TRAVELS
TO DISCOVER THE
SOURCE OF THE NILE,
In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773.
IN FIVE VOLUMES.
BY JAMES BRUCE OF KINNAIRD, ESQ. F.R.S.

THE AUTHOR RETURNS BY SENNAAR THROUGH NUBIA AND THE GREAT DESERT—ARRIVES AT ALEXANDRIA, AND AFTER AT MARSEILLES.

CHAP. I.

Journey from Gondar to Tcherkin.

The palace of Koscam is situated upon the south side of Debra Tzai; the name signifies the Mountain of the Sun. The palace consists of a square tower of three storeys, with a flat parapet roof, or terrace, and battlements about it. The court of guard, or head-quarters of the garrison of Koscam, is kept here; immediately below this is the principal gate or entrance towards Gondar. It is surround[272]ed by a high outer-wall, which may have above an English mile of circumference. This outer precinct is all occupied by soldiers, labourers, and out-door servants; within this is another large court inclosed by walls likewise, in this the apartments are but of one storey, appropriated to the principal officers, priests, and servants. In this also is the church, built by the present Iteghé herself, and reckoned the richest in Abyssinia. They have large crosses of gold for their processions, and kettle-drums of silver. The altar is all covered with gold plates, all the gift of their magnificent patroness. The priests, too, were all rich, till Ras Michael seized, and applied part of their revenue to his own use, and that of the state, and thereby reduced them to a condition much more agreeable to the vows of poverty, which from pride they had made, than was their former one.

The third, or inner court, is reserved for the queen's own apartments, and such of the noble women as are her attendants, are unmarried, and make up her court. Behind the palace, higher up the hill, are houses of people of quality, chiefly her own relations. Above these the mountain rises very regularly, in form of a cone, covered with herbage to the very top; on the east side is the road from Walkayt; on the west from Kuara, and Ras el Feel; that is all the low country, or north of Abyssinia, bordering upon the Shangalla, through which lies the road to Sennaar.

It was the 26th of December 1771, at one o'clock in the afternoon, that I left Gondar. I had purposed to set out early in the morning, but was detained by the importunity of my friends. The king had delayed my setting out, by several orders sent me in the evening each day; and I plainly saw[273] there was some meaning in this, and that he was wishing to throw difficulties in the way, till some accident, or sudden emergency (never wanting in that country) should make it absolutely impossible for me to leave Abyssinia. When therefore the last message came to Koscam on the 27th, at night, I returned my respectful duty to his majesty, put him in mind of his promise, and, somewhat peevishly I believe, intreated him to leave me to my fortune; that my servants were already gone, and I was resolved to set out next morning.

In the morning early, I was surprised at the arrival of a young nobleman, lately made one of his bed-chamber, with fifty light horse. As I was satisfied that leaving Abyssinia, without parade, as privately as possible, was the only way to pass through Sennaar, and had therefore insisted upon none of my friends accompanying me, I begged to decline this escort; assigning for my reason, that, as the country between this and Ras el Feel belonged first to the Iteghé, and then to Ayto Confu, none of the inhabitants could possibly injure me in passing. It took a long time to settle this, and it was now, as I have said, one o'clock before we set out by the west side of Debra Tzai, having the mountain on our right hand. From the top of that ascent, we saw the plain and flat country below, black, and, in its appearance, one thick wood, which some authors have called lately, the Shumeta[16], or Nubian forest. But of the meaning of Shumeta I profess myself entirely ignorant; no[274] such word occurring, as far as I know, in any language spoken in these countries.

All the disasters which I had been threatened with in the course of that journey, which I had thus begun, now presented themselves to my mind, and made, for a moment, a strong impression upon my spirits. But it was too late to draw back, the dye was cast, for life or for death; home was before me, however distant; and if, through the protection of Providence, I should be fortunate enough to arrive there, I promised myself both ease and the applause of my country, and of all unprejudiced men of sense and learning in Europe, for having, by my own private efforts alone, compleated a discovery, which had, from early ages, defied the address, industry, and courage of all the world.

Having, by these reflections, rather hardened, than comforted my heart, I now advanced down the steep side of the mountain, our course nearly N. N. W. through very strong and rugged ground, torn up by the torrents that fall on every side from above. This is called the Descent of Moura; and though both we and our beasts were in great health and spirits, we could not, with our utmost endeavours, advance much more than one mile an hour. Two Greeks, one of whom only was my servant; and a third, nearly blind, flying from poverty and want; an old janissary, who had come to Abyssinia with the Abuna, and a Copht who left us at Sennaar; these, and some common men who took charge of the beasts, and were to go no further than Tcherkin, were my only companions in this long and weary journey.

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At a quarter past four we came to the river Toom Aredo, which arising in the country of the Kemmont, (a people inhabiting the high grounds above to the S. W.) falls into the river Mahaanah. The Kemmont were a sect once the same as the Falasha, but were baptized in the reign of Facilidas, and, ever since, have continued separate from their ancient brethren. No great pains seem to have been taken with them since their admission to Christianity, for they retain most of their ancient customs. They eat the meat of cattle killed by Christians, but not of those that are slaughtered, either by Mahometans or Falasha. They hold, as a doctrine, that, being once baptized, and having once communicated, no sort of prayer, nor other attention to divine worship, is further necessary. They wash themselves from head to foot after coming from the market, or any public place, where they may have touched any one of a sect different from their own, esteeming all such unclean. They abstain from all sorts of work on Saturday, keeping close at home; but they grind corn, and do many other such like works, upon Sunday.

Their women pierce their ears, and apply weights to make them hang down, and to enlarge the holes, into which they put ear-rings almost as big as shackles, in the same manner as do the Bedowis in Syria and Palestine. Their language is the same as that of the Falasha, with some small difference of idiom. They have great abhorrence to fish, which they not only refrain from eating, but cannot bear the sight of; and the reason they give for this is, that Jonah the prophet (from whom they boast they are descended) was swal[276]lowed by a whale, or some other such great fish. They are hewers of wood, and carriers of water, to Gondar, and are held in great detestation by the Abyssinians.

We crossed the river to the miserable village of Door-Macary, which is on the east side of it; and there we took up our quarters, after a short but very fatiguing, day's journey. The people shewed great signs of uneasiness upon our first appearance, and much reluctance to admit us under their roofs; and discovering that we were not any of those that had the honour of being descended from the prophet Jonah, they hid all their pots and drinking-vessels, lest they should be prophaned by our using them. From Door-Macary we discovered a high mountainous ridge, with a very rugged top, stretching from North to South, and towering up in the middle of the forest, about five miles distance; it is called Badjena.

On the 28th, a little after mid-day, we passed Toom Aredo; and went, first East, then turned North, into the great road. We soon after passed a number of villages; those on the high mountain Badjena on the East, and those belonging to the church of Koscam on the West. Continuing still North, inclining very little to the West, we came to a steep and rugged descent, at the foot of which runs the Mogetch, in a course straight North; this descent is called the And. At a quarter past two we passed the Mogetch, our direction N. W. It is here a large, swift running stream, perfectly clear, and we halted some time to refresh ourselves upon its banks; remembering how very different it was from what we had once left it, discoloured with blood, and chok[277]ed up with dead bodies, after the defeat of the king's wing at the battle of Serbraxos.

At half past three we resumed our journey. A sharp and pyramidal mountain stands alone in the middle of the plain, presenting its high sharp top through the trees, and making here a very picturesque and uncommon appearance; it is called Gutch, and seemed to be distant from us about six miles due North. A few minutes after this we passed a small stream called Agam-Ohha, or the Brook of Jessamine; from a beautiful species of that shrub, very frequent here, and on the sides of the small streams in the province of Siré.

A few minutes past four we entered a thick wood, winding round a hill, in a south-east direction, to get into the plain below, where we were surrounded by a great multitude of men, armed with lances, shields, slings, and large clubs or sticks, who rained a shower of stones towards us, as I may say; for they were at such a distance, that all of them fell greatly short of us. Whether this was owing to fear, or not, we did not know; but supposing that it was, we thought it our interest to keep it up as much as possible. I therefore ordered two shots to be fired over their heads; not with any intention to hurt them, but to let them hear, by the balls whistling among the leaves of the trees, that our guns carried farther than any of their slings; and that, distant as they then were, they were not in safety, if we had a disposition to do them harm. They seemed to understand our meaning, by gliding through among the bushes, and appearing at the top of a hill farther off, where they continued hooping and crying, and making[278] divers signs, which we could not, neither did we endeavour to understand. Another shot, aimed at the trees above them, shewed they were still within our reach, upon which they dispersed, or sat down among the bushes, for we saw them no more, till pitching our tent upon the plain below two of their villages; it seemed they were uneasy, for they had dispatched a man naked, and without arms, who, standing upon the rock, cried out in the language of Tigrè, that he wanted to come to us. This I absolutely refused, that he might not see the smallness of our number, crying out to him to get farther off, or we would instantly shoot him. There was no occasion to repeat the admonition. From the rock where he stood, he slid down like an eel, and appeared again at a considerable distance, still making a sign of wanting to speak with us.

While resting on the banks of the river Mogetch, we had been overtaken by two men, and two women, who were driving two loaded asses, and were going to Tcherkin; they had desired leave to keep company with us, for fear of danger on the road. I had two Abyssinian servants, but they were not yet come up, attending one of the baggage mules that was lame, as they said; but I believe, rather busied with some engagements of their own in the villages. We were obliged then to have recourse to one of these stranger women, who understood the language of Tigrè, and undertook readily to carry our message to the stranger, who was still very busy making signs from behind a tree, without coming one step nearer.

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My message to them was, that if they shewed the smallest appearance of further insolence, either by approaching the tent, or flinging stones that night, the next morning, when the horse I expected were come up, I would burn their town, and put every man of them to the sword. A very submissive answer was sent back, with a heap of lies in excuse of what they called their mistake. My two servants coming soon after, both of whom, hereafter, were to be in the service of Ayto Confu, went boldly one to each village, to bring two goats, some jars of bouza, and to prepare fifty loaves of bread for next morning. The goats were dispatched instantly, so was the bouza; but when the morning came, the people had all fled from their houses, without preparing any bread. These villages were called Gimbaar. They were three in number; each situated upon the top of a pointed hill, in a direction from east to west, and made a very beautiful appearance from the plain below. They belonged to my great enemies, Guebra Mehedin, and Confu, late sons of Basha Eusebius.

On the other hand, as my servants told me that a messenger of the king had passed that morning without taking any notice of us, I began to suspect that it was some stratagem of his to frighten me from pursuing my journey; which, after the letters I had received from Sennaar, and which he himself had heard read, he never thought I would have undertaken. This I still believe might be the case; for these peasants did not shew any forwardness to do us harm; however, it turned out as unfortunately for them, as if they really pursued us for vengeance.

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As soon as we found the villages deserted, and that there were no hopes of a supply of bread, we struck our tent, and proceeded on our journey; the pointed mountain Gutch bore north from our tent, at the distance of about two miles.

On the 29th, at ten in the forenoon, we left the inhospitable villages of Gimbaar, not without entertaining some apprehensions of meeting the inhabitants again in the course of the day. But though we took every precaution against being surprised, that prudence could dictate, our fears of the encounter did not rise to any great height. I got, indeed, on horseback, leaving my mule; and, putting on my coat of mail, leaving the fire-arms under the command of Hagi Ismael, the old Turk, I rode always about a quarter of a mile before the baggage, that they might not come suddenly upon us, as they had done the night before.

In a few minutes we passed three small clear streams in a very fertile country; the soil was a black loomy earth; the grass already parched, or rather entirely burnt up by the sun. Though this country is finely watered, and must be very fertile, yet it is thinly inhabited, and, as we were informed, very unwholesome. At three quarters past ten we came to the river Mahaanah, which swallows up these three brooks, its course nearly N. W. it was (even at this dry season of the year) a considerable stream.

Here we rested half an hour, and then pursued our journey straight north. We passed a large and deep valley called Werk Meidan, or the country of gold, though there is no gold in it. It is full of wood and bushes. We had[281] left it six miles, at least, on our left hand, and the baggage near half a mile behind, when I met two men very decently dressed; one mounted on a mule, the other on foot; both of them armed with lances and shields, and both seemed surprised to see a man on horseback alone completely armed. The rider passed by at a very quick pace, apparently not desirous of any intercourse with me. The man on foot at passing saluted me with a Salam Alicum; by which I knew him to be a Mahometan, and we were about to enter into conversation, when his neighbour called to him, with seeming impatience. He immediately left me, saying only these short sentences, "He there before is a Christian, and a liar; don't be afraid, Ayto Confu will be at Tcherkin as soon as you."

Upon this we parted, I passed on something more than a mile further, and at ten minutes after twelve stopped for the baggage. The Mahaanah is here about a quarter of a mile to the N. E. and the sharp-pointed mountain of Gutch S. E. and by east, distance about three miles. It was some time before our baggage came up, when our companions who escorted it exhibited some small marks of confusion.

The Turk was blustering violently in Turkish, and setting all at defiance, wishing to be attacked by a hundred that minute; the others seemed to be much more moderate, and not to agree with Hagi Ismael, either in time or in number, but were very willing to be exempted from attacks altogether. I asked them what was the occasion of all this warlike discourse from Ismael, who scarcely spoke Arabic so as to be understood? I could learn nothing but threats against the Christians. At last, the servants told me,[282] that the Abyssinians who passed had informed them, that, at a certain pass, called Dav-Dohha, which we should arrive at next day, above a thousand men, Christians, Pagans, and Mahometans, all armed, were waiting for us, resolved to cut us to pieces rather than let us pass: that the Shangalla were expected to burn Tcherkin, and Ayto Confu's house; and that his Billetana Gueta, Ammonios, had come with a multitude of mules to carry away all that was valuable in it. He added, moreover, that Abba Gimbaro, chief of Sancaho, was sent for by Ayto Confu, and entrusted with the defence of Tcherkin Amba, the hill upon which Ayto Confu's house is situated. He then called the Mahometan who spoke to me, to witness the truth of all this, which he did with repeated oaths; and concluded, that nothing remained for us but to return to Gondar. They all, in anxious expectation, awaited my resolution. One of the servants said, that, by going out of the way about half a day, we could avoid the pass of Dav-Dohha altogether. I told them, this was neither a time nor place for deliberation; that we should make the best of our way to Waalia, where we were to sleep that night; as that was a town where there was a market, and people came from every part, we should there hear news, after which I promised to tell them my opinion. We accordingly set out for Waalia, and at half past four in the afternoon encamped in the market-place.

Waalia is a collection of villages, each placed upon the top of a hill, and inclosing, as in a circle, an extensive flat piece of ground about three miles over, on which a very well-frequented market is kept. The name is given it from a species of small pigeons[17], with yellow breasts and variegated[283] backs, the fattest and best of all the pigeon kind. Waalia lies due N. W. from Gondar.

Having finished our dinner, or rather supper, about seven, for we made but one meal a-day, after taking care of our beasts, we entered into consultation what was next to be done. I told them, the first step we were to take was to send and call the Shum of one of the villages, and after him another, and if, knowing me to be the king's stranger, seeing the smallness of our number, and being informed that we were going to Tcherkin, to the house of Ayto Confu, their master, they did not tell us there were dangers on the road, we might be sure the intelligence we had received was void of foundation. "Sir, says one of the strangers that drove the asses, it is a lie. No man but Ayto Confu, not even Ayto Confu himself, could raise 500 men in this country; no not even 300, Pagans, Mahometans, and Christians altogether. Where is he to get his Pagans? unless he means his own Christian sort, who, indeed, are more Pagans than any thing else, and capable of every mischief; but there is not a Mahometan on this road that does not know who you are, and that you was Yasine's master, and gave him Ras el Feel. Stay here but a few days till I send to Ras el Feel, and to Tcherkin, and if you do not take the houses and wives, and all that these five hundred men have in the world from them, with the help you may find at Waalia, spit upon me for a liar, or my name is not Abdullah." "Abdullah, said I, you are a sensible fellow, though I did not know you was so well acquainted with me, nor do I wish that you speak of me in that manner publickly. But what convinces me of the truth of what you say is, that the man on foot had no more time but to say to me, in Arabic, while passing, that his com[284]panion on the mule was a liar, and that I should not be afraid, for there was no danger on the road, and that Ayto Confu would be at Tcherkin as soon as I; from which, and his saying just the contrary to you, I do believe the whole is a stratagem of the king."

All agreed in this. Hagi Ismael mentioned it as a proof of the worthlessness of Christians, that even their kings were as great liars as common men; and we had scarcely done with this consultation, and dispelled our fears, when word was brought to the tent, that the chiefs of two of the principal villages were at the door, desiring to be admitted, and had with them several servants loaded with provisions. They were immediately introduced, and they presented us with two goats, several jars of bouza, and a quantity of bread, which I divided among my retinue, now become half Christians and half Mahometans, neither of whom ate meat killed by the other.

After the first civilities were over, I asked the governor of Waalia all the questions that were needful about the state of the roads and the country, and whether the Shangalla ever made an attempt upon Tcherkin? They said, All was peace; that the people came and went to the market without being interrupted. They laughed at the question about the Shangalla. Ayto Confu, they said, sometimes went down and destroyed many of that people, and brought others away as slaves; but the Shangalla were not men to attack a place where there was a number of horse, nor to climb mountains to destroy houses well stored with fire-arms. Have you, said I, seen nobody pass by from Ayto Confu lately? About four or five days ago, answered he, a servant was here, with orders to have victuals ready for you; who[285] also told us, that he would come himself in three or four days after. I heard also, that his servant Ammonios had gone round Nara to take possession of some villages the king had given Ozoro Esther, and that he had with him a number of horse and foot, and several Ozoros, going to Tcherkin, but they had gone the upper road, consequently had not come this way. Is there no danger, said I, in passing Dav-Dohha? Why, at Dav-Dohha, said he, there is danger, it is a bad place, nobody passes it on horseback; but I see your horses are shod with iron, which none in this country are; however, to avoid all danger, you had better lead your horses and mules, and walk on foot, it is not far.

I could not help bursting out into a fit of laughter at the fancied danger that attended us at Dav-Dohha; and, as I saw this disconcerted our informant, and that he thought he had said something wrong, I told him briefly what had passed at meeting with the two men upon the road. He laughed very heartily at this in his turn. "That man did not stop here, says he, and who he is I know not; but whoever he is, he is a liar, and a beast of the field. All the people of Dav-Dohha are our relations, and Ayto Confu's servants; if there had been any body to attack you, there would have been found here people to defend you. What signifies his ordering us to furnish you with victuals, if he was to suffer your throats to be cut before you came to eat them? I will answer for you between this and Tcherkin; after that, all is wilderness, and no man knows if he is to meet friend or foe."

I told him then what had happened to us at Gimbaar, at which he seemed exceedingly surprised. "These villages,[286] says he, do not belong to Ayto Confu, but to his cousins, the sons of Basha Eusebius. They indeed died in rebellion, but our master has taken possession of them for the family, lest the king should give them away to a stranger. Some bad news must have arrived from Gondar; at any rate, if you are afraid, I will accompany you to-morrow past Dav-Dohha." We thanked him for the kind offer, but excused ourselves from accepting it, as we fully relied upon his intelligence; and having made him some trifling presents, about the value of what he brought, though in his eyes much more considerable, we took our leave, mutually satisfied with each other. From this I no longer doubted that the whole was a project of the king to terrify me, and make me return. What struck me, as most improbable of all, was the story of that lying wretch who said that Ayto Confu had sent a number of mules to carry away his furniture, and trusted the defence of his place to Abba Gimbaro, chief of the Baasa. For, first, I knew well it did not need many mules to carry away the furniture which Ayto Confu left at Tcherkin in time of war, and when he was not there; next, had he known that any person whatever, Shangalla or Christians, had intended to attack Tcherkin, he was not a man to fight by proxy or lieutenants; he would have been himself present to meet them, as to a feast, though he had been carried thither in a sick-bed.

On the 30th, at half past six in the morning we set out from Waalia; and, though we were perfectly cured of our apprehensions, the company all joined in desiring me to go along with them, and not before them. They wisely added, that, in a country like that, where there was no fear of God, I could not know what it might be in the power of[287] the devil to do. I therefore hung my arms upon my horse, and, taking a gun in my hand, wandered among the trees by the road-side, in pursuit of the doves or pigeons. In a few hours I had shot several scores of them, especially on the banks of the Mai Lumi, or the River of Lemons. We came to it in about an hour from Waalia, and coasted it for some minutes, as it ran north-east parallel to our course.

A prodigious quantity of fruit loaded the branches of these trees even likely to break them; and these were in all stages of ripeness. Multitudes of blossoms covered the opposite part of the tree, and sent forth the most delicious odour possible. We provided ourselves amply with this fruit. The natives make no use of it, but we found it a great refreshment to us, both mixed with our water, and as sauce to our meat, of which we had now no great variety since our onions had failed us, and a supply of them was no longer to be procured.

At fourteen minutes past seven, continuing north-west, we crossed the river Mai Lumi, which here runs west; and, continuing still north-west, at eight o'clock we came to the mouth of the formidable pass, Dav-Dohha, which we entered with good countenance enough, having first rested five minutes to put ourselves in order, and we found our appetites failing us through excessive heat. The pass of Dav-Dohha is a very narrow defile, full of strata of rocks, like steps of stairs, but so high, that, without leaping, or being pulled up, no horse or mule can ascend. Moreover, the descent, though short, is very steep, and almost choked up by huge stones, which the torrents, after washing the[288] earth from about them, had rolled down from the mountain above. Both sides of the defile are covered thick with wood and bushes, especially that detestable thorn the kantuffa, so justly reprobated in Abyssinia.

Having extricated ourselves successfully from this pass, our spirits were so elated, that we began to think our journey now at an end, not reflecting how many passes, full of real danger, were still before us. At three quarters past eight we came to Werkleva, a village of Mahometans. Above this, too, is Armatchiko, a famous hermitage, and around it huts inhabited by a number of monks. These, and their brethren of Magwena, are capital performers in all disorders of the state; all prophets and diviners, keeping up the spirit of riot, anarchy, and tumult, by their fanatical inventions and pretended visions.

Having rested a few minutes at Tabaret Wunze, a wretched village, composed of miserable huts, on the banks of a small brook, at a quarter after two we passed the Coy, a large river, which falls into the Mahaanah. From Mai Lumi to this place the country was but indifferent in appearance; the soil, indeed, exceedingly good, but a wildness and look of desolation covered the whole of it. The grass was growing high, the country extensive, and almost without habitation, whilst the few huts that were to be seen seemed more than ordinarily miserable, and were hid in recesses, or in the edge of valleys overgrown with wood. The inhabitants seemed to have come there by stealth, with a desire to live concealed and unknown.

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On the 31st of December we left our station at the head of a difficult pass called Coy Gulgulet, or the Descent of Coy, at the foot of which runs the river Coy, one of the largest we had yet seen, but I did not discern any fish in it. Here we rested a little to refresh ourselves and our beasts, after the fatigues we had met with in descending through this pass.

At half after eight we came to the banks of the Germa, which winds along the valley, and falls into the Angrab. After having continued some time by the side of the Germa, and crossed it going N. W. we, at ten, passed the small river Idola; and half an hour after came to Deber, a house of Ayto Confu, on the top of a mountain, by the side of a small river of that name. The country here is partly in wood, and partly in plantations of dora. It is very well watered, and seems to produce abundant crops; but it is not beautiful; the soil is red earth, and the bottoms of all the rivers soft and earthy, the water heavy, and generally ill-tasted, even in the large rivers, such as the Coy and the Germa. I imagine there is some mineral in the red earth, with a proportion of which the water is impregnated.

At Deber, I observed the following bearings from the mountains; Ras el Feel was west, Tcherkin N. N. W. Debra Haria, north. We found nobody at Deber that could give us the least account of Ayto Confu. We left it, therefore, on the morning of the 1st of January 1772. At half past ten o'clock we passed a small village called Dembic, and about mid-day came to the large river Tchema, which falls into the larger river Dwang, below, to the westward. About an hour after, we came to the Mogetch, a river not so large[290] as the Tchema, but which, like it, joins the Dwang. Here we have a view of the steep mountain Magwena, where there is a monastery of that name, possessed by a multitude of lazy, profligate, ignorant monks. Magwena, excepting one mountain, is a bare, even ridge of rocks, which seemingly bear nothing, but are black, as if calcined by the sun. In the rainy season it is said every species of verdure is here in the greatest luxuriancy; all the plantations of corn about Deber are much infested with a small, beautiful, green monkey, with a long tail, called Tota.

Between three and four in the afternoon we encamped at Eggir Dembic; and in the evening we passed along the side of a small river running west, which falls into the Mogetch.

I took advantage of the pleasantest and latest hour for shooting the waalia, or the yellow-breasted pigeon, as also Guinea-fowls, which are here in great abundance among the corn; in plumage nothing different from ours, and very excellent meat. The sun was just setting, and I was returning to my tent, not from weariness or satiety of sport, but from my attendant being incapable of carrying the load of game I had already killed, when I was met by a man with whom I was perfectly acquainted, and who by his address likewise seemed no stranger to me. I immediately recollected him to be a servant of Ozoro Esther, but this he denied, and said he was a servant of Ayto Confu; however, as Confu lived in the same house with his mother at Koscam, the mistake seemed not to be of any moment. He said he came to meet Ayto Confu, who was expected at Tcherkin[291] that night, and was sent to search for us, as we seemed to have tarried on the road. He had brought two mules, in case any of ours had been tired, and proposed that the next morning I should set out with him alone for Tcherkin, where I should find Ayto Confu, and my baggage should follow me. I told him that it was my fixed resolution, made at the beginning of my journey, and which I should adhere to till the end, never to separate myself on the road from my servants and company, who were strangers, and without any other protection than that of being with me.

The man continued to press me all that evening very much, so that we were greatly surprised at what he could mean, and I still more and more resolved not to gratify him. Often I thought he wanted to communicate something to me, but he refrained, and I continued obstinate; and the rather so, as there was no certainty that Ayto Confu was yet arrived. I asked him, if Billetana Gueta Ammonios was not at Tcherkin? He answered, without the smallest alteration in his countenance, that he was not. No people on earth dissemble like the Abyssinians; this talent is born with them, and they improve it by continual practice. As we had therefore previously resolved, we passed the evening at Eggir Dembic, and the servant, finding he could not prevail, left our tent, and we all went to bed. He did not seem angry, but at going out of the tent, said, as half to himself, "I cannot blame you; in such a journey nothing is like firmness."

On the 2d of January, in the morning, by seven o'clock, having dressed my hair, and perfumed it according to the custom of the country, and put on clean clothes, with no other arms but my knife, and a pair of pistols at my girdle,[292] I came out of the tent to mount my mule for Tcherkin. I now saw Confu's servant, whose name was Welleta Yasous, pulling the Guinea-fowls and pigeons out of the pannier, where my servants had put them, and scattering them upon the ground, and he was saying to those who interrupted him, "Throw away this carrion; you shall have a better breakfast and dinner, too, to-day;" and turning to me more than ordinarily pleased at seeing me dressed, and that I continued to use the Abyssinian habit, he jumped upon his mule, and appeared in great spirits, and we all set out at a brisker pace than usual, by the assistance of the two fresh mules.

We passed through the midst of several small villages. At half an hour past eight we came to the mountain of Tcherkin, which we rounded on the west, and then on the north, keeping the mountain always on our right. At twenty minutes past ten I pitched my tent in the market-place at Tcherkin, which seemed a beautiful lawn laid out for pleasure, shaded with fine old trees, of an enormous height and size, and watered by a small but very limpid brook, running over beds of pebbles as white as snow.

CHAP. II.

Reception at Tcherkin by Ozoro Esther, &c.—Hunting of the Elephant, Rhinoceros, and Buffalo.

The impatient Welleta Yasous would only give me time to see my quadrant and other instruments safely stowed, but hurried me through a very narrow and crooked path up the side of the mountain, at every turn of which was placed a great rock or stone, the station for musquets to enfilade the different stages of the road below, where it was strait for any distance. We at last reached the outer court, where we found the chamberlain Ammonios, whom Welleta Yasous had spoken of as being still at Gondar; but this did not surprise me, as he told me at the tent that Ayto Confu was arrived. I saw here a great many of my old acquaintance whom I had known at Ozoro Esther's house at[294] Gondar, and who all welcomed me with the greatest demonstrations of joy, as if I had come from a long journey.

I was then taken to an inner apartment, where, to my great surprise, instead of Ayto Confu, I saw his mother, Ozoro Esther, sitting on a couch, and at her feet the secretary's daughter, the beautiful Tecla Mariam; and, soon after, the secretary himself, and several others belonging to the court. After having made a profound obeisance, "Ozoro Esther, said I, I cannot speak for surprise. What is the meaning of your having left Gondar to come into this wilderness? As for Tecla Mariam, I am not surprised at seeing her; I know she at any time would rather die than leave you; but that you have both come hither without Ayto Confu, and in so short a time, is what I cannot comprehend."—"There is nothing so strange in this, replied Ozoro Esther; the troops of Begemder have taken away my husband, Ras Michael, God knows where; and, therefore, being now a single woman, I am resolved to go to Jerusalem to pray for my husband, and to die there, and be buried in the Holy Sepulchre. You would not stay with us, so we are going with you. Is there any thing surprising in all this?"

"But tell me truly, says Tecla Mariam, you that know every thing, while peeping and poring through these long glasses, did not you learn by the stars that we were to meet you here?"—"Madam, answered I, if there was one star in the firmament that had announced to me such agreeable news, I should have relapsed into the old idolatry of this country, and worshipped that star for the rest of my life." Breakfast now came in; the conversation took a very lively turn, and from the secretary I learned that the matter stood[295] thus: The king, restoring the villages to the Iteghé, according to the stipulation of his last treaty with Powussen, thought that he might so far infringe upon it, from gratitude to Ras Michael, as to give part of the number to Ozoro Esther, the Iteghé's daughter; and Ayto Confu, going to Tcherkin to hunt, he took his mother along with him to put her in possession; for the Iteghé's people were not lambs, nor did they pay much regard to the orders of the king, nor to that of the Iteghé their mistress, at all times, farther than suited their own convenience.

We now wanted only the presence of Ayto Confu to make our happiness complete; he came about four, and with him Ayto Engedan, and a great company. There was nothing but rejoicing on all sides. Seven ladies, relations and companions of Ozoro Esther, came with Ayto Confu; and I confess this to have been one of the happiest moments of my life. I quite forgot the disastrous journey I had before me, and all the dangers that awaited me. I began even to regret being so far in my way to leave Abyssinia for ever. We learned from Ayto Confu, that it had been reported at Gondar that we had been murdered by the peasants of Gimbaar, but the contrary was soon known. However, Engedan and he had set the lesser village on fire in their passage, and laid a contribution of eleven ounces of gold upon the two larger.

Ayto Confu's house at Tcherkin is built on the edge of a precipice which takes its name from the mountain Amba Tcherkin. It is built all with cane very artificially, the outer wall being composed of fascines of canes, so neatly joined together as not to be penetrated by rain or wind.[296] The entry is from the south side of it, very crooked and difficult, half way up the rock. On the east, is a very plentiful spring, which furnishes the house with excellent water. Yet, after all, this house, though inaccessible, is not defensible, and affords very little safety to its master; for the Shangalla, with flax, or any thing combustible, tied to the point of their arrows, would easily set it on fire if they once approached it; and the Abyssinians with guns could as easily destroy it, as, on such occasions, they wrap their balls in cotton wads. The inside of the state-rooms were hung with long stripes of carpeting, and the floors covered with the same.

There is great plenty of game of every sort about Tcherkin; elephants, rhinoceroses, and a great number of buffaloes, which differ nothing in form from the buffaloes of Europe or of Egypt, but very much in temper and disposition. They are fierce, rash, and fearless of danger; and, contrary to the practice of any other creature not carnivorous, they attack the traveller and the hunter equally, and it requires address to escape from them. They seem to be, of all others, the creature the most given to ease and indulgence. They lie under the most shady trees, near large pools of water, of which they make constant use, and sleep soundly all the day long. The flesh of the female is very good when fat, but that of the male, hard, lean, and disagreeable. Their horns are used in various manners by the turners, in which craft the Abyssinians are very expert. In the woods there are many civet cats, but they know not the use of them, nor how to extract the civet. The Mahometans only are possessed of this art.

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Though we were all happy to our wish in this enchanted mountain, the active spirit of Ayto Confu could not rest; he was come to hunt the elephant, and hunt him he would. All those that understood any thing of this exercise had assembled from a great distance to meet Ayto Confu at Tcherkin. He and Engedan, from the moment they arrived, had been overlooking, from the precipice, their servants training and managing their horses in the market-place below. Great bunches of the finest canes had been brought from Kuara for javelins; and the whole house was employed in fitting heads to them in the most advantageous manner. For my part, tho' I should have been very well contented to have remained where I was, yet the preparations for sport of so noble a kind roused my spirits, and made me desirous to join in it. On the other hand, the ladies all declared, that they thought, by leaving them, we were devoting them to death or slavery, as they did not doubt, if the Shangalla missed us, they would come forward to the mountain and slay them all. But a sufficient garrison was left under Azage Kyrillos, and Billetana Gueta Ammonios; and we were well assured that the Shangalla, being informed we were out, and armed, and knowing our numbers, would take care to keep close in their thickets far out of our way.

On the 6th, an hour before day, after a hearty breakfast, we mounted on horseback, to the number of about thirty belonging to Ayto Confu. But there was another body, both of horse and foot, which made hunting the elephant their particular business. These men dwell constantly in the woods, and know very little the use of bread, living entirely upon the flesh of the beasts they kill, chiefly that of the elephant or rhinoceros. They are exceedingly thin,[298] light, and agile, both on horseback and foot; are very swarthy, though few of them black; none of them woolly-headed, and all of them have European features. They are called Agageer, a name of their profession, not of their nation, which comes from the word Agar, and signifies to hough or ham-string with a sharp weapon. More properly it means, indeed, the cutting the tendon of the heel, and is a characteristic of the manner in which they kill the elephant, which is shortly as follows:—Two men, absolutely naked, without any rag or covering at all about them, get on horseback; this precaution is from fear of being laid hold of by the trees or bushes, in making their escape from a very watchful enemy. One of these riders sits upon the back of the horse, sometimes with a saddle, and sometimes without one, with only a switch or short stick in one hand, carefully managing the bridle with the other; behind him sits his companion, who has no other arms but a broad-sword, such as is used by the Sclavonians, and which is brought from Trieste. His left hand is employed grasping the sword by the handle, and about fourteen inches of the blade is covered with whip-cord. This part he takes in his right hand, without any danger of being hurt by it; and, though the edges of the lower part of the sword are as sharp as a razor, he carries it without a scabbard.

As soon as the elephant is found feeding, the horseman rides before him as near his face as possible; or, if he flies, crosses him in all directions, crying out, "I am such a man and such a man; this is my horse, that has such a name; I killed your father in such a place, and your grandfather in such another place, and I am now come to kill you; you are but an ass in comparison of them."[299] This nonsense he verily believes the elephant understands, who, chafed and angry at hearing the noise immediately before him, seeks to seize him with his trunk or proboscis, and, intent upon this, follows the horse everywhere, turning and turning round with him, neglectful of making his escape by running straight forward, in which consists his only safety. After having made him turn once or twice in pursuit of the horse, the horseman rides close up alongside of him, and drops his companion just behind on the off side; and while he engages the elephant's attention upon the horse, the footman behind gives him a drawn stroke just above the heel, or what in man is called the tendon of Achilles. This is the critical moment; the horseman immediately wheels round, and takes his companion up behind him, and rides off full speed after the rest of the herd, if they have started more than one; and sometimes an expert Agageer will kill three out of one herd. If the sword is good, and the man not afraid, the tendon is commonly entirely separated; and if it is not cut through, it is generally so far divided, that the animal, with the stress he puts upon it, breaks the remaining part asunder. In either case, he remains incapable of advancing a step, till the horseman returning, or his companions coming up, pierce him through with javelins and lances; he then falls to the ground, and expires with the loss of blood.

The Agageer nearest me presently lamed his elephant, and left him standing. Ayto Engedan, Ayto Confu, Guebra Mariam, and several others, fixed their spears in the other, before the Agageer had cut his tendons. My Agageer, however, having wounded the first elephant, failed in the pursuit of the second, and, being close upon him at enter[300]ing the wood, he received a violent blow from a branch of a tree which the elephant had bent by his weight, and, after passing, allowed it to replace itself, when it knocked down both the riders, and very much hurt the horse. This, indeed, is the great danger in elephant-hunting; for some of the trees, that are dry and short, break, by the violent pressure of so immense a body moving so rapidly, and fall upon the pursuers, or across the roads. But the greatest number of these trees, being of a succulent quality, they bend without breaking, and return quickly to their former position, when they strike both horse and man so violently, that they often beat them to pieces, and scatter them upon the plain. Dextrous, too, as the riders are, the elephant sometimes reaches them with his trunk, with which he dashes the horse against the ground, and then sets his feet upon him, till he tears him limb from limb with his proboscis; a great many hunters die this way. Besides this, the soil, at this time of the year, is split into deep chasms, or cavities, by the heat of the sun, so that nothing can be more dangerous than the riding.

The elephant once slain, they cut the whole flesh off his bones into thongs, like the reins of a bridle, and hang these, like festoons, upon the branches of trees, till they become perfectly dry, without salt, and they then lay them by for their provision in the season of the rains.

I need say nothing of the figure of the elephant, his form is known, and anecdotes of his life and character are to be found everywhere. But his description, at length, is given, with his usual accuracy and elegance, by that great master of natural history the Count de Buffon, my most venerable,[301] learned, and amiable friend, the Pliny of Europe, and the true portrait of what a man of learning and fashion should be.

I shall only take upon me to resolve a difficulty which he seems to have had,—for what use the teeth of the elephant, and the horns of the rhinoceros, were intended. He, with reason, explodes the vulgar prejudice, that these arms were given them by Nature to fight with each other. He asks very properly, What can be the ground of that animosity? neither of them are carnivorous; they do not couple together, therefore are not rivals in love; and, as for food, the vast forests they inhabit furnish them with an abundant and everlasting store.

But neither the elephant nor rhinoceros eat grass. The sheep, goats, horses, cattle, and all the beasts of the country, live upon branches of trees. There are, in every part of these immense forests, trees of a soft, succulent substance, full of pith. These are the principal food of the elephant and rhinoceros. They first eat the tops of these leaves and branches; they then, with their horns or teeth, begin as near to the root as they can, and rip, or cut the more woody part, or trunks of these, up to where they were eaten before, till they fall in so many pliable pieces of the size of laths. After this, they take all these in their monstrous mouths, and twist them round as we could do the leaves of a lettuce. The vestiges of this process, in its different stages, we saw every day throughout the forest; and the horns of the rhinoceros, and teeth of the elephant, are often found broken, when their gluttony leads them to attempt too large or firm a tree.

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There now remained but two elephants of those that had been discovered, which were a she one with a calf. The Agageer would willingly have let these alone, as the teeth of the female are very small, and the young one is of no sort of value, even for food, its flesh shrinking much upon drying. But the hunters would not be limited in their sport. The people having observed the place of her retreat, thither we eagerly followed. She was very soon found, and as soon lamed by the Agageers; but when they came to wound her with the darts, as every one did in their turn, to our very great surprise, the young one, which had been suffered to escape unheeded and unpursued, came out from the thicket apparently in great anger, running upon the horses and men with all the violence it was master of. I was amazed; and as much as ever I was, upon such an occasion, afflicted, at seeing the great affection of the little animal defending its wounded mother, heedless of its own life or safety. I therefore cried to them, for God's sake to spare the mother, tho' it was then too late; and the calf had made several rude attacks upon me, which I avoided without difficulty; but I am happy, to this day, in the reflection that I did not strike it. At last, making one of its attacks upon Ayto Engedan, it hurt him a little on the leg; upon which he thrust it through with his lance, as others did after, and it then fell dead before its wounded mother, whom it had so affectionately defended. It was about the size of an ass, but round, big-bellied, and heavily made; and was so furious, and unruly, that it would easily have broken the leg either of man or horse, could it have overtaken them, and jostled against them properly.

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Here is an example of a beast (a young one too) possessing abstracted sentiments to a very high degree. By its flight on the first appearance of the hunters, it is plain it apprehended danger to itself, it also reflected upon that of its mother, which was the cause of its return to her assistance. This affection or duty, or let us call it any thing we please, except instinct, was stronger than the fear of danger; and it must have conquered that fear by reflection before it returned, when it resolved to make its best and last efforts, for it never attempted to fly afterwards. I freely forgive that part of my readers, who know me and themselves so little, as to think I believe it worth my while to play the mountebank, for the great honour of diverting them; an honour far from being of the first rate in my esteem. If they should shew, in this place, a degree of doubt, that, for once, I am making use of the privilege of travellers, and dealing a little in the marvellous, it would be much more to the credit of their discernment, than their prodigious scruples about the reality or possibility of eating raw flesh; a thing that has been recorded by the united testimony of all that ever visited Abyssinia for these two hundred years, has nothing unreasonable in itself, though contrary to our practice in other cases; and can only be called in question now, through weakness, ignorance, or an intemperate desire to find fault, by those that believed that a man could get into a quart bottle.

What I relate of the young elephant contains difficulties of another kind; though I am very well persuaded some will swallow it easily, who cannot digest the raw flesh. In both instances I adhere strictly to the truth; and I beg leave to assure those scrupulous readers, that if they knew their[304] author, they would think that his having invented a lie, solely for the pleasure of diverting them, was much more improbable than either of the two foregoing facts. He places his merit in having accomplished these travels in general, not in being present at any one incident during the course of them; the believing of which can reflect no particular honour upon himself, nor the disbelieving it any sort of disgrace in the minds of liberal and unprejudiced men. It is for these only he would wish to write, and these are the only persons who can profit from his narrative.

The Agageers having procured as much meat as would maintain them a long time, could not be persuaded to continue the hunting any longer. Part of them remained with the she-elephant, which seemed to be the fattest; tho' the one they killed first was by much the most valuable, on account of its long teeth. It was still alive, nor did it seem an easy operation to kill it, without the assistance of our Agageers, even though it was totally helpless, except with its trunk.

We sought about for the buffaloes and rhinoceroses; but though there was plenty of both in the neighbourhood, we could not find them; our noise and shooting in the morning having probably scared them away. One rhinoceros only was seen by a servant. We returned in the evening to a great fire, and lay all night under the shade of trees. Here we saw them separate the great teeth of the elephant from the head, by roasting the jaw-bones on the fire, till the lower, thin, and hollow part of the teeth[305] were nearly consumed; and then they come out easily, the thin part being of no value.

The next morning we were on horseback by the dawn of day in search of the rhinoceros, many of which we had heard make a very deep groan and cry as the morning approached; several of the Agageers then joined us, and after we had searched about an hour in the very thickest part of the wood, one of them rushed out with great violence, crossing the plain towards a wood of canes that was about two miles distance. But though he ran, or rather trotted, with surprising speed, considering his bulk, he was, in a very little time, transfixed with thirty or forty javelins; which so confounded him, that he left his purpose of going to the wood, and ran into a deep hole, ditch, or ravine, a cul de sac, without outlet, breaking above a dozen of the javelins as he entered. Here we thought he was caught as in a trap, for he had scarce room to turn; when a servant, who had a gun, standing directly over him, fired at his head, and the animal fell immediately, to all appearance dead. All those on foot now jumped in with their knives to cut him up, and they had scarce begun, when the animal recovered so far as to rise upon his knees; happy then was the man that escaped first; and had not one of the Agageers, who was himself engaged in the ravine, cut the sinew of the hind-leg as he was retreating, there would have been a very sorrowful account of the foot-hunters that day.

After having dispatched him, I was curious to see what wound the shot had given, which had operated so violently upon so huge an animal; and I doubted not it was in the brain. But it had struck him nowhere but upon the point of[306] the foremost horn, of which it had carried off above an inch; and this occasioned a concussion that had stunned him for a minute, till the bleeding had recovered him. I preserved the horn from curiosity, and have it now by me[18]. I saw evidently the ball had touched no other part of the beast.

While we were busy with the rhinoceros, Ammonios joined us. A message from the king had carried away Azage Kyrillos the secretary. Two other messengers had arrived from the queen, one to Ayto Confu, and another to Ozoro Esther; and it was Ozoro Esther's commands to her son, to leave the hunting and return. There was no remedy but to obey; Ammonios, however, wanted to have his part of the hunting; and the country people told us, that multitudes of buffaloes were to be found a little to the westward, where there were large trees and standing pools of water. We agreed then to hunt homeward, without being over-solicitous about returning early.

We had not gone far before a wild boar arose between me and Ayto Engedan, which I immediately killed with my javelin. Before he, on his horse, came up to it, another of its companions shared the same fate about a quarter of an hour after. This was the sport I had been many years used to in Barbary, and was infinitely more dextrous at it than any of the present company; this put me more upon a par with my companions, who had not failed to laugh at me, upon my horse's refusal to carry me near either to the ele[307]phant or rhinoceros. Nobody would touch the carcase of the boar after it was dead, being an animal which is considered as unclean.

Ammonios was a man of approved courage and conduct, and had been in all the wars of Ras Michael, and was placed about Ayto Confu, to lead the troops, curb the presumption, and check the impetuosity of that youthful warrior. He was tall, and aukwardly made; slow in speech and motion, so much as even to excite ridicule; about sixty years of age, and more corpulent than the Abyssinians generally are; in a word, as pedantic and grave in his manner as it is possible to express. He spent his whole leisure time in reading the scripture, nor did he willingly discourse of any thing else. He had been bred a foot-soldier; and, though he rode as well as many of the Abyssinians, yet, having long stirrup-leathers, with iron rings at the end of them, into which he put his naked toe only, instead of stirrups, he had no strength or agility on horseback, nor was his bridle such as could command his horse to stop, or wind and turn sharply among trees, though he might make a tolerable figure on a plain.

A Boar, roused on our right, had wounded a horse and a footman of Ayto Confu, and then escaped. Two buffaloes were found by those on the right, one of which wounded a horse likewise. Ayto Confu, Engedan, Guebra Mariam, and myself, killed the other with equal share of merit, without being in any sort of danger. All this was in little more than an hour, when our sport seemed to be at the best; our horses were considerably blown, not tired, and though we were beating homewards, still we were looking very[308] keenly for more game. Ammonios was on the left among the bushes, and some large, beautiful, tall spreading-trees, close on the banks of the river Bedowi, which stands there in pools. Whether the buffalo found Ammonios, or Ammonios the buffalo, is what we could never get him to explain to us; but he had wounded the beast slightly in the buttock, which, in return, had gored his horse, and thrown both him and it to the ground. Luckily, however, his cloak had fallen off, which the buffalo tore in pieces, and employed himself for a minute with that and with the horse, but then left them, and followed the man as soon as he saw him rise and run. Ammonios got behind one large tree, and from that to another still larger. The buffalo turned very aukwardly, but kept close in pursuit; and there was no doubt he would have worn our friend out, who was not used to such quick motion. Ayto Engedan, who was near him, and might have assisted him, was laughing, ready to die at the droll figure a man of Ammonios's grave carriage made, running and skipping about naked, with a swiftness he had never practised all his life before; and Engedan continued calling to Confu to partake of the diversion.

