, he would be the man to do it.’ Then he jumped overboard and swam to the king, took hold of him, and said: ‘Do not kill the man, lord; all now see that thou swimmest far better. The king said: ‘Let me alone, Sigurd, I shall kill him; he wants to drown our men.’ Sigurd said: ‘Now let us play first; and thou, Icelander, swim to the land.’ He did so. The king 380let Sigurd loose and swam to his ship; Sigurd did the same” (Sigurd Jorsalafar’s Saga, ch. 36).

“They (Olaf Tryggvason and Eindridi) went to the shore and the men with them. The king and Eindridi undressed. They swam off and played a long time with each other, and alternately dragged each other down, and finally they were so long under water that they were not expected to come up; but at last King Olaf rose and swam ashore. He went up and rested himself, but did not dress; no one knew nor dared to ask what had become of Eindridi. After a long time they saw him; he had got a very large seal, and sat on its back; he clung to it with both hands in its bristles, and thus steered it, and, when he came near the shore, let it go. The king sprang up and swam out to him, thrust him under water and held him down for a long time; when they came up, the king swam ashore, but Eindridi was so exhausted that he could not save himself; when the king saw this, he went to him and helped him ashore. When Eindridi began to recover and they were dressed, the king said: ‘Thy swimming idrótt is great, Eindridi; but nevertheless God is to be thanked that thou wast inferior to me, as all could see, when I had to take thee ashore.’ ‘Thou canst think whatever thou likest about that,’ replied Eindridi. ‘But,’ asked the king, ‘why didst thou not kill the seal, and drag it ashore?’ ‘Because,’ answered Eindridi, ‘I did not want thee to say that I had found it dead.’” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, vol. ii., p. 270; Fornmanna Sögur).

Kjartan, son of the Icelandic chief Olaf, went to Nidaros in Norway.

“One fine day in autumn men went from the town to swim in the river Nid. The Icelanders saw this. Kjartan told his companions that they ought to go to the swimming and amuse themselves; this they did. One man swam far better than others. Kjartan asked Bolli if he would try his powers of swimming with this man of the town. Bolli answered: ‘I do not think I am able to do it.’ Kjartan said: ‘I do not know where thy ambition is now; then I will.’ Bolli replied: ‘Do as thou likest.’ Kjartan threw himself into the river, and swam to the man who was the best swimmer; he took him down at once, and kept him beneath the surface for a while; he then let him come up, and when they had not been long above water the man took hold of Kjartan and pulled him under water, and they were under water as long as Kjartan thought convenient. They came up again, and said nothing. They went down a third time, and were by far the longest time under 381water. Kjartan did not see how it would end, and thought he had never been so hard tried before. At last they came up and swam to the bank. The townsman asked: ‘Who is this man?’ Kjartan told his name. The townsman said: ‘Thou art a good swimmer; art thou as skilled in other idróttir as in this?’ Kjartan answered, rather slowly: ‘When I was in Iceland it was said that my other idróttir were equal, but now it is of little consequence’”^[274] (Laxdæla, ch. 10).

“Then he (Egil) took his helmet, sword, and spear; he broke off his spear-handle and threw it into the water; he wrapped the weapons in his cloak, made a bundle of it, and tied it to his back. He jumped into the water and swam across to the island” (Egil’s Saga, c. 45).

Sometimes, in order to swim better men had their fingers webbed.

“Now Grettir got ready to swim, and had on a hooded cloak, of common cloth, and breeches; he had his fingers webbed together. It was fine weather. He left the island late in the day. Illugi, his brother, thought his journey very dangerous. Grettir swam into the fjord, the current being with him, during a perfect calm. He swam fast, and reached Reykjanes after sunset” (Gretti’s Saga, ch. 77).

That warlike exercises should have played such a prominent part in physical education is not surprising.

Some men could change weapons from one hand to the other during the hottest fight, use both hands with equal facility, shoot two spears at the same time, or catch a spear in its flight.

“Gunnar Hámundsson lived at Hlidarendi in Fljótshlid. He was of large size and strength, and more skilled in fight than any other man. He could shoot and strike with both hands equally when he wanted; he moved his sword so swiftly that it seemed as if three swords were in the air. He shot better with a bow than any one else, and never missed his aim. He could leap as well backwards as forwards, more than his height, in full war-dress. He could swim like a seal, and there was no game in which any man was able to cope with him, and it has been told that no man was his equal” (Njala, ch. 19).

“Sigmund (during his fight with the Holmgard viking 382Randver) showed his idrótt. He threw his sword and flung it into the air, and caught it with his left hand, and took the shield in his right hand and dealt Randver a blow with the sword, cutting off his right leg below the knee. Randver then fell. Sigmund thereupon struck a blow on his neck, and cut off his head” (Færeyinga Saga, ch. 18).

Archery was another favourite amusement. The Thelemarkians (Norway) and Jomsvikings were in this respect considered as excelling all others, and the former distinguished themselves at the battle of Bravalla.

Of their skill in slinging, stone-throwing, archery, &c., &c., we have most remarkable examples.

“After the fall of Olaf Tryggvason, Eirik jarl gave peace to Einar Thambarskelfir, son of Eindridi Styrkársson. Einar went with the jarl to Norway, and it is said that Einar was the strongest of all men and the best archer in Norway.... He shot with a bakkakólf (a thick arrow without a point, shot from a crossbow), through a raw ox-hide which hung on a rafter” (Snorri Sturluson; St. Olaf’s Saga, ch. 20).

“The next day they went to the woods, not far from the farm. The king took off his cloak, placed a target on a hill-slope, and marked out a long-shooting distance. Then a bow and arrow were given to him. He shot, and the arrow hit the target near its edge, and stuck there. Eindridi shot farther in on the target, but not in the middle. The king then shot a second time; they went to the target and the arrow was in the middle, and all called it a famous shot. Eindridi also praised the king’s skill, and said he thought it was not worth his while to try again. The king told him to give up if he liked, and acknowledge himself beaten in this idrótt. Eindridi replied that it might be so, but still he would try again; he shot, and his arrow entered the notch for the bowstring of the king’s last arrow, so that both of them stuck there. The king said: ‘A very skilled man art thou at idróttir, but this idrótt has not yet been fully tried. That handsome boy shall now be taken whom thou saidst thou lovedst so well the other day, and he shall be a target as I shall direct.’ The king let a piece of hnefatafl^[275] be placed on the boy’s head. ‘Now we will shoot the piece down from the boy’s head,’ said the king, ‘so that he shall not be hurt.’ ‘You can do that if you wish, but I will certainly take revenge if the boy is harmed,’ replied Eindridi. A long linen 383cloth was tied round the boy’s head, and two men held the ends, so that he could not move his head when he heard the whistling of the arrow. The king went to the place where he was to stand, and made the mark of the cross before himself and before the point of the arrow before he shot; but Eindridi grew very red in the face. The arrow flew under the piece, and carried it off the boy’s head, but so near the skull that blood dripped from the top of his head. The king then told Eindridi to shoot after him if he wished; but Eindridi’s mother and sister begged him, weeping sorely, not to try it. Eindridi said to the king: ‘I am not afraid if I risked shooting that I should do the boy any harm, but nevertheless I will not shoot this time.’ ‘Then,’ said the king, ‘it seems to me that thou must acknowledge thyself beaten’” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, vol. ii.; Fornmanna Sögur).

Playing with dirks was a common practice. It consisted in playing simultaneously with three short swords, or dirks, so that one was always in the air, while one was in each hand; as one was thrown up, the player seized the falling one.

A very uncommon accomplishment was to run on the oar-blades around a ship whilst it was being rowed. Among those thus skilled was Olaf Tryggvason, who, while he was walking over his ship, the Long Serpent, on the oar-blades of the rowers, could play with three dirks or short swords.

“On the third day the king said to Eindridi: ‘Now the weather is fine and calm, and we will try the handsax game.’

“The men went out to look on; each took two saxes, and they played with them for awhile.

“Then a third sax was given to each, and they played so that all the time one was in the air and two in their hands; they always caught them by the handle, and no one could determine who was most skilled. After a long while the king said: ‘This game has not yet had sufficient trial.’