The moment I heard his repeated cries, I galloped out of the bushes to the place where he was, and could not help laughing at the ridiculous figure of our friend, very attentive to the beast's motions, which seemed to dodge with great address, and keep to his adversary with the utmost obstinacy. As soon as Engedan saw me, he cried, "Yagoube! for the love of Christ! for the love of the blessed Virgin! don't interfere till Confu comes up." Confu immediately arrived, and laughed more than Engedan, but did not of[309]fer to interfere; on the contrary, he clapped his hands, and cried, "Well done, Ammonios," swearing he never saw so equal a match in his life. The unfortunate Ammonios had been driven from tree to tree, till he had got behind one within a few yards of the water; but the brush-wood upon the banks, and his attention to the buffalo, hindered him from seeing how far it was below him. Nothing could be more ridiculous than to see him holding the tree with both his hands, peeping first one way, and then another, to see by which the beast would turn. And well he might be on his guard; for the animal was absolutely mad, tossing up the ground with his feet both before and behind. "Sir, said I, to Ayto Confu, this will be but an ugly joke to-night, if we bring home that man's corpse, killed in the very midst of us, while we were looking on." Saying this, I parted at a canter behind the trees, crying to Ammonios to throw himself into the water, when I should strike the beast; and seeing the buffalo's head turned from me, at full speed I ran the spear into the lower part of his belly, through his whole intestines, till it came out above a foot on the other side, and there I left it, with a view to hinder the buffalo from turning. It was a spear which, though small in the head, had a strong, tough, seasoned shaft, which did not break by striking it against the trees and bushes, and it pained and impeded the animal's motions, till Ammonios quitting the tree, dashed through the bushes with some difficulty, and threw himself into the river. But here a danger occurred that I had not foreseen. The pool was very deep, and Ammonios could not swim; so that though he escaped from the buffalo, he would infallibly have been drowned,[310] had he not caught hold of some strong roots of a tree shooting out of the bank; and there he lay in perfect safety from the enemy, till our servants went round, and brought him out of the pool on the further side.

In the mean time, the buffalo, mortally wounded, seeing his enemy had escaped, kept his eyes intent upon us, who were about forty yards from him, walking backwards towards us, with intent to turn suddenly upon the nearest horse; when Ayto Confu ordered two men with guns to shoot him through the head, and he instantly fell. The two we first killed were females; this last was a bull, and one of the largest, confessedly, that had ever been seen. Though not fat, I guess he weighed nearer fifty than forty stone. His horns from the root, following the line of their curve, were about fifty-two inches, and nearly nine where thickest in the circumference. They were flat, not round. Ayto Confu ordered the head to be cut off, and cleared of its flesh, so that the horns and skeleton of the head only remained; this he hung up in his great hall among the probosces of elephants, and horns of rhinoceroses, with this inscription in his own language, "Yogoube the Kipt killed this upon the Bedowi."

We were now within sight of home, to which we went straight without further hunting. Neither the ridicule nor the condolence of the young men could force one word from Ammonios; only when I asked him whether or not he was hurt, he answered from the scripture, "He that loveth danger shall perish in it." But at night Ozoro Esther, either really or feignedly, expressing herself as displeased with her son Ayto Confu, Ammonios, who loved the young man sincerely, could not bear to be the occasion of this; so[311] that all resolved itself into mirth and joke. What added to the merriment was, that the messengers from the Iteghé brought a large increase to our stock of brandy; but brought also positive orders, both from her and the king, to Ozoro Esther, to determine me, by all possible means, to return to Gondar, or else to repair thither instantly herself.

The evening of the day whereon we set out to hunt, some men arrived from Ras el Feel, sent by Yasine, with camels for our baggage, nothing but mules being used at Tcherkin. They brought word, that the Shangalla were down near the Tacazzé, so that now was the time to pass without fear; that Abd el Jeleel, the former Shum of Ras el Feel, Yasine's mortal enemy, had been seen lurking in the country near Sancaho; but as he had only four men, and was himself a known coward, it was not probable he would attempt any thing against us, though it would be always better that we keep on our guard.

Tcherkin has a market on Saturdays, in which raw cotton, cattle, honey, and coarse cotton cloths are sold. The Shangalla formerly molested Tcherkin greatly, but for thirty years past they had done little damage. The small-pox raged so violently for a number of years among them, that it has greatly diminished their numbers, and consequently their power of troubling their neighbours. At Tcherkin we saw a prodigious quantity of black scorpions, of a very small kind, seldom in the houses, but chiefly hid under stones; several of our people were stung by them, but no other mischief followed, but a small swelling, and a complaint of cold in the part, which went away in a few hours.

[312]

From the descent of Moura, after leaving Debra Tzai, and Koscam, all was thick woods till we arrived at Tcherkin; the roads very rugged and broken, but the weather was exceedingly pleasant; for though the thermometer was sometimes at 115°, it was always cool in the shade; and by the side of every river there was a fresh gentle breeze from N. E. especially at mid-day. The mornings were always calm, or with little wind at N. E. It regularly changed about nine to N. W. and then fell calm. About four in the afternoon it generally was at west or near it; but two currents were constantly distinguished at night; the lower N. E. veering easterly towards morning; while the white small clouds very thin and high, coming very rapidly from the S. W. shewed the direction and strength of the higher current. The mornings and nights were cloudy from the first of January, but the days perfectly serene.

On Wednesday the eighth of January, having rectified my quadrant with great attention, I found the latitude of Tcherkin, by a meridian altitude of the sun, to be 13° 7´ 30´´ N.; and taking a mean between that and the meridian altitude of eleven different stars, the following night, I found the true latitude of Tcherkin Amba to be 13° 7´ 35´´ north. But though from that time I was ready to depart, I could not possibly get disengaged from my friends, but by a composition, which was, that I should stay till the 15th, the day before Ozoro Esther and her company were to set out on their return to Gondar; and that they, on their part, should suffer me to depart on that day, without further perswasion, or throwing any obstacle whatever in my way. The king had recommended to them this sort of agreement, if I was obstinate, and this being settled, we abandoned ourselves to mirth and festivity.

The extensive, and very thick forest, which had reached without interruption all the way from Tcherkin, ended, here at Imgellalib. The country is perfectly flat, and hath very little water. The forest, however, though thick, afforded no sort of shade; the hunters, for the sake of their sport, and the Arabs, for destroying the flies, having set fire to all the dry grass and shrubs, which, passing with great rapidity, in the direction of the wood from east to west, though it had not time enough to destroy the trees, did yet wither, and occasion every leaf that was upon them to fall, unless in those spaces where villages had been, and where water was. In such spots a number of large spreading trees remained full of foliage, which, from their great height, and being cleared of underwood, continued in full verdure, loaded with large, projecting, and exuberant branches. But, even here, the pleasure that their shade afforded was very temporary, so as to allow us no time for enjoyment. The sun, so near the zenith, changed his azimuth so rapidly, that every few minutes I was obliged to change the carpet on which I lay round the trunk of the tree, to which I had fled, for shelter; and, though I lay down to sleep, perfectly skreened by the trunk, or branches, I was presently awakened by the violent rays of a scorching sun, the shade having passed beyond me; and this was particularly incommodious, when the trees, under which we placed ourselves, were of the thorny kind, very common in those forests. The thorns, being all scattered round the trunk upon the ground, made either changing-place, or lying, equally uneasy; so that often, however averse we were to fatigue, with the effects of the simoom, we found, that, pitching the head of our tent, and sometimes the whole of it, was the only possible means of[349] securing a permanent protection from the sun's oppressive heat. In all other places, though we had travelled constantly in forests, we never met with a tree that could shade us for a moment, the fire having deprived them of all their leaves.

Having refreshed ourselves for near two hours by the enjoyment of this water at Imgellalib, and raked a sufficient quantity of sand over the dead bodies of our two companions, from piety and decency rather than for use, we abandoned them to the hyænas, who had already smelled the mortality, and were coming, two and three together, at the distance of a long shot from the well where we were then drinking. We set out at eleven, our road being thro' a very extensive plain; and, at two in the afternoon, we alighted at another well, called Garigana; the water was bad, and in small quantity. In this plain is situated the principal village of Atbara, called Teawa. The thermometer, slung under the camel, in the shade of the girba of water, had yet, nevertheless, varied within these three hours from 111° to 119-1/2.

At five o'clock we left Garigana, our journey being still to the eastward of north; and, at a quarter past six in the evening, arrived at the village of that name, whose inhabitants had[350] all perished with hunger the year before; their wretched bones being all unburied and scattered upon the surface of the ground where the village formerly stood. We encamped among the bones of the dead; no space could be found free from them; and on the 23d, at six in the morning, full of horror at this miserable spectacle, we set out for Teawa: this was the seventh day from Ras el Feel. After an hour's travelling we came to a small river, which still had water standing in some considerable pools, although its banks were perfectly destitute of any kind of shade.

At three quarters after seven in the evening we arrived at Teawa, the principal village and residence of the Shekh of Atbara, between three and four miles from the ruins of Garigana. The whole distance, then, from Hor-Cacamoot, may be about sixty-five miles to Teawa, as near as I then could compute; that is, from Hor-Cacamoot to Rashid, thirty-two miles, and from Rashid to Teawa, thirty-three miles; but Rashid from Hor-Cacamoot bears N. W. and by N. and the latitudes are:—

Teawa,	lat.	14°	2´	4´´	N.
Hor-Cacamoot,		13°	1´	33´´
Difference,	lat.	1°	0´	31´´

The difference of longitude is then but five or six miles; so that Teawa is very little to the westward of due north from Hor-Cacamoot, and nearly in the same meridian with Ras el Feel, which is four miles west of Hor-Cacamoot. From Imhanzara to Teawa, but especially from Imgellalib, we[351] went always to the eastward of north. From Teawa we observed the following bearings and distances:

Beyla, W. S. W. about 28 miles at farthest.

Hasib, S. and by W.

Jibbel Imsiddera, S. about 8 miles, where is good water.

Mendera, N. 48 miles; indifferent water from deep wells.

Rashid, S. nearly 33 miles; plenty of good water all the year.

Jibbel Isriff, E. N. E. about three miles; water.

Jibbel Attesh and Habharras, W. and by N. between 50 and 60 miles.

Sennaar, W. and by N. as far as we could guess about 70 miles.

Guangue River, from 14 to 16 miles due east.

Derkin, E. N. E. about 27 miles.

At Garigana, several of our caravan, with their asses and loading of salt, left us, either afraid of entering Teawa, or because their friends dwelt at Jibbel Isriff, where the clan of Jehaina were then encamped, being afraid of the Arabs Daveina, who, the preceding year, had destroyed all the crops and villages that belonged to them, or rather reaped them for their own advantage. The whole tribe of Jehaina is greatly their inferiors in all respects, and as by assembling upon Jibbel Isriff, a low though very rugged ridge of hills, abounding in water, where the pits in which they hide their grain were, and where, too, they had deposited the principal of their effects, they had given this pledge of mutual assistance to the inhabitants of Teawa in case of an attack from those great destroyers the Daveina.

[352]

The Daveina being Arabs, who constantly live in tents, bear a mortal enmity to all who inhabit villages, and, as occasion offered, had destroyed, starved, and laid waste the greatest part of Atbara. They had been outlawed by the government of Sennaar for having joined Yasous II. upon the expedition against that kingdom. They had ever since been well-received by the Abyssinians, lived independent, and in perpetual defiance of the government of Sennaar. They had often threatened Teawa, but had given the Shekh of Beyla an assurance of friendship ever since Yasine had married a daughter of that Shekh.

The strength of Teawa was about 25 horse, of which about ten were armed with coats of mail. They had about a dozen of firelocks, very contemptible from the order in which they were kept, and still more so from the hands that bore them. The rest of the inhabitants might amount to twelve hundred men, naked, miserable, and despicable Arabs, like the rest of those that live in villages, who are much inferior in courage to the Arabs that dwell in tents: weak as its state was, it was the seat of government, and as such a certain degree of reverence attended it. Fidele, the Shekh of Atbara, was reputed by his own people a man of courage; this had been doubted at Sennaar. Welled Hassan, his father, had been employed by Nasser the son, late king of Sennaar, in the murder of his father and sovereign Baady, which he had perpetrated, as I have already mentioned. Such was the state of Teawa. Its consequence was only to remain till the Daveina should resolve to attack it, when its corn-fields being burnt and destroyed in a night by a multitude of horsemen, the bones of its inhabitants scattered upon[353] the earth, would be all its remains, like those of the miserable village of Garigana.

I have already observed, in the beginning of the journey, that the Shekh of the Arabs Nile, who resided in Abyssinia, near Ras el Feel, since the expedition of Yasous, had warned me, at Hor-Cacamoot, to distrust the fair promises and friendly professions of Shekh Fidele, and had, indeed, raised such doubts in my mind, that, had not the Daveina been parted from Sim Sim, (or the confines of Abyssinia) though there would have been a risk, that if, coming with that tribe, I should have been-ill received at Sennaar, I nevertheless would have travelled with them, rather than by Teawa; but the Daveina were gone.

The Shekh of Atbara, having no apparent interest to deceive us, had hitherto been a friend as far as words would go, and had promised every thing that remained in his power; but, for fear of the worst, Nile had given us a confidential man, who was related to the Jehaina and to the principal Shekh of that tribe. This man conducted an ass, loaded with salt, among the other Arabs of the caravan, and was to set off to Ras el Feel upon the first appearance of danger, which he was to learn by coming once in two days, or oftner, either to Teawa, where he was no farther known than as being one of the Jehaina, or to the river, where my Soliman was to meet him at the pools of water; but his secret was only known to Soliman, myself, and a Greek servant, Michael. From leaving Hor-Cacamoot, he had no personal interview with me; but the night, when we were like to perish for thirst in the wood, he had sent me, by Soliman, privately, a horn-full of water, which he had in his goat's skin, and[354] for which I had rewarded him handsomely in the instant, glad of that opportunity of confirming him in his duty.

This man we set off to Jibbel Isriff, as a stranger, with orders not to come to us till the third day; for we were well-persuaded, whatever the end was to be, that our first reception would be a gracious one. Indeed we were all of us inclined to believe, that our suspicions of Fidele Shekh of Atbara, and of his intentions towards us, were rather the effects of the fear that Shekh Nile had infused into us, than any apprehension which we could reasonably form after so many promises; at the same time, it was agreed on all hands, that, life being at stake, we could not be too careful, in providing means that could, if the worst happened, at the least diminish our risk.

The foretelling the sign seemed not at all to please the Shekh, who appeared very much disconcerted with the supposed invisibility of messengers. I got up, having pushed my design just far enough. I then shook hands with the Shekh, saying, "I am glad to see you don't want camels, alluding to the number I saw come with the Jehaina; get your bouza made, and your provisions ready, you'll have strangers with you soon." He said only, "(Ullah Kerim!") i. e. God is merciful; which was echoed by every mouth in the room. I saluted particularly the Shekh of the Jehaina, who had seen me at Ras el Feel, and I then went out of the room, leaving them all there, and going home very chearful, began to prepare for leaving Teawa, which we were satisfied was now near at hand.

On the 14th, in the morning, the Moullah and sherriffe, with the Shekh of Beyla's servant, and the old Kaiya Soliman, came to see our clocks and watches. They sat upon benches at the door and drank coffee, not caring to enter the house, I suppose, for fear of being defiled. As the old Kaiya was there, it was almost impossible to speak concerning our affairs, all was about our religion, and the manner in which a Dervish lived. All at once, a servant behind cried out, "News from Sennaar!" and, presently after, we saw three men; one of whom was my servant, whom I sent to Sennaar with the Daveina, who delivered to me a letter from Hagi Belal, informing me, that Mahomet Abou Calec, and Shekh Adelan, were both at a distance from Sennaar, at the head of armies, and the king in the capital almost alone, under great apprehensions; but as no mischief had yet happened, and the king had no force, it was hoped things might be made up. He added, that he thought it better to wait a[399] little, to get a servant of Adelan to accompany the king's, than to trust to that one alone. Having communicated the contents of my letter to Shekh Fidele, and received his congratulations, they all left me, and went to the Shekh to hear what further news were brought to him. What I told him was confirmed; and the Shekh having no longer any option, declared his resolution to obey without further delay, and desired us to get ready for our journey.

It was told us, however, soon after, that the king's servant who had arrived, whose name was Mahomet, was a great friend of Shekh Fidele, and the usual one sent to him at Teawa; and that he was a great drunkard, and reprobate. On the contrary, Adelan's servant, though young, was a very gentle, sober person, a slave that had been given to Adelan by the Shekh of Beyla; and he was very urgent for us to depart. We soon saw the consequence of this difference of manners; and that Shekh Fidele had not relinquished his view to the piastres. For having tutored the king's servant all night, and gained him to his interest, he had, early in the morning of the 15th, declared that he was not to stir from Teawa for a fortnight, and he was ordered to get the camels from some distance in Atbara, the place I do not remember. This displeased Adelan's servant much, who declared before the assembly, that he was determined to set out the next day, that he knew not the orders the king had given, but he knew his master's orders; and that if the Shekh did not furnish him with camels, or opposed our setting out, he would take him with him to Adelan at Aira, or, upon his refusal to go, denounce him a rebel, and his master's enemy, and leave him to what would be the consequence. Upon this bold speech, every body left the[400] Shekh, and went away, whispering, two and two together. The king's servant joined his companion, who told me to be ready, and fear nothing, for he would see me to-morrow night at Beyla.

About half an hour after my return home I was again called to the Shekh, who had only the Moullah and the old Kaiya sitting by him, with two short letters in his hand from Yasine, full of reproaches for his behaviour to me, and declaring with most solemn oaths, that if those letters found me at Teawa, or if I was not gone from thence in peace, he would, before a fortnight was elapsed, be down as an enemy upon Teawa; and unless the Daveina did engage to burn every stalk of corn between that and Beyla as soon as it was in the ear, he would shut Abyssinia against them, and that they should neither eat bread nor drink water in it as long as he was alive and governor of Ras el Feel. These letters mentioned a complaint likewise that had been sent to Shekh Adelan at Sennaar, but by whom they did not say, probably from Ayto Confu, complaining of Fidele's usage to me. Yasine's men, that brought the letters from Ras el Feel to Teawa, were said to be three in number, mounted on camels, or dromedaries, and armed with coats of mail and head-pieces. They refused to come into Teawa, to eat of Shekh Fidele's bread[36], or drink of his water, looking upon him as a declared enemy of Yasine, their master. Fidele with some difficulty at last allowed black Soliman to go to meet them, to persuade them to enter the town; but all to[401] no purpose, for the only favour he could obtain was, that they should stay with the Jehaina at Jibbel Isriff till they heard I was fairly set out on my journey.

The next day, the 16th of April, I received a message from the Moullah, that the camels were all ready, that girbas for the water were wanting, but girbas should be found for me; and he would give me his word they should be found filled at the river where I directed; as also all sorts of provisions and necessaries to carry me to Beyla, to which place I should set out the moment I pleased; only that I must not go from Teawa without making peace with the Shekh, and promising to forgive him, and not make any complaint against him at Sennaar or elsewhere, provided he, on his part, gave over all further machinations against me. I answered, That however ill-used, yet, for his sake, I would do any thing he wished me to do, and that I was ready to pacify Yasine, by writing to him by the return of his messengers. All was agreed, so we packed up our baggage with the utmost diligence.

On the 17th, in the forenoon, I was appointed to meet the Shekh at his own house, and told the Moullah I expected he would have the camels ready. As we suspected, our girbas were insufficient, and indeed we had found them so when they lost our water in the wood near Imgellalib; we got three new ones from the Shekh in perfect good condition, and gave him our two in exchange, which were something larger than his. Each of these skins are valued at 12 dollars, or about three pounds sterling. There is great art and labour required in making the seams water-tight; they are[402] all stitched most dexterously, strongly greased, and then laid over thick on the outside with warm tar, and need constant care and inspection. About nine o'clock we went to the Shekh, and entered presently upon business. I engaged to pacify Yasine, whose servants, upon my message, came to town to see me depart, and were kindly received and cloathed by the Shekh. A large breakfast was ordered; Fidele and I, with Yasine's servants, ate together of several very good dishes. The two holy men, and another stranger equally holy, ate together out of a separate plate; after which we all stood up, and said the prayer of peace, and I took my leave. We all then went out together into the market-place, and eight camels were ordered down to my house, with people to wait upon them.

The girbas, which lay filled and soaking at the river-side, were ready to be loaded upon our camels. A servant of the Kaiya held my horse, which had been taken from me by Fidele soon after my arriving at Teawa, but which was now restored me. My servant who came from Sennaar had indeed told me that no horses would live there; that those that were necessary for the troops of the government were all kept at a distance from Sennaar, and maintained at Aira, or places in the sand at a small distance, but free from the plague of the fly. The Shekh made no observation upon this. I said, The horse is a very excellent one, and I will now shew him to you. I sent for a short double-barrelled gun, threw off my burnoose, and mounting the horse, made him do every thing he was capable of, putting him to his full speed, firing to right and left on each side of him.

[403]

They were all struck with amazement, and with a kind of terror. They had never before seen a gun fired on horseback, much less a gun fired twice without charging. I did not want to explain the matter to them; and, as far as I could perceive, the Moullah especially was very glad when I sent it home. "This is the way, said I, that my countrymen ride, and the way they fight; no people on earth understand fire-arms or horsemanship like them. For my part, I am a man of peace, a Dervish, and no soldier; it is not my profession, and I do the thing aukwardly. If you saw some of our soldiers ride, it would be a sight indeed." Fidele laughed, or counterfeited a laugh, but being a soldier, it was his part to say something. "If many of your countrymen like you were here, man of peace as you are, unless they were friends to us they would get all Atbara to themselves. If they were friends, says he, I think I could do something with them; that horse seems to have the sense of a man."—"Such as he is, said I, dismounting, a prince gave him to me, and such as he is I now give him to you, as a proof that I am your friend, and that I should not grudge you a few paltry piasters, if I had not been under a vow of poverty; money is of no kind of value to me, and consequently not carried about with me." The horse was gladly received, though, as I was going to Sennaar, where no horses are kept, the compliment was a cheap one on my part.

"How could you, Fidele, says the Moullah in great surprise, have it in your heart to torment such a man as this? I told you what he was, our books speak of them: they are not Kafrs, but spend all their lives in wandering over the[404] face of the earth in search of wisdom, and are always to do so till Hagiuge Magiuge come, and then there will be an end of the world." I made a bow of assent to the Moullah, and all the rest turned up their eyes to heaven in wonder of so much learning, repeating their usual ejaculation, "Ullah Akbar!" God is great. I now took my leave of them, and was going home, when the younger sherriffe called after me, and said, "I suppose, now you are all at peace, we shall not see the sign that you foretold us was to appear in the heavens to-day." "I should be thought a liar if it did not appear, said I; do you wish to see it?"—"I wish to see it, says he, if it will do no harm."—"Then, replied I, you shall see it, and it shall do no harm now. I hope it will bring health and happiness, and a good crop to Teawa, and all the kingdom of Sennaar. Go home, while I order my affairs. Something more than two hours after this I will come to you, and it will then appear." They all went away, and, as I thought by their looks, they would have been better satisfied that affair had been forgot, the Shekh saying peevishly to the sherriffe, "Let him mind his affairs and his journey; what is the use of these things now?"

I had rectified my watch by observation. I knew I could not be far wrong, having seen in the ephemerides the hour the eclipse was to begin. I passed a corner of the Shekh's house, and went in at the back-door. He was there with his usual friends, the Moullah, the sherriffe, the Kaiya, and one or two more. The sherriffe asked me where the sign would appear; and the Moullah, if there would be any thunder and lightning? I told them there would be nothing disagreeable at all. I went to the door,[405] and saw it was begun. There was to be a total eclipse of the moon. I did not tell them at first, till it had advanced some way, and was apparent upon the disk. "Now! look at that, said I; in some time after this the moon shall be so totally swallowed up in darkness, that a small light shall only be seen in the edges." They were frightened at the denunciation, rather than at any thing they observed, till a little before the eclipse became total. A violent apprehension then fell upon them all; and the women from their apartments began to howl as they do on all melancholy occasions of misfortune, or death. They were in the inner square. "Now, continued I, I have kept my word; it will soon be clear again, and will do no harm to man or beast."

It was agreed among them that I should not go home till it was totally at an end. I consented to this; and only said to the Shekh, that I wished he would let me see my patients before I went away, for that one of them was really ill, and needed advice. He seemed to take it very kindly, and desired me to go in. I was met in the anti-chamber by Aiscach, and two or three black slaves, who cried out in great terror, "O! Hakim! what is this! what are you going to do!" "I am going to do, Madam, said I, one of the most disagreeable things I ever did in my life; I am going to take leave of you." I was immediately surrounded with a number of women, some of them crying, some of them with children in their arms. I went into the room where the two ladies were, whom I quieted and satisfied to the utmost of my power. We parted with reciprocal professions of friendship and regret at separation. I then begged that I might see their slave, who used to bring us meat, with a clean cloth, to wrap up something I had for them. They[406] told me, Sennaar was but a bad place for white people; but promised to send recommendations in my favour, both to Adelan and the king's women, by Adelan's servant, who was to conduct us.

When I returned to the Shekh, the emersion was far advanced, and they all seemed to be regaining their composure, though strong marks of surprise remained in their countenances. After a little conversation, turning chiefly upon Hagiuge Magiuge, and their silly stories about them, which I shall not repeat, I took my leave, and went home, renewing my assurances that all was forgotten.

At night, the slave came and brought a clean cotton cloth. I sent a piece of thin India yellow satin, and six handsome crimson and green handkerchiefs, to the beautiful Aiscach; and, to the best of my power, discharged all our obligations to those that were our friends and had been kind to us.

In a country so desert, and exceedingly poor as Teawa, under such a government, it is not to be expected that trade of any kind should flourish; yet there is a miserable manufacture of coarse cotton cloths of the size of large towels, just enough to go round the middle, which pass current, like specie, all over Atbara: They are called Dimoor, and are used in place of small silver money. The Mahalac, a very bad copper coin, passes for smaller matters; so that the currency of Teawa stands thus:—

20	Mahalac,	1	Crush,
12	Crush,	1	Metical,
4	Metical,	1	Vakia.

[407]

The vakia of gold is worth about forty-five shillings; but the only commerce of Teawa is carried on by exchange, as salt for grain, camels for salt; the value of goods varying according to the scarcity or plenty of one sort of commodities with respect to the other.

The reader will, I believe, by this, be as desirous to get out of Teawa as I was; and if so, it is charity in time to deliver him. I took leave of the Shekh on the 18th in the morning; but before we could get all ready to depart it was five in the afternoon. The day had been immoderately hot, and we had resolved to travel all night, though we did not say so to the Shekh, who advised us to sleep at Imgededema, where there was fresh water. But we had taken a girba of water with us, or rather, in case of accident, a little in each of the three girbas; and all being ready on the river-side, except the king's servant, we set out, and he overtook us in less than two hours afterwards, pretty well refreshed with the Shekh's bouza, and strongly prejudiced against us, as we had occasion to discover afterwards.

CHAP. VII.

Arrival at Beyla—Friendly Reception there, and after, amongst the Nuba—Arrival at Sennaar.

When we got a few miles into the plain, my servant delivered me a message from the Moullah, that he would join us the next day at Beyla; that we were not to trust to the king's servant in any thing, but entirely to that of the Shekh Adelan; and if these two had any dispute together, to take no share in it, but leave them to settle it between themselves; that, upon no account whatever, we should suffer any companions to join us upon the road to Beyla, but drive them off by harsh words, beat them if they did not go away, and, if they still persisted, to shoot them, and make our way good by force; that between Teawa and Beyla was a place, the inhabitants of which had withdrawn themselves from their allegiance to the king of Sennaar,[409] who could not there protect us; therefore we were to trust to ourselves, and admit of no parley; for if we passed, we should pass with applause, as if the king's force had conducted us; and if we miscarried, the blame would be laid upon ourselves, as having ventured, so thinly attended, through a country laid waste by rebel Arabs, expressly in defiance of government. He added, that he did not believe it was in Shekh Fidele's power, from want of time, to do us any injury upon the road; that the people in Teawa were in general well-affected to us, and afraid we should bring Yasine and the Daveina upon them, and so were the Jehaina; and as for the pack of graceless soldiers that were then about the Shekh, their belief that we had really no money with us, and the last exhibition I had shewn them on horseback, had perfectly cured them of venturing their lives for little, against people so much superior to them in the management of arms; yet he wished us to be active and vigilant like men, and trust in nothing till we had seen the Shekh of Beyla, and not to lose a moment on the road.

Our journey, for the first seven hours, was through a barren, bare, and sandy plain, without finding a vestige of any living creature, without water, and without grass, a country that seemed under the immediate curse of Heaven. At twelve o'clock at night we turned a little to the eastward of south, to enter through very broken ground into a narrow defile, between two hills of no considerable height. This pass is called Mattina. One of our camel-drivers declared that he saw two men run into the bushes before him, upon which our people took all to their slings, throwing many stones before them into the bushes, directed nearly to a man's height. At their earnest desire I ordered Ismael to[410] fire our large ship-blunderbuss, with fifty small bullets in it, among the bushes, in the direction of the road-side; but we neither saw nor heard any thing of those people thereafter, if there really were any, nor did I, at the time, indeed, believe the camel-driver had seen any one but through the medium of his own fears; for the Arabs never attack you till near sun-set, if they are doubtful of their own superiority, or at dawn of day, if they think they have the advantage, that they may have time to pursue you.

We, however, all continued on foot, from four till the grey of the morning of the 19th of April. Indeed, so violent an inclination to sleep had fallen upon me, that I was forced to walk, for fear of breaking my neck by a fall from my camel, till eight o'clock, when we halted in a wood of ebony bushes, growing like the birch tree in many shoots from the old stems, which had been cut down for fear of harbouring the fly, and totally deprived of their leaves afterwards, by the burning of grass, from the same reason. This place is called Abou Jehaarat, and is the limit between the government of Teawa and Beyla. After such a very fatiguing journey, we rested at Abou Jehaarat till the afternoon. The sun was very hot, but fortunately some shepherds caves were dug in the bank, and to these we fled for shelter from the intense heat of the sun, where the ebony trees, though in a very thick wood, could afford us no shade, for the reasons already given.

At three o'clock in the afternoon we set out from Abou Jehaarat, in a direction west, and at eight in the evening we arrived at Beyla. There is no water between Teawa and Beyla. Once, Imgededema, and a number[411] of villages, were supplied with water from wells and had large crops of Indian corn sown about their possessions. The curse of that country, the Arabs Daveina, have destroyed Imgededema, and all the villages about it, filled up their wells, burnt their crops, and exposed all the inhabitants to die by famine.

We found Beyla to be in lat. 13° 42´ 4´´; that is, about eleven miles west of Teawa, and thirty-one and a half miles due south. We were met by Mahomet, the Shekh, at the very entrance of the town. He said, he looked upon us as risen from the dead; that we must be good people, and particularly under the care of Providence, to have escaped the many snares the Shekh of Atbara had laid for us. Mahomet, the Shekh, had provided every sort of refreshment possible for us; and, thinking we could not live without it, he had ordered sugar for us from Sennaar. Honey for the most part hitherto had been its substitute. We had a good comfortable supper; as fine wheat-bread as ever I ate in my life, brought from Sennaar, as also rice; in a word, everything that our kind landlord could contribute to our plentiful and hospitable entertainment.

Our whole company was full of joy, to which the Shekh greatly encouraged them; and if there was an alloy to the happiness, it was the seeing that I did not partake of it. Symptoms of an aguish disorder had been hanging about me for several days, ever since the diarrhœa had left me. I found the greatest repugnance, or nausea, at the smell of warm meat; and, having a violent headach, I insisted upon going to bed supperless, after having drank a quantity of warm water by way of emetic. Being exceedingly ti[412]red, I soon fell sound asleep, having first taken some drops of a strong spirituous tincture of the bark which I had prepared at Gondar, resolving, if I found any remission, as I then did, to take several good dozes of the bark in powder on the morrow, beginning at day-break, which I accordingly did with its usual success.

On the 20th of April, a little after the dawn of day, the Shekh, in great anxiety, came to the place where I was lying, upon a tanned buffaloe's hide, on the ground. His sorrow was soon turned into joy when he found me quite recovered from my illness. I had taken the bark, and expressed a desire of eating a hearty breakfast of rice, which was immediately prepared for me.

The Shekh of Beyla was an implicit believer in medicine. Seeing me take some drops of the tincture before coffee, he insisted upon pledging me, and I believe would have willingly emptied the whole bottle. After having suffered great agony with his own complaint, he had passed some small stones, and was greatly better, as he said, for the soap-pills. I put him in a way to prepare these, as also his lime-water. It was impossible to have done any favour for him equal to this, as his agony had been so great. He told me our Moullah was arrived from Teawa, and had left Shekh Fidele still repining at our departure, without leaving him the piastres. As for the eclipse, he said he did not care a straw, nor for what they did or knew at Mecca, for he had no interest there. I understood our friend Mahomet, Shekh of Beyla, had been under great uneasiness at the eclipse, when it advanced in the immersion, and became total. Some time before this, as he said,[413] there had been another, but not so great, on the day the Daveina burnt Imgededema, with above thirty other villages, and dispersed or destroyed about two thousand inhabitants of Atbara.

It was now the time to give the Shekh a present, and I had prepared one for him, such as he very well deserved; but no intreaty, nor any means I could use, could prevail upon him to accept of the merest trifle. On the contrary, he solemnly swore, that if I importuned him further he would get upon his horse and go into the country. All that he desired, and that too as a favour, was, that, when I had rested at Sennaar, he might come and consult me further as to his complaints, for which he promised he should bring a recompence with him. We then settled to give his present to the Moullah, with which he was very well pleased, and which he took without any of those difficulties the Shekh of Beyla had started when it was offered to him.

All being friends now, and contented, the day was given to repose and joy. The king's servant came and told me, by way of secret, that we could not do less to please the Shekh than stay with him a week at Beyla, and I believe it would not have displeased him; but after so much coming and going, so much occasion for talk relative to me, I was resolved to follow Hagi Belal's advice, and press on to Sennaar before affairs there were in a desperate situation, or some scheme of mischief should be contrived by Fidele. One thing Shekh Adelan's servant told us, that he had, by his master's orders, taken from Fidele the present I had given him, though he had already made it up into a gown,[414] or robe, for himself. "He is a poor wretch, says the Shekh of Beyla; he has spent two years of the king's revenues from Atbara, and nobody has supported him except Shekh Adelan, whose daughter he married, but he now has given him up since he has fully known him; and, if our troubles do not follow quickly, I suppose one of these days I shall have him here in his way to Sennaar, never to return; for everybody knows now that it was in hatred to him, and for the many faithless and bad actions he was guilty of, that the Arabs have destroyed all that part of the country, though they have not burnt a straw about Beyla."

We had again a large and plentiful dinner, and a quantity of bouza; venison of several different species of the antelope or deer-kind, and Guinea-fowls, boiled with rice, the best part of our fare, for the venison smelled and tasted strongly of musk. This was the provision made by the Shekh's two sons, boys about fourteen or fifteen years old, who had got each of them a gun with a match-lock and whose favour I secured to a very high degree, by giving them some good gunpowder, and plenty of small leaden bullets.

In the afternoon we walked out to see the village, which is a very pleasant one, situated upon the bottom of a hill, covered with wood, all the rest flat before it. Through this plain there are many large timber trees, planted in rows, and joined with high hedges, as in Europe, forming inclosures for keeping cattle; but of these we saw none, as they had been moved to the Dender for fear of the flies. There is no water at Beyla but what is[415] got from deep wells. Large plantations of Indian corn are everywhere about the town. The inhabitants are in continual apprehension from the Arabs Daveina at Sim Sim, about 40 miles south-east from them; and from another powerful race called Wed abd el Gin, i. e. Son of the slaves of the Devil, who live to the south-west of them, between the Dender and the Nile. Beyla is another frontier town of Sennaar, on the side of Sim Sim; and between Teawa and this, on the Sennaar side, and Ras el Feel, Nara, and Tchelga, upon the Abyssinian side, all is desert and waste, the Arabs only suffering the water to remain there without villages near it, that they and their flocks may come at certain seasons while the grass grows, and the pools or springs fill elsewhere.

Although I went early to bed with full determination to set out by day-break, yet I found it was impossible to put my design in execution, or get from the hands of our kind landlord. One of our girbas seemed to fail, and needed to be repaired. Nothing good, as he truly said, could come from the Shekh of Atbara. A violent dispute had arisen in the evening, after I was gone to bed, over their bouza, between the king's servant and that of Shekh Adelan. It was about dividing their fees which they had received from Shekh Fidele. This was carried a great length, and it was at last agreed that it should be determined by the Shekh of Beyla in the morning, when both of them, as might be supposed, should have cooler heads. For my part, I took no thought or concern about it, as no circumstance of its origin had been notified to me; but it took up so much of our time, that it was after dinner before we were ready.

[416]

On the 21st of April we left Beyla at three o'clock in the afternoon, our direction south-west, through a very pleasant, flat country, but without water; there had been none in our way nearer than the river Rahad. About eleven at night we alighted in a wood: The place is called Baherie, as near as we could compute, nine miles from Beyla.

On the 22d, at half past five o'clock in the morning we left Baherie, still continuing westward, and at nine we came to the banks of the Rahad. The ford is called Tchir Chaira. The river itself was now standing in pools, the water foul, stinking, and covered with a green mantle; the bottom soft and muddy, but there was no choice. The water at Beyla was so bad, that we took only as much as was absolutely necessary till we arrived at running water from the Rahad. We continued half an hour travelling along the river at N. W. and W. N. W. till three quarters past ten. At noon we again met the river Rahad, which now had turned to the westward of north, and by its sides we pitched our tents near the huts of the Arabs, called Cohala, a stationary tribe, that do not live in tents, but are tributary to the Mek, and regularly pay all the taxes and exactions the government of Sennaar lays upon them, and from these, therefore, we were not under any apprehension.

On the 23d, at six o'clock in the morning we left the Cohala, continuing along the river Rahad, which here runs a very little to the eastward of north. At three o'clock we alighted at Kumar, another station of the same Arabs of Cohala, on the river side. This river, here called Rahad, or Thunder, winds the most of any stream in Abyssinia. It begins not far from Tchelga, passes between Kuara and[417] Sennaar, separating Abyssinia from Nubia, and making, with the river Atbara, the Astaboras or Tacazzé, and the Nile, a perfect island, whereas before it was only a peninsula. It seems to intercept all the springs that would go down to the middle of the peninsula, from the high country of Abyssinia, and is probably the reason of the great dearth of water there. While it is in Abyssinia it is called Shimfa. It falls into the Nile at Habharras, about thirty-eight miles north of Sennaar.

The quarrel between our two conductors was so little made up, that the king's servant would not travel with us, but always went half a day before, and we joined him when we encamped in the evening. We did not pay him the compliment of asking him why he did this, but allowed him to take his own way, which he seemed not to be pleased with, giving many hints at night, that he had, all his life, been averse to the having any thing to do with white people.

We set out at five in the afternoon from Kumar, and in the close of the evening met several men, on horseback and on foot, coming out from among the bushes, who endeavoured to carry off one of our camels. We indeed were somewhat alarmed, and were going to prepare for resistance. The camel they had taken away had on it the king's and Shekh Adelan's presents, and some other things for our future need. Our clothes too, books, and papers, were upon the same camel. Adelan's servant, though he was at first surprised, did not lose his presence of mind; he soon knew these Arabs could not be robbers, and guessed it to be a piece of malice of the king's servant to frighten us, and extort money from us, in order to obtain restitution of the camel. He therefore rode up to one of the villages of the[418] Arabs, to ask them who those were that had taken away our camel.

In one of the huts he found the king's servant regaling himself; upon which he said to him, "I suppose, Mahomet, you have taken charge of that camel, and will bring it with you to Sennaar; it has your master's presents, and mine also, upon it:" and saying this, he rode off to join us, and to punish those that had taken the camel, who, we were sure after this notification, must follow us. We kept on at a very brisk pace, for it was eleven o'clock before they came up to where we were encamped for the night, bringing our camel, which they had taken, along with them, with an Arab on horseback, attended with two on foot, and with them the king's servant. I did not seem at all to have understood the affair, only that robbers had taken away our camel. But it did not sit so easy upon the Arabs, who did not know there was any with us but the king's servant, and who wanted to frighten us for not making them a present for eating their grass and drinking their water. At first, Adelan's servant refused to take the camel again upon any terms, insisting that the Cohala should carry it to Sennaar; but, after a great many words, I determined to make peace, upon condition they should furnish us with milk, wherever they had cattle, till we arrived at Sennaar. This was very readily consented to; and as this affair probably was owing to the malice of the king's servant, so it ended without further trouble.

On the 24th, we set out at half after five in the morning, and passed through several small villages of Cohala on the right and on the left, till at eleven we came to the ri[419]ver Dender, standing now in pools, but by the vast wideness of its banks, and the great deepness of its bed, all of white sand, it should seem that in time of rain it will contain nearly as much water as the Nile. The banks are everywhere thick overgrown with the rack and jujeb tree, especially the latter. The wood, which had continued mostly from Beyla, here failed us entirely, and reached no further towards Sennaar. These two sorts of trees, however, were in very great beauty, and of a prodigious size. Here we found the main body of Cohala, with all their cattle, living in perfect security both from Arabs and from the plague of the fly. They were as good as their word to us in supplying us plentifully with excellent milk, which we had scarcely ever tasted since we left Gondar.

At six o'clock in the evening of the 24th we set out from a shady place of repose on the banks of the Dender, through a large plain, with not a tree before us; but we presently found ourselves encompassed with a number of villages, nearly of a size, and placed at equal distances in form of a semi-circle, the roofs of the houses in shape of cones, as are all those within the rains. The plain was all of a red, soapy earth, and the corn just sown. This whole country is in perpetual cultivation, and though at this time it had a bare look, would no doubt have a magnificent one when waving with grain. At nine we halted at a village of Pagan Nuba. These are all soldiers of the Mek of Sennaar, cantoned in these villages, which, at the distance of four or five miles, surround the whole capital. They are either purchased or taken by force from Fazuclo, and the provinces to the south upon the mountains Dyre and Tegla. Having settlements and provisions given them, as also arms[420] put in their hands, they never wish to desert, but live a very domestic and sober life. Many of them that I have conversed with seem a much gentler sort of negro than those from Bahar el Aice, that is, than those of whom the Funge, or government of Sennaar, are composed.

These have small features likewise, but are woolly-headed, and flat-nosed, like other negroes, and speak a language rather pleasant and sonorous, but radically different from many I have heard. Though the Mek, and their masters at Sennaar, pretend to be Mahometans, yet they have never attempted to convert these Nuba; on the contrary, they entertain, in every village, a certain number of Pagan priests, who have soldiers pay, and assist them in the offices of their religion. Not knowing their language perfectly, nor their customs, it is impossible to say any thing about their religion. Very few of the common sort of them speak Arabic. A false account, in these cases, is always worse than no account at all. I never found one of their priests who could speak so much Arabic as to be able to give any information about the objects of their worship in distinct and unequivocal terms; but this was from my not understanding them, and their not understanding me, not from any desire of concealment, or shyness on their part; on the contrary, they seemed always inclined to agree with me, when they did not comprehend my meaning, and there is the danger of being misinformed.

They pay adoration to the moon; and that their worship is performed with pleasure and satisfaction, is obvious every night that she shines. Coming out from the darkness of[421] their huts, they say a few words upon seeing her brightness, and testify great joy, by motions of their feet and hands, at the first appearance of the new moon. I never saw them pay any attention to the sun, either rising or setting, advancing to or receding from the meridian; but, as far as I could learn, they worship a tree, and likewise a stone, tho' I never could find out what tree or stone it was, only that it did not exist in the country of Sennaar, but in that where they were born. Their priests seemed to have great influence over them, but through fear only, and not from affection. They are distinguished by thick copper bracelets about their wrists, as also sometimes one, and sometimes two about their ancles.

These villages are called Dahera, which seems to me to be the same word as Dashrah, the name given to the Kabyles, or people in Barbary, who live in fixed huts on the mountains. But not having made myself master enough of the Kabyles language when in Barbary, and being totally ignorant of that of the Nuba we are now speaking of, I cannot pretend to pursue this resemblance farther. They are immoderately fond of swine's flesh, and maintain great herds of them in their possession. The hogs are of a small kind, generally marked with black and white, exceedingly prolific, and exactly resembling a species of that kind common in the north of Scotland. The Nuba are not circumcised. They very rarely turn Mahometans, but the generality of their children do. Few of them advance higher than to be soldiers and officers in their own corps. The Mek maintains about twelve thousand of these near Sennaar, to keep the Arabs in subjection. They are very quiet, and scarcely ever known to be guilty[422] of any robberies or mutinous disorders, declaring always for the master, that is, the great one set over them. There is no running water in all that immense plain they inhabit, it is all procured from draw-wells. We saw them cleaning one, which I measured, and was nearly eight fathoms deep. In a climate so violently hot as this, there is very little need of fuel, neither have they any, there being no turf, or any thing resembling it, in the country, no wood, not even a tree, since we had passed the river Dender. However, they never eat their meat raw as in Abyssinia; but with the stalk of the dora, or millet, and the dung of camels, they make ovens under ground, in which they roast their hogs whole, in a very cleanly, and not disagreeable manner, keeping the skins on till they are perfectly baked. They had neither flint nor steel wherewith to light their fire at first, but do it in a manner still more expeditious, by taking a small piece of stick, and making a sharp point to it, which they hold perpendicular, and then make a small hole of nearly the same size in another piece of stick, which they lay horizontal; they put the one within the other, and, between their two hands, they turn the perpendicular stick, (in the same manner that we do a chocolate mill) when both these sticks take fire, and flame in a moment upon the friction; so perfectly dry and prepared is everything here upon the surface to take fire, notwithstanding they are every year subject to six months rain.