“They went down to the shore and out on a large longship, and the king bade his men row the ship, and the king then walked outside the board, on the oars along the side of the ship, and there played with three handsaxes as skilfully as before on land; and Eindridi did the same. The king played first, and Eindridi after him. The king then went again in the same manner along the oars, and thus in front of the stern, not dropping the handsaxes, and not even getting his shoes wet; he came back along the other side on the oars, and up into the ship. No one could understand how he did this. Eindridi 384stood before the king, when he came upon the ship, and looked at him in silence. The king said: ‘Why dost thou stand, and not try after me?’ Eindridi replied: ‘You, lord, could by no means do this with your idrótt alone, without the power of that God in whom you believe; and from this I see that he is all-powerful, and therefore I shall henceforth believe that he and no one else is the only God’” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga; Fornmanna Sögur).

Among such warlike and Spartan-like people the chiefs had to be the foremost in all athletic and gymnastic exercises if they wished to enjoy the respect and confidence of the people, and have rule over them. To talk of what their forefathers had done was not sufficient; they had to show themselves worthy of them, and if incapable of ruling, they were deposed by the people in Thing assembled.

There are several examples in the Sagas of powerful chiefs showing their anger and jealousy when any man excelled them.

“King Olaf was in every respect, of all the men who have been spoken of, the greatest man of idróttir in Norway; he was the strongest and most skilled of all, and many accounts of this have been written. One is about how he climbed Smalsarhorn and fastened his shield on the top of the rock; he helped his hirdman who had climbed the rock and could neither get up nor down again; the king walked up to him and carried him under his arm down to the level plain.... He could fight equally well with both hands, and shoot two spears at once” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, ch. 92 (Heimskringla)).

“Magnus (the king) exercised himself and was skilled in many games and idróttir even in his youth; he walked along the gunwales as young men used to at that time, and he did it with great nimbleness, and showed his accomplishments in this as in other things” (Magnus the Good’s Saga; Fornmanna Sögur, vi. 5).

“Olaf was a great man of idróttir in many respects, highly skilled in the use of the bow and spear, a good swimmer, expert and of good judgment in all handicrafts, whether his own or others. Olaf Haraldsson was eager in games and wanted to be the first, as was fitting for his rank and birth” (St. Olaf’s Saga, ch. 3 (Heimskringla)).

“One day King Olaf talked to Sigmund in the spring, and 385said: ‘We will amuse ourselves to-day, and try our skill.’ ‘I am very unfit to do that, lord,’ said Sigmund; ‘though this shall, like other things that I can do, be as you wish.’ Then they tried swimming and shooting and other idróttir, and it is said that Sigmund was next to King Olaf in many idróttir, though he was surpassed by the king in them all, but nevertheless nearer to him than any other man in Norway”^[276] (Fœreyinga Saga, ch. 28–32).

“The king asked: ‘Art thou a man of idróttir?’ Heming answered: ‘My foster-father and foster-mother thought that I knew many things well, but I have not shown my skill to others, and I think you will find it slight. One idrótt I think I can perform for you.’ ‘Which?’ asked the king; ‘I do not care with whom I try running on snow-shoes, for nobody can surpass me in that.’ The king added: ‘We will see thy skill, and know what it is worth.’ Heming replied: ‘I shall try to perform what you have had performed first.’ ‘Let us go out,’ said the king, ‘and strive against each other.’ Aslak went to him and said: ‘I have prepared ships for your departure if you please, because I think it is best to have no games.’ But the king said: ‘We will stay here to-day;’ and all went out. The island was very woody, and they went to the forest.

“The king took a spear, and put its point into the ground; then he placed an arrow on the string and shot into the air; the arrow turned itself in its course, came down with its point into the end of the spear-shaft, and stood there upright. Heming took an arrow and shot, it went very high, then the arrow point came down into the shaft of the first arrow. The king took the spear and threw it; he shot so powerfully and so far, and nevertheless straight, that all wondered. Heming threw further than all, so that his spear socket lay on the point of the king’s spear. The king took the spear and shot another time, and the whole spear beyond Heming’s. ‘I will not throw any more, for I see it is useless.’ ‘Throw,’ said the king, ‘and further if thou canst.’ Heming shot, and far ahead.