On the 25th, at four o'clock in the afternoon we set out from the villages of the Nuba, intending to arrive at Basboch, where is the ferry over the Nile; but we had scarcely advanced two miles into the plain, when we were inclosed[423] by a violent whirlwind, or what is called at sea the water-spout. The plain was red earth, which had been plentifully moistened by a shower in the night-time. The unfortunate camel that had been taken by the Cohala seemed to be nearly in the center of its vortex. It was lifted and thrown down at a considerable distance, and several of its ribs broken. Although, as far as I could guess, I was not near the center, it whirled me off my feet, and threw me down upon my face, so as to make my nose gush out with blood. Two of the servants likewise had the same fate. It plaistered us all over with mud, almost as smoothly as could have been done with a trowel. It took away my sense and breathing for an instant, and my mouth and nose were full of mud when I recovered. I guess the sphere of its action to be about 200 feet. It demolished one half of a small hut as if it had been cut through with a knife, and dispersed the materials all over the plain, leaving the other half standing.

As soon as we recovered ourselves, we took refuge in a village, from fear only, for we saw no vestige of any other whirlwind. It involved a great quantity of rain, which the Nuba of the villages told us was very fortunate, and portended good luck to us, and a prosperous journey; for they said, that had dust and sand arisen with the whirlwind, in the same proportion it would have done had not the earth been moistened, we should all infallibly have been suffocated; and they cautioned us, by saying, that tempests were very frequent in the beginning and end of the rainy season, and whenever we should see one of them coming, to fall down upon our faces, keeping our lips close to the ground, and so let it pass; and thus it would neither[424] have power to carry us off our feet, nor suffocate us, which was the ordinary case.

Our kind landlords, the Nuba, gave us a hearty welcome, and helped us to wash our clothes first, and then to dry them. When I was stripped naked, they saw the blood running from my nose, and said, they could not have thought that one so white as me could have been capable of bleeding. They gave us a piece of roasted hog, which we ate, (except Ismael and the Mahometans) very much to the satisfaction of the Nuba. On the other hand, as our camel was lame, we ordered one of our Mahometan servants to kill it, and take as much of it as would serve themselves that night; we also provided against wanting ourselves the next day. The rest we gave among our new-acquired acquaintance, the Nuba of the village, who did not fail to make a feast upon it for several days after; and, in recompence for our liberality, they provided us with a large jar of bouza, not very good, indeed, but better than the well-water. This I repaid by tobacco, beads, pepper, and stibium, which I saw plainly was infinitely more than they expected. Although we had been a good deal surprised at the sudden and violent effects of the whirlwind of that day, and severely felt the bruises it had occasioned, yet we passed a very social and agreeable evening; those only of the Nuba who had been any time at Sennaar speak a bad kind of Arabic, as well as their own language. I had seldom, in my life, upon a journey, passed a more comfortable night. I had a very neat, clean hut, entirely to myself, and a Greek servant that sat near me. Some of the Nuba watched for us all night, and took care of our beasts and baggage. They sung and[425] replied to one another alternately, in notes full of pleasant melody,

till I fell fast asleep, involuntarily, and with regret, for, tho' bruised, we were not fatigued, but rather discouraged, having gone no further than two miles that day.

The landlord of the hut where I was asleep having prepared for our safety and that of our baggage, thought himself bound in duty to go and give immediate information to the prime minister of the unexpected guests that then occupied his house. He found Adelan at supper, but was immediately admitted, and a variety of questions asked him, which he answered fully. He described our colour, our number, the unusual size and number of our fire-arms, the poorness of our attire, and, above all, our great chearfulness, quietness, and affability, our being contented with eating any thing, and in particular mentioned the hogs flesh. One man then present, testifying abhorrence to this, Adelan said of me to our landlord, "Why, he is a soldier and a Kafr like yourself. A soldier and a Kafr, when travelling in a strange country, should eat every thing, and so does every other man that is wise; has he not a servant of mine with him?" He answered, "Yes, and a servant of the king too; but he had left them, and was gone forward to Sennaar." "Go you with them, says he, and stay with them at Basboch till I have time to send for them to town." He had returned from Aira long before we arose, and told us the conversation, which was great comfort to us all, for we[426] were not much pleased with the king's servant going before, as we had every reason to think he was disaffected towards us.

On the 26th, at six o'clock in the morning, we set out from this village of Nuba, keeping something to the westward of S. W. our way being still across this immense plain. All the morning there were terrible storms of thunder and lightning, some rain, and one shower of so large drops that it wet us to the skin in an instant. It was quite calm, and every drop fell perpendicularly upon us. I think I never in my life felt so cold a rain, yet it was not disagreeable; for the day was close and hot, and we should have wished every now and then to have had so moderate a refrigeration; this, however, was rather too abundant. The villages of the Nuba were, on all sides, throughout this plain. At nine o'clock we arrived at Basboch, which is a large collection of huts of these people, and has the appearance of a town.

The governor, a venerable old man of about seventy, who was so feeble that he could scarcely walk, received us with great complacency, only saying, when I took him by the hand, "O Christian! what dost thou, at such a time, in such a country?" I was surprised at the politeness of his speech, when he called me Nazarani, the civil term for Christian in the east; whereas Infidel is the general term among these brutish people; but it seems he had been several times at Cairo. I had here a very clean and comfortable hut to lodge in, though we were sparingly supplied with provisions all the time we were there, but never were suffered to fast a whole day together.

[427]

Basboch is on the eastern bank of the Nile, not a quarter of a mile from the ford below. The river here runs north and south; towards the sides it is shallow, but deep in the middle of the current, and in this part it is much infested with crocodiles. Sennaar is two miles and a half S. S. W. of it. We heard the evening drum very distinctly, and not without anxiety, when we reflected to what a brutish people, according to all accounts, we were about to trust ourselves. The village of Aira, where the vizir Adelan had then his quarters, was three miles south and by west.

Next morning, the 27th, Shekh Adelan's servant left us to the charge of the Nuba, to give his master an account of his journey, and our safe arrival. He found Mahomet, the king's servant, our other guide, before him there, and Adelan well informed of all that had passed relating to Fidele, though not from Mahomet; for as soon as he began to mention that he had found us at Teawa, Adelan said in a very angry stile, "Will no one save me the disgrace of hanging that wretch?" Adelan sent back his servant to inform us, that, two days afterwards, we should be admitted. Mahomet, the king's servant, too, came back with him, and staid till the evening; then he returned to Sennaar; but he did not give us the satisfaction to tell us one word of what the king had said to him about us, or how we were likely to be received, leaving us altogether in suspence.

On the 29th, leave was sent us to enter Sennaar. It was not without some difficulty that we got our quadrant and heavy baggage safely carried down the hill, for the banks are very steep to the edge of the water. The intention of[428] our assistants was to slide the quadrant down the hill, in its case, which would have utterly destroyed it; and as our boat was but a very indifferent embarkation, it was obliged to make several turns to and fro before we got all our several packages landed on the western side. This assemblage, and the passage of our camels, seemed to have excited the appetite, or the curiosity, of the crocodiles. One, in particular, swam several times backwards and forwards along the side of the boat, without, however, making any attack upon any of us; but, being exceedingly tired of such company, upon his second or third venture over, I fired at him with a rifle-gun, and shot him directly under his fore shoulder in the belly. The wound was undoubtedly mortal, and very few animals could have lived a moment after receiving it. He, however, dived to the bottom, leaving the water deeply tinged with his blood. Nor did we see him again at that time; but the people at the ferry brought him to me the day after, having found him perfectly dead. He was about twelve feet long; and the boatmen told me that these are by much the most dangerous, being more fierce and active than the large ones. The people of Sennaar eat the crocodile, especially the Nuba. I never tasted it myself, but it looks very much like Congor eel.

CHAP. VIII.

Conversation with the King—With Shekh Adelan—Interview with the King's Ladies, &c. &c.

We were conducted by Adelan's servant to a very spacious good house belonging to the Shekh himself, having two storeys, a long quarter of a mile from the king's palace. He left a message for us to repose ourselves, and in a day or two to wait upon the king, and that he should send to tell us when we were to come to him. This we resolved to have complied with most exactly; but the very next morning, the 30th of April, there came a servant from the palace to summon us to wait upon the king, which we immediately obeyed. I took with me three servants, black Soliman, Ismael the Turk, and my Greek servant Michael. The palace covers a prodigious deal of ground. It is all of one storey, built of clay, and the floors of earth. The chambers through which we passed were all unfurnished, and[430] seemed as if a great many of them had formerly been destined as barracks for soldiers, of whom I did not see above fifty on guard. The king was in a small room, not twenty feet square, to which we ascended by two short flights of narrow steps. The floor of the room was covered with broad square tiles; over it was laid a Persian carpet, and the walls hung with tapestry of the same country; the whole very well kept, and in good order.

The king was sitting upon a matress, laid on the ground, which was likewise covered with a Persian carpet, and round him was a number of cushions of Venetian cloth of gold. His dress did not correspond with this magnificence, for it was nothing but a large, loose shirt of Surat blue cotton cloth, which seemed not to differ from the same worn by his servants, except that, all round the edges of it, the seams were double-stitched with white silk, and likewise round the neck. His head was uncovered; he wore his own short black hair, and was as white in colour as an Arab. He seemed to be a man about thirty-four, his feet were bare, but covered by his shirt. He had a very plebeian countenance, on which was stamped no decided character; I should rather guess him to be a soft, timid, irresolute man. At my coming forward and kissing his hand, he looked at me for a minute as if undetermined what to say. He then asked for an Abyssinian interpreter, as there are many of these about the palace. I said to him in Arabic, "That I apprehended I understood as much of that language as would enable me to answer any question he had to put to me." Upon which he turned to the people that were with him, "Downright Arabic, indeed! You did not learn that language in Habesh?" said he to me. I answered, "No; I have been in Egypt,[431] Turkey, and Arabia, where I learned it; but I have likewise often spoken it in Abyssinia, where Greek, Turkish, and several other languages, were used." He said, "Impossible! he did not think they knew any thing of languages, excepting their own, in Abyssinia."

There were sitting in the side of the room, opposite to him, four men dressed in white cotton shirts, with a white shaul covering their heads and part of their face, by which it was known they were religious men, or men of learning, or of the law. One of these answered the king's doubt of the Abyssinians knowledge in languages. "They have languages enough; and you know that Habesh is called the paradise of asses." During this conversation, I took the sherriffe of Mecca's letter, also one from the king of Abyssinia; I gave him the king's first, and then the sherriffe's. He took them both as I gave them, but laid aside the king's upon a cushion, till he had read the sherriffe's. After this he read the king's, and called immediately again for an Abyssinian interpreter; upon which I said nothing, supposing, perhaps, he might chuse to make him deliver some message to me in private, which he would not have his people hear. But it was pure confusion and absence of mind, for he never spoke a word to him when he came. "You are a physician and a soldier," says the king. "Both, in time of need," said I. "But the sherriffe's letter tells me also, that you are a nobleman in the service of a great king that they call Englise-man, who is master of all the Indies, and who has Mahometan as well as Christian subjects, and allows them all to be governed by their own laws."—"Though I never said so to the sherriffe, replied I, yet it is true; I am as noble as any indivi[432]dual in my nation, and am also servant to the greatest king now reigning upon earth, of whose dominions, it is likewise truly said, these Indies are but a small part."—"The greatest king! says he that spoke about the asses, you should not say that: You forgot the grand signior; there are four, Otman, Fersee, Bornow, and Habesh."—"I neither forgot the grand signior, nor do him wrong, replied I. What I have said, I have said."—"Kafrs and slaves! all of them, says Ismael; there is the Turk, the king of England, and the king of France; what kings are Bornow and the rest?—Kafrs."—"How comes it, says the king, you that are so noble and learned, that you know all things, all languages, and so brave that you fear no danger, but pass, with two or three old men, into such countries as this and Habesh, where Baady my father perished with an army? how comes it that you do not stay at home and enjoy yourself, eat, drink, take pleasure and rest, and not wander like a poor man, a prey to every danger?"—"You, Sir, I replied, may know some of this sort of men; certainly you do know them; for there are in your religion, as well as mine, men of learning, and those too of great rank and nobility, who, on account of sins they have committed, or vows they have made, renounce the world, its riches and pleasures: They lay down their nobility, and become humble and poor, so as often to be insulted by wicked and low men, not having the fear of God before their eyes."—"True, these are Dervish," said the other three men. "I am then one of these Dervish, said I, content with the bread that is given me, and bound for some years to travel in hardships and danger, doing all the good I can to poor and rich, serving every man, and hurting none." "Tybe! that is well," says the king. "And how long[433] have you been travelling about?" adds one of the others. "Near twenty years," said I.—"You must be very young, says the king, to have committed so many sins, and so early; they must all have been with women?"—"Part of them, I suppose, were, replied I; but I did not say that I was one of those who travelled on account of their sins, but that there were some Dervishes that did so on account of their vows, and some to learn wisdom." He now made a sign, and a slave brought a cushion, which I would have refused, but he forced me to sit down upon it.

I found afterwards who the three men were who had joined in our conversation; the first was Ali Mogrebi, a native of Morocco, who was Cadi, or chief judge at Sennaar, and was then fallen into disgrace with the two brothers, Mahomet Abou Kalec, governor of Kordofan, and Shekh Adelan, prime minister at Sennaar, then encamped at Aira at the head of the horse and Nuba, levying the tax upon the Arabs as they went down, out of the limits of the rains, into the sandy countries below Atbara to protect their cattle from the fly. Another of these three was Cadi of Kordofan, in the interest of Mahomet Abou Kalec, and spy upon the king. The third was a saint in the neighbourhood, conservator of a large extent of ground, where great crops of dora not only grow, but when threshed out are likewise kept in large excavations called Matamores; the place they call Shaddly. This man was esteemed another Joseph among the Funge, who accumulated grain in years of plenty, that he might distribute it at small prices among the poor when scarcity came. He was held in very great reverence in the neighbourhood of Sennaar.

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The cadi then asked me, "If I knew when Hagiuge Magiuge was to come?" Remembering my old learned friend at Teawa, I scarce could forbear laughing. "I have no wish to know any thing about him, said I; I hope those days are far off, and will not happen in my time." "What do your books say concerning him? (says he, affecting a great look of wisdom) Do they agree with ours?" "I don't know that, said I, till I hear what is written in your books." "Hagiuge Magiuge, says he, are little people, not so big as bees, or like the zimb, or fly of Sennaar, that come in great swarms out of the earth, aye, in multitudes that cannot be counted; two of their chiefs are to ride upon an ass, and every hair of that ass is to be a pipe, and every pipe is to play a different kind of music, and all that hear and follow them are carried to hell." "I know them not, said I, and, in the name of the Lord, I fear them not, were they twice as little as you say they are, and twice as numerous. I trust in God I shall never be so fond of music as to go to hell after an ass for all the tunes that he or they can play." The king laughed violently. I rose to go away, for I was heartily tired of the conversation. I whispered the Abyssinian servant in Amharic, to ask when I should bring a trifle I had to offer the king. He said, Not that night, as I should be tired, but desired that I should now go home, and he would send me notice when to come. I accordingly went away, and found a number of people in the street, all having some taunt or affronting matter to say. I passed through the great square before the palace, and could not help shuddering, upon reflection, at what had happened in that spot to the unfortunate M. du Roule and his companions, though under a protection which should have secured them from all danger, every part of which I was then unprovided with.

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The drum beat a little after six o'clock in the evening. We then had a very comfortable dinner sent us, camels flesh stewed with an herb of a viscous slimy substance, called Bammia. After having dined, and finished the journal of the day, I fell to unpacking my instruments, the barometer and thermometer first, and, after having hung them up, was conversing with Adelan's servant when I should pay my visit to his master. About eight o'clock came a servant from the palace, telling me now was the time to bring the present to the king. I sorted the separate articles with all the speed I could, and we went directly to the palace. The king was then sitting in a large apartment, as far as I could guess, at some distance from the former. He was naked, but had several clothes lying upon his knee, and about him, and a servant was rubbing him over with very stinking butter or grease, with which his hair was dropping as if wet with water. Large as the room was, it could be smelled through the whole of it. The king asked me, If ever I greased myself as he did? I said, Very seldom, but fancied it would be very expensive. He then told me, That it was elephants grease, which made people strong, and preserved the skin very smooth. I said, I thought it very proper, but could not bear the smell of it, though my skin should turn as rough as an elephant's for the want of it. He said, "If I had used it, my hair would not have turned so red as it was, and that it would all become white presently when that redness came off. You may see the Arabs driven in here by the Daveina, and all their cattle taken from them, because they have no longer any grease for their hair. The sun first turns it red and then perfectly white; and you'll know them in the street by their hair being the colour[436] of yours. As for the smell, you will see that cured presently."

After having rubbed him abundantly with grease, they brought a pretty large horn, and in it something scented, about as liquid as honey. It was plain that civet was a great part of the composition. The king went out at the door, I suppose into another room, and there two men deluged him over with pitchers of cold water, whilst, as I imagine, he was stark-naked. He then returned, and a slave anointed him with this sweet ointment; after which he sat down, as completely dressed, being just going to his women's apartment where he was to sup. I told him I wondered why he did not use rose-water as in Abyssinia, Arabia, and Cairo. He said, he had it often from Cairo, when the merchants arrived; but as it was now long since any came, his people could not make more, for the rose would not grow in his country, though the women made something like it of lemon-flower.

His toilet being finished, I then produced my present which I told him the king of Abyssinia had sent to him, hoping that, according to the faith and custom of nations, he would not only protect me while here, but send me safely and speedily out of his dominions into Egypt. He answered, There was a time when he could have done all this, and more, but those times were changed. Sennaar was in ruin, and was not like what it once was. He then ordered some perfumed sorbet to be brought for me to drink in his presence, which is a pledge that your person is in safety. I thereupon withdrew, and he went to his ladies.

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It was not till the eighth of May I had my audience of Shekh Adelan at Aira, which is three miles and a half from Sennaar; we walked out early in the morning, for the greatest part of the way along the side of the Nile, which had no beauty, being totally divested of trees, the bottom foul and muddy, and the edges of the water white with small concretions of calcarious earth, which, with the bright sun upon them, dazzled and affected our eyes very much.

We then struck across a large sandy plain without trees or bushes, and came to Adelan's habitation; two or three, very considerable houses of one storey occupied the middle of a large square, each of whose sides was at least half of an English mile. Instead of a wall to inclose this square, was a high fence or impalement of strong reeds, canes, or stalks of dora, (I do not know which) in fascines strongly joined together by stakes and cords. On the outside of the gate, on each hand, were six houses of a slighter construction than the rest; close upon the fence were sheds where the soldiers lay, the horses picqueted before them with their heads turned towards the sheds, and their food laid before them on the ground; above each soldier's sleeping-place, covered only on the top and open in the sides, were hung a lance, a small oval shield, and a large broad-sword. These, I understood, were chiefly quarters for couriers, who being Arabs, were not taken into the court or square, but shut out at night.

Within the gate was a number of horses, with the soldiers barracks behind them; they were all picqueted in ranks, their faces to their masters barracks. It was one of the finest sights I ever saw of the kind. They were all above[438] sixteen hands high, of the breed of the old Saracen horses, all finely made, and as strong as our coach-horses, but exceedingly nimble in their motion; rather thick and short in the forehand, but with the most beautiful eyes, ears, and heads in the world; they were mostly black, some of them black and white, some of them milk-white foaled, so not white by age, with white eyes and white hoofs, not perhaps a great recommendation.

A steel shirt of mail hung upon each man's quarters opposite to his horse, and by it an antelope's skin made soft like shamoy, with which it was covered from the dew of the night. A head-piece of copper, without crest or plumage, was suspended by a lace above the shirt of mail, and was the most picturesque part of the trophy. To these was added an enormous broad-sword in a red leather scabbard; and upon the pummel hung two thick gloves, not divided into fingers as ours, but like hedgers gloves, their fingers in one poke. They told me, that, within that inclosure at Aira, there were 400 horses, which, with the riders, and armour complete for each of them, were all the property of Shekh Adelan, every horseman being his slave, and bought with his money. There were five or six (I know not which) of these squares or inclosures, none of them half a mile from the other, which contained the king's horses, slaves, and servants. Whether they were all in as good order as Adelan's I cannot say, for I did not go further; but no body of horse could ever be more magnificently disposed under the direction of any Christian power.

Adelan was then sitting upon a piece of the trunk of a palm-tree, in the front of one of these divisions of his hor[439]ses, which he seemed to be contemplating with pleasure; a number of black people, his own servants and friends, were standing around him. He had on a long drab-coloured camlet gown, lined with yellow sattin, and a camlet cap like a head piece, with two short points that covered his ears. This, it seems, was his dress when he rose early in the morning to visit his horses, which he never neglected. The Shekh was a man above six feet high, and rather corpulent, had a heavy walk, seemingly more from affectation of grandeur than want of agility. He was about sixty, of the colour and features of an Arab and not of a Negro, but had rather more beard than falls to the lot of people in this country; large piercing eyes, and a determined, tho', at the same time, a very pleasing countenance. Upon my coming near him he got up, "You that are a horseman, (says he, without any salutation) what would your king of Habesh give for these horses?"—"What king, answered I, in the same tone, would not give any price for such horses if he knew their value?"—"Well, replies he, in a lower voice, to the people about him, if we are forced to go to Habesh (as Baady was) we will carry our horses along with us." I understood by this he alluded to the issue of his approaching quarrel with the king.

We then went into a large saloon, hung round with mirrors and scarlet damask; in one of the longest sides, were two large sofas covered with crimson and yellow damask, and large cushions of cloth of gold, like to the king's. He now pulled off his camlet gown and cap, and remained in a crimson sattin coat reaching down below his knees, which lapped over at the breast, and was girt round his waist with a scarf or sash, in which he had stuck a short dagger in an ivory sheath, mounted with gold; and one of[440] the largest and most beautiful amethysts upon his finger that ever I saw, mounted plain, without any diamonds, and a small gold ear-ring in one of his ears.

"Why have you come hither, says he to me, without arms, and on foot, and without attendants?" Yagoube. "I was told that horses were not kept at Sennaar, and brought none with me." Adelan. "You suppose you have come through great dangers, and so you have. But what do you think of me, who am day and night out in the fields, surrounded by hundreds and thousands of Arabs, all of whom would eat me alive if they dared?" I answered, "A brave man, used to command as you are, does not look to the number of his enemies, but to their abilities; a wolf does not fear ten thousand sheep more than he does one." Ad. "True; look out at the door; these are their chiefs whom I am now taxing, and I have brought them hither that they may judge from what they see whether I am ready for them or not." Yag. "You could not do more properly; but, as to my own affairs, I wait upon you from the king of Abyssinia, desiring safe conduct through your country into Egypt, with his royal promise, that he is ready to do the like for you again, or any other favour you may call upon him for." He took the letter and read it. Ad. "The king of Abyssinia may be assured I am always ready to do more for him than this. It is true, since the mad attempt upon Sennaar, and the next still madder, to replace old Baady upon the throne, we have had no formal peace, but neither are we at war. We understand one another as good neighbours ought to do; and what else is peace?" Yag. "You know I am a stranger and traveller, seeking my way home. I have nothing to do with peace or war between nations. All I beg is a safe con[441]duct through your kingdom, and the rights of hospitality bestowed in such cases on every common stranger; and one of the favours I beg is, your acceptance of a small present. I bring it not from home; I have been long absent from thence, or it would have been better." Ad. "I'll not refuse it, but it is quite unnecessary. I have faults like other men, but to hurt, or ransom strangers, was never one of them. Mahomet Abou Kalec, my brother, is however a much better man to strangers than I am; you will be lucky if you meet him here; if not, I will do for you what I can when once the confusion of these Arabs is over."

I gave him the sherriffe's letter, which he opened, looked at, and laid by without reading, saying only, "Aye, Metical is a good man, he sometimes takes care of our people going to Mecca; for my part, I never was there, and probably never shall." I then presented my letter from Ali Bey to him. He placed it upon his knee, and gave a slap upon it with his open hand. Ad. "What! do you not know, have you not heard, Mahomet Abou Dahab, his Hasnadar, has rebelled against him, banished him out of Cairo, and now sits in his place? But don't be disconcerted at that, I know you to be a man of honour and prudence; if Mahomet, my brother, does not come, as soon as I can get leisure I will dispatch you." The servant that had conducted me to Sennaar, and was then with us, went forward close to him, and said, in a kind of whisper, "Should he go often to the king?"—"When he pleases; he may go to see the town, and take a walk, but never alone, and also to the palace, that, when he returns to his own country, he may report he saw a king at Sennaar, that neither knows how to govern, nor will suffer others to teach him; who knows[442] not how to make war, and yet will not sit in peace." I then took my leave of him, but there was a plentiful breakfast in the other room, to which he sent us, and which went far to comfort Hagi Ismael for the misfortune of his patron Ali Bey. At going out, I took my leave by kissing his hand, which he submitted to without reluctance. "Shekh, said I, when I pass these Arabs in the square, I hope it will not disoblige you if I converse with some of them out of curiosity?" Ad. "By no means, as much as you please; but don't let them know where they can find you at Sennaar, or they will be in your house from morning till night, will eat up all your victuals, and then, in return, will cut your throat if they can meet you upon your journey."

I returned home to Sennaar, very well pleased with my reception at Aira. I had not seen, since I left Gondar, a man so open and frank in his manners, and who spoke without disguise what apparently he had in his heart; but he was exceedingly engaged in business, and it was of such extent that it seemed to me impossible to be brought to an end in a much longer time than I proposed staying at Sennaar. The distance, too, between Aira and that town was a very great discouragement to me. The whole way was covered with insolent, brutish people, so that every man we met between Sennaar and Aira produced some altercation, some demand of presents, gold, cloth, tobacco, and a variety of other disagreeable circumstances, which had always the appearance of ending in something serious.

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I had a long conversation with the Arabs I met with at Aira, and from them I learned pretty nearly the situation of the different clans or tribes in Atbara. These were all in their way northward to the respective countries in the sands to the eastward of Mendera and Barbar. These sands, so barren and desolate the rest of the year, were beginning now to be crowded with multitudes of cattle and inhabitants. The fly, in the flat and fertile mold which composes all the soil to the southward of Sennaar, had forced this number of people to migrate, which they very well knew was to cost them at least one half of their substance; of such consequence is the weakest instrument in the hand of Providence. The troops of Sennaar, few in number, but well provided with every thing, stood ready to cut these people off from their access to the sands, till every chief of a tribe had given in a well-verified inventory of his whole stock, and made a composition, at passing, with Shekh Adelan.

All subterfuge was in vain. The fly, in possession of the fertile country, inexorably pursued every single camel till he took refuge in the sands, and there he was to stay till the rains ceased; and if, in the interim, it was discovered that any concealment of number or quality had been made, they were again to return in the beginning of September to their old pastures; and in this second passage, any fraud, whether real or alledged, was punished with great severity. Resistance had been often tried, and as often found ineffectual. However great their numbers, encumbered with families and baggage as they were, they had always fallen a sacrifice to those troops, well mounted and armed, that awaited them in their way within sight of their own homes. Ar[444]rived once in the sands, they were quiet during the rains, having paid their passage northward, and so they were afterwards, for the same reason, when they came again to their own station, southward, when those rains had ceased.

It may be asked reasonably, What does the government of Sennaar do with that immense number of camels which they receive from all those tribes of Arabs in their passage by Sennaar? To this I answer, That all this tribute is not paid in kind. The different tribes possessing so many camels, or so many other cattle, have a quantum laid upon them at an average value. This is paid in gold, or in slaves, the rest in kind; so many for the maintenance of the king and government; for there is no flesh commonly used at Sennaar in the markets but that of camels. The residue is bought by the merchants of Dongola, and sent into Egypt, where they supply that great consumption of these animals made every year by the caravans going to Mecca.

One thing had made a very strong impression on me, which was the contemptuous manner in which Adelan expressed himself as to his sovereign. I was satisfied that, with some address, I could keep myself in favour with either of them; but in the terms they then were, or were very soon to be, I could not but fear I was likely to fall into trouble between the two.

The next morning, after I came home from Aira, I was agreeably surprised by a visit from Hagi Belal, to whom I had been recommended by Metical Aga, and to whom Ibrahim Seraff, the English broker at Jidda, had addressed me for[445] any money I should need at Sennaar. He welcomed me with great kindness, and repeated testimonies of joy and wonder at my safe arrival. He had been down in Atbara at Gerri, or some villages near it, with merchandize, and had not yet seen the king since he came home, but gave me the very worst description possible of the country, insomuch that there seemed to be not a spot, but the one I then stood on, in which I was not in imminent danger of destruction, from a variety of independent causes, which it seemed not possibly in my power to avoid. He sent me in the evening some refreshments, which I had long been unaccustomed to; some tea, excellent coffee, some honey and brown sugar, several bottles of rack, likewise nutmegs, cinnamon, ginger, and some very good dates of the dry kind which he had brought from Atbara.

Hagi Belal was a native of Morocco. He had been at Cairo, and also at Jidda and Mocha. He knew the English well, and professed himself both obliged and attached to them. It was some days before I ventured to speak to him upon money business, or upon any probability of finding assistance here at Sennaar. He gave me little hopes of the latter, repeating to me what I very well knew about the disagreement of the king and Adelan. He seemed to place all his expectations, and those were but faint ones, in the coming of Shekh Abou Kalec from Kordofan. He said, nothing could be expected from Shekh Adelan without going to Aira, for that he would never trust himself in Sennaar, in this king's lifetime, but that the minister was absolute the moment he assembled his troops without the town.

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One morning he came to me, after having been with the king, when I was myself preparing to go to the palace. He said, he had been sent for upon my account, and had been questioned very narrowly what sort of a man I was. Having answered very favourably, both of me and my nation, he was asked for Metical Aga's letters, or any other letters he had received concerning me from Jidda; he said, that he had only shewn Metical's letter, wrote in the name of the sherriffe, as also one from himself; that there were several great officers of government present; and the Cadi (whom I had seen the first time I had been with the king) had read the letters aloud to them all: That one of them had asked, How it came that such a man as I ventured to pass these deserts, with four or five old servants, and what it was I came to see; that he answered, he apprehended my chief object at Sennaar was to be forwarded to my own country. It was also asked, Why I had not some Englishmen with me, as none of my servants were of that nation, but poor beggarly Kopts, Arabs, and Turks, who were none of them of my religion? Belal answered, That travellers through these countries must take up with such people as they can find going the same way; however, he believed some English servants had died in Abyssinia, which country I had left the first opportunity that had offered, being wearied by the perpetual war which prevailed. Upon which the king said, "He has chosen well, when he came into this country for peace. You know, Hagi Belal, I can do nothing for him; there is nothing in my hands. I could easier get him back into Abyssinia than forward him into Egypt. Who is it now that can pass into Egypt?" The Cadi then said, "Hagi Belal can get him to Suakem, and so to[447] Jidda to his countrymen." To which Belal replied, "The king will find some way when he thinks farther of it."

A few days after this I had a message from the palace. I found the king sitting alone, apparently much chagrined, and in ill-humour. He asked me, in a very peevish manner, "If I was not yet gone?" To which I answered, "Your Majesty knows that it is impossible for me to go a step from Sennaar without assistance from you." He again asked me, in the same tone as before, "How I could think of coming that way?" I said, "nobody imagined in Abyssinia but that he was able to give a stranger safe conduct through his own dominions." He made no reply, but nodded a sign for me to depart, which I immediately did, and so finished this short, but disagreeable interview.

About four o'clock that same afternoon I was again sent for to the palace, when the king told me that several of his wives were ill, and desired that I would give them my advice, which I promised to do without difficulty, as all acquaintance with the fair sex had hitherto been much to my advantage. I must confess, however, that calling these the fair sex is not preserving a precision in terms. I was admitted into a large square apartment very ill lighted, in which were about fifty women, all perfectly black, without any covering but a very narrow piece of cotton rag about their waists. While I was musing whether or not these all might be queens, or whether there was any queen among them, one of them took me by the hand and led me rudely enough into another apartment. This was much better lighted than the first. Upon a large bench, or sofa, covered[448] with blue Surat cloth, sat three persons cloathed from the neck to the feet with blue cotton shirts.

One of these, who found was the favourite, was about six feet high, and corpulent beyond all proportion. She seemed to me, next to the elephant and rhinoceros, to be the largest living creature I had met with. Her features were perfectly like those of a Negro; a ring of gold passed through her under lip, and weighed it down, till, like a flap, it covered her chin, and left her teeth bare, which were very small and fine. The inside of her lip she had made black with antimony. Her ears reached down to her shoulders, and had the appearance of wings; she had in each of them a large ring of gold, somewhat smaller than a man's little finger, and about five inches diameter. The weight of these had drawn down the hole where her ear was pierced so much that three fingers might easily pass above the ring. She had a gold necklace, like what we used to call Esclavage, of several rows, one below another, to which were hung rows of sequins pierced. She had on her ancles two manacles of gold, larger than any I had ever seen upon the feet of felons, with which I could not conceive it was possible for her to walk, but afterwards I found they were hollow. The others were dressed pretty much in the same manner; only there was one that had chains which came from her ears to the outside of each nostril, where they were fastened. There was also a ring put thro' the gristle of her nose, and which hung down to the opening of her mouth. I think she must have breathed with great difficulty. It had altogether something of the appearance of a horse's bridle. Upon my coming near them, the eldest put her hand to her mouth and kissed it,[449] saying, at the same time, in very vulgar Arabic, "Kifhalek howaja?" (how do you do, merchant). I never in my life was more pleased with distant salutations than at this time. I answered, "Peace be among you! I am a physician, and not a merchant."

I shall not entertain the reader with the multitude of their complaints; being a lady's physician, discretion and silence are my first duties. It is sufficient to say, that there was not one part of their whole bodies, inside and outside, in which some of them had not ailments. The three queens insisted upon being blooded, which desire I complied with, as it was an operation that required short attendance; but, upon producing the lancets, their hearts failed them. They then all cried out for the Tabange, which, in Arabic, means a pistol; but what they meant by this word was, the cupping instrument, which goes off with a spring like the snap of a pistol. I had two of these with me, but not at that time in my pocket. I sent my servant home, however, to bring one, and, that same evening, performed the operation upon the three queens with great success. The room was overflowed with an effusion of royal blood, and the whole ended with their insisting upon my giving them the instrument itself, which I was obliged to do, after cupping two of their slaves before them, who had no complaints, merely to shew them how the operation was to be performed.

Another night I was obliged to attend them, and gave the queens, and two or three of the great ladies, vomits. I will spare my reader the recital of so nauseous a scene. The ipecacuanha had great effect, and warm water was[450] drunk very copiously. The patients were numerous, and the floor of the room received all the evacuations. It was most prodigiously hot, and the horrid, black figures, moaning and groaning with sickness all around me, gave me, I think, some slight idea of the punishment in the world below. My mortifications, however, did not stop here. I observed that, in coming into their presence, the queens were all covered with cotton shirts; but no sooner did their complaints make part of our conversation, than, to my utmost surprise, each of them, in her turn, stript herself entirely naked, laying her cotton shirt loosely on her lap as she sat cross-legged like a tailor. The custom of going naked in these warm countries abolishes all delicacy concerning it. I could not but observe that the breasts of each of them reached the length of their knees.

This exceeding confidence on their part, they thought merited some consideration on mine; and it was not without great astonishment that I heard the queen desire to see me in the like dishabille in which she had spontaneously put herself. The whole court of female attendants flocked to the spectacle. Refusal, or resistance, were in vain. I was surrounded with fifty or sixty women, all equal in stature and strength to myself. The whole of my cloathing was, like theirs, a long loose shirt of blue Surat cotton cloth, reaching from the neck down to the feet. The only terms I could possibly, and that with great difficulty, make for myself were, that they should be contented to strip me no farther than the shoulders and breast. Upon seeing the whiteness of my skin, they gave all a loud cry in token of dislike, and shuddered, seeming to consider it rather the effects of disease than natural. I think in my[451] life I never felt so disagreeably. I have been in more than one battle, but surely I would joyfully have taken my chance again in any of them to have been freed from that examination. I could not help likewise reflecting, that, if the king had come in during this exhibition, the consequence would either have been impaling, or stripping off that skin whose colour they were so curious about; tho' I can solemnly declare there was not an idea in my breast, since ever I had the honour of seeing these royal beauties, that could have given his majesty of Sennaar the smallest reason for jealousy; and I believe the same may be said of the sentiments of the ladies in what regarded me. Ours was a mutual passion, but dangerous to no one concerned. I returned home with very different sensations from those I had felt after an interview with the beautiful Aiscach of Teawa. Indeed, it was impossible to be more chagrined at, or more disgusted with, my present situation than I was, and the more so, that my delivery from it appeared to be very distant, and the circumstances were more and more unfavourable every day.

An event happened which added to my distress. Going one evening to wait upon the king, and being already within the palace, passing through a number of rooms that are now totally deserted, where the court of guard used to be kept, I met Mahomet, the king's servant, who accompanied us from Teawa. Such people, though in reality often enough drunk, yet if they happen to be sober at the time of their committing a crime, counterfeit drunkenness, in order to avail themselves of it as an excuse. This fellow, seeing me alone, came staggering up to me, saying, "Damn you, Yagoube, I have met you now, pay me for the trouble of go[452]ing for you to Teawa;" and with that he put his arm to lay hold of me by the breast. I said to him, "Off hands, you ruffian;" and, taking him by the arm, I gave him such a push that he had very near fallen backward; on which he cried out, in great fury, "Give me fifty patakas (about twelve guineas) or I'll ham-string you this instant." I had always pistols in my pocket for an extremity; but I could not consider this drunkard, though armed, to have reduced me to that situation; I therefore immediately closed upon him, and, catching him by the throat, gave him a violent wrench backward, which threw him upon the ground. I then took his sword out of his hand; and in the instant my black servant Soliman appeared, who had staid behind conversing with some acquaintance in the street. Several other black companions of this rascal likewise appeared; part seemed to defend, and part to intercede for him, but none to condemn him. Soliman, however, insisted upon carrying him before the king with his drawn sword in his hand. But how were we surprised, when the king's answer to our complaint was, "That the man was drunk, and that the people in that country were not used to see franks, like me, walking in the street." He then gave Soliman a sharp reproof for having the presumption, as he called it, to disarm one of his servants in his palace, and immediately ordered his sword to be restored him.

We were retiring full of thoughts what might be the occasion of this reception, when we were met by Kittou, Adelan's brother, who was left with the care of the town. I told the whole affair. He heard me very attentively, and with apparent concern. "It is all the king's fault; every[453] slave does what he pleases, said he. If I mention this to Adelan, he will order the drunkard's head to be struck off before the palace-gate. But it is better for you that nothing of this kind happen while you are here. Mahomet Abou Kalec is daily expected, and all these things will be put upon another footing. In the mean time, keep at home as much as possible, and never go out without two or three black people along with you, servants, or others. While you are in my brother's house, as you now are, and we alive, there is no body dares molest you, and you are perfectly at liberty to refuse or admit any person you please, whether they come from the king or not, by only saying, Adelan forbids you. I will answer for the rest. The less you come here the better, and never venture into the street at night."

At this instant a message from the king called him in. I went away, better satisfied than before, because I now had learned there was a place in that town where I could remain in safety, and I was resolved there to await the arrival of Abou Kalec, to whom I looked up as to the means Providence was to use to free me from the designs the king was apparently meditating against me. I was more confirmed in the belief of these bad intentions, by a conversation he had with Hagi Belal, to whom he said, That he was very credibly informed I had along with me above 2000 ounces of gold, besides a quantity of silver, and rich embroideries from India, from which last place, and not from Cairo, I was come as a merchant, and not a physician. I resolved, therefore, to keep close at home, and to put into some form the observations that[454] I had made upon this extraordinary government; a monarchy that had started up, as it were, in our days, and of which no traveller has as yet given the smallest account.

CHAP. IX.

Conversations with Achmet—History and Government of Sennaar—Heat—Diseases—Trade of that Country—The Author's distressed Situation—Leaves Sennaar.

From Salidan's time, till the conquest of Selim emperor of the Turks, who finished the reign of the Mamalukes by the murder of Tomum Bey, that is, from the twelfth to the sixteenth century, the Arabs in Nubia and Beja, and the several countries above Egypt, had been incorporated with the old indigenous inhabitants of those territories, which were the Shepherds, and, upon conversion of these last to the Mahometan religion, had become one people with those Saracens who over-ran this country in the Khalifat of Omar. The only distinction that remained was, that the Arabs continued their old manner of life in tents, while the indigenous inhabitants lived in huts, mostly by the sides of rivers, and among plantations of date-trees.

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It must be, however, remembered, that this, though a pretty general observation, does not hold without exception; for the Arabs of Mahomet's own family, the Beni Koreish, mostly lived in towns, such as Mecca, Tajef, and Medina, especially after the expulsion of the Jews and the establishment of his empire. Many also of these, who came over to Beja and the eastern part of Nubia, continued their practice of living in small towns or villages, and were distinguished by the name of Jaheleen: This appellation, literally interpreted, signifies Pagans; but by extention, the ancient races of Arabs converted immediately from Paganism to the Mahometan faith, by Mahomet himself, without having ever embraced Christianity, or any other Pagan superstition besides pure Sabaism, and this was the old religion of Arabia, and of the whole peninsula of Africa to the Western Ocean. These Jaheleen are generally known by their name, referring to men of consideration in the time of Mahomet's life, whom they call their father, or to some circumstance relating to Mahomet himself. An example of the first of the race is, Rabatab, that is, Rabat was our father, or, "we are the children of Rabat." An example of the second is the Macabrab, or, the sepulchre is our father, meaning the sepulchre of their prophet at Medina.

These Jaheleen are, as I have said, truly noble Arabs of the race of Beni Koreish. Though they live in villages, they are the most dangerous and most fanatic wretches a traveller can meet. All this country, though nominally subject to Egypt for the sake of trade, had their own prince of the race of Beni Koreish, whose title was Welled Ageeb, Son of the Good, which was his general inauguration name; and, besides this, he was called Ali, or Mahomet Welled Ageeb,[457] which is part of his title, or, as it were, his Christian name added to that of his family. This prince was, nevertheless, but the Shekh of all the Arabs, to whom they paid a tribute to enable him to maintain his dignity, and a sufficient strength to keep up order and inforce his decrees in public matters. As for œconomical ones, each tribe was under the government of its own Shekh, old men, fathers of families in each clan.

The residence of this Arab prince, called for shortness Wed Ageeb, was at Gerri, a town in the very limits of the tropical rains, immediately upon the ferry which leads across the Nile to the desert of Bahiouda, and the road to Dongola and Egypt, joining the great desert of Selima. This was a very well-chosen situation, it being a toll-gate, as it were, to catch all the Arabs that had flocks, who, living within the rains in the country which was all of fat earth, were every year, about the month of May, obliged by the fly to pass, as it were, in review, to take up their abode in the sandy desert without the tropical rains. By the time fair weather returned in the fertile part of the country to the southward, and freed them from the fly, all sorts of verdure had grown up in great luxuriancy, while hunger stared them now in the face among the sands to the northward, where every thing eatable had been consumed by the multitudes of cattle that had taken refuge there. The Arab chief, with a large army of light, unincumbered horse, stood in the way of their return to their pastures, till they had paid the uttermost farthing of tribute, including arrears, if any there were. Such was the state and government of the whole of this vast country, from the frontiers of[458] Egypt to those of Abyssinia, at the beginning of the 16th century.

In the year 1504, a black nation, hitherto unknown, inhabiting the western banks of the Bahar el Abiad, in about latitude 13°, made a descent, in a multitude of canoes, or boats, upon the Arab provinces, and in a battle near Herbagi, they defeated Wed Ageeb, and forced him to a capitulation, by which the Arabs were to pay to their conquerors, in the beginning, one half of their stock, and every subsequent year, one-half of the increase, which was to be levied at the time of their passing into the sands to avoid the fly. Upon this condition, the Arabs were to enjoy their former possessions unmolested, and Wed Ageeb his place and dignity, that he always might be ready to use coercion in favour of the conquerors, in case any of the distant Arabs refused payment, and he thus became as it were their lieutenant.

This race of negroes is, in their own country, called Shillook. They founded Sennaar, less advantageously situated than Gerri, and removed the seat of government of Wed Ageeb to Herbagi, that he might be more immediately under their own eye. It was the year 1504 of the Christian æra that Amru, son of Adelan, the first of their sovereigns on the eastern side of the Nile, founded this monarchy, and built Sennaar, which hath ever since been the capital. From this period, till the time when I was at Sennaar, 266 years had elapsed, in which 20 kings had reigned, that is, from Amru the first, to Ismain the present king. He was about 34 years of age, and had reigned three years, so that, notwithstanding the long reigns of Amba Rabat the first, and the two Baadys, the duration of the reigns of the kings of[459] Sennaar will be but 13 years upon an average; eight of the twenty have been deposed, and Ismain the present king stands the fairest chance possible of being very soon the 9th of that number.

At the establishing of this monarchy, the king, and the whole nation of Shillook, were Pagans. They were soon after converted to Mahometism, for the sake of trading with Cairo, and took the name of Funge, which they interpret sometimes lords, or conquerors, and, at other times, free citizens. All that can be said with certainty of this term, as there is no access to the study of their language, is, that it is applicable to those only that have been born east of the Bahar el Abiad. It does not seem to me that they should pride themselves in being free citizens, because the first title of nobility in this country is that of slave; indeed there is no other. Upon any appearance of your undervaluing a man at Sennaar, he instantly asks you if you know who he is? if you don't know that he is a slave, in the same idea of aristocratical arrogance, as would be said in England upon an altercation, do you know to whom you are speaking? do you know that I am a peer? All titles and dignities are undervalued, and precarious, unless they are in the hands of one who is a slave. Slavery in Sennaar is the only true nobility.

As I do not know that the names of these sovereigns are to be found any where else, I have set them down here. The record from which I drew them is at least as extraordinary as any part of their history; it was the hangman's roll, or register. It is one of the singularities which obtains among[460] this brutish people, that the king ascends his throne under an admission that he may be lawfully put to death by his own subjects or slaves, upon a council being held by the great officers, if they decree that it is not for the advantage of the state that he be suffered to reign any longer. There is one officer of his own family, who, alone, can be the instrument of shedding his sovereign and kinsman's blood. This officer is called, Sid el Coom, master of the king's household, or servants, but has no vote in deposing him; nor is any guilt imputed to him, however many of his sovereigns he thus regularly murders. Achmet Sid el Coom, the present licensed parricide, and resident in Ismain's palace, had murdered the late king Nasser, and two of his sons that were well grown, besides a child at his mother's breast; and he was expecting every day to confer the same favour upon Ismain; though at present there was no malice on the one part nor jealousy on the other, and I believe both of them had a guess of what was likely to happen. It was this Achmet, who was very much my friend, that gave me a list of the kings that had reigned, how long their reign lasted, and whether they died a natural death, or were deposed and murdered.