“The king placed an arrow on the string, and took a knife and stuck it into an oak. He shot into the back of the knife-handle so that the arrow stuck fast. Heming took his arrows. The king stood near him and said: ‘With gold are thy arrows wound round, and a very ambitious man art thou.’ ‘I did not 386cause these arrows to be made; they were given to me, and I have not taken any ornaments off them.’ Heming shot and hit the knife-handle, and split it; the arrow point stuck in the upper point of the blade. Then the king said: ‘Now we will shoot further.’ With an angry look he laid an arrow on the string, and drew the bow so as to bend its tips together. The arrow flew very far, and stopped in a very slender bough. All thought this a most excellent shot. Heming shot somewhat farther, and the arrow went through a nut. All present wondered at this. The king said: ‘Now the nut shall be taken, and placed on the head of thy brother Björn, and there thou shalt hit it. Thou shalt not shoot from a shorter distance than before, and, if thou dost not hit, thou hast forfeited thy life.’ ‘Thou canst decide over my life, but I will never shoot this shot.’ Björn answered: ‘Thou must shoot rather than choose death, for every man is bidden to prolong his life while he may.’ ‘Wilt thou stand still, and not shrink, if I shoot at the nut?’ ‘Certainly,’ said Björn. ‘Then the king shall stand at his side,’ replied Heming, ‘and see if I hit the nut.’ The king agreed to stand at his side. He called Odd Ofeiggson, who went to where Björn stood, and said it was a fit trial for him to keep his courage there. Then Heming went to where the king would have him stand, and made the sign of the cross. ‘I call God to witness that I make the king responsible for this, and that I do not want to harm my brother.’ Heming shot; the arrow went swiftly, and skipped over the crown of his head and under the nut, and Björn was not wounded. The nut rolled backwards down from his head, but the arrow went much farther. When the king asked if the shot had hit the nut, Odd replied: ‘Better than hit, for he shot under the nut and it rolled down, and he harmed not Björn.’ ‘It does not seem to me that he has shot as I ordered,’ added the king. They slept over night.

“In the morning Aslak went to speak with the king, and told him he had again prepared his journey if he wanted to go to the mainland, but he determined to stay that day. When the drinking hour was over, he called his men, and they went down to the shore. The king said to Halldór Snorrason (an Icelander): ‘I entrust it to thee to kill Heming while swimming to-day.’ Halldór answered: ‘It would be difficult for abler men than I am.’ Then the king told Bödvar Eldjarnsson to do it. He replied: ‘Though I had all the idróttir of those here present, I would not harm him in anything, but least of all as I know that he surpasses me in everything.’

“The king bade Nikulas Thorbergsson to tire out Heming in swimming. Nikulas was doubtful of success, but consented to try. The king told them both to swim. Heming said: 387‘Now I need not spare myself, as I should have liked best to contend with him if I did with anybody.’ They undressed, and began swimming. Nikulas asked if they should try a long swimming match. ‘We may try that as thou hast had the better of it in the other’ (modes of swimming). When they had been swimming for a long time, Nikulas seemed anxious to go back, but Heming said: ‘I guess you the king’s bellies will stop farther from the shore.’ Heming kept on. Nikulas swam somewhat slower, and asked shortly after: ‘Art thou going to swim longer?’ Heming said: ‘I thought thou wouldst be able to swim alone ashore, and I will swim farther.’ ‘That is good, I will risk going back,’ said Nikulas, and turned, but had not gone far before he became faint. At last Heming swam to him and asked how it went with him. He told him it did not concern him, and he might go his way. Heming answered: ‘I think thou deservest that I do so, but we will nevertheless now go both together.’ ‘I will not refuse that,’ said Nikulas. ‘Lay thy hand on my back and thus support thyself;’ and in this way they came to land. Nikulas walked up, and had become quite stiff, but Heming sat down upon a stone at the flood-mark. The king asked Nikulas the result of the swimming. Nikulas replied: ‘I should not be able to tell any tidings on land if Heming had not been a better man to me than thou art to him.’ ‘Now thou, Halldór, shalt kill Heming,’ said the king. ‘That I will not do,’ answered Halldór, ‘it seems to me that the man who tried the swimming before has won little.’ The king threw off his clothes. Aslak went to Heming, and cried: ‘Save thyself; the king wants thy death, and there is a short way to the wood.’ Heming said: ‘Face to face the eagles shall fight with their claws, and he shall not be drowned whom God will exalt; he may go into the water as soon as he likes.’ Heming rose from the stone, and the king from another place, and as soon as they met the king swam to him and thrust him down into the deep. Others did not see their doings, but the sea became very restless above them. As it drew towards evening, and when it was almost dark, the sea became quiet and the king swam ashore. He looked so angry that no man dared to speak to him. Dry clothes were brought to him; no one saw Heming, and all thought him dead, but none dared to ask. The king went home with his men, but there was little merriment over the beer. The king was overcome with anger, and Aslak with sorrow. Lights were kindled in the hall, and the king was in his seat, when Heming entered and placed on the king’s knees the knife which he had worn on his belt. Everybody knew that he had taken the knife from the king.