This extraordinary officer was one of the very few that shewed me any attention or civility at Sennaar. He had been violently tormented with the gravel, but had found much ease from the use of soap-pills that I had given him, and this had produced, on his part, no small degree of gratitude and friendship; he was also subject to the epilepsy, but this he was persuaded was witchcraft, from the machinations of an enemy who resided far off. I often staid at[461] his house all night, when he suffered excessive pains, and I may say then only I was in safety.

Achmet seemed, by strange accident, to be one of the gentlest spirits of any that it was my misfortune to converse with at Sennaar. He was very little attached to, or convinced of, the truth of the Mahometan religion, and as little zealous or instructed in his own. He used often to qualify his ignorance, or disbelief, by saying, that any, or no religion, was better than that of a Christian. His place of birth was in a village of Fazuclo, and it appeared to me that he was still a Pagan. He was constantly attended by Nuban priests, powerful conjurers and sorcerers, if you believed him. I often conversed with these in great freedom, when it happened they understood Arabic, and from them I learned many particulars concerning the situation of the inland part of the country, especially that vast ridge of mountains, Dyre and Tegla, which run into the heart of Africa to the westward, whence they say anciently they came, after having been preserved there from a deluge. I asked them often, (powerful as they were in charms), Why they did not cure Achmet of the gravel, or epilepsy? Their answer was, That it was a Christian devil, and not subject to their power.

Achmet did not believe that I was a Christian, knew I was no Mahometan, but thought I was like himself, something between the two, nor did I ever undeceive him. I was no missionary, nor had I any care of souls, nor desire to enter into conversation about religion with a man whose only office was to be the deliberate murderer of his sovereign. He spoke good Arabic, was offended at no question, but an[462]swered freely, and without reserve, whether about the country, religion, or government, or the post which he enjoyed, if we can term it enjoying an office created for such horrid crimes. He told me, with great coolness, in answer to a question why he murdered Nasser's son in his father's presence, that he did not dare to do otherwise from duty to Nasser, whose right it was to see his son slain in a regular and lawful manner, and this was by cutting his throat with a sword, and not by a more ignominious and painful death, which, if it had not been done in the father's sight, the vengeance of his enemies might have suggested and inflicted. He said, that Nasser was very little concerned at the spectacle of his son's death, but very loth when it came to his turn to die himself; that he urged him often to suffer him to escape, but, finding this in vain, he submitted without resistance. He told me, Ismain, the present king, stood upon very precarious ground; that both the brothers, Adelan and Abou Kalec, were at the head of armies in the field; that Kittou had at his disposal all the forces that were in Sennaar; and that the king was little esteemed, and had neither experience, courage, friends, money, nor troops.

I asked him if he was not afraid, when he entered into the king's presence, lest he, too, might take it into his head to shew him, that to die or be slain was not so slight a matter as he made of it. He said, "By no means; that it was his duty to be with the king the greatest part of the morning, and necessarily once very late in the evening; that the king knew he had no hand in the wrong that might be done to him, nor any way advanced his death; but, being come to the point that he must die, the rest was only a[463] matter of decency, and it would undoubtedly be the object of his choice rather to be slain by the hands of his own relation in private, than those of a hired assassin, an Arab, or a Christian slave, in public view before the populace." When Baady the king's father was taken prisoner, and sent to Teawa to Welled Hassan governor of Atbara, (Shekh Fidele's father) Adelan ordered him to be put to death there, and Welled Hassan carried that order into execution. The king being always armed, was stout, and seemed to be upon his guard; and Welled Hassan found no way of killing him but by thrusting him through the back with a lance while washing his hands. The people murmured against Adelan exceedingly, not on account of the murder itself, but the manner of it, and Welled Hassan was afterwards put to death himself, though he acted by express orders, because, not being the officer appointed, he had killed the king, and next, because he had done it with a lance, whereas the only lawful instrument was a sword.

I have already said, that it was the year of the Hegira, answering to 1504 of the Christian æra, that this people, called Shillook, built the town of Sennaar, and established their monarchy, which has now subsisted under a succession of twenty kings of the same family.

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List of the Kings of Sennaar.

	Years reigned.	A. D.
Amru, son of Adelan, began his reign in the year 1504, and reigned	30	1534
Neil, his son,	17	1551
Abdelcader, son of Amru,	8	1559
Amru, son of Neil, deposed,	11	1570
Dekin, son of Neil,	17	1587
Douro, his son, deposed,	3	1590
Tiby, son of Abdelcader,	3	1593
Ounsa, deposed,	13	1606
Abdelcader, son of Ounsa, deposed,	4	1610
Adelan, son of Ounsa, deposed,	5	1615
Baady, son of Abdelcader,	6	1621
Rebat, son of Baady,	30	1651
Baady, his son,	38	1689
Ounsa, son of Nasser son of Rebat,	12	1701
Baady el Achmer, his son,	25	1726
Ounsa, his son, deposed,	3	1729
L'Oul, son of Baady,	4	1733
Baady, his son, deposed,	33	1766
Nasser, his son, deposed,	3	1769
Ismain,	3	1772

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Although these kings began with a very remarkable conquest, it does not appear they added much to their kingdom afterwards. Ounsa, son of Nasser, is said to have first subdued the province of Fazuclo. I shall but make three observations upon this list, which is undoubtedly authentic. The first is, that this monarchy having been established in the 1504, it must answer to the 9th year of the reign of Naod in the Abyssinian annals, as that prince began to reign in 1495.—The second is, that Tecla Haimanout, the son of Yasous the Great, writing to Baady el Achmer, or the White, who was the son of Ounsa, about the murder of M. du Roule the French Ambassador, in the beginning of this century, speaks of the ancient friendship that had subsisted between the kings of Abyssinia and those of Sennaar, ever since the reign of Kim, whom he mentions as one of Baady's remote predecessors on the throne of Sennaar. Now, in the whole list of kings we have just given, we do not find one of the name of Kim; nor is there one word mentioned of a king of Sennaar, or a treaty with him, in the whole annals of Abyssinia, till the beginning of Socinios's reign. I therefore imagine that the Kim[37], which Tecla Haimanout informs us his predecessors corresponded with in ancient times, was a prince, who, under the command of the Caliph of Cairowan, in the kingdom of Tunis in Africa, took Cairo and fortified it, by surrounding it with a strong wall, and who reigned, by himself and successors, 100 years, from 998 to 1101, when Hadec, the last prince of that race, was slain by Salidan, first[466] Soldan of Egypt, with which country the Abyssinians at that time were in constant correspondence, though I never heard they were with Sennaar, which indeed did not exist at that time, nor was there either city or kingdom till the reign of Naod; so it was a correspondence with the sovereigns of Cairo, Tecla Haimanout mistook for that with Sennaar, which monarchy was not then founded.—The third observation is, that this Baady el Achmer, being the very king who murdered M. du Roule in 1704, did, nevertheless, live till the year 1726, having reigned 25 years; whereas M. de Maillet[38] writes to his court, that this prince had been defeated and slain in a battle he had with the Arabs, under their Shekh at Herbagi in 1705.

Upon the death of a king of Sennaar, his eldest son succeeds by right; and immediately afterwards as many of the brothers of the reigning prince as can be apprehended are put to death by the Sid el Coom, in the manner already described. Achmet, one of the sons of Baady, brother of Nasser, and Ismain now on the throne, fled, upon his brother's accession, to the frontiers of Kuara, and gathering together about a hundred of the Ganjar horse, he came to Gondar, and was kindly received by the Iteghé, who persuaded him to be baptised. Some time after he returned to Kuara, and joined the king's army a little before the battle of Serbraxos, with about the same number of horse, and there he misbehaved, taking flight upon the first ap[467]pearance of the enemy, before a man was killed or wounded on either side. He was graceful in his person and carriage, but a liar and drunkard beyond all conception.

The practice which obtains at Sennaar of murdering all the collaterals of the royal family, seems to be but a part of the same idea[39] which prevails in Abyssinia, of confining the princes all their lives upon a mountain. The difference of treatment, in cases perfectly parallel, seems to offer a just manner of judging, how much the one people surpasses the other in barbarity of manners and disposition. In Abyssinia, the princes are confined for life on a mountain, and in Sennaar they are murdered in their father's sight, in the palace where they were born.

As in Abyssinia, so neither in Sennaar do women succeed to sovereignty. No historical reason is given for this exclusion. It probably was a rule brought from El-aice, their own country, before founding their monarchy, for the very contrary prevailed among the Shepherds, whom they subdued in Atbara. The princesses, however, in Abyssinia, are upon a much better footing than those of Sennaar. These last have no state nor settled income, and are regarded very little more than the daughters of private individuals. Among that crowd of women which I saw the two nights I was in the palace, there were many princesses, sisters of the king, as I was after told. At that time they were not distinguishable by their manners, nor was any particular mark of respect shewn them.

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The royal family were originally Negroes, and remain so still, when their mothers have been black like themselves; but when the king has happened to marry an Arab woman, as he often does, the black colour of the father cedes to the white of the mother, and the child is white. Such was the case of Baady, therefore named Achmer; his father Rebat was black, but marrying an Arab, his son who succeeded him was white. The last Baady who was slain at Teawa was a perfect Negro; and by a slave from his own country he had the late king Nasser, who, like his father, was a perfect black. By an Arab of the tribe of Daveina he had Ismain the present king, who is white, and so it has invariably happened in the royal family, as well as in private ones. But what is still more extraordinary, though equally true, an Arab who is white, marrying a black woman slave, has infallibly white children. I will not say that this is so universal as that an example of the contrary may not be found, but all the instances I happened to see confirmed this. The Arabs, from choice, cohabit only with Negro women in the hot months of summer, on account of the remarkable coolness of their skins, in which they are said to differ from the Arab women; but I never saw one black Arab in the kingdom of Sennaar, notwithstanding the generality of this intercourse.

There is a constant mortality among the children in and about this metropolis, insomuch that, in all appearance, the people would be extinct were they not supplied by a number of slaves brought from all the different countries to the southward. The men, however, are strong and remarkable for size, but short-lived, owing, probably, to their indulging themselves in every sort of excess from[469] their very infancy. This being the case, this climate must have undergone a strange revolution, as Sennaar is but a small distance from where the ancients place the Macrobii, a nation so called from the remarkable length of their lives. But perhaps these were mountaineers from the frontiers of Kuara, being described as having gold in their territory, and are the race now called Guba. It is very remarkable, that, though they are Mahometans, they are so brutal, not to say indelicate, with regard to their women, that they sell their slaves after having lived with, and even had children by them. The king himself, it is said, is often guilty of this unnatural practice, utterly unknown in any other Mahometan country.

Once in his reign the king is obliged, with his own hand, to plow and sow a piece of land. From this operation he is called Baady, the countryman or peasant; it is a name common to the whole race of kings, as Cæsar was among the Romans, though they have generally another name peculiar to each person, and this not attended to has occasioned confusion in the narrative given by strangers writing concerning them.

No horse, mule, ass, or any beast of burden, will breed, or even live at Sennaar, or many miles about it. Poultry does not live there. Neither dog nor cat, sheep nor bullock, can be preserved a season there. They must go all, every half year, to the sands. Though all possible care be taken of them, they die in every place where the fat earth is about the town during the first season of the rains. Two greyhounds which I brought from Atbara, and the mules which[470] I brought from Abyssinia, lived only a few weeks after I arrived. They seemed to have some inward complaint, for nothing appeared outwardly. The dogs had abundance of water, but I killed one of them from apprehension of madness. Several kings have tried to keep lions, but no care could prolong their lives beyond the first rains. Shekh Adelan had two, which were in great health, being kept with his horses at grass in the sands but three miles from Sennaar: neither rose, nor any species of jessamin, grow here; no tree but the lemon flowers near the city, that ever I saw; the rose has been often tried, but in vain.

Sennaar is in lat. 13° 34´ 36´´ north, and in long. 33° 30´ 30´´ east from the meridian of Greenwich. It is on the west side of the Nile, and close upon the banks of it. The ground whereon it stands rises just enough to prevent the river from entering the town, even in the height of the inundation, when it comes to be even with the street. Poncet says, that when he was at this city, his companion, father Brevedent, a Jesuit, an able mathematician, on the 21st of March 1699, determined the latitude of Sennaar to be 13° 4´ N. the difference therefore will be about half a degree. The reader however may implicitly rely upon the situation I have given it, being the mean result of above fifty observations, made both night and day, on the most favourable occasions, by a quadrant of three feet radius, and telescopes of two, and sometimes of three feet focal length, both reflectors and refractors made by the best masters.

The town of Sennaar is very populous, there being in it many good houses after the fashion of the country. Poncet says, in his time they were all of one storey high; but now[471] the great officers have all houses of two. They have parapet roofs, which is a singular construction; for in other places, within the rains, the roofs are all conical. The houses are all built of clay, with very little straw mixed with it, which sufficiently shews the rains here must be less violent than to the southward, probably from the distance of the mountains. However, when I was there, a week of constant rain happened, and on the 30th of July the Nile increased violently, after loud thunder, and a great darkness to the south. The whole stream was covered with wreck of houses, canes, wooden bowls, and platters, living camels and cattle, and several dead ones passed Sennaar, hurried along by the current with great velocity. A hyæna, endeavouring to cross before the town, was surrounded and killed by the inhabitants. The water got into the houses that stand upon its banks, and, by rising several feet high, the walls melted, being clay, which occasioned several of them to fall. It seemed, by the floating wreck of houses that appeared in the stream, to have destroyed a great many villages to the southward towards Fazuclo.

The soil of Sennaar, as I have already said, is very unfavourable both to man and beast, and particularly adverse to their propagation. This seems to me to be owing to some noxious quality of the fat earth with which it is every way surrounded, and nothing may be depended upon more surely than the fact already mentioned, that no mare, or she-beast of burden, ever foaled in the town, or in any village within several miles round it. This remarkable quality ceases upon removing from the fertile country to the sands. Aira, between three and four miles from Sennaar, with no water near it but the Nile, surrounded with white barren[472] sand, agrees perfectly with all animals, and here are the quarters where I saw Shekh Adelan the minister's horse, (as I suppose, for their numbers) by far the finest in the world, where in safety he watched the motion of his sovereign, who, shut up in his capital of Sennaar, could not there maintain one horse to oppose him.

But however unfavourable this soil may be for the propagation of animals, it contributes very abundantly both to the nourishment of man and beast. It is positively said to render three hundred for one, which, however confidently advanced, is, I think, both from reason and appearance, a great exaggeration. It is all sown with dora, or millet, the principal food of the natives. It produces also wheat and rice, but these at Sennaar are sold by the pound, even in years of plenty. The salt made use of at Sennaar is all extracted from the earth about it, especially at Halfaia, so strongly is the soil impregnated with this useful fossile.

About twelve miles from Sennaar, nearly to the N. W. is a collection of villages called Shaddly, from a great saint, who in his time directed large pits to be dug, and plastered closely within with clay, into which a quantity of grain was put when it was at the cheapest, and these were covered up, and plastered again at the top, which they call sealing, and the hole itself matamore. These matamores are in great number all over the plain, and, on any prospect of corn growing dearer, they are opened, and corn sold at a low price both to the town and country.

To the north of Shaddly, about twenty-four miles, is another foundation of this sort, called Wed Aboud, still great[473]er than Shaddly. Upon these two charities the chief subsistence of the Arabs depends; for as there is continual war among these people, and their violence being always directed against the crops rather than the persons of their enemies, the destruction of each tribe would follow the loss of its harvest, was it not for the extraordinary supplies furnished at such times by these granaries.

The small villages of soldiers are scattered up and down through this immense plain to watch the grain that is sown, which is dora only, and it is said that here the ground will produce no other grain. Prodigious excavations are made at proper distances, which fill with water in the rainy season, and are a great relief to the Arabs in their passage between the cultivated country and the sands. The fly, that inexorable persecutor of the Arabs, never pursues them to the north of Shaddly. The knowledge of this circumstance was what, perhaps, determined the first builders of Sennaar to place their capital here; this too, probably, induced the two saints, Shaddly and Wed Aboud, to make here these vast excavations for corn and water. This is the first resting-place the Arabs find, where, having all things necessary for subsistence, they can at leisure transact their affairs with government.

To the westward of Shaddly and Aboud, as far as the river Abiad, or El-aice, the country is full of trees, which make it a favourite station for camels. As Shaddly is not above three hours ride on horseback from Sennaar, there could not be chosen a situation more convenient for levying the tribute; for though Gerri, from the favourable situation of the ground, being mountainous and rocky, and just on the ex[474]tremity of the rains, was a place properly chosen for this purpose by the Arab prince before the conquest of the Funge, (for his troops there cut them off, either from the sands, or the fertile country, as he pleased), yet many of them might have remained behind at Shaddly, and to the westward, free from the terror of the fly, and consequently without any necessity of advancing so far north as Gerri, and there subjecting themselves to contribution.

In this extensive plain, near Shaddly, arise two mountainous districts, the one called Jibbel Moia, or the Mountain of Water, which is a ridge of considerable hills nearly of the same height, closely united; and the other Jibbel Segud, or the Cold Mountain, a broken ridge composed of parts, some high and some low, without any regular form. Both these enjoy a fine climate, and are full of inhabitants, but of no considerable extent. They serve for a protection to the Daheera, or farms of Shaddly and Wed Aboud. They are also fortresses in the way of the Arabs, to detain and force them to payment in their flight from the cultivated country and rains to the dry lands of Atbara. Each of these districts is governed by the descendant of their ancient and native princes, who long resisted all the power of the Arabs, having both horse and foot. They continued to be Pagans till the conquest of the Funge. Bloody and unnatural sacrifices were said to have been in use in these mountainous states, with horrid circumstances of cruelty, till Abdelcader, son of Amru, the third of the kings of Sennaar, about the year 1554, besieged first the one and then the other of these princes in their mountain, and forced them to surrender; and, having fastened a chain of gold to each of their ears,[475] he exposed them in the public market-place at Sennaar in that situation, and sold them to the highest bidder, at the vile price of something like a farthing each. After this degradation, being circumcised, and converted to the Mahometan religion, they were restored each to their government, as slaves of Sennaar, upon very easy conditions of tribute, and have been faithful ever since.

Nothing is more pleasant than the country around Sennaar, in the end of August and beginning of September, I mean so far as the eye is concerned; instead of that barren, bare waste, which it appeared on our arrival in May, the corn now sprung up, and covering the ground, made the whole of this immense plain appear a level, green land, interspersed with great lakes of water, and ornamented at certain intervals with groups of villages, the conical tops of the houses presenting, at a distance, the appearance of small encampments. Through this immense, extensive plain, winds the Nile, a delightful river there, above a mile broad, full to the very brim, but never overflowing. Every where on these banks are seen numerous herds of the most beautiful cattle of various kinds, the tribute recently extorted from the Arabs, who, freed from all their vexations, return home with the remainder of their flocks in peace, at as great a distance from the town, country, and their oppressors, as they possibly can.

The banks of the Nile about Sennaar resemble the pleasantest parts of Holland in the summer season; but soon after, when the rains cease, and the sun exerts his utmost influence, the dora begins to ripen, the leaves to turn yellow and to rot, the lakes to putrify, smell, and be full of[476] vermin, all this beauty suddenly disappears; bare, scorched Nubia returns, and all its terrors of poisonous winds and moving sands, glowing and ventilated with sultry blasts, which are followed by a troop of terrible attendants, epilepsies, apoplexies, violent fevers, obstinate agues, and lingering, painful dysenteries, still more obstinate and mortal.

War and treason seem to be the only employment of this horrid people, whom Heaven has separated, by almost impassable deserts, from the rest of mankind, confining them to an accursed spot, seemingly to give them earnest in time of the only other worse which he has reserved to them for an eternal hereafter.

The dress of Sennaar is very simple. It consists of a long shirt of blue Surat cloth called Marowty, which covers them from the lower part of the neck down to their feet, but does not conceal the neck itself; and this is the only difference between the men's and the women's dress; that of the women covers their neck altogether, being buttoned like ours. The men have sometimes a sash tied about their middle; and both men and women go bare-footed in the house, even those of the better sort of people. Their floors are covered with Persian carpets, especially the women's apartments. In fair weather, they wear sandals; and without doors they use a kind of wooden patten, very neatly ornamented with shells. In the greatest heat at noon, they order buckets of water to be thrown upon them instead of bathing. Both men and women anoint themselves, at least once a-day, with camels grease mixed with civet, which they imagine softens their skin, and preserves[477] them from cutaneous eruptions, of which they are so fearful, that the smallest pimple in any visible part of their body keeps them in the house till it disappears. For the same reason, though they have a clean shirt every day, they use one dipt in grease to lie in all night, as they have no covering but this, and lie upon a bull's hide, tanned, and very much softened by this constant greasing, and at the same time very cool, though it occasions a smell that no washing can free them from.

The principal diet of the poorer sort is millet, made into bread or flour. The rich make a pudding of this, toasting the flour before the fire, and pouring milk and butter into it; besides which, they eat beef, partly roasted and partly raw. Their horned cattle are the largest and fattest in the world, and are exceedingly fine; but the common meat sold in the market is camels flesh. The liver of the animal, and the spare rib, are always eaten raw through the whole country. I never saw one instance where it was dressed with fire: it is not then true that eating raw flesh is peculiar to Abyssinia; it is practised in this instance of camels flesh in all the black countries to the westward.

Hogs flesh is not sold in the market; but all the people of Sennaar eat it publicly: men in office, who pretend to be Mahometans, eat theirs in secret. The Mahometan religion made a very remarkable progress among the Jews and Christians on the Arabian, or eastern side of the Red Sea, and soon after also in Egypt; but it was either received coolly, or not at all, by the Pagans on the west side, unless when, after a signal victory, it was strongly enforced by the sword of the conqueror.

[478]

The Saracens, who over-ran this country, were bigots in their religion, as their posterity continue to be at this day. They have preserved the language of the Koran in its ancient purity, and adhere rigidly to the letter of its precepts. They either extirpated the Pagans, or converted them; but this power and tyranny of the Saracens received a check, both in Egypt and Arabia, about the 16th century, by Selim, who established Turkish garrisons in all their principal places on the frontiers of Beja, or Barbaria, and in the Ber el Ajam, or ancient Azamia, along the west coast of the Red Sea.

These Turks were all truly atheists in their hearts, who despised the zeal of the Arabs, and oppressed them so, that Paganism again ventured to shew its head. The Shillook, as I have said before, made an eruption into Beja, and conquered the whole of that country. They became masters of the Arabs, and embraced their religion as a form, but never anxiously followed the law of Mahomet, which did not hold out to them that liberty and relaxation by which it had tempted the Jews and Christians. These the law of Mahomet had freed from many restraints upon pleasures and pursuits forbidden by the gospel, and thus made their yoke easier. But it was not so with the Pagan nations. The Mahometan religion diminished their natural liberty, by imposing prayers, ablutions, alms, circumcision, and suchlike, to which before they were under no obligation. The Pagans therefore of Sennaar, and all the little states to the westward, Dar-Fowr, Dar-Sele, Bagirma, Bornou, and Tombucto, and all that country upon the Niger, called Sudan, trouble themselves very little with the detail of the Mahometan religion, which they embraced merely for the sake of per[479]sonal freedom and advantages in trade; but they are Pagans in their hearts and in their practices, Mahometans in their conversation only. As for the sons of these, they are Pagans like their fathers, unless some Fakir, or Arab saint, takes pains to instruct and teach them to read, otherwise the whole of their religion consists in the confession of faith, "La Illah el Ullah, Mahomet Rasoul Ullah,"—"There is but one God, and Mahomet is his prophet."

There are three principal governments in the kingdom of Sennaar. The first is at El-aice, the capital of that country, from which the Shillook come. The Bahar el Abiad spreads itself all over the territory, and, divided into a quantity of small channels, (whether by art or nature I know not) surrounds a number of little islands, upon each of which is a village, and this collection of villages is called the town of El-aice. The inhabitants are all fishermen, and have a number of boats, like canoes, in which they sail up and down to the cataracts. With incredible fleets of these their invasion was made when they undertook the conquest of the Arabs, who had not the smallest warning of the attempt. They had, at that time, no weapons of iron: their swords and lances were of a hard wood called Dengui-Sibber. It must be a relation of the Mek of Sennaar that commands at El-aice; and he is never suffered to leave that post, or come to Sennaar.

The second government, next to this in importance, is Kordofan. The revenue consists chiefly in slaves procured from Dyre and Tegla. It seems this situation is the most convenient for invading those mountains, either from its having water in the way, or from some other circumstance[480] that is not known. Mahomet Abou Kalec had this government, and with him about 1000 black horse, armed with coats of mail, with whom he maintained himself at this time independent of the king. It is a frontier nearest to Dar-Fowr, a black state still more barbarous, if possible, than Sennaar, and by them it often has been taken from Sennaar, and again retaken.

The third government is Fazuclo, bounded by the river El-aice on the west, and the Nile on the east, and the mountains of Fazuclo, where are the great cataracts, on the south. These are part of the large chain of mountains of Dyre and Tegla, which reach so far westward into the continent, from whence comes the chief supply both of gold and slaves which constitute the riches of this country; for the greatest part of the revenue of Fazuclo is gold; and the person that commands it is not a Funge, but the same native prince from whom the army of Sennaar conquered it. This seems to be a very remarkable piece of policy in this barbarous nation, which must have succeeded, as they constantly adhere to it, of making the prince of the state they have conquered their lieutenant in the government of his own country afterwards. Such was the case with Dongola, whose Mek they continue; also with Wed Ageeb, prince of the Arabs, whom they subdued; and such was the case with Fazuclo, Wed Aboud, Jibbel Moia, and other petty states, all of which they conquered, but did not change their prince.

The forces at Sennaar, immediately around the capital, consist of about 14,000 Nuba, who fight naked, having no other armour but a short javelin and a round shield, very bad troops, as I suppose; about 1800 horse, all black, mount[481]ed by black slaves, armed with coats of mail, and without any other weapon but a broad Sclavonian sword. These I suppose, by the weight and power of man and horse, would bear down, or break through double the number of any other troops in the world: nobody, that has not seen this cavalry, can have any idea to what perfection the horse rises here. The Mek has not one musket in his whole army. Besides these horse, there is a great, but uncertain number of Arabs, who pay their tribute immediately to the Mek and to the great men in government, and live under their protection close by the town, and thereby have the advantage of trading with it, of supplying it with provisions, and, no doubt, must contribute in part to its strength and defence in time of need.

After what I have said of the latitude of Sennaar, it will scarcely be necessary to repeat that the heats are excessive. The thermometer rises in the shade to 119°, but as I have observed of the heats of Arabia, so now I do in respect to those of Sennaar. The degree of the thermometer does not convey any idea of the effect the sun has upon the sensations of the body or the colour of the skin. Nations of blacks live within lat. 13° and 14°, when 10° south of them, nearly under the Line, all the people are white, as we had an opportunity of seeing daily in the Galla, whom we have described. Sennaar, which is in lat. 13°, is hotter, by the thermometer, 50 degrees, when the sun is most distant from it, than Gondar is, though a degree farther south, when the sun is vertical.

Cold and hot are terms merely relative, not determined by the latitude, but elevation of the place; when, therefore, we[482] say hot, some other explanation is necessary concerning the place where we are, in order to give an adequate idea of the sensations of that heat upon the body, and the effects of it upon the lungs. The degree of the thermometer conveys this very imperfectly; 90° is excessively hot at Loheia in Arabia Felix, and yet the latitude of Loheia is but 15°, whereas 90° at Sennaar is, as to sense, only warm, although Sennaar, as we have said, is in lat. 13°.

At Sennaar, then, I call it cold, when one, fully cloathed and at rest, feels himself in want of fire. I call it cool, when one, fully cloathed and at rest, feels he could bear more covering all over, or in part, more than he has then on. I call it temperate, when a man, so cloathed and at rest, feels no such want, and can take moderate exercise, such as walking about a room without sweating. I call it warm, when a man, so cloathed, does not sweat when at rest, but, upon moderate motion, sweats, and again cools. I call it hot, when a man sweats at rest, and excessively on moderate motion. I call it very hot, when a man, with thin or little cloathing, sweats much though at rest. I call it excessive hot, when a man, in his shirt, at rest, sweats excessively, when all motion is painful, and the knees feel feeble as if after a fever. I call it extreme hot, when the strength fails, a disposition to faint comes on, a straitness is found in the temples, as if a small cord was drawn tight around the head, the voice impaired, the skin dry, and the head seems more than ordinary large and light. This, I apprehend, denotes death at hand, as we have seen in the instance of Imhanzara, in our journey to Teawa; but this is rarely or never effected by the sun alone, without the addition of that poisonous wind which pursued us through Atbara, and will be more particularly described in our[483] journey down the desert, to which Heaven, in pity to mankind, has confined it, and where it has, no doubt, contributed to the total extinction of every thing that hath the breath of life. A thermometer graduated upon this scale would exhibit a figure very different from the common one; for I am convinced by experiment, that a web of the finest muslin, wrapt round the body at Sennaar, will occasion at mid-day a greater sensation of heat in the body than the rise of 5° in the thermometer of Fahrenheit.

At Sennaar, from 70° to 78° in Fahrenheit's thermometer is cool; from 79° to 92° temperate; at 92° begins warm. Although the degree of the thermometer marks a greater heat than is felt by the body of us strangers, it seems to me that the sensations of the natives bear still a less proportion to that degree than ours. On the 2d of August, while I was lying perfectly enervated on a carpet, in a room deluged with water, at twelve o'clock, the thermometer at 116°, I saw several black labourers pulling down a house, working with great vigour, without any symptoms of being at all incommoded.

The diseases of Sennaar are the dysentery, or bloody flux, fatal in proportion as it begins with the first of the rains, or the end of them, and return of the fair weather. Intermitting fevers accompany this complaint very frequently, which often ends in them. Bark is a sovereign remedy in this country, and seems to be by so much the surer, that it purges on taking the first doze, and this it does almost without exception. Epilepsies and schirrous livers are likewise very frequent, owing, as is supposed, to their defeating or diminishing perspiration, or stopping the pores by constant[484] unction, as also by the quantity of water they deluge themselves with at the time they are hottest. The influence of the moon in epilepsies, and the certainty with which the third day after the conjunction brings back the paroxysm in regular intermitting fevers, is what naturally surprises people not deeper read than I am in the study of medicine. Those who live much in camps, or in the parts of Atbara far from rivers, have certainly, more or less, the gravel, occasioned, probably, by the use of well-water; for at Sennaar, where they drink of the river, I never saw but one instance of it, that of the Sid el Coom; as for Shekh Ibrahim, whom I shall speak of afterwards, he had passed a great part of his life at Kordofan. The venereal disease is frequent here, but never inveterate, insomuch that it does not prevent the marriage of either sex. Sweating and abstinence never fail to cure it, although, where it had continued for a time, I have known mercury fail.

The elephantiasis, so common in Abyssinia, is not known here. The small-pox is a disease not endemial in the country of Sennaar. It is sometimes twelve or fifteen years without its being known, notwithstanding the constant intercourse they have with, and merchandizes they bring from Arabia. It is likewise said this disease never broke out in Sennaar, unless in the rainy season. However, when it comes, it sweeps away a vast proportion of those that are infected: The women, both blacks and Arabs, those of the former that live in plains, like the Shillook, or inhabitants of El-aice, those of the Nuba and Guba, that live in mountains, all the various species of slaves that come from Dyre and Tegla, from time immemorial have known a species of inoculation which they call Tishteree el Jidderee, or, the[485] buying of the small pox. The women are the conductors of this operation in the fairest and driest season of the year, but never at other times. Upon the first hearing of the small pox any where, these people go to the infected place, and, wrapping a fillet of cotton cloth about the arm of the person infected, they let it remain there till they bargain with the mother how many she is to sell them. It is necessary that the terms be discussed judaically, and that the bargain be not made collusively or gratuitously, but that one piece of silver, or more, be paid for the number. This being concluded, they go home, and tie the fillet about their own child's arm; certain, as they say, from long experience, that the child infected is to do well, and not to have one more than the number of pustules that were agreed and paid for. There is no example, as far as I could learn, either here or in Abyssinia, of this disease returning, that is, attacking any one person more than once.

The trade of Sennaar is not great; they have no manufactures, but the principal article of consumption is blue cotton cloth from Surat. Formerly, when the ways were open, and merchants went in caravans with safety, Indian goods were brought in quantities to Sennaar from Jidda, and then dispersed over the black country. The return was made in gold, in powder called Tibbar, civet, rhinoceros's horns, ivory, ostrich feathers, and, above all, in slaves or glass, more of which was exported from Sennaar than all the east of Africa together. But this trade is almost destroyed, so is that of the gold and ivory. However, the gold still keeps up its reputation of being the purest and best in Africa, and therefore bought at Mocha to be carried to[486] India, where it all at last centers. If the wakea of Abyssinian gold sells at 16 patakas, the Sennaar gold sells at the same place for 22 patakas. The ivory sells at 1½ oz.[40] per rotol at Cairo, which is about 25 per cent lighter than the rotol of Mocha. Men-slaves, at a medium, may be about a wakea per head at Sennaar. There are women, however, who sell for 13 or 14 wakeas. What their peculiar excellencies may be, which so far alters the price, I cannot tell, only they are preferred by rich people, both Turks and Moors, to the Arab, Circassian, and Georgian women, during the warm months in summer.

The Daveina Arabs, who are great hunters, carry the ivory to Abyssinia, where they are not in fear. But no caravan comes now from Sudan[41] to Sennaar, nor from Abyssinia or Cairo. The violence of the Arabs, and the faithlessness of the government of Sennaar, have shut them up on every side but that of Jidda, whether they go once a-year by Suakem.

The wakea of Sennaar, by which they sell gold, civet, scented oils, &c. consists of 10 drams; 10 of these wakeas make a rotol. This wakea at Sennaar is accounted the same as that of Masuah and Cairo. It is equal to 7 drams 57 grains troy weight.

1	Rotol	10	Wakeas.
1	Wakea	10	Drams.

[487]

But there is another wakea used by the merchants called the Atareys.

1	Rotol	12	Wakeas.
1	Wakea	12	Drams.

But this is only used for coarse goods. There is but one long measure in Sennaar, called the Draa, which is the peek, or cubit, and is measured from the center of the elbow-joint to the point of the middle finger. This is probably the ancient cubit of Egypt, and of the holy scripture.

I have said, that the 5th and 6th of August it rained, and the river brought down great quantities of fragments of houses which it had swept away from the country to the southward. It was a very unusual sight to observe a multitude of men swimming in this violent current, and then coming ashore riding upon sticks and pieces of timber. Many people make a trade of this, as fuel is exceedingly scarce at Sennaar. But there were other signs in this inundation, that occupied the imagination of this superstitious people. Part of the town had fallen, and a hyæna, as already observed, had come alive across the river, from which the wise ones drew melancholy presages.

I had not been out of the house for two days on account of the rain. On the 7th I intended to have gone to Aira; but on the morning was told by Hagi Belal, that Mahomet Abou Kalec had advanced to the river El-aice, to cross it into Atbara, and that Shekh Adelan had decamped from Aira, and was gone to meet him; to this it was added, that Wed[488] Ageeb had been sent to by the king, to collect all his forces among the Arabs, and join him between Herbagi and Sennaar. It was foreseen, that if this was true, a revolution of some kind was near at hand, probably the deposing and death of the king, and that, in the interim, all subordination would cease in the town, and every man do what seemed good in his own eyes.

Hagi Belal had, besides, told me that Shekh Fidele of Teawa had been several days in the palace with the king, and had informed him that I was laden with money, besides a quantity of cloth of gold, the richest he had ever seen, which the king of Abyssinia had destined as a present to him, but which I had perverted to my own use: He added, that the king had expressed himself in a very threatening manner, and that he was very much afraid I was not in safety if Shekh Adelan was gone from Aira. Upon this I desired Hagi Belal to go to the palace, and obtain for me an audience of the king. In vain he represented to me the risk I ran by this measure; I persisted in my resolution, I was tied to the stake. To fly was impossible, and I had often overcome such dangers by braving them.

He went then unwillingly to the palace. Whether he delivered the message I know not, but he returned saying, the king was busy, and could not be seen. I had, in the interim, sent Soliman to the Gindi, or Sid el Coom, telling him my difficulties, and the news I had heard. In place of returning an answer, he came directly to me himself; and was sitting with me when Hagi Belal returned, who, I thought, appeared somewhat disconcerted at the meeting.[489] He told me the story of Abou Kalec was false, as also that of Wed Ageeb; but it was really true that Shekh Adelan had left Aira, and was then encamped at Shaddly. He chid Hagi Belal very sharply, asking him, what good all that tittle tattle did either to him or me? and insinuated pretty plainly, that he believed Hagi Belal did this in concert with the king, to extort some present from me. "What is the difference to Yagoube, says he, if Shekh Adelan be at Aira, three hours journey from Sennaar, or at Shaddly, five? Is not Kittou in town? and shall not I bring every slave of the king to join him upon the first requisition? At a time like this, will you persuade me, Hagi Belal, the king is not rather thinking of his own safety than of robbing Yagoube? I do not wish that Yagoube should stay a minute longer at Sennaar; but, till some way be found to get necessaries for his journey, it is not in the king's power to hurt him in the house where he is; and he is much safer in Sennaar than he could be any where out of it. Before the king attempts to hurt Yagoube, as long as he stays in Adelan's house, he will think twice of it, while any of the three brothers are alive. But I will speak to Kittou in the evening, and the king too, if I have an opportunity. In the mean time, do you, Yagoube, put your mind at rest, defend yourself if any body attempts to enter this house, and do what you will to those that shall force themselves into it." I then attended him down stairs, with many professions of gratitude; and at the door he said, in a very low voice, to me, "Take care of yon Belal, he is a dog, worse than a Christian."

I resolved at all events to leave Sennaar, but I had not yet sounded Hagi Belal as to money-affairs. It was now[490] the 20th; and, for several days since Adelan's departure, no provisions were sent to my house, as before was usual. Money therefore became absolutely necessary, not only for daily subsistence, but for camels to carry our baggage, provisions, and water, across the desert.

I now despaired absolutely of assistance of any kind from the king; and an accident that happened made me lay all thoughts aside of ever troubling him more upon the subject. There are at Mecca a number of black eunuchs, whose services are dedicated to that temple, and the sepulchre at Medina. Part of these, from time to time, procure liberty to return on a visit to their respective homes, or to the large cities they were sold from, on the Niger, Bornou, Tocrur, and Tombucto, where they beg donations for the holy places, and frequently collect large sums of gold, which abounds in these towns and territories. One of these, called Mahomet Towash, which signifies Eunuch, had returned from a begging voyage in Sudan, or Nigritia, and was at Sennaar exceedingly ill with an intermitting fever. The king had sent for me to visit him, and the bark in a few days had perfectly recovered him. A proportional degree of gratitude had, in return, taken place in the breast of Mahomet, who, going to Cairo, was exceedingly desirous of taking me with him, and this desire was increased when he heard I had letters from the sherriffe of Mecca, and was acquainted with Metical Aga, who was his immediate master.

Nothing could be more fortunate than this rencounter at such a time, for he had spare camels in great plenty, and the Arabs, as he passed them, continued giving him[491] more, and supported him with provisions wherever he went, for these people, being accounted sacred, and regarded with a certain religious awe, as being in the immediate service of their prophet, till now used to pass inviolate wherever they were going, however unsettled the times, or however slenderly attended.

Every thing was now ready, my instruments and baggage packed up, and the 25th of August fixed when we should begin our journey for Atbara. Mahomet, who passed a great part of his time at my house, had not been seen by us for several days, which we did not think extraordinary, being busy ourselves, and knowing that his trade demanded continual attendance on the great people; but we were exceedingly surprised at hearing from my black Soliman, that he and all his equipage had set out the night of the 20th for Atbara. This we found afterwards was at the earnest persuasion of the king, and was at that time a heavy disappointment to us, however fortunate it turned out afterwards.

The night of the 25th, which was to have been that of our departure, we sat late in my room up stairs, in the back, or most private part of the house. My little company was holding with me a melancholy council on what had so recently happened, and, in general, upon the unpromising face of our affairs. Our single lamp was burning very low, and suggested to us that it was the hour of sleep, to which, however, none of us were very much inclined. Georgis, a Greek, who, on account of the soreness of his eyes had staid below in the dark, and had fallen asleep, came running up stairs in a great fright, and told us he had been[492] wakened by the noise of men endeavouring to force open the door; that he hearkened a little, and found there were many of them. Our arms were all ready, and we snatched them up and ran towards the door; but I stopt, and planted them upon the first landing-place in the staircase, as I wished not to fire till the enemy was fairly in the house, that no excuse might remain for this their violation of hospitality.

I stationed Ismael at the outer door of the house, intending that he should fire first, as it would be less odious in him, being a Turk and a sherriffe, than for us Christians. I then went out to the outer gate, and Soliman with me. The entry into the yard was through a kind of porters lodge, where servants used to sit in the day-time, and sleep at night. It had a door from the street, and then another into the yard, the latter small, but very strong. They had forced the outer gate, and were then in the lodge, endeavouring to do the same by the inner, having put a handspike under it to lift it up from the hinges. "Are you not madmen, said I, and weary of your lives, to attempt to force Adelan's house, when there are within it men abundantly provided with large fire-arms, that, upon one discharge through the door, will lay you all dead where you now stand?" "Stand by from the door, cries Ismael, and let me fire. These black Kafrs don't yet know what my blunderbuss is." They had been silent from the time I had spoken, and had withdrawn the handspike from under the door. "Ullah! Ullah! cries one of them softly, how sound you sleep! we have been endeavouring to waken you this hour. The king is ill; tell Yagoube to come to the palace, and open the door instantly." "Tell the king, said I, to drink warm water,[493] and I will see him in the morning." Ah! Mahomet, cries Soliman, is that you? I thought you had had a narrow enough escape in the palace the other day, but stay a little, a servant is gone over the back wall to call the Gindi, and we are here numerous enough to defend this house till morning against all the servants the king has, so do not attempt to break the door, and Yagoube will go to the king with the Gindi.

At this time one of my servants fired a pistol in the air out of an upper window, upon which they all ran off. They seemed to be about ten or twelve in number, and left three handspikes behind them. The noise of the pistol brought the guard, or patrole, in about half an hour, who carried intelligence to the Sid el Coom, our friend, by whom I was informed in the morning, that he had found them all out, and put them in irons; that Mahomet, the king's servant, who met us at Teawa, was one of them; and that there was no possibility now of concealing this from Adelan, who would order him to be impaled.

Things were now come to such a crisis that I was determined to leave my instruments and papers with Kittou, Adelan's brother, or with the Sid el Coom, while I went to Shaddly to see Adelan. But first I thought it necessary to apply to Hagi Belal to try what funds we could raise to provide the necessaries for our journey. I shewed him the letter of Ibrahim, the English broker of Jidda, of which before he had received a copy and repeated advices, and told him I should want 200 sequins at least, for my camels and provisions, as well as for some presents that I should have occasion for, to make my way to the great men in At[494]bara. Never was surprise better counterfeited than by this man. He held up his hands in the utmost astonishment, repeating, 200 sequins! over twenty times, and asked me if I thought money grew upon trees at Sennaar, that it was with the utmost difficulty he could spare me 20 dollars, part of which he must borrow from a friend.

This was a stroke that seemed to insure our destruction no other resource being now left. We were already indebted to Hagi Belal twenty dollars for provision; we had seven mouths to feed daily; and as we had neither meat, money, nor credit, to continue at Sennaar was impossible. We had seen, a few nights before, that no house could protect us there; and to leave Sennaar was, in our situation, as impossible as to stay there. We had neither camels to carry our provisions and baggage, nor skins for our water, nor, indeed, any provisions to carry, nor money to supply us with any of these, nor knew any person that could give us assistance nearer than Cairo, from which we were then distant about 17° of the meridian, or above 1000 miles in a straight line; great part of which was thro' the most barren, unhospitable deserts in the world, destitute of all vegetation, and of every animal that had the breath of life. Hagi Belal was inflexible; he began now to be weary of us, to see us but seldom, and there was great appearance of his soon withdrawing himself entirely.

My servants began to murmur; some of them had known of my gold chain from the beginning, and these, in the common danger, imparted what they knew to the rest. In short, I resolved, though very unwillingly, not to sacrifice my own life and that of my servants, and the finishing my[495] travels now so far advanced, to childish vanity. I determined therefore to abandon my gold chain, the honourable recompence of a day full of fatigue and danger. Whom to intrust it to was the next consideration; and, upon mature deliberation, I found it could be to nobody but Hagi Belal, bad as I had reason to think he was. However, to put a check upon him, I sent for the Sid el Coom, in whose presence I repeated my accusation against Belal; I read the Seraff's letter in my favour, and the several letters that Belal had written me whilst I was at Gondar, declaring his acceptance of the order to furnish me with money when I should arrive at Sennaar; and I upbraided him in the strongest terms with duplicity and breach of faith.

But all that I could say was very far short of the violent expostulation from the Gindi that immediately followed. He gave Hagi Belal many not obscure hints, "that he looked upon this injury as done to himself, and would repay him; that though he had done this to please the king, the time might not be far off when that favour would be of very little use to him; on the contrary, might be a reason for stripping him of all he had in the world." The force of these arguments seemed to strike Hagi Belal's imagination very powerfully. He even offered to advance 50 sequins, and to see if he could raise any more among his friends. The Gindi (a rare instance in that country) offered to lend him fifty. But the dye was now cast, the chain had been produced and seen, and it was become exceedingly dangerous to carry such a quantity of gold in any shape along with me. I therefore consented to sell it to Hagi Belal in presence of the Gindi, and we immediately set about the purchase of necessaries, with this proviso, that if Adelan,[496] upon my going to Shaddly, did furnish me with camels and necessaries, so much of the chain should be returned.

It was the 5th of September that we were all prepared to leave this capital of Nubia, an inhospitable country from the beginning, and which, every day we continued in it, had engaged us in greater difficulties and dangers. We flattered ourselves, that, once disengaged from this bad step, the greatest part of our sufferings was over; for we apprehended nothing but from men, and, with very great reason, thought we had seen the worst of them.

In the evening I received a message from the king to come directly to the palace. I accordingly obeyed, taking two servants along with me, and found him sitting in a little, low chamber, very neatly fitted up with chintz, or printed callico curtains, of a very gay and glaring pattern. He was smoaking with a very long Persian pipe through water, was alone, and seemed rather grave than in ill-humour. He gave me his hand to kiss as usual, and, after pausing a moment without speaking, (during which I was standing before him) a slave brought me a little stool and set it down just opposite to him; upon which he said, in a low voice, so that I could scarcely hear him, "Fudda, sit down," pointing to the stool. I sat down accordingly. "You are going, I hear, says he, to Adelan." I answered, "Yes." "Did he send for you?" I said, "No; but, as I wanted to return to Egypt, I expected letters from him in answer to those I brought from Cairo." He told me, Ali Bey that wrote these letters was dead; and asked me if I knew Mahomet Abou Dahab? Yagoube. "Perfectly; I was well acquainted with him and the other members of govern[497]ment, all of whom treated me well, and respected my nation." King. "You are not so gay as when you first arrived here." Ya. "I have had no very great reason." Our conversation was now taking a very laconic and serious turn, but he did not seem to understand the meaning of what I said last. K. "Adelan has sent for you by my desire; Wed Abroff and all the Jehaina Arabs have rebelled, and will pay no tribute. They say you have a quantity of powerful fire-arms with you that will kill twenty or thirty men at a shot." Ya. "Say fifty or sixty, if it hits them." K. "He is therefore to employ you with your guns to punish those Arabs, and spoil them of their camels, part of which he will give to you." I presently understood what he meant, and only answered, "I am a stranger here, and desire to hurt no man. My arms are for my own defence against robbery and violence." At this instant the Turk, Hagi Ismael, cried from without the door, in broken Arabic, "Why did not you tell those black Kafrs, you sent to rob and murder us the other night, to stay a little longer, and you would have been better able to judge what our fire-arms can do, without sending for us either to Abroff or Adelan. By the head of the prophet! let them come in the day-time, and I will fight ten of the best you have in Sennaar."

K. "The man is mad, but he brings me to speak of what was in my head when I desired to see you. Adelan has been informed that Mahomet, my servant, who brought you from Teawa, has been guilty of a drunken frolic at the door of his house, and has sent soldiers to take him to-day, with two or three others of his companions." Ya. "I know nothing about Mahomet, nor do I drink with him,[498] or give him drink. About half a score of people broke into Adelan's house in the night, with a view to rob and murder us, but I was not at the pains to fire at such wretches as these. Two or three servants with sticks were all that were needful. I understand, indeed, that Shekh Adelan is exceedingly displeased that I did not fire at them, and has sent to the Gindi, ordering him to deliver two of them to him to-morrow to be executed publicly before the door of his house on the market-day. But this, you know, is among yourselves. I am very well pleased none of them are dead, as they might have been, by my hands or those of my people." K. "True; but Adelan is not king, and I charge you when you see him to ask for Mahomet's life, or a considerable deal of blame will fall upon you. When you return back, I will send him to conduct you to the frontiers of Egypt." Upon this I bowed, and took my leave. I went home perfectly determined what I was to do. I had now obtained from the king an involuntary safe-guard till I should arrive at Adelan's, that is, I was sure that, in hopes I might procure a reprieve for Mahomet, no trap would be laid for me on the road. I determined therefore to make the best use of my time; and every thing being ready, we loaded the camels, and sent them forward that night to a small village called Soliman, three or four miles from Sennaar; and having settled my accounts with Hagi Belal, I received back six links, the miserable remains of one hundred and eighty-four, of which my noble chain once consisted.

This traitor kept me the few last minutes to write a letter to the English at Jidda, to recommend him for the ser[499]vice he had done me at Sennaar; and this I complied with, that I might inform the broker Ibrahim that I had received no money from his correspondent, and give him a caution never again to trust Hagi Belal in similar circumstances.

CHAP. X.

Journey from Sennaar to Chendi.

After leaving Sennaar I was overtaken on the road by a black slave, who at first gave me some apprehension, as I was alone with only one Barbarian, a Nubian servant, by the side of my camel, and was going slowly. Upon inquiry I found him to be sent from Hagi Belal, with a basket containing some green tea and sugar, and four bottles of rack, in return for my letter. I sent back the messenger, and gave the care of the basket to my own servant; and, about ten o'clock in the evening of the 5th of September, we all met together joyfully at Soliman.

Before my departure from Sennaar I had prevailed on a Fakir, or Mahometan monk, servant to Adelan, to write a[501] letter to his master, unknown to any other person whatever, to let him know my apprehensions of the king, and that, in the uncertainty how far his occupations might oblige him to move from Shaddly, my way was directly for Herbagi, and requesting that he would give me such recommendations to Wed Ageeb as should put me in safety from the king's persecution, and insure me protection and good reception in Atbara. I begged him, in the most serious manner, to consider, however slightly he had thought of the king of Abyssinia's recommendatory letters, he would not treat those of the regency of Cairo, and of the sherriffe of Mecca, in the same manner; that my nation was highly respected in both places; and that it was known, by letters written from Sennaar, that I actually was arrived there; that they should take care therefore, and not by ill-usage of me expose their merchants, either at Mecca or Cairo, to a severe retaliation that would immediately follow the receiving bad news of me, or no news at all. My faithful Soliman, who was now to leave me, was charged to carry the answers they should choose to return to the letters I brought from Abyssinia, and I sent him that very night, together with the Fakir, to Adelan at Shaddly, fully instructed with every particular of ill-usage I had received from the king, of which he had been an eye-witness.

Although my servants, as well as Hagi Belal, and every one at Sennaar but the Fakir and Soliman, did imagine I was going to Shaddly, yet their own fears, or rather good sense, had convinced them that it was better to proceed at once for Atbara than ever again to be entangled between Adelan and the king. Sennaar sat heavy upon all their spirits, so that I had scarce dismounted from my camel,[502] and before I tasted food, which that day I had not done, when they all intreated me with one voice that I would consider the dangers I had escaped, and, instead of turning westward to Shaddly, continue north through Atbara. They promised to bear fatigue and hunger chearfully, and to live and die with me, provided I would proceed homeward, and free them from the horrors of Sennaar and its king. I did not seem to be convinced by what they said, but ordered supper, to which we all sat down in company. As we had lemons enough, and Hagi Belal had furnished us with sugar, we opened a bottle of his rack and in punch (the liquor of our country) drank to a happy return thro' Atbara. I then told them my resolution was perfectly conformable to their wishes; and informed them of the measures I had taken to insure success and remove danger as much as possible. I recommended diligence, sobriety, and subordination, as the only means of arriving happily at the end proposed; and assured them all we should share one common fare, and one common fortune, till our journey was terminated by good or bad success. Never was any discourse more gratefully received; every toil was welcome in flying from Sennaar, and they already began to think themselves at the gates of Cairo.

As I had recommended great diligence and little sleep, before four in the morning the camels were loaded, and on their way, and it was then only they came to awake me. The camels were abundantly loaded, and we had then but five, four of which carried all the baggage, the other, a smaller one, was reserved for my riding. This I told them I willingly accepted at the beginning of the journey, and we should all of us take our turn, while water and provi[503]sions were to be procured, and that Ismael the Turk, an old man, and Georgis the Greek, almost blind, required an additional consideration, so long as it possibly could be done with safety to us all; but, when we should advance to the borders of the desert, we must all resolve to pass that journey on foot, as upon the quantity of water, and the quantity of provisions alone, to be carried by us, could depend our hopes of ever seeing home.

On the 8th of September we left the village of Soliman, and about three o'clock in the afternoon came to Wed el Tumbel, which is not a river, as the name would seem to signify, but three villages situated upon a pool of water, nearly in a line from north to south. The intermediate country between this and Herbagi is covered with great crops of dora. The plain extends as far as the sight reaches. Though there is not much wood, the country is not entirely destitute of it, and the farther you go from Sennaar the finer the trees. At Wed el Tumbel there is great plenty of ebony-bushes, and a particular sort of thorn which seems to be a species of dwarf acacia, with very small leaves, and long pods of a strong saccharine taste. This is here in great abundance, and is called Lauts, or Loto, which I suspect to be the tree on whose fruit, we are told, the ancient Libyans fed. At a quarter past three we left Wed el Tumbel, and entered into a thick wood, in which we travelled till late, when we came to the Nile. We continued along the river for about 500 yards, and alighted at Sit el Bet, a small village about a mile's distance from the stream. Here we saw the tomb of a Shekh, or saint, built of brick in a conical form, much after the same figure as some we had seen in Barbary, which were of stone.

[504]

On the 12th, at ten minutes past six we set out from Sit el Bet, and a few minutes after came to a village called Ageda, and five miles further to another, whose name is Usheta. At half past nine we passed a third village, and at half after eleven encamped near a pool of water, called Wed Hydar, or the River of the Lion. All the way from Wed el Tumbel to this village we were much tormented with the fly, the very noise of which put our camels in such a fright that they ran violently into the thickest trees and bushes, endeavouring to brush off their loads. These flies do not bite at night, nor in the cool of the morning. We were freed from this disagreeable companion at Wed Hydar, and were troubled with it no more.

At four o'clock we again set out through an extensive plain, quite destitute of wood, and all sown with dora, and about five miles further we encamped at a place named Shwyb, where there is a Shekh called Welled Abou Hassan. While at Abou Hassan, we were surprised with a violent storm of rain and wind, accompanied with great flashes of lightning. This storm being blown over, we proceeded to a village called Imsurt. At one mile and a half further we joined the river. The Nile here is in extreme beauty, and winds considerably; it is broader than at Sennaar, the banks flat, and quite covered with acacia and other trees in full bloom. The thick parts of this wood were stored with great numbers of antelopes, while the open places were covered with large flocks of cattle belonging to the Arabs Refaa, who were returning from the sands to their pastures to the southward. Large flocks of storks, cranes, and a variety of other birds, were scattered throughout the plain,[505] which was overgrown with fine grass, and which even the multitude of cattle that thronged upon it seemed not capable of consuming. At three quarters past six in the evening we came to a large village called Wed Medinai, close upon the side of the river, which here having made a large turn, comes again from the S. E. This town or village belongs to a Fakir, who received us very hospitably.

On the 14th, at six in the morning we set out from Wed Medinai in a direction N. W. and at three quarters past eight arrived at the village Beroule. We then entered a thick wood, and thence into a very extensive and cultivated plain, sown with dora and bammia; a plant which makes a principal article in their food all over the southern part of the kingdom of Sennaar, which is described, and the figure of it published, by Prosper Alpinus[42]. At a quarter past eleven we arrived at Azazo, about a mile and a half distant from the Nile. The corn seemed here much more forward than that at Sennaar, and in several places it was in the ear. It rained copiously in the night of the 14th, but before this there had been a very dry season, and very great scarcity the preceding year. At ten minutes past four in the afternoon we left Azazo, our journey, like that of the day before, partly through thick woods, and partly through plains sown with dora. Our direction was nearly north, and the river about two miles and a half distant, nearly parallel to the road we went. At six we came to a small village called Sidi Ali el Genowi.

[506]

On the 16th, at half past six in the morning we left Sidi Ali el Genowi, and a few minutes after passed two villages on our left along the river side, not fifty yards from the water, after which we went through the village of El Mensy. The next to this were two tombs of Fakirs, nothing different from the former ones. At a quarter past ten we arrived at Herbagi, a large and pleasant village, but thinly inhabited, placed on a dry, gravelly soil. The people told us, that the greatest part of the townsmen were at some distance looking after their farms. Herbagi is the seat of Wed Ageeb, hereditary prince of the Arabs, now subject to the government of Sennaar, whose lieutenant he is according to treaty. He raises the tribute, and pays it to the Mek, or his ministers, from all those Arabs that live in the distant parts of the kingdom, as far as the Red Sea, who do not pass by Sennaar to the sands, in the season of the fly; for these, as I have mentioned, are taxed by the chief minister, or the person who hath the command of the troops of that capital. The revenue arising from this is very large, and more than all the rest put together. The Refaa, one tribe of Arabs who had compounded at this time with Shekh Adelan, were said to possess 200,000 she-camels, every one of which, at a medium, was worth half an ounce of gold, each ounce being about ten crowns. The tribute then which that Arab paid was 100,000 ounces of gold, or 1,000,000 dollars or 250,000l. There were at least ten of these tribes with which Adelan was to account, and at least six times that number that fell to the share of Wed Ageeb, whose composition is the same as that paid to Sennaar, besides whatever extraordinary sum he imposes for himself. There is also a tax upon the male camels; but this is small in comparison of the others, and the young ones pay no duty, till they are three years old.

[507]

Camels flesh is the ordinary food of the Arabs; but there is still room to inquire what becomes of the prodigious numbers of this animal annually consumed. The caravan of Mecca requires a large supply, and vast numbers are employed in the service of Damascus, of Syria and Persia, and especially of Sudan, whose caravans traverse Africa from east to west with Indian commodities, which they carry from the Arabian Gulf to the Atlantic Ocean. These, and this vast inland trade of which they were masters, the gold, ivory, pearls, and tortoise shells, that served for returns to India, were the source of the riches and power of those Shepherds, of which so many things are recorded in ancient history almost exceeding belief.

Immediately upon entering Herbagi, I went to wait upon Wed Ageeb. He had a very good house, considered as such, though but a very indifferent palace for a prince. He seemed to be a man of very gentle manners; was about 30 years of age; had a thick black beard and whiskers, large black eyes, and a long thin face, which marked his constitution not to be a strong one. We found, indeed, afterwards, that he had been very much addicted to drinking, which he had often endeavoured in vain to leave off, by substituting opium in its place. He had never before seen an European, and testified great surprise at my complexion. He sent us abundance of provisions, two sheep and two goats, and begged I would give him advice about his health in the evening. He inquired very particularly about my reception at Sennaar, which I told him only in part, and, among other circumstances, the report at Sennaar, that he was gathering his forces to the assistance of the king against[508] Adelan and Abou Kalec. He answered with a sneer, "Gehennim el Kafr," i. e. The Pagan may go to hell. He spoke contemptuously of the king of Sennaar, but very respectfully of Adelan and Abou Kalec, any one of whose little fingers, he said, was sufficient to crush the Mek, and all who adhered to him. I then took my leave, and went home to rest.

On the 17th, at noon, I observed the meridian altitude of the sun, and found the latitude of the place to be 14° 30´ N. but this observation was made with Hadley's quadrant, that I might save time, being willing to advance to as great a distance as possible from Sennaar, so there may be perhaps a minute of error, and more there ought not to be, as it was confirmed by several observations at night. The instrument, inspected and rectified by day light, was examined, and I found it to be without alteration before using it at night.

About eight o'clock in the evening I went to see Wed Ageeb, who had supped, and was drinking sorbet made of tamarinds, I believe rather to sweeten his breath than from thirst, for he had apparently drunk of stronger liquor before he took the sorbet. He told me that a servant of Adelan was arrived that evening from the camp, who had brought him a letter and messages on my account, and bade me be of good courage, for I should be safer in my tent than in Adelan's house at Sennaar; that two men had been executed for attempting to rob Adelan's house; and that Mahomet, the king's servant, was destined to suffer upon a stake, as soon as ever Adelan should move at a greater dis[509]tance from Shekh Shaddly's tomb, where such executions could not be performed with decency.

I made him a small present of fine muslin, which I had bought at Sennaar; and, in the course of conversation, he told me that the Moorish troops from Ras el Feel had burnt Teawa; that the Daveina were with them, and had plundered the Jehaina, and forced Fidele to fly to Beyla. I asked if any Christian troops were among them? suspecting much Ayto Engedan and Ayto Confu. He said there were none but the Moors of Ras el Feel, the Ganjar horse of Kuara, and the Arabs Daveina. As I did not wish to be known in this matter, I pushed my inquiries no further: I asked him to provide me with one of his men for fear of the Shukorea Arabs, with which he complied, adding, that he was himself going out to the Shukorea, and would send a man to Halfaia, where I was to consider, and acquaint him, whether I was to pass the Nile at Gerri, and go by the desert of Bahiouda and Dongola, or by the more unfrequented way of Chendi, Barbar, and the great desert, the fatigues and dangers of which he thought it impossible for a European to suffer, but would give me a letter to Sittina his sister, to whom that country belonged. After Chendi, he assured me there was no protection to be relied upon but that of Heaven. This sensible discourse was of great service to me, as it set me all the rest of the journey upon the inquiry as to the proper steps for performing this dangerous expedition.

On the 18th, at seven o'clock I left Herbagi, after writing a letter to Adelan, thanking him for his punctuality and care of me, and giving the servant that had come on[510] the errand a small present. He told me it would be ten days before he returned to the camp; with which last intelligence I was very well pleased, as thereby no information could arrive where I was, till I was forgot, or out of their power. At ten minutes past eleven we arrived at Wed el Frook, a small village close upon the Nile. Nothing could be more beautiful than the country we passed that day, partly covered with very pleasant woods, and partly in lawns, with a few fine scattered trees. The Nile is a short quarter of a mile from the village, and is fully half a mile broad. It runs smooth, and when in inundation, overflows the small space of ground between its present banks and Wed el Frook. It was now considerably lower than it had been, and was confined within its banks.

On the 19th we set out from Wed el Frook at half past five in the morning, and about four miles from it came to a large village, and the tomb of a Fakir, the Nile running all the way parallel to our road. At ten o'clock we came to another village called Abouascar; and a little way east of it, in the river, there is a large island considerably above the water, where shrubs and grass grow abundantly. The village is placed upon a small hill, and there are a great many of the same size and shape scattered about the country on the banks of the river, which add greatly to the beauty of it, as we had not yet seen such since our leaving Sennaar. At three quarters past one we came to the village of Kamily. The country here is more open, the soil lighter, the grass short and thin; it is all laid out in pasture, and there is here plenty of goats, as well as black cattle. This day we met a caravan from Egypt, last from Chendi, who brought us word that Ali Bey was deposed, and Mahomet Abou[511] Dahab was made Bey in his place. They said, one part of the caravan, that went before them, had been attacked and cut off by the Bishareen under Abou Bertran; that they had escaped by a few hours only, and that all the road was so infested with robbers, that it was a miracle if any one could pass.

On the 20th we left Kamily at a quarter past five in the morning, and at about six miles (the distance between that and Wed Tyrab) we passed a bare and sandy country, interspersed with small coppices, and three quarters past ten came to Bishaggara. This is a large village, something above a mile's distance from the Nile, which space is entirely taken up with brush-wood, without any timber trees. We begin now to see the effects of the quantity of rain having failed. There was little sown, and that so late as to be scarcely above the ground. It seems the rains begin later as they pass northward. Many people were here employed in gathering grass seeds[43] to make a very bad kind of bread. These people appear perfect skeletons, and no wonder, as they live upon such fare. Nothing increases the danger of travelling, and prejudice against strangers, more than the scarcity of provisions in the country through which you are to pass.

At fifty minutes past three in the afternoon we left Bishaggara, and at seven came to Eltie, a straggling village, about half a mile from the Nile, in the north of a large, bare plain, all pasture, except the banks of the river, which[512] are covered with wood. We now no longer saw any corn sown: The people here were at the same miserable employment as those we had seen before, that of gathering grass-seeds; yet, though starving, they brought us plenty of milk in exchange for tobacco, a commodity very much in request in these parts. At half past ten we arrived at Gidid; the houses were built of clay, with terrassed roofs: on our way we passed through several little cantonments of Nuba. All this country is sand, interspersed with thick coppices and acacia-trees that seemed not to thrive. On the other side are large, dead, sandy plains, but both sides of the river are covered with wood. The ferry over the Nile is here from the west to the east. The country about Gidid, especially to the westward, is very bare and barren, and scarcely produces any thing saving grass and bent, of which the poor people use the seed for bread. This is the case all to the westward of El-aice; and the country here, for want of rain, is fast dwindling into a desert, and the soil is changed to sand. There is no corn, though, from the vicinity of two large rivers, it produces grass enough for cattle, sheep, and goats, and there is as yet plenty of milk: but as soon as the sun shines constantly, no herbage will remain that can be food for any other cattle but goats, and at last the whole becomes a perfect desert, capable of nourishing nothing but antelopes and ostriches.

On the 21st, at seven in the morning we left Gidid, and near three miles further we came to the passage, and descended a long way with the current before we landed. The manner they pass the camels at this ferry is by fastening cords under their hind quarters, and then tying a halter to their heads. Two men sustain these cords, and a third the[513] halter, so that the camels, by swimming, carry the boat on shore. One is fastened on each side of the stern, and one along each side of the stem. These useful beasts suffer much by this rude treatment, and many die in the passage, with all the care that can be taken, but often through malice, or out of revenge. These boatmen privately put salt in the camels ears, which makes the animal desperate and ungovernable, till, by fretting and plunging his head constantly in the water, he loses his breath, and is drowned; the boatmen then have gained their end, and feast upon the flesh. But the Arabs, when they pass their camels, use a goat's skin, blown with wind like a bladder, which they tie to the fore part of the camel, and this supports him where he is heaviest, while the man, sitting behind on his rump, guides him, for this animal is a very bad swimmer, being heaviest before. The boats here are larger and better made than in any other part on the river. All between the Nile and Halifoon is bare ground, interspersed with acacia-trees. The loss of a camel is very considerable, but the price of ferrying very moderate; it is only three mahalacs for each camel, with his merchandise and every thing belonging to him. The river is something more than a quarter of a mile broad, but is double that measure in the rainy season, the current very violent, and strong at all times.

Notwithstanding our boatmen had a very bad character at this time, we passed with our camels and baggage without loss or accident. They seemed indeed to shew a very indifferent countenance at first, but good words, and a promise of recompence, presently rendered them tractable. By half past twelve we were all safe on the other side, and[514] at thirty-five minutes past three we arrived at Halifoon, about five miles from the ferry on the east side of the Nile. One mark of the boatmen's attention I cannot but mention: The weather was very hot, and we had plenty of time; the water being clear and tempting, I proposed swimming over to the other side for the pleasure of bathing; but they, one and all, opposed my design with great violence, and would not suffer me to undress. They said there was a multitude of crocodiles in the river near that place, and although they were not large enough to kill, or carry off a camel, they very often wounded them, and it would be a wonder if we passed without seeing them; indeed the last boat had not reached the shore before two of them rose in the middle of the stream. I made what haste I could to get a gun, and fired at the largest, but, as far as I could judge, without effect.

On the 22d, at three o'clock in the afternoon we left Halifoon, and by ten at night came to Halfaia, a large, handsome, and pleasant town, although built with clay. The houses are terrassed at the tops, their inhabitants being no longer afraid of the rains, which have been for some time here very inconsiderable. The Battaheen were encamped near Umdoom, a large village on the side of the river, about seven miles from Halifoon. They are a thievish, pilfering set, and we passed them early in the morning, before it was light. The road is very pleasant, through woods of acacia-trees, interspersed with large fields covered with bent grass. At Umdoom we found troops of women going to their morning occupation, that of gathering seeds to make bread.

[515]

The command of Mahomet Wed Ageeb is very extensive. It reaches from this passage of the river at Halifoon on the south, as far as Wed Baal a Nagga on the north, and to the east as far as the Red Sea, though a great part of those Arabs have been in rebellion, and have not paid their tax for some years. His command on the westward of the river reaches to Korti, all over the desert of Bahiouda, though lately the Beni Gerar, Beni Faisara, and Cubba-beesh, have expelled the ancient Arabs of Bahiouda, who pretend now only to be the subjects of Kordofan. He has also the charge of levying the tribute of horses from Dongola, in which consists the great strength of Sennaar.

Halfaia is the limit of the rains, and is situated upon a large circular peninsula surrounded by the Nile from S. W. to N. W. that is, at all the points of W. It is half a mile, or something more, from the river. This peninsula contains all their sown land, and is not watered by the river, but by what is raised from the stream by wheels turned by oxen. Halfaia consists of about three hundred houses; their principal gain is from a manufacture of very coarse cotton cloth, called Dimour, which serves for small money through all the lower parts of Atbara. There are palm-trees at Halfaia, but they produce no dates. The people here eat cats, also the river-horse and the crocodile, both of which are in great plenty. Halfaia, by many altitudes of the sun and stars, was found to be in lat. 15° 45´ 54´´, and in long. 32° 49´ 15´´ east from the meridian of Greenwich.

On the 29th, at six o'clock in the morning we left Halfaia, and continued our journey about 3 miles and a half further, when we came to two villages, a small one to the[516] north and a large one to the west. The Nile here runs N. E. of us. This whole day was spent in woods of a very pleasant kind; there were large numbers of birds of various colours, but none of them, so far as I could hear since we left Sennaar, endowed with the gift of song. Sakies[44] in the plain, all between the Nile and the road, lift the water from the stream, and pour it on the land, in hopes that it may produce some miserable crops of dora; for the river overflows none of this country, and it is very precariously and scantily watered with rain.

In a little time, continuing our journey, we came to Shekh Atman's, the tomb of a Fakir on the road. There is a high ridge of mountains on our left, west of the Nile about five miles, and a low ridge on our right, about eight miles distant; our direction was straight north. At half past eight, about five miles further, we came to the village Wed Hojila. The river Abiad, which is larger than the Nile, joins it there. Still the Nile preserves the name of Bahar el Azergue, or the Blue River, which it got at Sennaar. The village was once intended to be built at the junction of the two rivers, but the Fakir's tomb being on the side of the Nile, the village likewise was placed there. The Abiad is a very deep river; it runs dead and with little inclination, and preserves its stream always undiminished, because rising in latitudes where there are continual rains, it therefore suffers not the decrease the Nile does by the six months dry weather. Our whole journey this day was through woods, with large intervals of sandy plains producing nothing except some few spots of corn sown in time of the[517] showers, while the sun returned over the zenith, but still looking very poorly. At half past twelve we arrived at Suakem, under trees, near a sakia. At four o'clock in the afternoon we left Suakem, the mountains of Gerri bearing N. E. of us, and, five miles further, alighted in a wood near the Arabs Abdelab.

On the 30th, at five o'clock in the morning we left this station, and after having gone eight miles N. E. we came to a village, which is, as it were, the suburb of Gerri. The Acaba of Gerri is a low ridge of rocks that seems first to run from both sides across the bed of the river, as if designed to stop it; and it is impossible to look at the gap through which it falls down below, without thinking that this passage was made by the Nile itself when first it began to flow. Gerri is built on a rising ground, consisting of white, barren sand and gravel, intermixed with white alabaster like pebbles, which, in a bright sun, are extremely disagreeable to the eye. It consists of about 140 houses, none of them above one storey high, neat, well built, flat-roofed, and all of one height, composed with the same coloured earth as that on which it stands, and, for this reason, it is scarcely visible at a distance. It is immediately at the foot of the Acaba, something more than a quarter of a mile from the Nile. Gerri is situated at the end of the tropical rains, in lat. 16° 15´, and the Acaba seems to answer those mountains of Ptolemy, beyond which (that is to the N.) he says it is [Greek: diammon kai abrochon chôran][45], that is, a country full of sand and without rain; it is but a small spot immediately on the Nile, which is all cultivated, as it enjoys the double advantage both of the overflowing of the river and the accidental[518] showers. It is also called Beladullah, or the Country of God, on account of this double blessing. The dates of Gerri are sent to the Mek, and are reserved on purpose for him. They are dry, and never ripen, nor have any of the moist and pulpy substance of the dates of Barbary. They are firm and smooth in the skin, and of a golden colour.

On the 1st of October, at half past five in the morning we left Gerri, the Acaba continuing on the east and west, but the two extremities curving like a bow or an amphitheatre. This ridge of mountains is composed of bare, red stone, without any grass. At ten minutes after eight we changed our road to N. E. endeavouring to turn the point of the Acaba about three miles off, and at ten o'clock alighted among green trees to feed our camels. At three o'clock in the afternoon we left our resting-place in the wood. The mountains, which were then on our left hand, are those of the Acaba of Gerri; but those on the right still ran parallel to our course, and ended in the Acaba of Morness: we were now two miles from the river, its course due north. About twenty minutes past four we came to the Acaba of Morness, a ridge of bare, stony hills, and half an hour after we passed it. There is very little ascent, and the road is only loose, broken stones, which last about a quarter of an hour.

At six o'clock in the evening we came to Hajar el Assad, or Hajar Serrareek, the first signifying the Lion's Stone, the next the Stone of Thieves, a beggarly, straggling village, where there is a sakia, and small stripes of dora, as if sown in a garden, and watered from the well at pleasure. Hajar el Assad is the boundary between Wed Ageeb and the Mek of Chendi; it is a yellow stone set upon a rock, which they[519] imagine has the figure of a lion. We now alighted near half a mile from the river, in a small plain, where was only one shepherd with his cot and flock. At some distance, near the river, there was a house or two with sakies. September is the seed-time in this country. When the Nile is at its height, the flat ground along the side of the water, which is about a quarter of a mile broad, is sown with dora, as far as water can be conducted in rills to it, but after this short space, the ground rises immediately; there the harvest-time is in November; and the seed-time at Sennaar is in July, and their harvest in September; both regulated by the height of the Nile at the respective places.

On the 2d of October, at half past five in the morning we left Hajar el Assad; for the two last days past our journey lay through woods and desert, without water or villages; we rested upon the Nile, which soon receded from us. After having gone about two miles we saw some small houses and sakies, with narrow stripes of corn on both sides of the river. About a mile further, we began, instead of the sandy desert, to see large stratums of purple, red and white marble, and also alabaster. It seems as if those immense quarries, which run into Upper Egypt 10° N. from this, first take their rise here. This day we journied through woods of acacia and jujebs. At twenty minutes past eight we alighted in a wood to feed our camels. The sun was so immoderately hot that we could not travel. The Nile from Gerri declines almost insensibly from the E. of N. The whole country is desert and without inhabitants, saving the banks of the river; for there are here no regular rains that can be depended upon at any certain time for the purpose of agriculture; only there fall violent showers at the time[520] the sun is in the zenith, on his progress southward from the tropic of Cancer towards the Line, and the grass grows up very luxuriantly in all the spots watered by these accidental showers; but all the rest of the country is dry and burnt up.

Near Gerri, a little north, is the large rock Acaba, full of caves, the first habitations of the builders of Meroë. A little below it is the ferry over which those who go by the west side of the Nile to Dongola, through the desert of Bahiouda, must all pass. It is five days journey before you come to Korti, where travellers arrive the morning of the sixth, that is, going at the rate of fifteen miles a-day. Near Korti you again meet the Nile, which has taken a very unnatural turn from Magiran, or where it meets the Tacazzè from Angot. The way through this desert, which was that of Poncet, is now rendered impassable, as I have already said, by the Beni Faisara, Beni Gerar, and Cubba-beesh Arabs, three powerful clans, which come from the westward near Kordofan from fear of the black horse there, and which have taken possession of all the wells in that desert, so that it is impossible for travellers to avoid them. The Cubba-beesh are so called, from kebsh[46], a sheep, because they wear the skin of that animal for cloathing. They are very numerous, and extend far into the great desert Selima and to the frontiers of Egypt. These tribes have cut off the last three caravans coming from Dongola and Egypt. This ferry, and the Acaba beyond it, belongs to Wed Ageeb; and here all goods, passing to and from Egypt, Dongola, and Chendi, pay a duty,[521] which is not regulated as to its extent, but is levied arbitrarily, according to circumstances of the times, and paid to the Shukorea, or other Arabs, who are in the neighbourhood, which happens from February to July. The Mek, or prince of the Arabs, passes them by fair means or force. After the rains become constant, these go eastward to Mendera and Gooz, and then the road from Sennaar to Suakem through these places becoming dangerous on account of all the other Arabs assembling there to avoid the fly, the caravan of Suakem is obliged to pass through Halfaia to Barbar, and from thence to Suakem, so that this was the most frequented road in the kingdom. Now, indeed, the communications on all sides are obstructed by the anarchy that prevails among the Arabs, so that he who passes to or from Egypt must depend solely upon his own exertions and the protection of Heaven.

The Acaba of Gerri, and the banks of the Nile there, are inhabited by tribes of Arabs, called Beni Hamda, and Hassani. They are all poor and miserable banditti, and would not suffer a man to pass there at the ferry were it not for the extraordinary dread they have of fire-arms. The report of a gun, even at a distance, will make a hundred of them fly and hide themselves. We gave them several vollies of blunderbusses, and double-barrelled guns, fired in the air, from the time of our entering their territory till near Wed Baal a Nagga; we saw them upon the tops of the pointed rocks as far distant as we could wish, nor did they ever appear nearer us, or descend into the plain.

At Halfaia and Gerri begins that noble race of horses justly celebrated all over the world. They are the breed that[522] was introduced here at the Saracen conquest, and have been preserved unmixed to this day. They seem to be a distinct animal from the Arabian horse, such as I have seen in the plains of Arabia Deserta, south of Palmyra and Damascus, where I take the most excellent of the Arabian breed to be, in the tribe of Mowalli and Annecy, which is about lat. 36°; whilst Dongola and the dry country near it seems to be the center of excellence for this nobler animal, so that the bounds within which the horse is in its greatest perfection seems to be between the degrees of lat. 20°, and 36°, and between long. 30° east from the meridian of Greenwich to the banks of the Euphrates. For this extent Fahrenheit's thermometer is never below 50° in the night, or in the day below 80°, though it may rise to 120° at noon in the shade, at which point horses are not affected by the heat, but will breed as they do at Halfaia, Gerri, and Dongola, where the thermometer rises to these degrees. These countries, from what has been said, must of course be a dry, sandy desert, with little water, producing short, or no grass, but only roots, which are blanched like our cellery, being always covered with earth, having no marshes or swamps, fat soapy earth, or mould.

I never heard of wild horses in any of these parts. Arabia Deserta, where they are said to be, seems very ill calculated to conceal them, it being flat without wood or cover, they must therefore be constantly in view; and I never heard any person of veracity say they ever saw wild horses in Arabia. Wild asses I have frequently seen alive, but never dead, in neck, head, face, and tail very like ours, only their skins are streaked, not spotted. The zebra is found nowhere in Abyssinia, but in the S. W. extremity of[523] Kuara among the Shangalla and Guba, in Narea and Caffa, and in the mountains of Dyre and Tegla, and to the southward near as far as the Cape.

What figure the Nubian breed would make in point of fleetness is very doubtful, their make being so entirely different from that of the Arabian; but if beautiful and symmetrical parts, great size and strength, the most agile, nervous, and elastic movements, great endurance of fatigue, docility of temper, and seeming attachment to man, beyond any other domestic animal, can promise any thing for a stallion, the Nubian is, above all comparison, the most eligible in the world. Few men have seen more horses, or more of the different places where they are excellent, than I have, and no one ever more delighted in them, as far as the manly exercise went. What these may produce for the turf is what I cannot so much as guess, as there is not, I believe, in the world one more indifferent to, or ignorant of, that amusement than I am. The experiment would be worth trying in any view. The expence would not be great, yet there might be some trouble and application necessary, but, if adroitly managed, not much even of that.

I could not refrain from attempting a drawing of one of them, which I since, and but very lately, unfortunately mislaid. It was a horse of Shekh Adelan, which with some difficulty I had liberty to draw. It was not quite four years old, was full 16 hands high: I mean this only as an idea; I know the faults of my drawing, and could correct many of them; but it is a rule I have invariably adhered to in this, as well as in description, to correct nothing from recol[524]lection when the object is out of my sight. This horse's name was El Fudda, the meaning of which I will not pretend to explain. In Egypt this is the name of a small piece of money clipped into points, otherwise called a parat; but, very probably, the name of horses in Nubia may have as little allusion to the quality of the animal as the name which our race-horses have in England; they are, however, very jealous in keeping up their pedigree. All noble horses in Nubia are said to be descended of one of the five upon which Mahomet and his four immediate successors, Abou Becr, Omar, Atman, and Ali, fled from Mecca to Medina, the night of the Hegira. From which of these El Fudda was descended I did not inquire; Shekh Adelan, armed, as he fought, with his coat of mail and war saddle, iron-chained bridle, brass cheek-plates, front-plate, breast-plate, large broad-sword, and battle-ax, did not weigh less upon the horse than 26 stone, horseman's weight. This horse kneeled to receive his master, armed as he was, when he mounted, and he kneeled to let him dismount armed likewise, so that no advantage could be taken of him in those helpless times when a man is obliged to arm and disarm himself piece by piece on horseback. Adelan, in war, was a fair-player, and gave every body his chance. He was the first man always that entered among the enemy, and the last to leave them, and never changed this horse. The horses of Halfaia and Gerri do not arrive at the size of those in Dongola, where few are lower than 16 hands. They are black or white, but a vast proportion of the former to the latter. I never saw the colour we call grey, that is, dappled, but there are some bright bays, or inclining to sorrel. They are all kept monstrously fat upon dora, eat nothing green but[525] the short roots of grass that are to be found by the side of the Nile, after the sun has withered it. This they dig out where it is covered with earth, and appears blanched, which they lay in small heaps once a-day on the ground before them. They are tethered by the fetlock joint of the fore-leg with a very soft cotton rope made with a loop and large button. They eat and drink with the bridle in their mouth, not the bridle they actually use when armed, but a light one made on purpose to accustom them to eat and drink with it: If you ask the reason, they tell you of many battles that have been lost by the troops having been attacked by their enemy when taking off the bridles to give their horses drink. No Arab ever mounts a stallion; on the contrary, in Nubia they never ride mares; the reason is plain: The Arabs are constantly at war with their neighbours, (for so robbery in that country is called) and always endeavour to take their enemies by surprise in the grey of the evening, or the dawn of day. A stallion no sooner smells the stale of the mare in the enemy's quarters, than he begins to neigh, and that would give the alarm to the party intended to be surprised. No such thing ever can happen when they ride mares only; on the contrary, the Funge trust only to superior force. They are in an open, plain country, must be discovered at many miles distance, and all such surprises and stratagems are useless to them.

The place where we alighted is called Hajar el Dill, and is a mile east from where we halted in the wood to feed our camels. We continued along the Nile at about a mile's distance from it, and, after advancing near three miles, came in sight of a large village called Derreira; on the opposite side of the Nile, and beyond that, about four miles on the[526] same side, is Deleb, a large village, with the shrine of a famous saint of that name. The country here is more cultivated and pleasant than that which we had passed; there is a low ridge of hills in the way. At half past six in the evening of the 2d of October we arrived at Wed Baal a Nagga. The village is a very large one, belonging to a Fakir, a saint of the first consideration in the government of Chendi. All this country, except immediately upon the Nile, is desert and sandy. All along the plain we saw numbers of people digging pits, and taking out the earth, which they boil in large earthen vases or pans. This is the only way they procure themselves salt, of which they send great quantities to Halfaia, where is a market, and from whence it is sent to Sennaar.

On the 3d, at five o'clock, we left Wed Baal a Nagga, and continued along the Nile, which is about a quarter of a mile off; and seven miles further to the N. E. we passed a tomb of the Fakir el Deragi, close to the road on our left hand. All from Wed Baal a Nagga, on both sides of the Nile, is picturesque and pleasant, full of verdure, and varied with houses in different situations till we come to the tomb of this Fakir. Immediately from this all is bare and desolate, except one verdant spot by the side of the river, shaded with fine trees, and full of herbage, and there we alighted at nine o'clock. This place is called Maia; a few trees appear on the other side, but beyond these all the country is desert. It is inhabited at present by the Jaheleen Arabs of Wed el Faal; as they have had violent showers in the high country, and their pools were still full of water, they staid by them longer than ordinary feeding their cattle. Idris Wed el Faal, governor of Chendi, nephew to Wed Ageeb, and son[527] to Sittina his sister, to whom this country belongs, was then with them, so we did not fear them, otherwise there is not a worse set of fanatical wretches, or greater enemies to the name of Christian, than these are.

As we are here speaking of Arabs and their names, I shall once for all observe, that Wed, a word which I have frequently made use of in the course of this history, and which in this sense is peculiar to the kingdom of Sennaar, does not mean river, though that is its import in Arabic. Here it is an abbreviation of Welled, peculiar to the inhabitants of this part of Atbara, who seem to have an aversion to the letter l; Wed el Faal, the son of Faal; Wed Hydar, the son of Hydar, or the lion; Wed Hassan, the son of Hassan, and so of the rest. For the same reason, Melek Sennaar, the king of Sennaar, called Mek, by throwing out the l; Abd el Mek, the slave of the king, instead of Abd el Melek. Here also I had the pleasure to find the language of the Koran that of the whole people in common conversation; and as this was the book in which I first studied the Arabic, I found now a propriety and facility of expression I had not been sensible of before; for that of the Koran, in Arabia, is a kind of dead language, rarely understood but by men of learning.

At Wed Baal a Nagga there is a ferry for those who go to Dongola by the desert of Bahiouda. Derreira is the landing-place on the other side; I suppose it is to avoid these Jaheleen that caravans ferry over at Gerri rather than come so low as Wed Baal a Nagga. We left Maia at half past three in the afternoon, and, after going three[528] miles, we came to Gooz, a small village on our left, where we found plenty of good food for our camels. At six we alighted at Fakari. Chendi was now five miles east of us, where we arrived at eight o'clock in the morning of the 4th of October.

Simonides the Less staid five years in Meroë; after him, Aristocreon, Bion, and Basilis[49]. It is not then probable that men of their character omitted to ascertain the fact whether or not the place where they lived was an island. Diodorus Siculus has said, that Meroë was in the form of a shield, that is, in the figure of that triangular shield called Scutum, pointed at the bottom, and growing broader towards the top where it is square. Nothing can be more exact than this resemblance of the lower part of Atbara, that is, from Gerri to the Magiran, the part we suppose Diodorus was acquainted with, and it is scarcely possible that he could have fixed upon this resemblance without having seen some figure of it delineated upon paper.

As this must suppose a more than ordinary knowledge in Diodorus, we shall examine how the measures he has given us of the island correspond with the truth. He says, that the island is 3000 stadia long, and 1000 stadia broad. Now taking 8 stadia for a mile, we have 375 miles, and measuring with the compass from the river Falaty, where, as I have said, Atbara becomes an island by the confluence of the rivers, I find that distance to be 345 miles, of 60 miles to a degree, so that without making any allowance for the disadvantages of the country, it is impossible at this day to have a more accurate estimation. As for the breadth, it is scarcely possible to guess at what part Diodorus means it was measured, on account of the figure of the shield, as I have already observed, as constantly varying. But suppose, as is most probable, that the breadth of the island was referred to[543] the place where the city stood, then, in place of 125 miles, the produce of 1000 stadia, I find it measures 145 miles, a difference as little to be regarded as the other.

Let us now examine what information we can learn from the report of the centurions sent on purpose by Nero to explore this unknown country, whose report has been looked upon as decisive of the distances of places through which they passed.

These travellers pretend, that between Syene and the entrance into the island of Meroë was 873 miles, and from thence to the city 70 miles; the whole distance then between Syene and the city of Meroë will be 943 miles, or 15° 43´. Now Syene was very certainly in 24°, a few minutes more or less; and from this if we take 15°, there will remain 9° of latitude for the island of Meroë, according to the report of these centurions, and this would have carried Meroë far to the southward of the fountains of the Nile, and confounded every idea of the geography of Africa. The parallel which marks 11° cuts Gojam very exactly in the middle, and this peninsula may be said to resemble the shield called Pelta; but very certainly not the Scutum, to which Diodorus has very properly likened it. Besides, their own observation condemns them, for it is about Meroë where they first saw an appearance of verdure; the reason of which is very plain, if the latitude of that city was in 16°, upon the verge of the tropical rains, where, as an eye-witness, I who have passed that dreary distance on foot can testify, those green herbs and shrubs, though they begin, as is very properly and cautiously expressed, to appear there, seem neither luxuriant nor abundant.

[544]

But had the centurions gone to Gojam, they would have passed a hundred miles of a more verdant and more beautiful country before arriving there. The psittaci aves, or the paroquets, which they very properly observed were first seen in Meroë, that is, in Atbara, would have been sought for in vain in Gojam, a cold country; whereas the paroquet's delight is in the low, or hot country, where there is always variety of fruit; neither could Ptolemy's observation, nor those two just mentioned by Pliny, be admitted, after any sort of modification whatever.

Strabo remarks of the situation of Meroë, that it was placed upon the verge of the tropical rains; and, with his usual accuracy and good sense, he wonders the regularity of these tropical rains, as to their coming and duration, was not known earlier, when so many occasions had offered to observe them at Meroë before his time. The same author says, that the sun is vertical at Meroë forty-five days before the summer solstice; so that this too will place that island in lat. 16° 44´, very little different from the latitude that Ptolemy gives it. From all which circumstances we may venture to maintain, that very few places in ancient geography have their situations more strictly defined, or by a greater variety of circumstances, than the island of Atbara or Meroë. But supposing the case were otherwise, there is not one of these circumstances that I know of, that could be adduced with any effect to prove Gojam to be Meroë, as Le Grande and the Jesuits have vainly asserted.

At half past eleven o'clock in the forenoon of the 21st of October, having spent the whole day in winding through vallies, and the bare hills of the Acaba, we alighted in a[545] wood about a mile from the river. This side of the Nile, along which we travelled to-day, is quite bare, the other full of trees and corn, where are several large villages.

On the 22d, in the afternoon, we left this place, which is called Hor-Gibbaity, and passed through several villages of the Macabrab, named Dow-Dowa, and three miles further came to Demar, a town belonging to Fakir Wed Madge Doub, who is a saint of the first consequence among the Jaheleen. They believe that he works miracles, and can strike whom he pleases with lameness, blindness, or madness; for which reason they stand very much in awe of him, so that he passes the caravans in safety through this nest of robbers, such as the Macabrab are, and always have been, though there are caravans who chuse rather to pass unseen under the cloud of night, than trust to the veneration these Jaheleen may have of Wed Madge Doub's sanctity. After these are Eliab, their habitation four miles on our left at Howiah.

On the 25th, at three quarters past six in the morning we left Demar, and at nine came to the Tacazzè, five short miles distant from Demar, and two small villages built with canes and plaistered with clay, called Dubba-beah; these are allies of the Macabrab, as coming from Demar. They took it in their heads to believe that we were a caravan going to Mecca, in which they were confirmed by a son of Wed Madge Doub, whom I brought with me, and it was neither my business nor inclination to undeceive them, but just the contrary.

[546]

The Tacazzé is here about a quarter of a mile broad, exceedingly deep, and they have chosen the deepest part for the ferry. It is clear as in Abyssinia, where we had often seen it. It rises in the province of Angot, in about lat. 9°, but has lost all the beauty of its banks, and runs here thro' a desert and barren country. I reflected with much satisfaction upon the many circumstances the sight of this river recalled to my mind; but still the greatest was, that the scenes of these were now far distant, and that I was by so much the more advanced towards home. The water of the Tacazzé is judged by the Arabs to be lighter, clearer, and wholesomer than that of the Nile. About half a mile after this ferry it joins with that river. Though the boats were smaller, the people more brutish, and less expert than those at Halifoon, yet the supposed sanctity of our characters, and liberal payment, carried us over without any difficulty. These sons of Mahomet are very robust and strong, and, in all their operations, seemed to trust to that rather than to address or flight. We left the passage at a quarter after three, and at half past four arrived at a gravelly, waste piece of ground, and all round it planted thick with large trees without fruit. The river is the boundary between Atbara and Barbar, in which province we now are. Its inhabitants are the Jaheleen of the tribe of Mirifab.