388“Again in the morning Aslak said to the king: ‘We have prepared your journey if you intend to go.’ The king replied: ‘Now I will not stay, but Heming shall follow us to the mainland.’ They made ready and departed.

“They landed at a large mountain, very steep towards the sea, and there was a path along the mountain-side on which only one man at the time could walk. There were precipices beneath and a high mountain above, and the ledges on the mountain-side were only wide enough for one man on horseback. The king ordered him to amuse them by running on snowshoes, Heming said: ‘It is now not suitable to run on snowshoes, for there is no snow, but only ice, and the mountain is very hard.’ The king replied: ‘There would be no danger if all was in the best condition.’ ‘As you will,’ said Heming, and took his snowshoes and ran about the mountain-side, up and down, and all said they had never seen any one run so nimbly....” (Flateyjarbók, iii.).

Fig. 1347.—Handle of Shield, iron, in a mound with skeleton. One-third real size—Öland.

Fig. 1348.—Shield boss, of iron, edges covered with bronze. One-third real size—Öland.

Poetry a gift from the gods—The scald—Many sagas based on poems—Honour paid to poets—Their moral power—Poets on the battle-field—Recital of poems at feasts—Saga telling—Forms of poetry—The harp—Parables and puzzles—Gest’s riddles.

Poetry (or Scaldship) was reckoned among the Idróttir, and was considered a gift from the gods. The people looked to their poets to perpetuate in songs and transmit to future generations the deeds of their heroes, and the fame which was to cling to their names when they had gone to Valhalla. From these poets, or scalds, we learn all we know of the history of the earlier Norse tribes; from their songs the people heard of the birth of their religion; of the creation of the world, of the wisdom of the past, &c. Without them the history and deeds of the race must have been lost to us, and we would only have had left the antiquities of the early times to ponder over. These songs filled the youth of the country who listened to them with ambition, urging them to emulate the deeds of those whose praises were sung.

In no literature which has come down to us do we see dying heroes such as Ragnar Lodbrok, Hjalmar, Orvar Odd, and others, singing the deeds they had accomplished as life is ebbing away from them, and they are ready to enter into Hel. Whether these heroes sang these songs at such a time or not, or whether they were written by poets at a later time, matters little. The people of the land believed in them.

In this peculiar branch of poetry the earlier Norsemen stand wholly apart from those of other lands.

390The figurative names given to scaldship^[278] by the poets show how the earlier traditions were impressed upon the mind—Kvásirs blood, Dvergar mead, Suttungs mead, Asar’s mead, Odreyris liquid, Odin’s gift, Odin’s freight, The Dvergar’s sea, The Dvergar’s ale, Jötnar’s mead.

Bragi was supposed to be the most eloquent scald among the Asar.

The origin of poetry is given in Hávamál; but in the later Edda we have a more minute account of how it was learned by the Asar.

When Hler of Hlessö, who was also called Ægir, came to Asgard to visit the Asar, he made many inquiries, among which was the following:—

“Ægir said: ‘Whence has come the idrótt which you call scaldship?’ Bragi answered: ‘The origin was that the gods (Asar) went to war with a people called Vanir. They appointed a truce thus; both went to a vessel and spat on it. When parting, the gods, unwilling to let this mark of truce be lost, took it, and out of it shaped a man, Kvasir. He is so wise that no one can ask him any question that he cannot answer. He travelled far and wide about the world to teach wisdom to men. When invited home to the Dvergar, Fjalar and Galar, they called him to a secret meeting and slew him. They let his blood run into two tubs and a kettle called Odreyrir (song-rearer), but the tubs are called Són (sacrifice), and Bodn. They mixed^[279] the blood with honey, and therefrom came the mead of which whosoever drinks becomes a skald or a wise man. The Dvergar told the Asar that Kvasir had been 391suffocated by too much wisdom, because no one was so wise that he could put questions to him. Thereupon these Dvergar invited to them a Jötun called Gilling and his wife, and offered him to row out to sea with them. Rowing along the shore they struck on hidden rocks, and the boat was upset. Gilling could not swim, and was drowned. But the Dvergar turned over their boat and rowed to the shore” (Later Edda 57, Bragarœdur).