On the 26th, at six o'clock, leaving the Nile on our left about a mile, we continued our journey over gravel and sand, through a wood of acacia-trees, the colour of whose flowers was now changed to white, whereas all the rest we had before seen were yellow. At one o'clock we left the wood, and at 40 minutes past three we came to Gooz, a small village, which nevertheless is the capital of Barbar.[547] The village of Gooz is a collection of miserable hovels composed of clay and canes. There are not in it above 30 houses, but there are six or seven different villages. The heat seemed here a little abated, but everybody complained of a disease in their eyes they call Tishash, which often terminates in blindness. I apprehend it to be owing to the simoom and fine sand blowing through the desert. Here a misfortune happened to Idris our Hybeer, who was arrested for debt, and carried to prison. As we were now upon the very edge of the desert, and to see no other inhabited place till we should reach Egypt, I was not displeased to have it in my power to lay him under one other obligation before we trusted our lives in his hands, which we were immediately to do. I therefore paid his debt, and reconciled him with his creditors, who, on their part, behaved very moderately to him.

When trade flourished here, and the caravans went regularly, Gooz was of some consideration, as being the first place where they stopped, and therefore got the first offer of the market; but now no commerce remains, nor is it worth while for stated guides to wait there to conduct the caravans through the desert, as they did formerly. Gooz is situated fifteen miles from the junction of the two rivers, the Nile and Tacazzé. By many observations of the sun and stars, and by a mean of these, I found it to be in lat. 17° 57´ 22´´; and by an immersion of the first satellite of Jupiter observed there the 5th of November, determined its longitude to be 34° 20´ 30´´ east of the meridian of Greenwich. The greatest height of Fahrenheit's thermometer was, at Gooz, the 28th day of October, at noon, 111°.

[548]

Having received all the assurances possible from Idris that he would live and die with us, after having repeated the prayer of peace, we put on the best countenance possible, and committed ourselves to the desert. There were Ismael the Turk, two Greek servants besides Georgis, who was almost blind and useless. Two Barbarins, who took care of the camels, Idris, and a young man, a relation of his, who joined him at Barbar, to return home; in all nine persons, eight only of whom were effective. We were all well-armed with blunderbusses, swords, pistols, and double-barrelled guns, except Idris and his lad, who had lances, the only arms they could use. Five or six naked wretches of the Tucorory joined us at the watering place, much against my will, for I knew that we should probably be reduced to the disagreeable necessity of seeing them die with thirst before our eyes; or by assisting them, should any accident happen to our water, we ran a very great risk of perishing with them.

It was on the 9th of November, at noon, we left Gooz, and set out for the sakia, or watering-place, which is below a little village called Hassa. All the west side of the Nile is full of villages down to Takaki, but they are all Jaheleen, without government, and perpetually in rebellion. At half past three in the afternoon we came to the Nile to lay in our store of water. We filled four skins, which might contain altogether about a hogshead and a half. As for our food, it consisted in twenty-two large goats skins stuffed with a powder of bread made of dora here at Gooz, on purpose for such expeditions. It is about the size and shape of a pancake, but thinner. Being much dried, rather than toasted at the fire, it is afterwards rub[549]bed between the hands into a dust or powder, for the sake of package; and the goat's skin crammed as full as possible, and tied at the mouth with a leather thong. This bread has a sourish taste, which it imparts to the water when mingled with it, and swells to six times the space that it occupied when dry. A handful, as much as you could grasp, put into a bowl made of a gourd sawed in two, about twice the contents of a common tea-bason, was the quantity allowed to each man every day, morning and evening; and another such gourd of water divided, one half two hours before noon, the other about an hour after. Such were the regulations we all of us subscribed to; we had not camels for a greater provision. The Nile at Hassa runs at the foot of a mountain called Jibbel Ateshan, or the Mountain of Thirst; the men, emphatically enough, considering that those who part from it, entering the desert, take there the first provisions against thirst, and there those that come to it from the desert first assuage theirs.

On the 11th, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon we left Hassa. It required a whole day to fill our skins, and soak them well in the water, in order to make an experiment, which was of the greatest consequence of any one we ever made, whether these skins were water-tight or not. I had taken the greatest care while at Chendi to dawb them well over with grease and tar, to secure their pores on the outside; but Idris told us this was not enough, and that soaking the inside with water, filling them choak-full, and tying their mouths as hard as possible, was the only way to be certain if they were water-tight without.

[550]

While the camels were loading, I bathed myself with infinite pleasure for a long half hour in the Nile, and thus took leave of my old acquaintance, very doubtful if we should ever meet again. We then turned our face to N. E. leaving the Nile, and entering into a bare desert of fixed gravel, without trees, and of a very disagreeable whitish colour, mixed with small pieces of white marble, and pebbles like alabaster. At a quarter past four we alighted in a spot of high bent grass, where we let our camels feed till eight o'clock, and at three quarters past ten we halted for the night in another patch of grass; the place is called Howeela. Jibbel Ateshan bore S. W. and by W. of us, the distance about seven miles. I inquired of Idris, if he knew, to point out to me, precisely where Syene lay, and he shewed me without difficulty. I set it by the compass, and found it to be N. and by W. very near the exact bearing it turned out upon observation afterwards. He said, however, we should not keep this tract, but should be obliged to vary occasionally in search of water, as we should find the wells in the desert empty or full.

On the 12th, at seven o'clock in the morning we quitted Howeela, continuing our journey through the desert in the same direction, that is to the N. E.; our reason was, to avoid as much as possible the meeting any Arab that could give intelligence of our being on our journey, for nothing was so easy for people, such as the Bishareen, to way-lay and cut us off at the well, where they would be sure we must of necessity pass. At twenty minutes past eight we came to Waadi el Haimer, where there are a few trees and some bent grass, for this is the meaning of the word Waadi in a desert. The Arabs, called Sumgar, are here on the west of us,[551] by the river side. At half past twelve we alighted on a spot of grass. Takaki from this distance will be twenty-four miles, between the points N. W. and N. N. W. and from Takaki to Dongola ten short days journeys, I suppose 180 miles at most. We are now in the territory of the Bishareen, but they were all retired to the mountains, a high even ridge, that is something above two days distance from us, and runs parallel to our course, on the right hand of us, all the way into Egypt.

At half past eight we alighted in a sandy plain without trees or grass. Our camels, we found, were too heavily loaded, but we comforted ourselves that this fault would be mended every day by the use we made of our provisions; however, it was very much against them that they were obliged to pass this whole night without eating. This place is called Umboia. We left Umboia, still stretching farther into the desert at N. E. At nine we saw a hill called Assero-baybe, with two pointed tops N. of us, which may be about twelve or fourteen miles distant, perhaps more. This is the next Hybeer's mark, by which he directs his course. On the east is Ebenaat, another sharp-pointed rock, about ten miles distant. All this day, and the evening before, our road has been through stony, gravelly ground, without herb or tree. Large pieces of agate and jasper, mixt with many beautiful pieces of marble, appear everywhere on the ground.

At two o'clock in the afternoon we came to Waadi Amour, where we alighted, after we had gone six hours this day with great diligence. Waadi Amour has a few trees and shrubs, but scarce enough to afford any shade, or night's[552] provision for our camels. Being now without fear of the Arabs who live upon the Nile, from which we were at a sufficient distance, we with the same view to safety, declined approaching the mountains, but held our course nearly N. to a small spot of grass and white sand, called Assa-Nagga. Here our misfortunes began, from a circumstance we had not attended to. Our shoes, that had needed constant repair, were become at last absolutely useless, and the hard ground, from the time we passed Amour, had worn the skin off in several places, so that our feet were very much inflamed by the burning sand.

About a mile north-west of us is Hambily, a rock not considerable in size, but, from the plain country in which it is situated, has the appearance of a great tower or castle, and south of it two hillocks or little hills. These are all land-marks of the utmost consequence to caravans in their journey, because they are too considerable in size to be covered at any time by the moving sands. At Assa Nagga, Assiro-baybe is square with us, and with the turn which the Nile takes eastward to Korti and Dongola. The Takaki are the people nearest us, west of Assa Nagga, and Assero-baybe upon the Nile. After these, when the Nile has turned E. and W. are the Chaigie, on both sides of the river, on to Korti, where the territory called the kingdom of Dongola begins. As the Nile no longer remains on our left, but makes a remarkable turn, which has been much misrepresented in the maps, I put my quadrant in order, and by a medium of three observations, one of Procyon, one of Rigel, and one of the middle star of the belt of Orion, I found the latitude of Assa Nagga to be 19° 30´, which being on a parallel with the farthest point of the Nile northward, gives the latitude of that[553] place where the river turns west by Korti towards Dongola, and this was of great service to me in fixing some other material points in my map.

On the 14th, at seven in the morning we left Assa Nagga, our course being due north. At one o'clock we alighted among some acacia-trees at Waadi el Halboub, having gone twenty-one miles. We were here at once surprised and terrified by a sight surely one of the most magnificent in the world. In that vast expanse of desert, from W. and to N. W. of us, we saw a number of prodigious pillars of sand at different distances, at times moving with great celerity, at others stalking on with a majestic slowness; at intervals we thought they were coming in a very few minutes to overwhelm us; and small quantities of sand did actually more than once reach us. Again they would retreat so as to be almost out of sight, their tops reaching to the very clouds. There the tops often separated from the bodies; and these, once disjoined, dispersed in the air, and did not appear more. Sometimes they were broken near the middle, as if struck with a large cannon shot. About noon they began to advance with considerable swiftness upon us, the wind being very strong at north. Eleven of them ranged alongside of us about the distance of three miles. The greatest diameter of the largest appeared to me at that distance as if it would measure ten feet. They retired from us with a wind at S. E. leaving an impression upon my mind to which I can give no name, though surely one ingredient in it was fear, with a considerable deal of wonder and astonishment. It was in vain to think of flying; the swiftest horse, or fastest sailing ship, could be of no use to carry us out of this danger, and the full persuasion of this rivetted me as if to the spot where I stood, and let the[554] camels gain on me so much in my state of lameness, that it was with some difficulty I could overtake them.

The effect this stupendous sight had upon Idris was to set him to his prayers, indeed rather to his charms; for, besides the name of God and Mahomet, all the rest of the words were mere gibberish and nonsense. This created a violent altercation between him and Ismael the Turk, who abused him for not praying in the words of the Koran, maintaining, with apparent great wisdom at the same time, that nobody had charms to stop these moving sands but the inhabitants of Arabia Deserta.

The Arabs to whom this inhospitable spot belongs are the Adelaia. They, too, are Jaheleen, or Arabs of Beni Koreish. They are said to be a harmless race, and to do no hurt to the caravans they meet; yet I very much doubt, had we fallen in with them they would not have deserved the good name that was given them. We went very slowly to-day, our feet being sore and greatly swelled. The whole of our company were much disheartened, (except Idris) and imagined that they were advancing into whirl-winds of moving sand, from which they should never be able to extricate themselves; but before four o'clock in the afternoon these phantoms of the plain had all of them fallen to the ground and disappeared. In the evening we came to Waadi Dimokea, where we passed the night, much disheartened, and our fear more increased, when we found, upon wakening in the morning, that one side was perfectly buried in the sand that the wind had blown above us in the night.

[555]

From this day, subordination, though not entirely ceased, was fast on the decline; all was discontent, murmuring, and fear. Our water was greatly diminished, and that terrible death by thirst began to stare us in the face, and this was owing in a great measure to our own imprudence. Ismael, who had been left centinel over the skins of water, had slept so soundly, that this had given an opportunity to a Tucorory to open one of the skins that had not been touched, and serve himself out of it at his own discretion. I suppose that, hearing somebody stir, and fearing detection, he had withdrawn himself as speedily as possible, without taking time to tie the mouth of the girba, which we found in the morning with scarce a quart of water in it.

On the 15th, at a quarter past seven in the morning we left Waadi Dimokea, keeping a little to the westward of north, as far as I could judge, just upon the line of Syene. The same ridge of hills being on our right and left as yesterday, in the center of these appeared Del Aned. At twenty minutes past two o'clock in the afternoon we came to an opening in the ridge of rocks; the passage is about a mile broad, through which we continued till we alighted at the foot of the mountain Del Aned. The place is called Waadi Del Aned.

The same appearance of moving pillars of sand presented themselves to us this day in form and disposition like those we had seen at Waadi Halboub, only they seemed to be more in number, and less in size. They came several times in a direction close upon us; that is, I believe, within less than two miles. They began, immediately after sun-rise, like a thick wood, and almost darkened the sun:[556] His rays shining through them for near an hour, gave them an appearance of pillars of fire. Our people now became desperate: The Greeks shrieked out, and said it was the day of judgment. Ismael pronounced it to be hell, and the Tucorories, that the world was on fire. I asked Idris if ever he had before seen such a sight? He said he had often seen them as terrible, though never worse; but what he feared most was that extreme redness in the air, which was a sure presage of the coming of the simoom. I begged and entreated Idris that he would not say one word of that in the hearing of the people, for they had already felt it at Imhanzara in their way from Ras el Feel to Teawa, and again at the Acaba of Gerri, before we came to Chendi, and they were already nearly distracted at the apprehension of finding it here.

At half past four o'clock in the afternoon we left Waadi Del Aned, our course a little more to the westward than the direction of Syene. The sands which had disappeared yesterday scarcely shewed themselves at all this day, and at a great distance from the horizon. This was, however, a comfort but of short duration. I observed Idris took no part in it, but only warned me and the servants, that, upon the coming of the simoom, we should fall upon our faces, with our mouths upon the earth, so as not to partake of the outward air as long as we could hold our breath. We alighted at six o'clock at a small rock in the sandy ground, without trees or herbage, so that our camels fasted all that night. This place is called Ras el Seah, or, by the Bishareen, El Mout, which signifies death, a name of bad omen.

[557]

On the 16th, at half past ten in the forenoon we left El Mout, standing in the direction close upon Syene. Our men, if not gay, were however in better spirits than I had seen them since we left Gooz. One of our Barbarins had even attempted a song; but Hagi Ismael very gravely reproved him, by telling him, that singing in such a situation was a tempting of Providence. There is, indeed, nothing more different than active and passive courage. Hagi Ismael would fight, but he had not strength of mind to suffer. At eleven o'clock, while we contemplated with great pleasure the rugged top of Chiggre, to which we were fast approaching, and where we were to solace ourselves with plenty of good water, Idris cried out, with a loud voice, Fall upon your faces, for here is the simoom. I saw from the S. E. a haze come, in colour like the purple part of the rainbow, but not so compressed or thick. It did not occupy twenty yards in breadth, and was about twelve feet high from the ground. It was a kind of blush upon the air, and it moved very rapidly, for I scarce could turn to fall upon the ground with my head to the northward, when I felt the heat of its current plainly upon my face. We all lay flat on the ground, as if dead, till Idris told us it was blown over. The meteor, or purple haze, which I saw, was indeed passed, but the light air that still blew was of heat to threaten suffocation. For my part, I found distinctly in my breast that I had imbibed a part of it, nor was I free of an asthmatic sensation till I had been some months in Italy, at the baths of Poretta, near two years afterwards.

An universal despondency had taken possession of our people. They ceased to speak to one another, and when[558] they did, it was in whispers, by which I easily guessed their discourse was not favourable to me, or else that they were increasing each others fears, by vain suggestions calculated to sink each others spirits still further, but from which no earthly good could possibly result. I called them together, and both reprimanded and exhorted them in the strongest manner I could; I bade them attend to me, who had nearly lost my voice by the simoom, and desired them to look at my face, so swelled as scarcely to permit me to see; my neck covered with blisters, my feet swelled and inflamed, and bleeding with many wounds. In answer to the lamentation that the water was exhausted, and that we were upon the point of dying with thirst, I ordered each man a gourd full of water more than he had the preceding day, and shewed them, at no great distance, the bare, black, and sharp point of the rock Chiggre, wherein was the well at which we were again to fill our girbas, and thereby banish the fear of dying by thirst in the desert. I believe I never was at any time more eloquent, and never had eloquence a more sudden effect. They all protested and declared their concern chiefly arose from the situation they saw me in; that they feared not death or hardship, provided I would submit a little to their direction in the taking a proper care of myself. They intreated me to use one of the camels, and throw off the load that it carried, that it would ease me of the wounds in my feet, by riding at least part of the day. This I positively refused to do, but recommended to them to be strong of heart, and to spare the camels for the last resource, if any should be taken ill and unable to walk any longer.

[559]

This phænomenon of the simoom, unexpected by us, though foreseen by Idris, caused us all to relapse into our former despondency. It still continued to blow, so as to exhaust us entirely, though the blast was so weak as scarcely would have raised a leaf from the ground. At twenty minutes before five the simoom ceased, and a comfortable and cooling breeze came by starts from the north, blowing five or six minutes at a time, and then falling calm. We were now come to the Acaba, the ascent before we arrived at Chiggre, where we intended to have stopt that night, but we all moved on with tacit consent, nor did one person pretend to say how far he guessed we were to go.

At thirteen minutes past eight we alighted in a sandy plain absolutely without herbage, covered with loose stones, a quarter of a mile due north of the well, which is in the narrow gorge, forming the southern outlet of this small plain. Though we had travelled thirteen hours and a quarther this day, it was but at a slow pace, our camels being famished, as well as tired, and lamed likewise by the sharp stones with which the ground in all places was covered. The country, for three days past, had been destitute of herbage of any kind, entirely desert, and abandoned to moving sands. We saw this day, after passing Ras el Seah, large blocks and strata of pure white marble, equal to any in colour that ever came from Paros.

Chiggre is a small narrow valley, closely covered up and surrounded with barren rocks. The wells are ten in number, and the narrow gorge which opens to them is not ten yards broad. The springs, however, are very abundant. Wherever a pit is dug five or six feet deep, it is immediate[560]ly filled with water. The principal pool is about forty yards square and five feet deep; but the best tasted water was in the cleft of a rock, about 30 yards higher, on the west side of this narrow outlet. All the water, however, was very foul, with a number of animals both aquatic and land. It was impossible to drink without putting a piece of our cotton girdle over our mouths, to keep, by filtration, the filth of dead animals out of it. We saw a great many partridges upon the face of the bare rock; but what they fed upon I could not guess, unless upon insects. We did not dare to shoot at them, for fear of being heard by the wandering Arabs that might be somewhere in the neighbourhood; for Chiggre is a haunt of the Bishareen of the tribe of Abou Bertran, who, though they do not make it a station, because there is no pasture in the neighbourhood, nor can any thing grow there, yet it is one of the most valuable places of refreshment, on account of the great quantity of water, being nearly half way, when they drive their cattle from the borders of the Red Sea to the banks of the Nile; as also in their expeditions from south to north, when they leave their encampments in Barbar, to rob the Ababdé Arabs on the frontiers of Egypt.

Our first attention was to our camels, to whom we gave that day a double feed of dora, that they might drink for the rest of their journey, should the wells in the way prove scant of water. We then washed in a large pool, the coldest water, I think, I ever felt, on account of its being in a cave covered with rock, and was inaccessible to the sun in any direction. All my people seemed to be greatly recovered by this refrigeration, but from some cause or other, it fared otherwise with the Tucorory; one of whom died about an hour after our arrival, and another early the next morning.

[561]

Subordination, if now not entirely gone, was expiring, so that I scarcely expected to have interest enough with my own servants to help me to set up my large quadrant: Yet I was exceedingly curious to know the situation of this remarkable place, which Idris the Hybeer declared to be halfway to Assouan. But it seems their curiosity was not less than mine; above all, they wanted to prove that Idris was mistaken, and that we were considerably nearer to Egypt than we were to Barbar. While Idris and the men filled the skins with water, the Greeks and I set up the quadrant, and, by observation of the two bright stars of Orion, I found the latitude of Chiggre to be 20° 58´ 30´´ N.; so that, allowing even some small error in the position of Syene in the French maps, Idris's guess was very near the truth, and both the latitude and longitude of Chiggre and Syene seemed to require no further investigation.

During the whole time of the observation, an antelope of a very large kind, went several times round and round the quadrant; and at the time when my eyes were fixed upon the star, came so near as to bite a part of my cotton cloth which I had spread like a carpet to kneel on. Even when I stirred, it would leap about two or three yards from me, and then stand and gaze with such attention, that it would have appeared to by-standers (had there been any) that we had been a long time acquainted. The first idea was the common one, to kill it. I easily could have done this with a lance; but it seemed so interested in what I was doing, that I began to think it might perhaps be my good genius which had come to visit, protect, and encourage me in the desperate situation in which I then was.

CHAP. XII.

Distresses in the Desert—Meet with Arabs—Camels die—Baggage abandoned—Come to Syene.

On the 17th of November, at half past ten in the forenoon, we left the valley and pool of Chiggre. Ismael, and Georgis the blind Greek, had complained of shivering all night, and I began to be very apprehensive some violent fever was to follow. Their perspiration had not returned but in small quantity ever since their coming out of the water, and the night had been excessively cold, the thermometer standing at 63°. The day, however, was insufferably hot, and their complaints insensibly wore off to my great comfort. A little before eleven we were again terrified by an army (as it seemed) of sand pillars, whose march was constantly south, and the favourite field which they occupied was that great circular space which the Nile makes when opposite to Assa Nagga, where it turns west to Korti and Dongola. At one time a number of these pil[563]lars faced to the eastward, and seemed to be coming directly upon us; but, though they were little nearer us than two miles, a considerable quantity of sand fell round us. I began now to be somewhat reconciled to this phænomenon, seeing it had hitherto done us no harm. The great magnificence it exhibited in its appearance, seemed, in some measure, to indemnify us for the panic it had first occasioned: But it was otherwise with the simoom; we all of us were firmly persuaded that another passage of the purple meteor over us would be attended with our deaths.

At half past four we alighted in a vast plain, bounded on all sides by low sandy hills, which seemed to have been transported hither lately. These hillocks were from seven to thirteen feet high, drawn into perfect cones, with very sharp points and well-proportioned bases. The sand was of an inconceivable fineness, having been the sport of hot winds for thousands of years. There could be no doubt that the day before, when it was calm, and we suffered so much by the simoom between El Mout and Chiggre, the wind had been raising pillars of sand in this place, called Umdoom; marks of the whirling motion of the pillars were distinctly seen in every heap, so that here again, while we were repining at the simoom, Providence was busied keeping us out of the way of another scene, where, if we had advanced a day, we had all of us been involved in inevitable destruction.

On the 18th we left Umdoom at seven in the morning, our direction N. a little inclined to W.; at nine o'clock we passed through a sandy plain, without trees or verdure. About 300 yards out of our way, to the left, among[564] some sandy hillocks, where the ground seems to be more elevated than the rest, Idris the Hybeer told me, that one of the largest caravans which ever came out of Egypt, under the conduct of the Ababdé and the Bishareen Arabs, was there covered with sand, to the number of some thousands of camels. There are large rocks of grey granite scattered through this plain. At ten o'clock we alighted at a place called Erboygi, where are some trees, to feed our camels. The trees I have so often mentioned in our journey thro' the desert are not timber, or tall-growing trees; there are none of these north of Sennaar, except a few at Chendi. The trees I speak of, which the camels eat, are a kind of dwarf acacia, growing only to the height of bushes; and the wood spoken of likewise is only of the desert kind, ate almost bare by the camels. There are some high trees, indeed, on the banks of the Nile. At half past one o'clock we left Erboygi, and came to a large wood of doom (Palma cuciofera). Here, for the first time, we saw a shrub which very much resembled Spanish broom. The whole ground is dead sand, with some rocks of reddish granite. Exactly at five o'clock we alighted in the wood, after having travelled a moderate pace. The place is called El Cowie, and is a station of the Bishareen in the summer months; but these people were now east of us, three days journey, towards the Red Sea, where the rains had fallen, and there was plenty of pasture. At forty minutes past twelve we left El Cowie, and at five o'clock in the evening alighted in a wood, called Terfowey, full of trees and grass. The trees are the tallest and largest we had seen since leaving the Nile. We had this day enjoyed, as it were, a holiday, free from the terrors of the sand, or dreadful influence of the simoom. This poisonous wind had made several attempts to prevail[565] this day, but was always overpowered by a cool breeze at north.

On the 19th we left the west end of the wood, or rather continued the whole length of it, and at a quarter past eight in the evening arrived at the well. It is about four fathoms deep, but the spring not very abundant. We drained it several times, and were obliged to wait its filling again. These last two days, since we were at El Cowie, we had seen more verdure than we had altogether since we left Barbar. Here, particularly at Terfowey, the acacia-trees are tall and verdant, but the mountains on each side appear black and barren beyond imagination.

As soon as we alighted at Terfowey, and had chosen a proper place where our camels could feed, we unloaded our baggage near them, and sent the men to clean the well, and wait the filling of the skins. We had lighted a large fire. The nights were excessively cold, though the thermometer was at 53°; and that cold occasioned me inexpressible pain in my feet, now swelled to a monstrous size, and everywhere inflamed and excoriated. I had taken upon me the charge of the baggage, and Mahomet, Idris's young man, the care of the camels; but he too was gone to the well, though expected to return immediately.

A doubt had arisen in my mind by the way, which was then giving me great uneasiness. If Syene is under the same meridian with Alexandria, (for so Eratosthenes conceived when he attempted to measure the circumference of[566] the earth), in this case, Alexandria being supposed to lye in long. 30°, Syene must be in 30° likewise; but Gooz being in 34°, it is impossible that Syene can be within a trifle north of Gooz; and therefore we must have a much greater quantity of westing to travel than Idris the Hybeer imagines, who places Syene a very little west of the meridian of Gooz, or immediately under the same meridian, and due north from it.

Our camels were always chained by the feet, and the chain secured by a padlock, lest they should wander in the night, or be liable to be stolen and carried off. Musing then upon the geographical difficulties just mentioned, and gazing before me, without any particular intention or suspicion, I heard the chain of the camels clink, as if somebody was unloosing them, and then, at the end of the gleam made by the fire, I saw distinctly a man pass swiftly by, stooping as he went along, his face almost to the ground. A little time after this I heard another clink of the chain, as if from a pretty sharp blow, and immediately after a movement among the camels. I then rose, and cried in a threatening tone, in Arabic, "I charge you on your life, whoever you are, either come up to me directly, or keep at a distance till day, but come that way no more; why should you throw your life away?" In a minute after, he repassed in the shade among the trees, pretty much in the manner he had done before. As I was on guard between the baggage and the camels, I was consequently armed, and advanced deliberately some steps, as far as the light of the fire shone, on purpose to discover how many they were, and was ready to fire upon the next I saw. "If you are an honest man, cried I aloud, and want any thing, come up to the fire and fear not, I am[567] alone; but if you approach the camels or the baggage again, the world will not be able to save your life, and your blood be upon your own head." Mahomet, Idris's nephew, who heard me cry, came running up from the well to see what was the matter. We went down together to where the camels were, and, upon examination, found that the links of one of the chains had been broke, but the opening not large enough to let the corresponding whole link through to separate it. A hard blue stone was driven through a link of one of the chains of another camel, and left sticking there, the chain not being entirely broken through; we saw, besides, the print of a man's feet on the sand. There was no need to tell us after this that we were not to sleep that night; we made therefore another fire on the other side of the camels with branches of the acacia-tree, which we gathered. I then sent the man back to Idris at the well, desiring him to fill his skins with water before it was light, and transport them to the baggage where I was, and to be all ready armed there by the dawn of day; soon after which, if the Arabs were sufficiently strong, we were very certain they would attack us. This agreed perfectly with Idris's ideas also, so that, contenting themselves with a lesser quantity of water than they first intended to have taken, they lifted the skins upon the camels I sent them, and were at the rendezvous, near the baggage, a little after four in the morning.

The Barbarins, and, in general, all the lower sort of Moors and Turks, adorn their arms and wrists with amulets; these are charms, and are some favourite verse of the Koran wrapt in paper, neatly covered with Turkey leather. The two Barbarins that were with me had procured for themselves[568] new ones at Sennaar, which were to defend them from the simoom and the sand, and all the dangers of the desert. That they might not soil these in filling the water, they had taken them from their arms, and laid them on the brink of the well before they went down. Upon looking for these after the girbas were filled, they were not to be found. This double attempt was an indication of a number of people being in the neighbourhood, in which case our present situation was one of the most desperate that could be figured. We were in the middle of the most barren, inhospitable desert in the world, and it was with the utmost difficulty that, from day to day, we could carry wherewithal to assuage our thirst. We had with us the only bread it was possible to procure for some hundred miles; lances and swords were not necessary to destroy us, the bursting or tearing of a girba, the lameness or death of a camel, a thorn or sprain in the foot which might disable us from walking, were as certain death to us as a shot from a cannon. There was no staying for one another; to lose time was to die, because, with the utmost exertion our camels could make, we scarce could carry along with us a scanty provision of bread and water sufficient to keep us alive.

That desert, which did not afford inhabitants for the assistance or relief of travellers, had greatly more than sufficient for destroying them. Large tribes of Arabs, two or three thousand, encamped together, were cantoned, as it were, in different places of this desert, where there was water enough to serve their numerous herds of cattle, and these, as their occasion required, traversed in parties all that wide expanse of solitude, from the mountains near the Red Sea east, to the banks of the Nile on the west, according as their[569] several designs or necessities required. These were Jaheleen Arabs, those cruel, barbarous fanatics, that deliberately shed so much blood during the time they were establishing the Mahometan religion. Their prejudices had never been removed by any mixture of strangers, or softened by society, even with their own nation after they were polished; but buried, as it were, in these wild deserts, if they were not grown more savage, they had at least preserved, in their full vigour, those murdering principles which they had brought with them into that country, under the brutal and inhuman butcher Kaled Ibn el Waalid, impiously called The Sword of God. If it should be our lot to fall among these people, and it was next to a certainty that we were at that very instant surrounded by them, death was certain, and our only comfort was, that we could die but once, and that to die like men was in our own option. Indeed, without considering the bloody character which these wretches naturally bear, there could be no reason for letting us live: We could be of no service to them as slaves; and to have sent us into Egypt, after having first rifled and destroyed our goods, could not be done by them but at a great expence, to which well-inclined people only could have been induced from charity, and of that last virtue they had not even heard the name. Our only chance then remaining was, that their number might be so small, that, by our great superiority in fire-arms and in courage, we might turn the misfortune upon the aggressors, deprive them of their camels and means of carrying water, and leave them scattered in the desert, to that death which either they or we, without alternative, must suffer.

[570]

I explained myself to this purpose, briefly to the people, on which a great cry followed, "God is great! let them come!" Our arms were perfectly in order, and our old Turk Ismael seemed to move about and direct with the vigour of a young man. As we had no doubt they would be mounted on camels, so we placed ourselves a little within the edge of the trees. The embers of our two fires were on our front; our tents, baggage, and boxes, on each side of us, between the opening of the trees; our camels and water behind us, the camels being chained together behind the water, and ropes at their heads, which were tied to trees. A skin of water, and two wooden bowls beside it, was left open for those that should need to drink. We had finished our breakfast before day-break, and I had given all the men directions to fire separately, not together, at the same set of people; and those who had the blunderbusses to fire where they saw a number of camels and men together, and especially at any camels they saw with girbas upon them, or where there was the greatest confusion.

The day broke; no Arabs appeared; all was still. The danger which occurred to our minds then was, left, if they were few, by tarrying we should give them time to send off messengers to bring assistance. I then took Ismael and two Barbarins along with me, to see who these neighbours of ours could be. We soon traced in the sand the footsteps of the man who had been at our camels; and, following them behind the point of a rock, which seemed calculated for concealing thieves, we saw two ragged, old, dirty tents, pitched with grass cords.

[571]

The two Barbarins entered one of them, and found a naked woman there. Ismael and I ran briskly into the largest, where we saw a man and a woman both perfectly naked, frightful, emaciated figures, not like the inhabitants of this world. The man was partly sitting on his hams; a child, seemingly of the age to suck, was on a rag at the corner, and the woman looked as if she wished to hide herself. I sprung forward upon the man, and, taking him by the hair of the head, pulled him upon his back on the floor, setting my foot upon his breast, and pointing my knife to his throat; I said to him sternly, "If you mean to pray, pray quickly, for you have but this moment to live." The fellow was so frightened, he scarce could beg us to spare his life; but the woman, as it afterwards appeared, the mother of the sucking child, did not seem to copy the passive disposition of her husband; she ran to the corner of the tent, where was an old lance, with which, I doubt not, she would have sufficiently distinguished herself, but it happened to be entangled with the cloth of the tent, and Ismael felled her to the ground with the butt-end of his blunderbuss, and wrested the lance from her. A violent howl was set up by the remaining woman like the cries of those in torment. "Tie them, said I, Ismael; keep them separate, and carry them to the baggage till I settle accounts with this camel-stealer, and then you shall strike their three heads off, where they intended to leave us miserably to perish with hunger; but keep them separate." While the Barbarins were tying the woman, the one that was the nurse of the child turned to her husband, and said, in a most mournful, despairing tone of voice, "Did I not tell you, you would never thrive if you hurt that good man?[572] did not I tell you this would happen for murdering the Aga?"

Our people had come to see what had passed, and I sent the women away, ordering them to be kept separate, out of the hearing of one another, to judge if in their answers they did not prevaricate. The woman desired to have her child with her, which I granted. The little creature, instead of being frightened, crowed, and held out its little hands as it passed me. We fastened the Arab with the chain of the camels, and so far was well; but still we did not know how near the Bishareen might be, nor who these were, nor whether they had sent off any intelligence in the night. Until we were informed of this, our case was little mended. Upon the man's appearing, all my people declared, with one general voice, that no time was to be lost, but that they should all be put to death as soon as the camels were loaded, before we set out on our journey; and, indeed, at first view of the thing, self-preservation, the first law of nature, seemed strongly to require it. Hagi Ismael was so determined on the execution that he was already seeking a knife sharper than his own. "We will stay, Hagi Ismael, said I, till we see if this thief is a liar also. If he prevaricates in the answers he gives to my questions, you shall then cut his head off, and we will consign him with the lie in his mouth, soul and body to hell, to his master whom he serves." Ismael answered, "The truth is the truth; if he lies, he can deserve no better."

The reader will easily understand the necessity of my speaking at that moment in terms not only unusual for a Christian, but even in any society or conversation; and if the[573] ferocity and brutality of the discourse should shock any, especially my fair readers, they will remember, that these were intended for a good and humane purpose, to produce fear in those upon whom we had no other tie, and thereby extort a confession of the truth; which might answer two purposes, the saving the effusion of their blood, and providing for our own preservation. "You see, said I, placing the man upon his knees, your time is short, the sword is now drawn which is to make an end of you, take time, answer distinctly and deliberately, for the first trip or lie that you make, is the last word that you will utter in this world. Your wife shall have her fair chance likewise, and your child; you and all shall go together, unless you tell me the naked truth. Here, Ismael, stand by him, and take my sword, it is, I believe, the sharpest in the company."

"Now I ask you, at your peril, Who was the good man your wife reproached you with having murdered? where was it, and when, and who were your accomplices?" He answered trembling, and indistinctly, through fear, "It was a black, an Aga from Chendi." "Mahomet Towash, says Ismael; Ullah Kerim! God is merciful!" "The same," says the Bishareen. He then related the particulars of his death in the manner in which I shall have occasion to state afterwards. "Where are the Bishareen? continued I; where is Abou Bertran? how soon will a light camel and messenger arrive where he now is?" "In less than two days; perhaps, says he, in a day and a half, if he is very diligent and the camel good." "Take care, said I, you are in danger. Where did you and your women come from, and when?" "From Abou Bertran, says he; we arrived here at noon on the 5th[574] day[50], but the camels were all she-camels; they are favourite camels of Shekh Seide; we drove them softly; the two you saw at the tents are lame; besides there were some others unsound; there were also women and children." "Where did that party, and their camels, go to from this? and what number of men was there with them?" "There were about three hundred camels of all sorts, and about thirty men, all of them servants; some of them had one lance, and some of them two; they had no shields or other arms." "What did you intend last night to do with my camels?" "I intended to have carried them, with the women and child, to join the party at the Nile." "What must have become of me in that case? we must have died?" He did not answer. "Take care, said I, the thing is now over, and you are in my hands; take care what you say." "Why, certainly, says he, you must have died, you could not live, you could not go anywhere else." "If another party had found us here, in that case would they have slain us?" He hesitated a little, then, as if he recollected himself, said, "Yes, surely, they murdered the Aga, and would murder any body that had not a Bishareen with them." A violent cry of condemnation immediately followed. "Now attend and understand me distinctly, said I, for upon these two questions hangs your life: Do you know of any party of Bishareen who are soon to pass here, or any wells to the north, and in what number? and have you sent any intelligence since last night you saw us here?" He answered, with more readiness than usual, "We have sent nobody[575] anywhere; our camels are lame; we were to follow, as soon as they could be able to travel, to join those at the Nile. The parties of the Bishareen are always passing here, sometimes more, sometimes less; they will not come till they hear from the Nile whether the grass is grown. They have with them two dromedaries, who will carry the news from the Nile in three days, or they will come in small parties like the last, for they have no fear in these parts. The wells to the north belong to the Ababdé. When they pass by them with cattle they are always in great numbers, and a Shekh along with them; but those wells are now so scanty they have not water for any number, and they must therefore all pass this way."

I got up, and called on Ismael. The poor fellow thought he was to die. Life is sweet even to the most miserable. He was still upon his knees, holding his hands clasped round the back of his neck, and already, I suppose, thought he felt the edge of Ismael's knife. He swore that every word he had spoken was truth; and if his wife was brought she could not tell another story.

I thereupon left him, and went to his wife, who, when, she saw Hagi Ismael with a drawn sword in his hand, thought all was over with her husband, and fell into a violent fit of despair, crying out, "That all the men were liars and murderers, but that she would have told the truth if I had asked her first." "Then go, Hagi Ismael, said I, tell them not to put him to death till I come, and now you have your chance, which if you do not improve by telling the truth, I will first slay your child with my own hand before your face, and then order you all to be cruelly put to[576] death together." She began with great earnestness to say, "She could not tell who killed Mahomet Towash, for she only heard it in conversation from her husband, who was there, after he had come home." I then, word for word, put those questions to her that I had done to her husband, and had precisely the same answers. The only difference was, that she believed a party of the Ababdé would pass Chiggre soon; but seeing me rise to go away, she burst out into a flood of tears, and tore her hair in the most violent excess of passion; shrieking out, to have mercy upon her, and pressing the little child to her breast as if to take leave of it, then laying it down before me, in great agony and bitterness of heart, she again shrieked out, "If you are a Turk, make it a slave, but do not kill my child, and spare my husband."

Though I understood Arabic well, I did not, till that day, know it had such powers, or that it contained expressions at once so forcible and so simple. I found myself so much moved, and my tears came so fast, that it was in vain to endeavour to carry on a farce under such tragical appearances, "Woman, said I, I am not a Turk, nor do I make slaves, or kill children. It is your Arabs that force me to this; it was you that attacked me last night, it was you that murdered Mahomet Towash, one of your own religion, and busied in his duty. I am a stranger, seeking my own safety, but you are all murderers and thieves."—"It is true, says she, they are all murderers and liars, and my husband, not knowing, may have lied too. Only let me hear what he told you, and I will tell you whether it is truth or not." Day was now advancing apace, and no resolution taken, whilst our present situation was a very unsafe one. We[577] carried the three prisoners bound, and set George, the Greek, centinal over them. I then called the people together.

I stated fairly, in a council held among ourselves, the horror of slaughtering the women and child, or even leaving them to starve with hunger by killing their camels, from whom they got their only sustenance; for, though we should not stain our hands with their blood, it was the same thing to leave them to perish: that we were strangers, and had fallen upon them by accident, but they were in their own country. On the contrary, suppose we only slew the man, any of the women might mount a camel, and, travelling with diligence, might inform the Bishareen, who would send a party and cut us off at the next well, where we must pass, and where it would be impossible to escape them. I must say, there was a considerable majority for sparing the women and child, and not one but who willingly decreed the death of the man, who had confessed he was endeavouring to steal our camels, and that he intended to carry them to his party at the Nile; in which case the loss of all our lives was certain, as we should have been starved to death, or murdered by the Arabs.

The very recital of this attempt so enraged Hagi Ismael that he desired he might have the preference in cutting off his head. The Barbarins, too, were angry for the loss of their bracelets. Indeed every one's opinion was, that the Arab should die, and especially since the account of their behaviour to Mahomet Towash, whose death I, for my own part, cannot say I thought myself under any obligation to revenge. "Since you are differing in your opinions, and[578] there is no time to lose, said I, allow me to give you mine. It has appeared to me, that often, since we began this journey, we have been preserved by visible instances of God's protection, when we should have lost our lives if we had gone by the rules of our own judgment only. We are, it is true, of different religions, but all worship the same God. Suppose the present case should be a trial, whether we trust really in God's protection, or whether we believe our safety owing to our own foresight and courage. If the man's life be now taken away, to-morrow we may meet the Bishareen, and then we shall all reflect upon the folly of our precaution. For my own part, my constant creed is, that I am in God's hands, whether in the house or in the desert; and not in those of the Bishareen, or of any lawless spoiler. I have a clear conscience, and am engaged in no unlawful pursuit, seeking on foot my way home, feeding on bread and water, and have done, nor design, wrong to no man. We are well armed, are nine in number, and have twice as many firelocks, many of these with double-barrels, and others of a size never before seen by Arabs, armies of whom have been defeated with fewer: we are ragged and tattered in our clothes, and no prize to any one, nor do I think we shall be found a party of pleasure for any set of wild young men, to leave their own homes, with javelins and lances to way-lay us at the well for sport and diversion, since gain and profit are out of the question. But this I declare to you, if ever we meet these Arabs, if the ground is such as has been near all the wells we have come to, I will fight the Bishareen boldly and chearfully, without a doubt of beating them with ease. I do not say my feelings would be the same if my conscience was loaded with that most heinous and horrid crime, mur[579]der in cold blood; and therefore my determination is to spare the life even of this man, and will oppose his being put to death by every means in my power."

It was easy to see, that fear of their own lives only, and not cruelty, was the reason they sought that of the Arab. They answered me, two or three of them at once, "That it was all very well; what should they do? should they give themselves up to the Bishareen, and be murdered like Mahomet Towash? was there any other way of escaping?" "I will tell you, then, since you ask me what you should do: You shall follow the duty of self-defence and self-preservation, as far as you can do it without a crime. You shall leave the women and the child where they are, and with them the camels, to give them and their child milk; you shall chain the husband's right hand to the left of some of yours, and you shall each of you take him by turns till we shall carry him into Egypt. Perhaps he knows the desert and the wells better than Idris; and if he should not, still we have two Hybeers instead of one; and who can foretell what may happen to Idris more than to any other of us? But as he knows the stations of his people, and their courses at particular seasons, that day we meet one Bishareen, the man that is chained with him, and conducts him, shall instantly stab him to the heart, so that he shall not see, much less triumph in, the success of his treachery. On the contrary, if he is faithful, and informs Idris where the danger is, and where we are to avoid it, keeping us rather by scanty wells than abundant ones, on the day I arrive safely in Egypt I will cloath him anew, as also his women, give him a good camel for himself, and a load of dora for them all. As for[580] the camels we leave here, they are she-ones, and necessary to give the women food. They are not lame, it is said, but we shall lame them in earnest, so that they shall not be able to carry a messenger to the Bishareen before they die with thirst in the way, both they and their riders, if they should attempt it."

An universal applause followed this speech; Idris, above all, declared his warmest approbation. The man and the women were sent for, and had their sentence repeated to them. They all subscribed to the conditions chearfully; and the woman declared she would as soon see her child die as be an instrument of any harm befalling us, and that, if a thousand Bishareen should pass, she knew how to mislead them all, and that none of them should follow us till we were far out of danger.

I sent two Barbarins to lame the camels effectually, but not so as to make them past recovery. After which, for the nurse and the child's sake, I took twelve handfuls of the bread which was our only food, and indeed we could scarecly spare it, as we saw afterwards, and left it to this miserable family, with this agreeable reflection, however, that we should be to them in the end a much greater blessing than in the beginning we had been an affliction, provided only they kept their faith, and on their part deserved it.

On the 20th, at eleven o'clock we left the well at Terfowey, after having warned the women, that their chance of seeing their husband again depended wholly upon his and their faithful conduct. We took our prisoner with us, his right hand being chained to the left of one of the Barbarins. We had[581] no sooner got into the plain than we felt great symptoms of the simoom, and about a quarter before twelve, our prisoner first, and then Idris, cried out, The Simoom! the Simoom! My curiosity would not suffer me to fall down without looking behind me. About due south, a little to the east, I saw the coloured haze as before. It seemed now to be rather less compressed, and to have with it a shade of blue. The edges of it were not defined as those of the former, but like a very thin smoke, with about a yard in the middle tinged with those colours. We all fell upon our faces, and the simoom passed with a gentle rustling wind. It continued to blow in this manner till near three o'clock, so we were all taken ill that night, and scarcely strength was left us to load the camels and arrange the baggage. This day one of our camels died, partly famished, partly overcome with extreme fatigue, so that, incapable as we were of labour, we were obliged, for self-preservation's sake, to cut off thin slices of the fleshy part of the camel, and hang it in so many thongs upon the trees all night, and after upon the baggage, the sun drying it immediately, so as to prevent putrefaction.

At half past eight in the evening we alighted at a well called Naibey, in a bare, sandy plain, where there were a few straggling acacia-trees. We had all this day seen large blocks of fossile salt upon the surface of the earth where we trod. This was the cause, I suppose, that both the spring at Terfowey, and now this of Naibey, were brackish to the taste, and especially that of Naibey. We found near the well the corpse of a man and two camels upon the ground. It was apparently long ago that this accident happened, for the moisture of the camel was so exhaled that it seemed to[582] weigh but a very few pounds; no vermin had touched it, as in this whole desert there is neither worm, fly, nor any thing that has the breath of life.

On the 21st, at six in the morning, having filled the girbas with water, we set out from Naibey, our direction due north, and, as we thought, in a course almost straight upon Syene. The first hour of our journey was through sharp-pointed rocks, which it was very easy to foresee would very soon finish our camels. About eight we had a view of the desert to the westward as before, and saw the sands had already begun to rise in immense twisted pillars, which darkened the heavens. The rising of these in the morning so early, we began now to observe, was a sure sign of a hot day, with a brisk wind at north; and that heat, and the early rising of the sands, was as sure a sign of its falling calm about mid-day, and its being followed by two hours of the poisonous wind. That last consideration was what made the greatest impression, for we had felt its effects; it had filled us with fear, and absorbed the last remnant of our strength; whereas the sand, though a destruction to us if it had involved us in its compass, had as yet done us no other harm than terrifying us the first days we had seen it.