Many of the sagas, if not all, were based upon the poetry which is often quoted in them, and both were used and kept as historical records.

“Olaf had been king in Norway fifteen years, including the winter when Svein Jarl and he were both in the land. Yule was past when he left his ships and went on shore, as has been told. This record of his reign was first written by the priest, Ari Thorgilsson, the wise, who was truthful, had a good memory, and was so old that he remembered the saga-telling of those who were so old that they could remember these events. Ari has himself related this in his books, and has named the men from whom he had this knowledge” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 189).

The scalds were honoured above all men, and married even mighty kings’ daughters, and many of them were great warriors.

“Thórolf, son of Herjolf Hornabrjot, and Olaf, his brother, were kings in Upplönd; with them was the poet Flein Hjörsson, who was brought up in Mæri on an island called Jösrheid where his father lived. Flein went to Denmark to visit King Eystein, and there got so much honour on account of his poetry that the king gave him his daughter” (Landnama v. ch. 1).

King Harald Fairhair had a feast for his friends and followers.

“Of all his hirdmen the king valued his scalds the most. They were placed on the second high-seat bench (annat ondvegi). At the furthest end from them sat Audun Illskœlda (thus called because he wrote satirical songs). He was older than any of them, and had been the scald of Halfdan Svarti (black), the father of King Harald. Next to him sat Thorbjorn Hornklofi, and then Olvir Hnufa, and next to him Bard was placed” (Egil’s Saga, ch. 8).

“Thereupon Gunnlaug sailed from England (London) with 392traders north to Dublin. At that time King Sigtrygg Silkiskegg (silk-beard), son of Olaf Kvaran and Queen Kormlöd, ruled Ireland; he had then ruled only a short time. Gunnlaug went before him and greeted him well and honourably. The king received him well. Gunnlaug said: ‘I have made a song about you, and I want to get a hearing.’ The king answered: ‘No man has before delivered a poem to me, and I shall certainly listen to it.’ Gunnlaug then sang the drapa, and this is the refrain:

“The king thanked him for the song, and asked his treasurer with what it should be rewarded. He answered: ‘With what will you reward it, lord?’ The king said: ‘How will it be rewarded, if I give him two knerrir (trading-ships)?’ The treasurer replied: ‘That is too much, lord; other kings give costly things, good swords or good gold-rings, as rewards for a song.’ The king gave him his own clothes of new scarlet, a lace-ornamented kirtle, a cloak with the finest furs on it, and a gold ring which weighed a mark. Gunnlaug thanked him, and stayed there for a short time, and went thence to the Orkneys” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga, ch. 8).

The moral power of a renowned poet was often very great.

“Sindri, a high-born man, was renowned among Halfdan the Black’s warriors; formerly he had been with King Harald, and was the greatest friend of both. Guthorm was a great scald, and had made a song about each. They had offered him a reward, but he refused it, saying that they must grant him one request, and this they promised. He went to King Harald (to reconcile him and Halfdan), and so much did the kings honour him that they were reconciled at his request” (Olaf Tryggvason, Fms., vol. i. c. 12).

The scalds were always on the battlefield near the shieldburgh, in order to witness the heroism of the combatants, and sing their victory or glorious death. With their vapnasong (weapon-song) they encouraged the champions in battle, or 393with their Sigrljod (lay of victory) praised the bravery of the hero.

“It is said that King Olaf (before the battle of Stiklastad 1015–30) arrayed his men, and then arranged the shieldburgh which was to protect him in the battle, for which he selected the strongest and most valiant men. He then called his scalds and bid them go into the shieldburgh. ‘You shall stay here,’ said the king, ‘and see what takes place, and then no Saga is needed to tell you afterwards what you shall make songs about’” (Fostbrœdra Saga, c. 47).

These rulers loved to be surrounded by men who could entertain them and their guests during the long winter evenings, or at festivals, and took great pride in having poems made about them.

“One summer an Icelander came to King Harald, who asked him what he knew. He said he knew some sagas. The king said: ‘I will receive thee, and thou shalt join my hird this winter, and always entertain my men when they want it, whoever asks thee.’ He did so. He was soon well liked by the hird; they gave him clothes, and the king himself gave him a good weapon. This went on till near Yule, when the Icelander began to look sad; the king saw it, and asked him for the reason, and he said it was his variable temper. The king answered: ‘That is not the reason, but I will guess it; I suspect that thy sagas are now all told, for thou hast always entertained every man who asked thee this winter, and often by night and day; now thou dost not like the sagas to be wanting during Yule, but wilt not tell the same sagas again.’ The Icelander said: ‘Thy guess is right; the only saga that remains is one which I dare not tell here, for it is your Utfarar saga’ (saga of Harald’s voyage to the Holy Land). The king answered: ‘That is a saga which I am most curious to hear; now thou shalt not recite before Yule, for people are now very busy, but the first Yule-day thou shalt begin this saga and tell part of it; then there will be great drinking, and they cannot sit long listening to it. I will manage that the saga shall last during Yule, and thou wilt not find while thou tellest it whether I like it well or ill.’ Accordingly the Icelander began his saga first Yule-day, and after he had told it a short while the king told him to stop. People then began to talk much about this entertainment; some said it was very bold of the Icelander to tell this saga, and had doubts how the king would like it; some thought he told it well, others less well. The king took good care that they listened well; he managed that 394it lasted as long as Yule. The thirteenth day the king said: ‘Art thou not curious to know, Icelander, how I like the saga?’ He answered: ‘I am afraid to hear, lord.’ The king said: ‘I think it very well told, and nowhere is the truth deviated from; but who taught thee?’ He answered: ‘I used in Iceland to go to the Thing every summer, and every summer I learnt a part of the saga which was told by Haldór Snorrason.’ The king said: ‘It is not strange that thou knowest it well, as thou hast learnt it from him, and this saga shall be of use to thee; thou art welcome to stay with me as long as thou wilt.’ He stayed with the king that winter, and in the spring the king gave him some good wares to trade in, and he became a thriving man” (Harald Hardradi, c. 6).

Saga-telling seems to have taken place also in England.

“Then Játvard the good (Edward Confessor), son of King Adalrad (Ethelred), was chosen king in England. He remembered the friendship of his father Adalrad with King Olaf Tryggvason. He adopted the custom of telling on the first Easter-day the Saga of King Olaf Tryggvason to his chiefs and hirdmen” (Flateyjarbók, i. 506 (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga)).^[280]

Some poets used poetry as their mode of speech.

“Sigvat scald had been a long time with King Olaf, who had made him his marshal. Sigvat was not quick of speech in unbound words (prose), but poetry was so easy to him that song flowed from his tongue as fast as he talked; he had made journeys to Valland, and during these he had come to England and met Knut the powerful” (St. Olaf’s Saga (Heimskringla), ch. 170).

There were two well-known forms of poetry.

The Drapa, a heroic laudatory poem, generally written in memory of a deceased man, and Flokk, a shorter poem.

The memory of some men was extraordinary; the blind scald Stuf recited before King Harald Hardradi in one evening thirty songs; in answer to a question he said that he knew at least half as many more longer drapas.

An Icelander, named Stuf, went to Norway, and stayed with a bondi in Upplönd. To him came King Harald Hardradi on a visit, and sat talking to Stuf.

“Then the bondi came into the stofa, and said the king 395must find it dull. ‘It is not so,’ answered the king, ‘for this winter guest of thine entertains me well, and I will drink to him this evening’; and thus it happened. The king talked much to Stuf, and he gave wise answers; when the men went to sleep the king asked Stuf to stay in the room where he was to sleep, in order to entertain him. Stuf did so; when the king was in his bed Stuf entertained him, and sang a flokk, and when it was finished he asked him to sing more.

“The king was awake a long time, while Stuf entertained him, and at last said: ‘How many songs hast thou sung now?’ Stuf answered: ‘I intended that you should count them.’ ‘I have done it,’ said the king; ‘they are thirty now, but why doest thou only sing flokks? Doest thou not know any drapas?’ Stuf answered: ‘I know no fewer drapas than flokks, though many flokks which I know are still unsung’” (Fornmanna Sögur, c. 6).