It was this day more magnificent than any we had as yet seen. The sun shining through the pillars, which were thicker, and contained more sand apparently than any of the preceding days, seemed to give those nearest us an appearance as if spotted with stars of gold. I do not think at any time they seemed to be nearer than two miles. The most remarkable circumstance was, that the sand seemed to keep in that vast circular space surrounded by the Nile[583] on our left, in going round by Chaigie towards Dongola, and seldom was observed much to the eastward of a meridian, passing along the Nile through the Magiran, before it takes that turn; whereas the simoom was always on the opposite side of our course, coming upon us from the south-east.

A little before twelve our wind at north ceased, and a considerable quantity of fine sand rained upon us for an hour afterwards. At the time it appeared, the description of this phænomenon in Syphax's speech to Cato was perpetually before my mind:—

These lines are capital, and are a fine copy, which can only appear tame by the original having been before our eyes, painted by the great master, the Creator and Ruler of the world.

The simoom, with the wind at S. E. immediately follows the wind at N. and the usual despondency that always accompanied it. The blue meteor, with which it began, passed over us about twelve, and the rustling wind that followed it continued till near two. Silence, and a desperate kind[584] of indifference about life, were the immediate effects upon us; and I began now, seeing the condition of my camels, to fear we were all doomed to a sandy grave, and to contemplate it with some degree of resignation. At half past eight in the evening we alighted in a sandy flat, where there was great store of bent grass and trees which had a considerable degree of verdure, a circumstance much in favour of our camels. We determined to stop here to give them an opportunity of eating their fill where they could find it.

On the 22d, at six o'clock we set out from the sandy flat, and one of the Tucorory was seized with a phrenzy or madness. At first I took it for a fit of the epilepsy, by the distortions of his face, but it was soon seen to be of a more serious nature. Whether he had been before afflicted with it I know not. I offered to bleed him, which he refused; neither, though we gave him water, would he drink, but very moderately. He rolled upon the ground, and moaned, often repeating two or three words which I did not understand. He refused to continue his journey, or rise from where he lay, so that we were obliged to leave him to his fortune. We went this day very diligently, not remarkably slow nor fast; but though our camels, as we thought, had fared well for these two nights, another of them died about four o'clock this afternoon, when we came to Umarack.

I here began to provide for the worst. I saw the fate of our camels approaching, and that our men grew weak in proportion; our bread, too, began to fail us, altho' we had plenty of camels flesh in its stead; our water, though in all appearance we were to find it more frequently than in[585] the beginning of our journey, was nevertheless brackish, and scarce served the purpose to quench our thirst; and, above all, the dreadful simoom had perfectly exhausted our strength, and brought upon us a degree of cowardice and languor that we struggled with in vain; I therefore, as the last effort, began to throw away every thing weighty I could spare, or that was not absolutely necessary, such as all shells, fossiles, minerals, and petrefactions that I could get at, the counter-cases of my quadrant, telescopes, and clock, and several suchlike things.

Our camels were now reduced to five, and it did not seem that these were capable of continuing their journey much longer. In that case, no remedy remained, but that each man should carry his own water and provisions. Now, as no one man could carry the water he should use between well and well, and it was more than probable that distance would be doubled by some of the wells being found dry; and if that was not the case, yet, as it was impossible for a man to carry his provisions who could not walk without any burden at all, our situation seemed to be most desperate.

The Bishareen alone seemed to keep up his strength, and was in excellent spirits. He had attached himself, in a particular manner, to me, and with a part of that very scanty rag which he had round his waist he had made a wrapper, very artificially, according to the manner his countrymen the Bishareen practice on such occasions. This had greatly defended my feet in the day, but the pain occasioned by the cold in the night was really scarce sufferable. I offered to free him from the confinement of his left[586] hand, which was chained to some one of the company night and day; but he very sensibly refused it, saying, "Unchain my hands when you load and unload your camels, I cannot then run away from you; for tho' you did not shoot me, I should starve with hunger and thirst; but keep me to the end of the journey as you began with me, then I cannot misbehave, and lose the reward which you say you are to give me."

At forty minutes past three o'clock we saw large stratas of fossile salt everywhere upon the surface of the ground. At five we found the body of Mahomet Towash, on the spot where he had been murdered, stript naked, and lying on his face unburied. The wound in the back-sinew of his leg was apparent; he was, besides, thrust through the back with a lance, and had two wounds in the head with swords. We followed some footsteps in the sand to the right, and there saw three other bodies, whom Idris knew to be his principal servants. These, it seemed, had taken to their arms upon the Aga's being first wounded, and the cowardly, treacherous Bishareens had persuaded them to capitulate upon promise of giving them camels and provision to carry them into Egypt, after which they had murdered them behind these rocks.

At six o'clock we alighted at Umarack, so called from a number of rack-trees that grow there, and which seem to affect a saltish soil; at Raback and Masuah I had seen them growing in the sea. When I ordered a halt at Umarack, the general cry was, to travel all night, so that we might be at a distance from that dangerous, unlucky spot. The sight of the men murdered, and fear of the like fate,[587] had got the better of their other sensations. In short, there was nothing more visible, than that their apprehensions were of two sorts, and produced very different operations. The simoom, the stalking pillars of sand, and probability of dying with thirst or hunger, brought on a torpor, or indifference, that made them inactive; but the discovery of the Arab at Terfowey, the fear of meeting the Bishareen at the wells, and the dead bodies of the Aga and his unfortunate companions, produced a degree of activity and irritation that resembled very much their spirits being elevated by good news. I told them, that, of all the places in the desert through which they had passed, this was by far the safest, because fear of being met by troops from Assouan, seeking the murderers of Mahomet Towash would keep all the Bishareen at a distance. Our Arab said, that the next well belonged to the Ababdé, and not the Bishareen, and that the Bishareen had slain the Aga there, to make men believe it had been done by the Ababdé. Idris contributed his morsel of comfort, by assuring us, that the wells now, as far as Egypt, were so scanty of water, that no party above ten men would trust their provision to them, and none of us had the least apprehension from marauders of twice that number. The night at Umarack was excessively cold as to sensation; Fahrenheit's thermometer was however at 49° an hour before day-light.

On the 23d we left Umarack at six o'clock in the morning, our road this day being between mountains of blue stones of a very fine and perfect quality, through the heart of which ran thick veins of jasper, their strata perpendicular to the horizon. There were other mountains of marble of the colour called Isabella. In other places the rock seem[588]ed composed of petrified wood, such as we had seen in the mountains near Cosseir. At a quarter past eleven, going due N. we entered a narrow valley, in which we passed two wells on our left, and following the windings through this valley, all of deep sand, we came to a large pool of excellent water, called Umgwat, sheltered from the rays of the sun by a large rock which projected over it, the upper part of which was shaped like a wedge, and was composed all of green marble, without the smallest variety or spot of other colour in it.

Through this whole valley, to-day, we had seen the bodies of the Tucorory who had followed Mahomet Towash, and been scattered by the Bishareen, and left to perish with thirst there. None of them, however, as far as we could observe, had ever reached this well. In the water we found a bird of the duck kind called Teal, or Widgeon. The Turk Ismael was preparing to shoot at it with his blunderbuss, but I desired him to refrain, being willing, by its flight, to endeavour to judge something of the nearness of the Nile. We raised it therefore by sudden repeated cries, which method was likely to make it seek its home straight, and abandon a place it must have been a stranger to. The bird flew straight west, rising as he flew, a sure proof his journey was a long one, till at last, being very high and at a distance, he vanished from our sight, without descending or seeking to approach the earth; from which I drew an unpleasant inference that we were yet far from the Nile, as was really the case.

Here we threw away the brackish water that remained in our girbas, and filled them with the wholesome element[589] drawn from this pool of Umgwat. I could not help reproaching Idris with the inaccuracy of the information he had pretended to give us the day before, that no party above ten men could meet us at any of these wells, as none of them could supply water for more; whereas in this pool there was certainly enough of excellent water to serve a whole tribe of Arabs for a month. He had little to say, further than that Haimer, though near, was a scanty well, and perhaps we should not find water there at all. He trusted, however, if our people would take heart, we were out of all danger from Arabs, or any thing else.

At a quarter past three we left the well, and continued along a sandy valley, which is called Waadi Umgwat. This night it was told me that Georgis, and the Turk Ismael, were both so ill, and so desponding, that they had resolved to pursue the journey no farther, but submit to their destiny, as they called it, and stay behind and die. It was with the utmost difficulty I could get them to lay aside this resolution, and the next morning I promised they should ride by turns upon one of the camels, a thing that none of us had yet attempted. They had, indeed, often desired me to do so, but I well knew, if I had set them that example, besides destroying the camels, it would have had the very worst effect upon their dastardly spirits; and, indeed, we very soon saw the bad effects of this humane consideration for the two invalids.

On the 24th, at half past six in the morning we left Umgwat, following the windings of sandy valleys between stony hills. At half past nine we found Mahomet Aga's horse dead. The poor creature seemed, without a guide, to[590] have followed exactly enough the tract of the wells and way to Egypt, and had survived all his fellow-travellers. At eleven o'clock we came to some plains of loose, moving sand, and saw some pillars in motion, which had not wind to sustain them for any time, and which gave us, therefore, little concern. At one we alighted near the well Mour, which was to the N. E. of us. At four we left the well Mour: At forty minutes after four passed the well itself, which was then dry; and at a quarter past six we found a dead man, whose corpse was quite dry, and had been so a considerable time. At seven o'clock in the evening we alighted at El Haimer, where are the two wells in a large plain of sand. The water is good. There is another well to the west of us, but it is bitter and saltish, though more abundant than either of the other two, which, by filling our skins, we had several times drained.

On the 25th, at half past seven in the morning we left the well El Haimer, and at ten o'clock alighted among some acacia-trees, our camels having ate nothing all night, except the dry bitter roots of that drug, the senna. While we were attending the camels, and resting ourselves on the grass, we were surprised at the appearance of a troop of Arabs all upon camels, who looked like a caravan, each camel having a small loading behind him. They had two gentle ascents before they could arrive at the place where we were. The road is between two sandy hills, at the back of which our camels were feeding in a wood; and near the road was the well El Haimer, where our skins were lying full of water. It was necessary then to understand one another before we allowed them to pass between the sandy hills. Upon the first alarm, my people all repaired to me,[591] bringing their arms in their hands, as well those that they carried upon them, as the spare arms, all of which were primed and charged.

The first question was, what to do with the Bishareen? None of us had any suspicion of him. We unchained him from the Barbarin, and fastened his other hand, then gave him to the Tucorory, and made them stand behind to increase the appearance of our number. I then advanced to the edge of the hill, and cried out with a loud voice, "Stop! for you cannot pass here." Whether they understood it I do not know, but they still persisted in mounting the hill. I again cried, shewing my firelock, "Advance a step farther and I'll fire." After a short pause they all dismounted from their camels, and one of them, with his lance in his hand, came forward till within twenty yards, upon which Idris immediately knew them, and said, they were Ababdé. "Ababdé or not, said I, they are seventeen men, and Arabs, and I am not of a disposition, without further surety, to put myself in their hands as Mahomet Aga did. I am sure they are perfectly in our power now, as long as they stand where they are." Idris then told me that he was married to one of the Ababdè of Shekh Ammer, and he would go and get a sure word from them. Tell them from me, said I, that I, too, am the friend of Nimmer their Shekh, and his two sons, and of Shekh Hammam of Furshout; that I am going into Egypt, have been followed by the Bishareen, and trust nobody; have twenty men armed with firelocks, and will do them no harm, provided they consent to pass, one by one, and give a man for a hostage.

[592]

Idris, without arms, having joined the man who had advanced towards us, went down with him to the body of strangers, and the treaty was soon agreed to. Two of the principal men among them approaching me without their lances, and the compliment of peace, "Salam Alicum! and Alicum Salam!" was given and returned by both sides. They seemed, however, startled at seeing the Bishareen with both his hands chained; but I told them, that had no regard to them, and desired Idris to order their camels to go on; and one of the Barbarins in the meantime brought them a gourd full of water, and bread, for eating together is like pledging your faith. They had not heard of the fate of Mahomet Aga, and seemed very ill-pleased at it, saying, that Abou Bertran was a thief and a murderer. All the camels being past, I asked them whither they were going? They said to Atbieh, west of Terfowey, to gather senna for the government of Cairo. I would very fain have had them to sell or exchange with me a couple of camels. They said theirs were not strong; that before they could reach home they would be much in the same condition with our own; that they were obliged to load them very heavily, as indeed the bags they had behind them to carry the senna seemed to indicate their profit was but small, so that the death of one camel was a most serious loss.

I thought myself obliged in humanity to introduce our prisoner to the two Ababdé that had remained with us. They said, they intended to take water at Terfowey, and we told them briefly the accident by which we came in company with the Bishareen. They, on the contrary, thought that we had been a party of soldiers from Assouan who apprehended the Arab. Immediately after which they con[593]versed in the language of Beja, which is that of the Habab, Suakem, and Masuah. I told them plainly, that, though I knew that language, I would not suffer them to speak any but Arabic, understood by us all. They immediately complied, and then inquired about the position of Abou Bertran and his tribe of Bishareen. This, too, I would not suffer the Arab to inform them of, but charged them, as he did also, to tell his wives that he was well, and ate and drank as we had done, and was within two days of arriving at Assouan, whence he should be returned to them with the rewards promised. I then desired him to lay a lance in a manner that the point should be towards Syene, which they accordingly did, and with a long needle of 12 inches in a brass box, having an arch of a few degrees marked on it, I, with the utmost attention, took the direction from Haimer to Syene N. N. W. or more northerly. I would very willingly have had it in my power to have made an observation of latitude, but noon was past; I contented myself, therefore, with keeping my route as distinctly as possible till the evening.

At 40 minutes past one o'clock we left Haimer, and our friends, the Ababdé, continued their route, after giving us great praise, as well for our civility, as our keeping the watch like men, as they expressed it. At half past eight we alighted at Abou Ferege, a place where there was very little verdure of any kind. Here, for the first time on our journey, we met with a cloudy sky, which effectually disappointed my observation of latitude; but every noon and night I described, in a rough manner, my course through the day, carrying always a compass, with a needle about five[594] inches radius, round my neck, by a lace, and resting in my pocket. I thus found that we had kept the line directly upon Syene, which the Ababdé Arab had shewed us.

On the 26th, at half after six in the morning we set out from Abou Ferege, continuing nearly in the same direction upon Syene till eleven o'clock, when, for the purpose of observation only, I alighted at a place called Abou Heregi, without water, grass, or food for our camels. We were exceedingly averse to exertions, and became so weak and spiritless, that it was not possible to prevail upon our people to take the large quadrant out of its chest to put it together, and prepare it for observation. I therefore took a Hadley's quadrant, with a mixture I had made, which served me better than quick-silver, and made my observation by reflection at Abou Heregi, and found it in lat. 23°, from which I inferred, with some degree of comfort to myself, that the longitude of Syene in the French maps is ill laid down, and that we were now in the direction upon Syene, had no westing to run down, but the journey must finish in a very few days.

At two o'clock in the afternoon we left Abou Heregi, and at four had an unexpected entertainment, which filled our hearts with a very short-lived joy. The whole plain before us seemed thick-covered with green grass and yellow daisies. We advanced to the place with as much speed as our lame condition would suffer us, but how terrible was our disappointment, when we found the whole of that verdure to consist in senna and coloquintida, the most nauseous of plants, and the most incapable of being substituted as food for man or beast. At nine o'clock in the evening we alighted at Saffieha, which is a ridge of craggy mountains to the[595] S. E. and N. W. The night here was immoderately cold, and the wind north. We were now very near a crisis, one way or the other. Our bread was consumed, so that we had not sufficient for one day more; and though we had camels flesh, yet, by living so long on bread and water, an invincible repugnance arose either to smell or taste it. As our camels were at their last gasp, we had taken so sparingly of water, that, when we came to divide it, we found it insufficient for our necessities, if Syene was even so near as we conceived it to be.

Georgis had lost one eye, and was nearly blind in the other. Ismael and he had both become so stiff by being carried, that they could not bear to set their feet to the ground; and I may say for myself, that, though I had supported the wounds in my feet with a patience very uncommon, yet they were arrived at that height as to be perfectly intolerable, and, as I apprehended, on the point of mortification. The bandage, which the Bishareen had tied about the hollow of my foot, was now almost hidden by the flesh swelling over it. Three large wounds on the right foot, and two on the left, continued open, whence a quantity of lymph oozed continually. It was also with the utmost difficulty we could get out the rag, by cutting it to shreds with scissars. The tale is both unpleasant and irksome. Two soles which remained from our sandals, the upper leathers of which had gone to pieces in the sand near Gooz, were tied with a cotton cloth very adroitly by the Bishareen. But it seemed impossible that I could walk further, even with this assistance, and therefore we determined to throw away the quadrant, telescopes, and time-keeper, and save our lives, by riding the camels alternately.[596] But Providence had already decreed that we should not terminate this dangerous journey by our own ordinary foresight and contrivance, but owe it entirely to his visible support and interposition.

On the 27th, at half past five in the morning we attempted to raise our camels at Saffieha by every method that we could devise, but all in vain, only one of them could get upon his legs, and that one did not stand two minutes till he kneeled down, and could never be raised afterwards. This the Arabs all declared to be the effects of cold; and yet Fahrenheit's thermometer, an hour before day, stood at 42°. Every way we turned ourselves death now stared us in the face. We had neither time nor strength to waste, nor provisions to support us. We then took the small skins that had contained our water, and filled them as far as we thought a man could carry them with ease; but after all these shifts, there was not enough to serve us three days, at which I had estimated our journey to Syene, which still however was uncertain. Finding, therefore, the camels would not rise, we killed two of them, and took so much flesh as might serve for the deficiency of bread, and, from the stomach of each of the camels, got about four gallons of water, which the Bishareen Arab managed with great dexterity. It is known to people conversant with natural history, that the camel has within him reservoirs in which he can preserve drink for any number of days he is used to. In those caravans, of long course, which come from the Niger across the desert of Selima, it is said that each camel, by drinking, lays in a store of water that will support him for forty days. I will by no means be a voucher of this account, which carries with it an air of exaggeration; but[597] fourteen or sixteen days, it is well known, an ordinary camel will live, though he hath no fresh supply of water. When he chews the cud, or when he eats, you constantly see him throw, from this repository, mouthfuls of water to dilute his food; and nature has contrived this vessel with such properties, that the water within it never putrifies, nor turns unwholesome. It was indeed vapid, and of a bluish cast, but had neither taste nor smell.

The small remains of our miserable stock of black bread and dirty water, the only support we had hitherto lived on amidst the burning sands, and our spirits likewise, were exhausted by an uncertainty of our journey's end. We were surrounded among those terrible and unusual phænomena of nature which Providence, in mercy to the weakness of his creatures, has concealed far from their sight in deserts almost inaccessible to them. Nothing but death was before our eyes; and, in these terrible moments of pain, suffering, and despair, honour, instead of relieving me, suggested still what was to be an augmentation to my misfortune; the feeling this produced fell directly upon me alone, and every other individual of the company was unconscious of it.

The drawings made at Palmyra and Baalbec for the king, were, in many parts of them, not advanced farther than the outlines, which I had carried with me, that, if leisure or confinement should happen, I might finish them during my travels in case of failure of other employment, so far at least, that, on my return through Italy, they might be in a state of receiving further improvement, which might carry them to that perfection I have since been enabled to con[598]duct them. These were all to be thrown away, with other not less valuable papers, and, with my quadrant, telescopes, and time-keeper, abandoned to the rude and ignorant hands of robbers, or to be buried in the sands. Every memorandum, every description, sketch, or observation since I departed from Badjoura and passed the desert to Cosseir, till I reached the present spot, were left in an undigested heap, with our carrion-camels, at Saffieha, while there remained with me, in lieu of all my memoranda, but this mournful consideration, that I was now to maintain the reality of these my tedious perils, with those who either did, or might affect, from malice and envy, to doubt my veracity upon my ipse dixit alone, or abandon the reputation of the travels which I had made with so much courage, labour, danger, and difficulty, and which had been considered as desperate and impracticable to accomplish for more than 2000 years.

I would be understood not to mean by this, that my thoughts were at such a time in the least disturbed with any reflection on the paltry lies that might be propagated in malignant circles, which has each its idol, and who, meeting, as they say, for the advancement of learning, employ themselves in blasting the fame of those who must be allowed to have surpassed them in every circumstance of intrepidity, forethought, and fair achievement. The censure of these lion-faced and chicken-hearted critics never entered as an ingredient in my sorrows on that occasion in the sadness of my heart; if I had not possessed a share of spirit enough to despise these, the smallest trouble that occurred in my travels must have overcome a mind so feebly armed. My sorrows were of another kind, that I should, of course, be deprived of a considerable part of an offering I meant[599] as a mark of duty to my sovereign, that, with those that knew and esteemed me, I should be obliged to run in debt for the credit of a whole narrative of circumstances, which ought, from their importance to history and geography, to have a better foundation than the mere memory of any man, considering the time and variety of events which they embraced; and, above all, I may be allowed to say, I felt for my country, that chance alone, in this age of discovery, had robbed her of the fairest garland of this kind she ever was to wear, which all her fleets, full of heroes and men of science, in all the oceans they might be destined to explore, were incapable of replacing upon her brow. These sad reflections were mine, and confined to myself. Luckily my companions were no sharers in them; they had already, in their own sufferings, much more than their little stock of fortitude, philosophy, or education enabled them to bear.

About three o'clock in the afternoon of the 27th we saw two kites, or what are called Haddaya, very numerous in Egypt; about a quarter of an hour afterwards, another of the same sort, known to be carrion-birds, probably going in search of the dead camels. I could not conceal my joy at what I regarded as a happy omen. We went five hours and a half this day, and at night came to Waadi el Arab, where are the first trees we had seen since we left El Haimer.

On the 28th, at half past seven in the morning we left Waadi el Arab, and entered into a narrow defile, with rugged, but not high mountains on each side. About twelve o'clock we came to a few trees in the bed of a torrent. Ill[600] as I was, after refreshing myself with my last bread and water, I set out in the afternoon to gain a rising ground, that I might see, if possible, what was to the westward; for the mountains seemed now rocky and high like those of the Kennouss near Syene. I arrived, with great difficulty and pain, on the top of a moderate hill, but was exceedingly disappointed at not seeing the river to the westward; however, the vicinity of the Nile was very evident, by the high, uniform mountains that confine its torrent when it comes out of Nubia. The evening was still, so that sitting down and covering my eyes with my hands, not to be diverted by external objects, I listened and heard distinctly the noise of waters, which I supposed to be the cataract, but it seemed to the southward of us, as if we had passed it. I was, however, fully satisfied that it was the Nile.

Just before I left my station the sun was already low, when I saw a flock of birds, which, in Syria, where they are plenty, are called the Cow Bird. In Egypt they are also numerous upon the Nile, but I do not know their name. They are a small species of the heron, about a third of the size of the common one, milk-white, having a tuft of flesh-coloured feathers upon their breast, of a coarser, stronger, and more hairy-like quality than the shorter feathers. A flock of these birds was flying in a straight line, very low, evidently seeking food along the banks of the river. It was not an hour for birds to go far from their home, nor does this bird feed at a distance from its accustomed haunt at any time. Satisfied then that, continuing our course N. W. we should arrive at or below Syene, I returned to join my companions, but it was now dark, and I found Idris and[601] the Barbarins in some pain, endeavouring to trace me by my footsteps.

I communicated to them this joyful news, which was confirmed by Idris, though he did not himself know the just distance from this place (Abou Seielat) as his usual way had been to Daroo, not to Assouan, which he did not choose to approach, for fear of the vexations from the Turkish garrison. A cry of joy followed this annunciation. Christians, Moors, and Turks, all burst into floods of tears, kissing and embracing one another, and thanking God for his mercy in this deliverance, and unanimously in token of their gratitude, and acknowledgment of my constant attention to them in the whole of this long journey; saluting me with the name of Abou Ferege, Father Foresight, the only reward it was in their power to give.

On the 29th, at seven o'clock in the morning we left Abou Seielat; about nine, we saw the palm trees at Assouan, and a quarter before ten arrived in a grove of palm-trees on the north of that city.

CHAP. XIII.

Kind reception at Assouan—Arrival at Cairo—Transactions with the Bey there—Land at Marseilles.

Without congratulating one another on their escape and safe arrival, as they had the night before at Abou Seielat, my companions with one accord ran to the Nile to drink; though they had already seen, in the course of the journey, two or three tragical instances, the consequences of intemperance in drinking water. I sat myself down under the shade of the palm-trees, to recollect myself. It was very hot, and I fell into a profound sleep. But Hagi Ismael, who was neither sleepy nor thirsty, but exceedingly hungry, had gone into the town in search of somebody that would give him food. He was not gone far before his green turban and ragged appearance struck some brethren janizaries, who met him; one of whom asked him the reason of his being there, and whence he came? Ismael, in a violent passion, and broken Arabic, said, that he was a[603] janizary of Cairo, was last come from hell, where there was not one devil, but thousands, from a country of Kafrs that called themselves Mussulmen; that he had walked through a desert where the earth was on fire and the wind was flame, and in fear of dying every day with thirst and hunger.

The soldier who heard him talk in this disjointed, raving manner, desired him to go with him to the Aga. This was the very thing that Ismael wanted. He only desired time to acquaint his companions. "Have you companions, says the soldier, from such a country?"—"Companions! says Ismael; what the devil! do you imagine I came this journey alone?"—"If the journey, says the man, is such as you describe it, I do not think many would go with you; well, go along with my companions, and I will seek yours, but how shall I find them?"—"Go, says Ismael, to the palm-trees, and when you find the tallest man you ever saw in your life, more ragged and dirty than I am, call him Yagoube, and desire him to come along with you to the Aga."

The soldier accordingly found me still sitting at the root of the palm-tree. The servants, who had now satisfied their thirst, and were uncertain what was next to be done, were sitting together at some distance from me. They began to feel their own weariness, and were inclined to leave me to a little repose, which they hoped might enable me to overcome mine. For my own part, a dullness and insensibility, an universal relaxation of spirits which I cannot describe, a kind of stupor, or palsy of the mind, had overtaken me, almost to a deprivation of understanding. I[604] found in myself a kind of stupidity, and want of power to reflect upon what had passed. I seemed to be, as if awakened from a dream when the senses are yet half asleep, and we only begin to doubt whether what has before passed in thoughts is real or not. The dangers that I was just now delivered from made no impression upon my mind, and what more and more convinces me I was for a time not in my perfect senses, is, that I found in myself a hard-heartedness, without the least inclination to be thankful for that signal deliverance which I had just now experienced.

From this stupor I was awakened by the arrival of the soldier, who cried out to us at some distance, "You must come to the Aga to the castle, all of you, as fast as you can, the Turk is gone before you." "It will not be very fast, if we even should do that, said I; the Turk has ridden two days on a camel, and I have walked on foot, and do not know at present if I can walk at all." I endeavoured, at the same time, to rise and stand upright, which I did not succeed in, after several attempts, without great pain and difficulty. I observed the soldier was in a prodigious astonishment at my appearance, habit, and above all, at my distress. "We shall get people in town, says he, to assist you, and if you cannot walk, the Aga will send you a mule."

The Turk and the Greeks were cloathed much in the same manner; Ismael and Michael had in their hands two monstrous blunderbusses. The whole town crowded after us while we walked to the castle, and could not satiate themselves with admiring a company of such an extraordinary appearance. The Aga was struck dumb upon our[605] entering the room, and told me afterwards, that he thought me a full foot taller than any man he had ever seen in his life. I saw he was embarrassed whether he should desire me to sit down or not, so that I saved him the deliberation, by saying, immediately after saluting him, "Sir, you will excuse me, I must sit." He bowed, and made a sign, complacently asking me, "Are you a Turk? Are you a Mussulman?" "I am not a Turk, said I, nor am I a Mussulman; I am an Englishman, and bearer of the grand signior's firman to all his subjects, and of letters from the regency of Cairo, and from the Porte of Janizaries, to you." "Caz Dangli, says Ismael, they are the same as Turks, they came first from Anatolia, I have been at the place." Upon my mentioning the grand signior, the Aga got upon his feet, and, without heeding Ismael's speech, said, very politely, "Do you choose to have your servants sit?" "In such a disastrous journey as I have made, Sir, said I, our servants must be our companions; besides, they have a strong excuse for sitting, neither they nor I have a foot to stand upon."

Aga. "Where are those letters and firman?" Ya. "Where they may be now I know not, we left them at Saffieha with all the rest of our baggage; our camels died, our provisions and water were exhausted, we therefore left every thing behind us, and made this one effort to save our lives. It is the first favour I am to ask of you, when I shall have rested myself two days, to allow me to get fresh camels, to go in search of my letters and baggage." Aga. "God forbid I should ever suffer you to do so mad an action. You are come hither by a thousand miracles, and after this, will you tempt God and go back? we shall take it for granted what those papers contain. You will have no need of a[606] firman between this and Cairo." Ya. "We shall leave it upon that footing for the present, allow me only to say, I am a servant of the king of England, travelling, by his order, and for my own and my countrymen's information; that I had rather risk my life twenty times, than lose the papers I have left in the desert." Aga. "Go in peace, and eat and sleep. Carry them, says he, speaking to his attendants, to the house of the Schourbatchie." Thus ended our first interview with the Aga, who put us in possession of a very good house, and it happened to be the very man to whom I was recommended by my correspondents at Cairo when I was first here, who had absolutely forgotten, but soon remembered me, as did many others, but my old friend the Aga had been changed, and was then at Cairo.

We were not long arrived before we received from the Aga about fifty loaves of fine wheat bread, and several large dishes of drest meat. But the smell of these last no sooner reached me than I fainted upon the floor. I made several trials afterwards, with no better success, for the first two days, nor could I reconcile myself to any sort of food but toasted bread and coffee. My servants had none of these qualms, for they partook largely and greedily of the Aga's bounty.

I had kept the house five or six days after my arrival, during which I corresponded with the Aga only by messages, and from my servant who had passed between us he had learned the whole of our adventures. I then went to the castle for an audience, and intreated the Aga that he would procure six or eight camels to mount my men upon, and[607] bring my baggage from Saffieha. He gave a start at the first request, and would not by any means hear of that proposal; he called it tempting God, and assured me I should be cut off by the very men that had murdered Mahomet Aga; that, having seen the cases and things which I had thrown away at Umarack, they would follow my tract on to Saffieha, would have taken every thing that I had left, and would be now pursuing me up to the gates of Assouan. All this was extremely probable, but it was not to such reasoning that I could be a convert. I had insinuated that the well-fare of mankind was concerned in the recovery of those papers; that there was among them recipes, which, if they did not totally prevent the plague, and the small-pox, would at least greatly lessen their violence and duration. This, and perhaps a more forcible insinuation, that he should not be without a recompence for any trouble that he gave himself on my account, brought him at last to consent to my request, and we arranged our expedition accordingly.

Our first step was to send for Idris and the Arab from Daroo, for neither of them would enter the town with us, for fear some story should be trumped up against them regarding Mahomet Towash's murder, which would not have failed to have been the case had not we been with them; but upon the Aga sending a man of confidence for them, they both came without delay, and were lodged in my house, under my protection.

The night following, everything being ready, we set out after it was dark from the castle, all upon dromedaries. The gates of the town were open for us, and were immediately shut upon our passing through them; the Aga fear[608]ing his own people as much as the Bishareen; and saying always, by way of proverb, "Every body is an enemy in the desert." The Aga had sent four servants belonging to his stables to accompany us; active, lively, and good-humoured fellows. Our people too, were all recruited. Ismael, and blind Georgis, were left to take care of the house in my absence. About twelve o'clock we got into a valley, and hid ourselves in the lowest part of it, under a bank, for the night was exceeding cold; but we had spirits with us, which we drank with moderation. We there refreshed our beasts about half an hour, and again stopt in a valley among trees. I was afraid that we had passed our baggage in the dark, as none of us were perfectly sure of the place; but as soon as light came, we recovered our tract as fresh and entire as when we made it. After having gone about half an hour in our former footsteps, we had the unspeakable satisfaction to find our quadrant and whole baggage; and by them the bodies of our slaughtered camels, a small part of one of them having been torn by the haddaya, or kite.

It was agreed we should not stay here, but load and depart immediately; this was done in an instant; five camels easily carried the loads, with a man upon them besides; and there were three more camels, upon which we rode by turns. We made a brisk retreat from Saffieha to Syene, which is about forty miles. At a little past four in the afternoon we entered the town again, without any accident whatever, or without having seen one man in our journey.

[609]

Here then we were to close our travels through the desert, by discharging the debts contracted in it. We had now got our credit and letters, which furnished us with money. I began by recompensing Idris Welled Hamran, the Hybeer, for his faithful services. The next thing was to keep our faith with our prisoner. I had made Idris chuse him a good camel, cloathed him anew, and gave him dresses for his two wives, with a load of dora. I then dispatched him with the Aga's protection, wondering what men we were, who, without compulsion or subterfuge, kept our words so exactly. Though rich beyond his hopes, and so very lately our enemy, the poor fellow, with tears in his eyes, declared, if I would permit him, he would only go back and deliver up what I had given him to his family, and return to me at Syene, and follow me as my servant wherever I should go.

Although we had wherewithal to have bought proper dresses, I thought it better to do this when we should come to Cairo. We got each of us a coarse barracan, for cleanliness only, and a pair of trowsers. I furnished Ismael with a green turban, to give us some weight with the vulgar during our voyage down the Nile. I then went to my friend the Aga, to concert the measures that remained necessary for leaving Assouan and beginning our journey. He testified the greatest joy at seeing us again. He had been informed of our whole expedition by his servants the night before, and praised us, in the presence of his attendants, for our alacrity, steadiness, and courage under the great fatigues of travelling. Ismael had told him of the trees and plants which I painted, and he expressed great curiosity to see them when I should find it convenient. From the[610] known disposition of those people, that what they desire must be granted instantly, I asked him whether he was at leisure or not to see them? He said, "By all means; it was a good time." I then sent Michael my servant for a book of trees, and one of fishes.

In the interim arrived one of their priests, or an Imam, who are esteemed the most learned of their clergy. Ill-humour and ill-breeding is the characteristic of violent people of all religions; a Christian fanatic is not one bit more charitable towards those that differ from him than a Turkish saint; the greatest difference between them is the turban. Though I was the only reason of his coming there at that time, he passed me with the most contemptible indifference, his eyes half shut and lifted up to heaven, full of that exalted pride by which his great master fell from happiness. "I wish to know, (says he to the Aga, regardless of me) if that Kafr saw any thing of Mahomet Towash in the desert." The Aga asked me, I saw, with some degree of shame, and I answered him:—"I saw Mahomet Towash alive at Chendi, richly cloathed as if he had been at Mecca. He had twelve or fourteen men armed with firelocks, and about fourscore Tucorory, each with a lance in his hand, to whom he was to give food and water in crossing the desert. There were three Hybeers, all Bishareen, who had come from Suakem with the caravan, and were carrying back senna to the neighbourhood of Syene. I offered to join company with them; and though one Hybeer was enough for him, yet, to distress me as being a Christian, he took the whole three along with him. In vain Sittina, Wed Ageeb's sister, and Wed el Faal's mother, desired him to leave one of the Bisha[611]reen Hybeers for me, or rather to join our companies together, for the Bishareen were not to be trusted. Contrary to the desire of the chief of the Arabs, he took away the three Hybeers, to disappoint me; he found them three murderers, and left me the only honest man whom he did not know. God punished the presumption and pride of which he was full, just as this Moullah, who last came in, and sits before you, appears to be."

The Aga then asked me, if I saw him afterwards? "You know, I suppose, the story. One of the three Hybeers went to Abou Bertran, a principal Shekh of the Bishareen, and prepared a party to meet them on the road at the next station, while the other two Hybeers, their guides, took care to deceive him by lies, and carried him directly upon the road where the plot was laid. About twenty men on camels, armed with lances, and as many young men on foot, with swords, came to meet him, and those upon camels made their beasts kneel down at some distance from him, as out of respect coming to kiss his hands, as of a holy person belonging to the Caaba, their sanctuary at Mecca.

"The vain, imprudent man dismounted from his camel to give them a more easy opportunity of paying him their respects, and when one of them held him by the hand in token of friendship, another cut him across the hams with a broad-sword, and a third run him through the back with a lance. He endeavoured to put his hands to his pistols, but it was too late. They afterwards persuaded his servants, who had fire-arms in their hands, and, like fools, did not use them, to capitulate; and, after they had disarmed them, they carried them aside and murdered them also, then[612] took away all the water and camels, and left the Tucorory to die with thirst. You asked me when I saw him after his leaving Chendi? I tell you it was at a station of the Bishareen, two hours before you come to Umarack; his body lay upon the sand withered and dried, but not corrupted; his hough of the right leg, and back-sinew of the left, just above the heel, were cut asunder by a sword. The wounds through his body were apparent. The lance, I apprehend, had some crooks below the head of it, as is their custom, because a considerable quantity of his bowels were drawn out at the back. He had two wounds upon his head, which I suppose were given him after he was dead, for they had cut through the skull entirely, and any one of them would have been mortal in a moment. Ismael and the Barbarin threw sand over him. For my part, I paid no sort of respect to the carcase of a man, who, when living, had shewed so little for my preservation. We went to the right, and followed some footsteps; we saw three men dead, all big and corpulent; they were all thrust through with three lances; each of them had his throat cut, and one his jaw broken.

"All the next day the road was strewed with the bodies of the Tucorory, and the day after, at nine o'clock in the morning, we found his horse dead; the day following we found dead bodies of people, who had perished with thirst, scattered here and there like the tract of a pursuit after a battle; their dry bottles, made of gourds, were grasped in their hands, and some held them to their mouths as if sucking them. God, as I say, punished this man, by allowing his pride and presumption to blind him; for, had we joined our companies, there could not have been a better place[613] imagined to have fought the Bishareen than that spot, had they dared to attack, which is not probable. It was a narrow, deep, sandy strait, and rugged on each side of it. We could have put our camels, with our water, in perfect security behind us, while our fire-arms, safely from the rock, would, with the first discharge, have destroyed the best men among them, and scattered the herd of them into the desert. The Tucorory would have seized their camels and water, of which they had but a small quantity, or we should have shot the skins through, or the Aga's horse would have overtaken them. In either case, as they were two days journey from Abou Bertran, the greatest part of them would have died with thirst; and if they had chosen to follow us, which after this rude treatment they would not have done, they could never have reached us till we had got out of their territory into those of the Ababdé, where they were as much strangers, and in as great danger as we, and the wells not capable of filling their girbas, so that they would have brought themselves both into distress and dispute. This is all that I know of Mahomet Towash."

The Aga said to himself, "Ullah Akbar;" and several of the company made their private ejaculations. The Imam had not yet spoke, but addressing himself to the Aga, "True it is, says he, God is great, and does what seems to him best; or who would have thought that a servant of the Caaba should be forsaken, while Kafrs like them, a thousand of them not of the account of one hair of that man's head, were protected by him, and arrived safe and unhurt!"

[614]

I was exceedingly angry, but weak in health and spirits; besides, I despised the Imam heartily, and was determined to be silent. But directly addressing himself to me, which he hitherto had not done, "I wonder, says he, how a Kafr like you, a man of no more worth than the dust under a mussulman's feet, should dare to wear a white turban, which none are permitted to do but true believers, and men of consideration in learning, or in the law!" I could hold no longer. "Kafr! said I, do you call me? You are a Kafr yourself. I worship God as you do, and Jesus Christ, whom Mahomet calls Rouch Ullah, the Spirit of God. Kafrs worship stones and trees, are ill-bred, and rude in manners, such as you are. Sir, said I to the Aga, I demand of you if the grand signior, whose firman you have in your hand, when writing of me, calls me Kafr? Does Ali Bey, and the Porte of Janizaries, use such opprobrious expressions? If they do not, you suffer me to be affronted in contempt of their orders, in a fortress which you command in the grand signior's name, which is not to your credit either as a mussulman or a soldier."—"He is right," says an old man, who seemed to be a secretary. "Moullah, says the Aga, I did not expect this from you; I did not think you could be so absurd as to ask any man, returning from so dangerous a journey as his, the reason of the colour of his turban."—"I do not refer that to his discretion, said I, there is my firman; I insist upon its being read at the divan, and I will afterwards dress my head and my body in any colour that is permitted me therein, and that I know is every sort of colour[51], and I insist that my firman may be read in the Divan."

[615]

"Moullah, says Hagi Ismael, addressing himself to the Imam, who had twice attempted to speak but could not get permission, you put me in mind of these liars and thieves at Teawa; all their turbans were white or green; they call themselves mussulmen, and sheraffe, and men of learning like you; but I swear, greater Kafrs than they were never in hell. I wish you may not be something of that kind." Hagi Ismael was standing behind. He had a barracan like us, a red cap and no turban, and the Moullah, I believe, did not know he was a Turk, and still less that he was a sherriffe; I fancy he rather took him for a Greek, from the bad manner in which he pronounced the Arabic. "Friend, said the priest, take this piece of advice from me, and speak more reverently of your betters, or you may have a chance to get your tongue scraped." Hagi Ismael was never blessed with much temper. He was very honest, but, though seventy years old, was as passionate as a child, and the more so, as he did not understand the language. He was an officer in the Porte of Janizaries, besides being a sherriffe; had been sent, as I have already said, by the Bey to escort the Abuna to Abyssinia. Unluckily at this time he understood what was said distinctly, and came up close to the Moullah, saying, in a violent passion, "Kafr Meloun Ibn kelb, i. e. Pagan accursed, and race of a dog! Do you threaten me, a sherriffe, with a grey beard? Who are my betters? The Aga is not my superior, were he a sherriffe, which he is not. He is an officer of the janizaries as I am; he commands me to-day, and I command him to-morrow; but, if it was not for his presence, I would not leave that beard of yours till I had shaken your head from your shoulders."

[616]

All now was confusion. I cried, "Hagi Ismael, for God's sake forbear." Every body spoke, no body heard. The Moullah had crossed the room and sat down beside the Aga, who said to him very sternly, "What Yagoube may do, and what he may not do, in Syene, has never been confided to you, though it has been to me, and I have not thought it necessary to take your advice upon it. This man is the servant of a king. Were you to insult him in Constantinople, his complaint would cost a much greater man than you his life, even this day before sun-set. Who taught you to call him Kafr whom you had never before seen, and then abuse the janizary, who, besides, is a sherriffe, and an aged man, whose hand better men than you kiss when they meet him in the street? Go home and learn wisdom, since you cannot teach it; at least, don't make the grand signior's castle the scene of your abuse and folly." The Moullah upon this rebuke departed, very much humbled.

As Michael had brought the drawings, I turned to the trees and flowers. The Aga was greatly pleased with them, and laughed, putting them up to his nose as if smelling them. They did not offend him, as they were not the likeness of any thing that had life. I then shewed him a fish, and reached the book to an old man with a long beard, but who had a very chearful countenance. He looked at it with great surprise. The Aga had several times called him his father. "Do not be angry, says he to me, if I ask you a question. I am not such a man as the Moullah that is gone." "I will answer all your questions with pleasure, said I, and, in your turn, you must not take the answer ill." "No, no, said two or three of them, Hagi Soliman knows better." Soliman. "Do you not believe, says he, that that fish will rise[617] against you at the day of judgment?" Ya. "I do not know, but I shall be very much surprised if it does." "I assure you he will, says Hagi Soliman." Ya. "Be it so, it is a matter of indifference to me." Sol. "Do you know what God will say to you about that fish? Shall I tell you?" Ya. "I have not the least idea, and you will oblige me." Sol. "God will say to you, Did you make that fish? What will you answer?" Ya. "I will answer, I did." Sol. "He will say to you again, Make a soul to it." Ya. "I will answer, I cannot." Sol. "He will say, Why did you make that fish's body, when you was not capable to give it a soul? What can you answer then?" Ya. "I made that body, because thou gavest me talents and capacity to do it. I do not make the soul, because thou hast denied me power and ability, and reserved that to thyself only." Sol. "Do you think he will be contented with that answer?" Ya. "I do most certainly think so. It is truth, and I do not think a more direct one can be given." Sol. "Aha! the Moullah would tell you that will not do; painting things that have life is idolatry, and the punishment is hell-fire." Ya. "Patience, then, my case is desperate, for it is not a sin I intend to repent of." Thus ended this curious discussion, and we went away in perfect good humour one with the other. A number of the better sort drank coffee with me in the evening. The Aga sent me two sheep, and, observing my feet much inflamed and wounded, made me likewise a present of a pair of slippers of soft Turkey leather to defend them from the inclemency of the weather.

It was the 11th of December when we left Syene; we cannot say sailed, for our mast being down, we went with the current and the oars, when the wind was against us. In our voyage down the Nile we had but very[618] indifferent weather, clear throughout the day, exceedingly cold in the night and morning; but, being better cloathed, better fed than in the desert, and under cover, we were not so sensible of it, though the thermometer shewed the same degrees. Above all, we had a good decent provision of brandy on board, part of which I had procured from the Aga, part from the Schourbatchie my landlord, neither of whom knew the other had given me any, and both of them pretended to each other, and to the world, that they never tasted fermented liquors of any kind, nor kept them in their custody.

I had given to each of my servants, to Soliman and to the Greeks likewise, a common blanket called a barracan, of the warmest and coarsest kind, with a waistcoat and trowsers of the same, and all of us, I believe, had consigned to the Nile the clothes in which we passed the desert. The meanness of our appearance did not at all shock us, since nothing contributes more to safety in a country like this. I passed Shekh Nimmer not without regret, but it was night, and I was very ill.

On the 19th we arrived at How, where the intermitting fever, which I had at Syene, again returned, with unusual violence, and, what was most unlucky, my stock of bark was almost exhausted, and the Rais had business that obliged him to lie by for a day. As we were within a small distance of Furshout, I dispatched one of the Barbarins, with a camel, to the fathers at the monastery of Furshout informing them of my arrival and very bad state of health, and requesting them to send me some wheat bread, as mine was[619] all consumed, and likewise some rice, if they had any. Upon the Arab's first delivering his message the fathers treated him as an impostor, declaring that they knew from good authority that I was drowned in the Red Sea, which another of them contradicted, being equally positive, from the same good authority, that my death had happened from robbers in Abyssinia. The Barbarin (a shrewd fellow) desired the fathers to observe, that, if I had been drowned in the Red Sea, it was not possible I could be slain by robbers on land two years afterwards; therefore, as one report was certainly false, both might be so, and he assured them this was the case, and that I was at How; but they laughed him to scorn, and threatened to carry him to Shekh Hamam to punish him. The poor fellow answered very pertinently, "If I had come in Yagoube's name for gold or silver, then you might have distrusted me; but sure it is not worth my while to hire a camel to come here from How, and go back again to cheat you out of two loaves of bread and a pound of rice, which I never tasted myself till I was with Yagoube, who made us partake of every thing that he ate as long as it lasted, and fasted with us when our meat was exhausted." They continued to ask him, where he had found me? The fellow said, At Ras el Feel; and not being able to describe where that was, a fresh altercation began, in which it was concluded betwixt the two reverend disputants, that I had been drowned three years before in the Red Sea, and therefore all the story of Ras el Feel must be a lie.