The harp is mentioned in Voluspa, and seems to have been used in early times. Gunnar played his harp with such skill that even champions were moved. He could also play with his toes, and charm snakes with its tones, Rognvald also reckoned harp-playing among his Idróttir. Norna Gest was very skilful on this instrument, and played famous tunes.

“Gest took his harp and struck it long and well that evening, so that every one thought it pleasant to listen; he played Gunnar’s tune best; finally he played the old Gudrúnarbrögd, which they had not heard before; afterwards they went to sleep” (Norna Gest’s Saga, ch. 2 (Fornaldarsögur i.)).

King Hugleik’s orchestra consisted of harp^[281] and other instruments, and Olaf Skautkonung kept for his table regular performers.

We have no description of the shape or size of the harp. It was no doubt a large instrument, as a little girl, Aslaug, wife of Ragnar Lodbrok, could be hidden in it, and from Herraud and Bosi’s Saga we learn that a man could stand in it upright. They sometimes had strings of silver and gold.

The harp shown on the wood carvings give us an idea of its shape.

Mental Exercises.—The unravelling of puzzles seems to have 396been one of the most favourite pastimes among chiefs and other powerful men, and deep penetration was required to understand them. Heidrek, a king of Reidgotaland, was credited with having been able to unravel any riddle that had ever been propounded to him.

“A man named Gest the blind was a powerful hersir in Reidgotaland, but wicked and overbearing; he had kept back the tribute belonging to King Heidrek, and there was great enmity between them. The king sent him word that he must come to him and submit to the judgment of his wise men, or fight. Gest did not like either of these terms, and became very uneasy, for he knew that he had committed many offences; he then resolved to sacrifice to Odin for help, and begged of him to look on his case, and promised a large reward. Late one evening there was a knock at the door, and Gest the blind went to open it; he asked the name of the man who had come, and he answered his name was Gest; then they inquired of each other about the tidings. The guest asked if anything grieved him; Gest the blind told him everything carefully. The guest said: ‘I will go to the king on thy behalf, and see how it will go; let us exchange appearance and clothes;’ and thus they did. The bondi^[282] went away and hid himself while the guest went in and stayed there during the night, and every one thought it was Gest the blind. Next day Gest went on the journey to the king, and did not stop until he came to Arheimar (Heidrek’s seat); he went into the hall and greeted the king well. The king was silent and looked angrily at him. ‘Herra (lord),’ said Gest, ‘I am here in order to be reconciled with you.’ The king asked: ‘Wilt thou obey the judgment of my wise men?’ Gest replied: ‘Are there no other terms?’ The king said: ‘There are; if thou wilt come with a riddle which I cannot guess, and thus procure thyself peace.’ Gest answered: ‘I am little able to do that, and besides the other part (the king) may be heard about it.’ ‘Wilt thou rather submit to the decision of the wise men?’ said the king. ‘I should prefer,’ said Gest, ‘to come with some riddles.’ The king agreed, and two chairs were brought on which they sat down. Gest then propounded his riddles’” (Hervarar Saga, ch. 15).

“The sword hit the tail, and took off what it touched, and therefore the hawk has a short tail ever after; then the sword hit a man of the hird, and he was at once slain. Odin then said: ‘Because thou, King Heidrek, drewest thy sword and wantedst to slay me, and thyself brokest the truce which thou hadst set between us, the worst of thralls shall be thy slayers.’ Then Odin flew away, and thus they parted” (Hervarar Saga, c. 15).

Fig. 1349.—Gilt silver fibula, one-quarter real size—Zeeland.

Rules of life—The duty of hospitality—Folly of boasting—The wise man keeps his eyes and ears open—Wits are better than wealth—Drink destroys reason—The duty of cheerfulness and bravery—Over-eating—We should not worry—All who smile on a man are not his friends—The value of silence—A guest should not outstay his welcome—The value of a home however humble—No man should be the friend of his foe’s friend—Every man has two sides to his character—Man’s happiness—Wealth is the most unstable of friends—The fickleness of woman—All is fair in love—Do not neglect your friends—No man is without his faults—Proverbs and wise savings.

To all great popular leaders and lawgivers are often attributed the dogmas and words of wisdom which form part of their creed. It is not therefore surprising to find the great Norse code of morality, known under the name of Hávamál,^[301] attributed to Odin; Hávamál meaning the “Song of the High.”