It happened, as indeed was often the case in these matters, that my Greek servant Michael had been more provident than I. He had thought something of this kind might be possible, and therefore had desired the Barbarin, if so it[620] happened, to call at Shekh Ismael's at Badjoura, and inquire of him in my name for a loaf or two of wheat bread and some rice. This the Barbarin did with some diffidence, after the refusal received from the fathers, and was very much surprised at the chearful reception Shekh Ismael gave him. The bread and rice were sent; he too had heard of my death, but was much easier convinced that I was still alive than the reverend fathers had been, because more desirous that it should be so.

Next day, the 20th, we arrived at Furshout, though Hagi Ismael's invitation, and the unkindness of the fathers, had strongly tempted me to take up my quarters at Badjoura to guard him against the pleurisy, and the mistaking again the month of Ramadan. Some aukward apologies passed at meeting; and if these fathers, the sole object of whose mission was the conversion of Ethiopia and Nubia, were averse before to the undertaking their mission, they did not seem to increase in keenness from the circumstances which they learned from me.

On the 27th we sailed for Cairo. At a small village before we came to Achmim we were hailed by a person, who, though meanly dressed, spoke with the tone of authority, and asked for a passage to Cairo, which I would have denied him if I could have had my own will; but the Rais readily promised it him upon his first application. He afterwards told me he was a Copht and a Christian, employed to gather the Bey's taxes in such villages as were only inhabited by Christians, to which the Bey did not permit his Turks to go. "I heard, says he, you was coming down the Nile, and I way-laid you for a passage; the Rais knows[621] who I am, and that I shall not be troublesome to you; but I have a large sum of money, and do not chuse to have it known, I hope, however, you will give me your protection for the sake of my master."—"Indeed, friend, said I, I have but seven shillings in the whole world, and my cloaths, I believe, are not worth much above that sum, and it is but a few days ago I was rejoicing at this as one of my greatest securities. But since Providence has, I hope for your good, thrown you and your money in my way, I will do the best for you that is in my power, the same as if it was my own."

On the 10th of January 1773 we arrived at the convent of St George, all of us, as I thought, worse in health and spirits than the day we came out of the desert. Nobody knew us at the convent, either by our face or our language, and it was by a kind of force that we entered. Ismael, and the Copht went straight to the Bey, and I, with great difficulty, had interest enough to send to the patriarch and my merchants at Cairo, by employing the two only piastres I had in my pocket. If the capuchins at Furshout received us coldly, these Caloyeros of St George kept us still at a greater distance. It was half by violence that we got admittance into the convent. But this difficulty was to be but of short duration; the morning was to end it, and give us a sight of our friends, and in the meantime we were to sleep soundly. We had nothing else to do, having no victuals, and the Caloyeros nothing to give us, even if they had been inclined, of which we had not seen yet the smallest token.

This we thought, and this, in the common view of things, we were intitled to think; but we forgot that we were at[622] Cairo, no longer to depend upon the ordinary or rational course of events, but upon the arbitrary, oppressive will of irrational tyrants. Accordingly I had, for about an hour, lost myself in the very uncommon enjoyment of a most profound sleep, when I was awakened by the noise of a a number of strange tongues; and, before I could recollect myself sufficiently to account what this strange tumult might be, eleven or twelve soldiers, very like the worst of banditti, surrounded the carpet whereon I was asleep. I had presence of mind sufficient to recollect this was not a place where people were robbed and murdered without cause; and, convinced in my own mind that I had given none, from that alone I inferred I was not to be robbed or murdered at that instant. Without this, the appearance of the strangers, their dress, language, and behaviour, all joined to persuade me of the contrary. I asked them, with some surprise, "What is the matter, Sirs? What is the meaning of this freedom?" The answer was in Turkish, "Aya! Aya! Get up! the Bey calls you."—"The Bey, says I, certainly calls at a very unseasonable hour." The answer was, "Get up, or we will carry you by force."—"I fancy friends, said I, you have mistaken me for some other person, I have not been here above two hours, and since that time have never been out of the convent. It is impossible the Bey should know that I am here."—"What signifies it to us, says one in lingua Franca, whether he knows you are here or not? he has sent us for you, and we are come, Aya! Aya! get up!" He put his hand forward to take me by the arm. "Keep your distance, you insolent blackguard, said I, remember I am an Englishman; do not lay your hands upon me. If the Bey calls me, he is master in his own country, and I will wait upon him; But hands off: though I have not seen Mahomet Bey these[623] three years, he knows what is owing to his own character better than to suffer a slave like you to lay his filthy hands on a stranger like me."—"No! No! Mallem, says the man that spoke Italian, we will do you no harm. Ismael, that you brought from Habesh, has been with the Bey, and he wants to see you; and that is all."—"Then stay without, said I, till I am ready, and I will come to you presently."

Out they went: I heard them crying to the Caloyeros for drink, but they never in their lives were in a place where they could address themselves worse for either meat or liquors; on the other hand, I did not keep them long in dressing. I had no shirt on, nor had I been master of one for fourteen months past. I had a waistcoat of coarse, brown, woollen blanket, trowsers of the same, and an upper blanket of the same wrapt about me, and in these I was lying. I had cut off my long beard at Furshout, but still wore prodigious mustachoes. I had a thin, white, muslin cloth round a red Turkish cap, which served me for a night-cap, a girdle of coarse woollen cloth that wrapt round my waist eight or ten times, and swaddled me up from the middle to the pit of my stomach, but without either shoes or stockings. In the left of my girdle I had two English pistols mounted with silver, and on the right hand a common crooked Abyssinian knife, with a handle of a rhinoceros horn. Thus equipt, I was ushered by the banditti, in a dark and very windy night, to the door of the convent.

The Sarach, or commander of the party, rode upon a mule, and, as a mark of extreme consideration, he had brought an ass for me, with sods, or a carsaddle upon his back, the only animal that, to the shame of our Christian rulers, any of our[624] faith is suffered to ride on in Cairo. The beast had not a light load, but was strong enough. The difficulty was, his having no saddle, and there were no stirrups, so that my feet would have touched the ground had I not held them up, which I did with the utmost pain and difficulty, as they were all inflamed and sore, and full of holes from the inflammation in the desert. Nobody can ever know, from a more particular description, the hundredth part of the pain I suffered that night. I was happy that it was all external. I had hardened my heart; it was strong, vigorous, and whole, from the near prospect I had of leaving this most accursed country, and being again restored to the conversation of men.

The mule on which the Sarach rode went at a very brisk pace; my animal did her best, but she could not keep up with the mule. Each man of the soldiers, besides the rest of his arms, had a quarter-staff like a watchman's pole, about nine feet long, with which every one in his turn laid heartily on the ass to make her keep up with the Sarach's mule. I had every reason to sympathize with the beast for the severity of the blows, of which I was a perfect judge, as whether through malice or heedlessness, every fourth stroke landed upon my back or haunches, so that my flesh was discoloured for more than two months afterwards. Speaking was in vain; you might as well have cried to the wind not to blow. Few people walk in the streets of Cairo at night; some we did meet who made us way, only observing to each other, when we passed, that I was some thief the Janizary Aga had apprehended. In this most disagreeable manner, I had rode near three miles, when I arrived at[625] the Bey's palace. There all was light and all was bustle, as if it had been noon-day. I alighted with great difficulty from my disconsolate ass, but with much greater pleasure than ever I mounted the finest horse in the world. None of the people there knew what I came for, but thought I was some Arab from the country. At last I saw a Copht who had been a servant of Ali Bey. I told him who I was, and he immediately knew me, but had not heard that I was arrived, and still less that I was sent for; but he went in to the Bey's secretary, who ordered my immediate admission.

In the mean time, my Sarach and company, who had used me so tenderly, came round me, desiring the Bacsish, or money to drink. "Look you, friend, said I, your master knows me well, and you shall see what is the Bacsish he will give you." A number of Turks standing by asked, "What did he do to you? Did he use you ill? Tell the Bey, and he will do for him." My friend seemed to be sensible he was in a scrape, and, though the order of the Bey came for my being admitted, he would not allow me to pass, but put his back against the door till I promised to say nothing to the Bey.

I was introduced to Mahomet Bey Abou Dahab. He was son-in-law to Ali Bey my friend, whom he had betrayed, and forced to fly into Syria, where he still was at the head of a small army. He had been present with him the day I had my last audience, when he was plainly dressed as a soldier. A large sofa, or rather two large sofas furnished with cushions, took up a great part of a spacious saloon. They were of the richest crimson and gold, excepting a small yellow and gold one like a pillow, upon which he was leaning,[626] supporting his head with his left hand, and sitting just in the corner of the two sofas. Though it was late, he was in full dress, his girdle, turban, and handle of his dagger, all shining with the finest brilliants, and a finer sprig of diamonds upon his turban than what I had seen his father-in-law wear once when I was with him.

The room was light as day, with a number of wax-torches or candles. I found myself humbled at the sight of so much greatness and affluence. My bare feet were so dirty, I had a scruple to set them upon the rich Persian carpets with which the whole floor was covered, and the pain that walking at all occasioned gave me altogether so crouching and cringing a look, that the Bey, upon seeing me come in, cried out, "What's that? Who is that? From whence is he come?" His secretary told him, and immediately upon that I said to him in Arabic, with a low bow, "Mahomet Bey, I am Yagoube, an Englishman, better known to your father-in-law than to you, very unfit to appear before you in the condition I am, having been forced out of my bed by your soldiers in the middle of the only sound sleep I have had for many years." He seemed to be exceedingly shocked at this, and said to his attendants in Turkish, "My people! who dares do this? it is impossible." Those that were privy to the message reminded him of his sending for me, and the cause, which he had forgot. They told him what Ismael had said, and what the Copht, the tax-gatherer, had mentioned, all very much in my favour. He turned himself with great violence on the sofa, and said, "I remember the man well, but it was not a man like this, this is bad payment indeed. I was going to ask you, Yagoube, says he, who those were that had brought you out in such distress, and I find that I have done it myself; but[627] take my word, as I am a mussulman, I did not intend it, I did not know you was ill."

My feet at that time gave me such violent pain that I was like to faint, and could not answer, but as there were two flowered velvet cushions upon one of the steps above the floor, I was obliged to kneel down upon one of them, as I did not know how sitting might be taken. The Bey immediately saw this, and cried out, "What now? what is the matter?" I saw he thought I had some complaint to make, or something to ask. I shewed him my feet in a terrible situation, the effects, I told him, of my passing through the desert. He desired me immediately to sit down on the cushion. "It is the coldness of the night, and hanging upon the ass, said I, occasions this; the pain will be over presently." "You are an unfortunate man, says the Bey, whatever I mean to do for your good, turns to your misfortune." "I hope not, Sir, said I; the pain is now over, and I am able to hear what may be your commands." "I have many questions to ask you, says the Bey. You have been very kind to poor old Ismael, who is a sherriffe, and to my Christian servant likewise; and I wanted to see what I could do for you; but this is not the time, go home and sleep, and I will send for you. Eat and drink, and fear nothing. My father-in-law is gone, but, by the grace of God, I am here in his place; that is enough." I bowed, and took my leave.

The Bey had spoken several times to his servant in Turkish; but these interruptions are too common at such audiences to be taken notice of. I went out to the anti-chamber attended by five or six people, and then into another[628] room, the door of which opened to the lobby where his soldiers or servants were. There was a slave very richly dressed, who had a small basket with oranges in his hand, who came out at another door, as if from the Bey, and said to me, "Here, Yagoube, here is some fruit for you."

In that country it is not the value of the present, but the character and power of the person that sends it, that creates the value; 20,000 men that slept in Cairo that night would have thought the day the Bey gave them at an audience the worst orange in that basket the happiest one in their life. It is a mark of friendship and protection, and the best of all assurances. Well accustomed to ceremonies of this kind, I took a single orange, bowing low to the man that gave it me, who whispered me, "Put your hand to the bottom, the best fruit is there, the whole is for you, it is from the Bey." A purse was exceedingly visible. It was a large crimson one wrought with gold, not netted or transparent as ours are, but liker a stocking. I lifted it out; there were a considerable number of sequins in it; I put it to my mouth and kissed it, in respect from whence it came, and said to the young man that held the basket, "This is, indeed, the best fruit, at least commonly thought so, but it is forbidden fruit for me. The Bey's protection and favour is more agreeable to me than a thousand such purses would be."

The servant shewed a prodigious surprise. In short, nothing can be more incredible to a Turk, whatever his quality may be, than to think that any man can refuse money offered him. Although I expressed myself with the utmost gratitude and humility, finding it impossible to prevail upon me, the thing appeared so extraordinary, that a beggar[629] in a barracan, dressed like those slaves who carry water, and wash the stairs, should refuse a purse of gold, he could no longer consent to my going away, but carried me back to where the Bey was still sitting. He was looking at a large piece of yellow sattin. He asked the usual question, "How, now? What is the matter?" To which his slave gave him a long answer in Turkish. He laid down the sattin, turned to me, and said, "Why, what is this? You must surely want money; that is not your usual dress? What! does this proceed from your pride?"

"Sir, answered I, may I beg leave to say two words to you? There is not a man to whom you ever gave money more grateful, or more sensible of your generosity in offering it me, than I am at this present. The reason of my waiting upon you in this dress was, because it is only a few hours ago since I left the boat. I am not however a needy man, or one that is distressed for money; that being the case, and as you have already my prayers for your charity, I would not deprive you of those of the widow and the orphan, whom that money may very materially relieve. Julian and Rosa, the first house in Cairo, will furnish me with what money I require; besides, I am in the service of the greatest king in Europe, who would not fail to supply me abundantly if my necessities required it, as I am travelling for his service."—"This being so, says the Bey, with great looks of complacency, what is in my power to do for you? You are a stranger now where I command; you are my father's stranger likewise, and that is a double obligation upon me: What shall I do?"—"There are, said I, things that you could do, and you only, if it were not too[630] great presumption for me to name them."—"By no means, if I can I will do it; if not, I will tell you so."

I saw by the Bey's manner of speaking that I had risen considerably in character in his opinion since my refusal of the money. "I have, Sir, said I, a number of countrymen, brave, rich, and honest, that trade in India, where my king has great dominions." He said, as half to himself, "True, we know that." "Now there are many of these that come to Jidda. I left there eleven large ships belonging to them, who, according to treaty, pay high duties to the custom-house, and, from the dictates of their own generosity and magnificence, give large presents to the prince and to his servants for protection; but the sherriffe of Mecca has of late laid duty upon duty, and extortion upon extortion, till the English are at the point of giving up the trade altogether." "Ibn Cahaba, says he, (which is, son of a wh—re,) he paid for that when I was at Mecca." "The Bey took Mecca," says a man at my shoulder. "Why, says the Bey, when they say you are such a brave nation, why don't you beat down Jidda about his ears? Have you no guns in your ships?" "Our ships, Sir, said I, are all armed for war; stout vessels, full of brave officers and skilful seamen: Jidda, and much stronger places than Jidda, could not resist one of them an hour. But Jidda is no part of our dominions; and, in countries belonging to stranger princes we carry ourselves lowly, and trade in peace, and never use force till obliged to it in our own defence." "And what would you have me to do?" says he. "Our people, replied I, have taken a thing into their head which I am satisfied they are well founded in: They say, that if you would permit them to bring their ships and merchandize to Suez,[631] and not to Jidda, they might then depend upon your word, that, if they were punctual in fulfilling their engagements, they should never find you failing in yours." "That they shall never have to say of me, says the Bey; all this is to my advantage. But you do not tell me what I am to do for you?" "Be steady, Sir, said I, in your promise; it is now late, but I will come again to settle the duties with you; and be assured, that when it is known at home what, at my private desire, you have done for my country in general, it will be the greatest honour that ever a prince conferred on me in my life." "Why, let it be so, says he, bring coffee; see you admit him whenever he calls; bring a caftan[52]." Coffee was accordingly brought, and I was cloathed in my caftan. I went down stairs with my barracan hid under it, and was received with greater respect by the bye-standers than when I came up; the man was the same, but it was the caftan that made the difference. My friend the Sarach and his banditti were ready at the door with a mule, which had gilt stirrups, and was finely caparisoned.

I went back with full as much speed as I came, but free from those salutations of the quarter-staff, which I still felt upon my haunches. The scale of politeness was now turned in my favour; and to shew their respect for me, the soldiers knocked down every person they overtook in the streets, giving him first a blow with the quarter-staff upon the head, then asking him, why he did not get out of the way? All my people at St George had given me over for[632] lost, or thought I had gone home to the French merchants, and taken my bed there.

I was twice after this with Mahomet Bey, in which time I concluded the agreement in favour of the English merchants. Instead of 14 per cent, and an enormous present, the Bey agreed for 8, and no present at all, and at his own expence sent the firman to Mocha, together with my letter, a copy of which, and instructions given in India in consequence, I have here subjoined.

Mr Greig, capt, Thornhill's lieutenant, whom I have mentioned as having seen at Jidda, was the first who came down the Gulf to Suez in the Minerva, and in the whole voyage, both by sea and after at Cairo, behaved in a manner that did honour to his country.

In the two subsequent visits which I paid to Mahomet Bey, I received the firman, and had a conversation before the Bey with the man that was to go express to Mocha; not that I thought my recommendation was of any consequence after his receiving orders from the Bey, but I knew very well, as diligence was recommended to him, that it might be secured by a small gratuity given unknown to the Bey. Two other similar presents, of no great value, were likewise given to the two servants who had assisted me in procuring the firman, the original of which I left with the Venetian consul. I thought it was unbecoming of me to starve a cause that promised to be both a private emolument and public benefit; and, as I never expected, so I never received the smallest return or acknowledgement either public or private.

[633]

It may be said, that the trade carried on there by Suez and the Isthmus would not be of any advantage to the India Company, but rather a detriment to it. Such was the answer I got from Lord North upon my first interview with his Lordship after my return, and upon which I shall not pretend to decide. But this I shall submit to the public, whether, when a great object, such as that was, is unexpectedly in the power of an individual, he is not obliged, as a good citizen, to avail himself of the occasion that offers, and leave it to that part of the public concerned, to determine whether they can make it of service to them or not.

I have read, either in Abbé Prevot or M. de Maillet, (the reader will assist me, as neither of these books are in my hands at present) that the French, in the beginning of this century, offered a very large sum of money to the government of Cairo, to be allowed to send only an advice-boat to Suez, to carry and bring back their dispatches from their settlements in India, but they were constantly refused; both the India Company and British Government are, by my means, now in possession of that privilege, and I am informed it has already been of use, both in public and private dispatches.

I must further be permitted to say, that, independent of these particulars, it seemed very strange that, considering the immense empire which belonged to Britain in the East Indies, the Company and their servants should be, to a man, so perfectly ignorant of the Red Sea and ports in it, and so indifferent as to the means of being better informed; a sea[634] which washed the shores of their conquests, and came, at the same time, within two days journey of the Mediterranean. To my endeavours it is owing that so many ingenious gentlemen have had an opportunity of lending their hands to perfect the chart of that sea, which I hope is now in great forwardness. It would perhaps, too, have been more generous and liberal-minded in them, had they honoured the author of the liberty and safety they enjoyed, with at least a word of their approbation. Prisons and chains, ransoms, torments, and perhaps death itself, were the calamities they escaped by my preparing their way, and to this would have been added the miscarriage of their design and their undertaking likewise[53].

[635]

Copy of Mr Bruce's Letter to the Gentlemen trading to the Red Sea from the British Settlements Bombay and Bengal.

Cairo, 1st February, 1773.

Gentlemen,

At the desire of several of the gentlemen trading to Jidda in the year 1769, I have spoken to the Bey of Cairo (Mahomet Bey,) that he would give permission for bringing the India ships directly to Suez, without stopping at Jidda, where they were constantly ill-treated by the sherriffe, and neither payments punctual nor their effects in safety. Mahomet Bey expressed all the desire possible to have this speedily executed. He dispatched this express, in which I inclose you the terms of agreement, with a translation from the Arabic original. You will see he renounces all presents, which, however, it will be always prudent to give. Moderate ones will serve, provided he behaves faithfully and generously, as I believe firmly he will. He seeks 8 per cent. customs, and leaves it in your option to pay this in goods or money, and 50 patackas anchorage for each vessel; this is for the captain of the port of Suez.

"Arrived at Suez, you will do well to give notice to any of the houses you chuse to address yourselves to. There are three French houses of note here; Mess. Napollon and Co. Mess. Rosa and Co. and Mess. l'Anglade and Co.; and these three are rich houses, in great credit, and with whom you are very safe. There is also an Italian house of[636] credit equal to these, but not so rich; it is Pini and Co. It will always be your interest, if more than one ship comes, to address yourselves to separate houses, for by this means you will be sooner dispatched, have more friends, less risk, and more intelligence.

"As I have no view in this but your advantage, so I will not take upon myself to answer for any consequences. You know what Turks are. I never saw one of them to be trusted in money affairs. You must keep your eyes open, and deal for ready money. You will, however, be much safer, be better used, have better markets, and be sooner dispatched; and if any of your cargo remains unsold, you may leave it here in great security, with a certainty of its selling in winter; and the money will be either remitted to England, or ready for you here at your return, as you direct.

"Cairo is in lat. 30° 2´ 45´´; two days and a half easy journey from it is Suez, in lat. 29° 57´ 15´´. Ras Mahomet, the Cape that forms the eastern shore of the entrance into the Gulf of Suez, is in lat. 27° 54´ 10´´. You should make this Cape while it bears N. E. or N. E. by E. at farthest, for farther east is the entrance of a gulf which has often been mistaken for that of Suez. Lastly, Tor, the first inhabited place after passing the Cape, is in lat. 28° 12´ 4´´; here you may have provisions, water, and a pilot.

"There are no English merchants at Cairo; but there comes, from time to time, a wandering sort of sharpers under that name, either from Mahon, the Greek islands, or[637] Leghorn; and after an establishment of one year, break and disappear. Be careful of having any thing to do with these, for they will either rob you themselves, or betray you to the government, or both. There is no safety but with the three French and one Italian house, before mentioned. If you address yourself to the government, in your affairs of tariffs and firmans, you may do it through means of the Venetian consul, immediately upon your arrival, putting yourselves under his protection. He is a man of honour and credit, and is a colonel in the service of his state. Let him send you the tariff of the Bey before you come to Cairo, or land an ounce of cargo, and you will satisfy him for his trouble. He does not trade, but is very well-affected to our nation, and there is no consul here but the French and Venetian.

"In a word, Gentlemen, I have seen your trade to Jidda, and it is a ruinous one, and the sherriffe, now poor and hungry, will every day rob you more and more. After the sealing up the house, and exacting part of the effects of the captains who died at Jidda, there is no safety for you but either at Mocha or Suez.

I am always,

Gentlemen,

Your most obedient and most humble serv^t.

JAMES BRUCE."

"To Captain Thornhill of the Bengal Merch^t, Captain Thomas Price of the Lion, or any other of the English vessels trading to Jidda."

[638]

P. S. "I send you a copy of the firman; also letters for the governors of Bombay and Bengal, inclosing the same; you will see the translator be a person of trust, and have no interest in deceiving you. If I did not think you very safe at Suez I would not write you. You are to bring no coffee, or any produce of Arabia, at least the first voyage, till you make your terms here. I inclose you a letter from the chief of the customhouse.

J. B."

Copy of Instructions from the Managers of the Suez Adventure, to Mr John Shaw, and Captain William Greig.

"Gentlemen,

The proprietors of the Suez Adventure having made choice of you to conduct the undertaking, it is our duty as managers to give you the necessary instructions. Inclosed you will receive invoice and bills of loading of the cargo, and likewise of the freight loading on the Bengal Merchant, on account and risk of the concerned, which you are to dispose of in the gulf of Mocha, Jidda, or Suez, on the most advantageous terms, observing at the same time, as nearly as possible, the following instructions:

"As many unforeseen accidents may happen that we cannot guard against, and as the proprietors have placed in us an implicit confidence, we now delegate to you, Gentlemen, full power and authority to conduct and manage this new undertaking, for which your credit, as well[639] as ours, is engaged; and though we hope it is unnecessary to recommend to you as an object of the greatest importance, and on which the success of all undertakings depends, a good understanding and harmony between those who are to execute, we are satisfied that your attention to the interest of the proprietors, and your own reputation, will outweigh every other consideration, and that nothing will interrupt that union which is so absolutely necessary to insure success in new undertakings like the present.

"You are to draw a commission of 5 per cent. on the sales. Mr Shaw, as chief supercargo, will draw 3, and Capt. Greig 2 per cent. and on all freight in the same proportion as the cargo. Passengers, or other emoluments that are customary, are to be equally divided between you, and no separate interest to be allowed. As it is usual in all voyages from this port, where there is a supercargo, to allow one-sixth of the cargo as privilege, in lieu of which 12,000 rupees will be divided between you and the officers on return of the vessel.

"Mr Shaw, as chief supercargo, is to have the sole management and disposal of the cargo, and Captain Greig to have the entire management of the navigation of the vessels employed. At the same time, we recommend and desire, that, in all points which require advice in either of the departments, you consult with each other, and that no material step be taken without such advice and consultation; and, should there be a difference in opinion, we expect a minute be made, and the reason for such difference fully set forth, in order to be laid before the proprietors at your return. To prevent any misunderstanding of the general instructions,[640] we shall separate, in the latter part, the two branches of the naval and mercantile, and be more clear and explicit in each particular department.

"The vessels to be employed in the voyage are the Bengal Merchant, on board of which the cargo is shipped. The Cuddalore schooner, Captain Wedderburn, is granted by the governor[54] to the proprietors as a tender, to assist in the discovery of the passage to Suez, and the proprietors are to pay half the sailing charges. On her Mr Cunningham, a surveyor, is appointed, and both he and the vessel are entirely under your direction, and they are to receive, from time to time, such instructions as you may judge necessary. The Suez pacquet is a small schooner equipped for the purpose of attending the Bengal Merchant in the most difficult parts of the navigation; and as she cannot be further useful after your return from Suez to Mocha, we desire she may be sold there, where frequently small vessels sell to advantage.

"On your leaving the pilot you will make the best of your way, with the other two vessels under your charge, to the Malabar coast, and touch at Anjango and Cochin, taking in there coir, hawsers, and water, or any thing you may stand in need of, and without loss of time proceed direct to Mocha. On your arrival there you must make inquiry if any pilots are come down from Suez; should none be arrived, lose as little time as possible, and proceed up above Jidda to Yambo, provided you hear no unfavourable accounts from Suez, such as war, or any commotions at[641] Cairo, which you might think may endanger the success of the voyage.

"If such accounts are rumoured at Mocha, trace them so as to be fully satisfied there is foundation for them, and if you have good authority to credit the reports propagated, and are certain they are not spread with a view to discourage your proceeding, in that case we advise your proceeding to Jidda as most for the interest of the concerned. At Jidda you will deliver the customary letters to the basha and sherriffe, and, without taking notice of any further project, dispose of your cargo, as the articles are all of the proper assortment for that market, and we desire, in that case, you collect your returns as expeditiously as possible; and if you find any considerable freight for Bombay, and the season will admit your going there from Mocha, so as to arrive in Bengal by the middle of October, in that case you will purchase a cargo of cotton, and proceed here directly. Whatever silver you may have after the purchase of the cotton, you will pay into the Company's treasury for bills on this presidency. If you cannot procure a good freight at Jidda for Bombay, we desire you will proceed from Mocha to the coast of Coromandel, and touch at Negapatnam, where letters will be lodged for you.

"On your arrival at Mocha, should you hear no unfavourable accounts of war, or any disturbances at Cairo, you will proceed to Yambo, where you will again inquire if there are any pilots acquainted with the passage to Suez. If you meet with any who, upon examination, appear capable of conducing the vessel, we recommend your taking[642] them on board, but still be very cautious how you trust them; order them to conduct you up the common tract, and keep the two vessels with you till you are satisfied of their abilities, then we advise your dispatching the Cuddalore the outward passage, in order to survey it up to Suez, and give them orders to join you there. But should you be so unlucky as not to meet with pilots, there will be no alternative but to proceed with the greatest care and caution the outward passage, with your two tenders a-head both day and night, till you reach Tor, where you will meet with pilots and water; and as we have reason to believe the danger of the passage is then over, if you find it to be the case, you will dispatch back the Cuddalore to make a correct survey as far down as Jidda, in the lat. of 21° 30´. As it cannot be supposed you will be able to make an exact survey in going up in mid-channel, you will instruct Captain Wedderburn to follow the surveyor's order, but at the same time to make all necessary remarks himself, as also his officers, and to finish the survey as expeditiously as possible, and to return to the ship at Suez; but should more time be taken up, and he finds it impracticable, he must endeavour to go to Yambo, and there wait for the dispatches, if he can do it with safety; if not, to return to Mocha, and remain there to supply himself with such necessaries as he may stand in need of, to be ready to make the best of his way to Bengal, as soon as he receives your dispatches, and the monsoon will allow him to proceed.

"On your arrival at Suez you will inquire of the master of the port, or governor, whether or not he has any letters, &c. from his master the Bey, respecting you? Should he have none, you will desire him to forward the short letter from the governor, informing him of the arrival of[643] the ship at his port. You must not land a piece of goods, or enter into any agreement or contract, &c. till you hear from the Bey, and, from the answer you receive, consult how to act; but let it be with great caution, till you are perfectly satisfied of the friendly disposition of the Bey towards you, as we have reason to expect the Bey's answer will be polite and favourable, and an invitation to visit Cairo. Mr Shaw will then proceed with the purser, and any other of the officers you may think proper, with a few lascars and servants, properly equipped, to make the embassy brilliant and respectable. The letters, presents, and musters of the cargo should go at the same time; and we recommend that, on Mr Shaw's arrival at Cairo, after he retires from the Bey, he makes a visit to the Venetian Consul, whom Mr Bruce has mentioned very particularly in his letter. If he finds him the same person he has described, he will receive from him such necessary information as may be useful in his future transactions, and will put himself under his protection in preference to the French houses; but he will act with extreme caution, till he discovers such connection is not disagreeable to the Bey, with whom he must appear to be, on all occasions, perfectly satisfied. We furnish you with a copy of Mr Bruce's letter, to whom we consider ourselves much obliged for the information he has given us. His letters you will find of great service in conducting your business there, and to which we advise your paying strict attention.

"We desire that Captain Greig may remain on board the ship till all the cargo is dispatched and landed, in order to give every necessary advice in transporting the same, and when that is finished, Captain Greig is to proceed to Cairo,[644] and afford Mr Shaw any assistance he may require; and we desire, and particularly recommend, that, as soon as the cargo is sold, and Mr Shaw has made the necessary observations and remarks on the reception he has met with, the goods that have sold to most advantage, and of the sorts that will best answer in future, and other occurrences, that you dispatch such accounts, by the first conveyance you may have to Jidda, to Captain Anderson of the Success galley, and duplicate, by the Suez pacquet to Mocha, to Captain Wedderburn of the Cuddalore schooner, with orders for him to proceed to Bengal without delay; and we desire that these dispatches may be directed in a large pacquet to the governor for his perusal, with draughts and remarks on the passage.

"As we think it of great consequence that you use all possible dispatch in finishing your business at Grand Cairo, so as to leave Suez as early as the season will permit, if the Cuddalore[55] has been able to join you after the survey, you will then proceed down the channel she has discovered; but if, on the contrary, she has not joined you, and that the Suez pacquet is likewise gone with the dispatches, you must then procure good pilots, and, if possible, a small vessel for fear of accidents, and go down the usual tract of the Suez vessels; making particular remarks on that passage, proceed on to Mocha, and you will attend to the former part of your instructions respecting the destination of the vessel.

[645]

"Having now finished our general instructions, we think it necessary to be more particular in each branch of your departments.

(Signed)

Cudbert Thornhill. Robert Holford. David Killican.

To Captain Greig.

"SIR,

"We rely on your knowledge, experience, and good conduct for the navigating part of the voyage, which is entirely intrusted to you; and though we have desired that you advise with Mr Shaw on all difficult points, yet we give you a latitude to follow your own opinion, though contrary to Mr Shaw's, but we expect you both enter a minute, and set forth your reasons for being of different opinions. Should it be a point of consequence, we advise that you consult with all the officers, and their opinions are to be recorded.

"We desire that a fair log-book be kept, signed by the officer who leaves the deck at noon, in which book every remark and transaction during the voyage is to be inserted, and no erasures must be made, or leaves torn out. Inclosed is a letter from us to Captain Wedderburn of the Cuddalore, directing him to follow such orders as he may from time to time receive from you.

[646]

"At Ingerlee you will give him written orders to keep you company, with such proper signals for day and night as may be necessary; and should he, by stress of weather or any other accident, part company, you will inform him of your first place of rendezvous, Anjango and Cochin; should he arrive first, he must remain till you come: Should you arrive and finish your business before the arrival of the Cuddalore, you will wait two or three days, and then proceed to Mocha, leaving orders for his joining you there. If by any accident he should not join you there, and you have got pilots for Suez, you must not lose time, but proceed without him, leaving him instructions to proceed on the survey: but should it so happen that you meet with no pilots at Mocha, and the Cuddalore should not arrive, we still recommend your waiting at Mocha as long as you think it prudent; and if you have the Suez pacquet with you, you will proceed to Suez if possible, and endeavour to make the island to the S. W. of Cape Ras Mahomet, that you may not make any mistake and get into the false gulf: but should you find it impracticable after making every prudent attempt, you will then have a consultation with Mr Shaw and your officers, and bear away for Jidda, following the directions in your general instructions.

"The concerned has been at an immense expence to equip the vessels with additional stores, which in any other voyage than the present would be superfluous, we therefore desire (should your voyage terminate at Jidda) that you endeavour to dispose of such articles of stores as you are not in want of; but should you arrive at Suez, let them remain till your return to Mocha, and there, if you have an oppor[647]tunity to dispose of them for the advantage of the concerned, we desire it may be done.

"Should any of the officers be good draughts-men, we desire you will encourage them to make draughts of every thing remarkable in the Red Sea, and we will make them an acknowledgement for their trouble; but we recommend that every remark, draught, or drawing of the passage, may be collected together for the governor's[56] perusal; and we hope you will take proper care that, on your return, nothing transpire till the governor's sentiments are known. Should Mr Shaw be obliged to stay with the goods at Cairo, you are to let him keep an officer, and any number of lascars he may require, and that you can spare them.

(Signed)

Cudbert Thornhill. Robert Holford. David Killican.

[648]

Mahomet Bey being about to depart to give battle to his father-in-law, I thought it was no longer convenient for me to stay at Cairo; I went therefore the last time to the Bey, who pressed me very much to go to the camp with him. I was sufficiently cured, however, of any more Don Quixotte undertakings. I excused myself with every mark of gratitude and profession of attachment; and I shall never forget his last words, as the handsomest thing ever said to me, and in the politest manner. "You won't go, says he, and be a soldier: What will you do at home? You are not an India merchant?" I said, "No." "Have you no other trade nor occupation but that of travelling?" I said, "that was my occupation." "Ali Bey, my father-in-law, replied he, often observed there was never such a people as the English; no other nation on earth could be compared to them, and none had so many great men in all professions by sea and land: I never understood this till now, that I see it must be so, when your king cannot find other employment for such a man as you, but sending him to perish by hunger and thirst in the sands, or to have his throat cut by the lawless barbarians of the desert."

I saw that the march of the Bey was a signal for all Egypt's being presently in disorder, and I did not delay a moment to set out for Alexandria, where I arrived without any thing remarkable. There I found my ship ready; and the day after, walking on the key, I was accosted by a friend of mine, a Turk, a man of some consequence. He told me it was whispered that the Beys had met, and that Ali Bey had been totally defeated, wounded, and taken. "We are friends, says he; you are a Christian; and this connection of the Bey with the Russians has exasperated the[649] lower sort of people greatly against you all. What is a day or two to you, now you are going at any rate? Be advised; go on board your ship early in the afternoon, and make your captain haul out beyond the Diamond[57], for mischief is at hand." My captain was as ready as I; and we accordingly hauled out beyond the Diamond. The weather was so clear, and the wind so directly fair, that, contrary to custom, we set sail that very night, after being witnesses that the mischief had begun, by the number of lights and repeated firings of muskets we heard from the town.

Our vessel sprung a leak off Derna on the coast, where I was once before shipwrecked. The wind being contrary, we put about ship, and stood before it for Cyprus, our vessel filled apace, and we were intending to put a cable round her waist when the leak was found. A violent storm overtook us the night after. I apprehend our ship was old, and the captain was again much alarmed, but the wind calmed next day. I was exceedingly distressed with the Guinea-worm in my leg, when the captain came and sat down by my bed-side. "Now the matter is over, says he, will you tell me one thing? it is mere curiosity; I will not let any one know." "Before I tell you, said I, I dare say you will not; what is it?" "How many of those things, you know, says he, winking, have you on board?" "Upon the word of a man, said I, I do not know what you mean." "Ces morts! these dead men! how many have you in these trunks? for last night the crew was going to throw all your boxes over-board." "I can tell you, captain, said I, that you and they[650] had better been in bed sick of a fever, than been guilty of that unprovoked violence. 'Brutal comme un Provençal,' is a proverb even in your own country; I would not wish to have such a confirmation of the truth of it. But there are my keys, in case another gale should come, choose out of my trunks the one that, according to your idea, and theirs, is likeliest to have a dead man in it, and then take another; and the first one you find, throw them all overboard." I forced him to open two of the chests, and, lucky it was, as I believe, for off the island of Malta we had another violent gale, but which did us no damage. At last, after a passage of about three weeks, we landed happily at Marseilles.

REGISTER

of the

BAROMETER and THERMOMETER

in

Abyssinia, 1770.

Months.	Hours.		Barometer.			Ther.	Winds.	Remarks on the Weather.
JAN.			°	´	´´	°
1	6½	M.	21	6	4	63½	N E	A few streaky clouds at the horizon, at S and S W.
	12	N.	21	5	6	72	W S W	Great white clouds throughout the whole air.
	2	E.	21	5	0	72½	ditto.	Ditto.    Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	8	69	W	Clouds near the whole horizon.
2	7	M.	22	4	2	56	N W	Clear.
	12	N.	22	3	0	64½	ditto.	Ditto.
	6	E.	22	2	6	65	N	Ditto.
3	7	M.	22	4	1	56	——	Ditto.
	12	N.	22	2	9	65½	S	Perfectly clear.
	2¾	E.	22	2	0	67½	N	A violent turn of wind which lasted six minutes.
	6	E.	22	3	4	65½	N	Clear and calm.
4	6	M.	22	4	0	57	——	Ditto.
	12	N.	22	4	5	54	N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	22	3	1	66	N	Clear with a good breeze.
	6	E.	22	5	8	66	N	Calm. Misty in the east, flying clouds thro' the sky.
5	7	M.	22	4	5	56½	N E	Clear and calm.
	12	N.	22	3	2	66½	N W	A light breeze.
	6	E.	22	3	0	65½	S b E	Clear.
6	7	M.	22	4	6	57	E S E	Ditto.
	12	N.	22	3	5	66	S	Ditto.
	6	E.	22	3	2	66	W	Ditto, and calm.
	7	E.	22	3	6	65	S	Ditto, with a small breeze.
7	6	M.	22	4	6	56	N	Clear.
	12	N.	22	3	2	67	S	Ditto.
	6	E.	22	3	0	64½	N	Ditto.
8	6	M.	22	4	3	55½	N	Misty in the east, and calm.
	12	N.	22	2	9	68½	N E	Clear and a light breeze.
	6	E.	22	2	9	66	N	A few clouds at N. and E. but very thin.
9	7	M.	22	2	4	56	N W	Clear, with very few thin clouds near the horizon.
	12	N.	22	2	9	65½	S	A small breeze, with thin white clouds throughout the sky
	6	E.	22	3	2	65	N N E
10	7	M.	22	4	6	55	N	A few clouds at the horizon at N. E.
	12	N.	22	3	4	67	W S W	Clear.
	6	E.	22	3	2	65	N by W	Calm and clear.
11	7	M.	22	5	2	56	N E	Calm, and a little hazy in the east.
	12	N.	22	2	3	66	S W	Clear and a light breeze.
	6	E.	22	3	4	65	N	Light clouds to the south, everywhere is clear.
12	7	M.	22	4	6	59	N N E	Clear and calm.
	12	N.	22	3	1	67	E S E	Clear, but the wind variable from E. to E. S. E. and S. E.
	6	E.	22	5	3	67	S b E	A brisk wind and clear.
13	7	M.	22	4	5	61	N	Clear weather.
	12	N.	22	3	3	67	S W	Ditto.
	6	E.	22	3	1	66	N E	Ditto.
								The Observations that follow, made while passing the high Mountain of Lamalmon.
FEB.
7	5	M.	22	5	0	58	N W	Star-light and clear.--We are at Taguzait, the foot of the Mountain of Lamalmon.
13	5	M.	19	8	8	42	N b E	Hoar cold, clear star-light. We are at the top of the Mountain.
	12	N.	19	7	0	74	N W	Fresh breeze. No dew fell last night on Lamalmon.
	6	E.	19	10	0	56	N	Hazy in the horizon.
14	6	M.	19	10	0	32	W N W	Near calm, hoar-frost, never before seen.
	12	N.	19	9	0	78	ditto.	A cool breeze, and white flying clouds.
	6	E.	19	9	0	64	N W	A small breeze, perfectly clear, and without clouds.
								GONDAR.
19	6½	M.	21	7	2	61	N	Heavy clouds all over the sky.
	12	N.	21	6	0	76	S E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	6	72	N N E	Heavy clouds all over the sky.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	73	N E	Ditto.
20	6½	M.	21	6	8	63½	——	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	9	72	S W	White clouds flying.
	2	E.	21	5	6	72	ditto.	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	7	71	N W	Little wind, clear.
21	6½	M.	21	6	3	67	S	A few white clouds flying, but seem very light.
	12	N.	21	6	2	71	N W	The whole sky covered with light flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	7	6	72	ditto.	White flying clouds, little wind.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	71	ditto.	Ditto.
22	6½	M.	21	6	6	67	E	Little wind, and clear.
	12	N.	21	6	0	71	W	White flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	6	0	72	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	71	ditto.	Ditto.
23	6½	M.	21	6	1	68	E	Clear, and nearly calm.
	12	N.	21	5	9	72	W	A light breeze, and white flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	5	7	72	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	72	ditto.	The clouds becoming a little heavier.
24	6½	M.	21	6	2	67	S by W	The sky covered with flying clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	0	72	W	Light white clouds scattered.
	2	E.	21	5	7	72	S W	Little wind, the weather overcast.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	71	N W	Ditto.
25	6½	M.	21	6	0	57	S E	Clear and calm.
	12	N.	21	5	8	72	W	Small white light clouds in the S. W.
	2	E.	21	5	8	72	N W	All the sky clear, excepting four small clouds in the South.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	71	ditto.	Ditto.
26	6½	M.	21	5	9	65	S E	Clear and calm.
	12	N.	21	5	9	72	W	White flying clouds in considerable numbers.
	2	E.	21	5	7	72	S W	Light white clouds flying to the East.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	71	W	Weather clear.
27	6½	M.	21	6	1	65	S E	Little wind, clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	6	0	72	S S E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	7	72	W b S	A few white clouds flying to the south-west.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	71	N W	Clear.
28	6½	M.	21	6	3	68	E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	9	72	W N W	All the sky is covered with darkish clouds.
	2	E.	21	5	8	73	S	The clouds are still turned heavier and thicker.
	6½	E.	21	5	9	73	S	The clouds are a little broken.
March
1	7	M.	21	6	3	68	E	The sky perfectly clear.
	11½	M.	21	6	1	73	S	White heavy clouds, the sun entirely covered. A few big drops of rain.
	2½	E.	21	6	0	73	N E	White clouds which cover the sun.
	6¾	E.	21	6	0	71	ditto.	Thick clouds at the horizon at north and west.
2	6	M.	21	6	0	68	E b S	Clear, and little wind.
	2	E.	21	5	8	72	S W	The whole heavens full of white thick clouds.
	6½	E.	21	5	8	72	N W	A good breeze, and heavy clouds throughout the sky. Lightning at north.
3	5½	M.	21	6	0	69	E S E	Clear and cloudless.
	6½	M.	21	6	3	65	E b N	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	8	73	S S W	White flying clouds throughout all the sky.
	2	E.	21	4	9	74	W	The day all overcast, so is the sun.
	6½	E.	21	5	3	73	W	Very cloudless everywhere but at the horizon and south-west.
4	6½	M.	21	6	1	68	S b E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	8	73	S W	A quantity of white thick clouds fill all the air.
	2½	E.	21	4	7	82	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	4	74	W	Clear.
5	5	M.	21	6	3	63	E	Ditto.
	6½	M.	21	6	4	63	E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	1	82	S b W	All the air is full of white flying clouds, the sun appears faintly.
	2	E.	21	5	0	78	W	Many clouds. The sun is hid only a little at west. Clear.
	6½	E.	21	5	4	71	S	Many clouds throughout the whole sky.
6	6½	M.	21	6	3	62	E	Calm and Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	2	80	S	Clouds fill the whole air.
	2	E.	21	4	8	78	S	Overcast, with thick clouds and thunder.
	2¾	E.	21	5	2	73	S E	Clouds cover the whole air, and the sun hid.
	6½	E.	21	5	2	69	S W	Small rain.
7	6½	M.	21	6	9	60	E b S	Overcast with clouds, all but at north.
	12	N.	21	5	7	78	W	White clouds thro' the whole sky, the sun not seen.
	2	E.	21	5	3	78	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	8	72	N	A few clouds and high, but clear in the horizon.
8	6½	M.	21	7	3	59	S	The sky is clear, with very white thin clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	0	79	S S W	Great white flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	5	6	79	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	6	73	W N W	Clear and cloudless.
9	6½	M.	21	6	4	61	ditto.	Perfectly clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	6	81	S S E	Large white clouds flying all through the sky.
	2	E.	21	5	3	80	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	3	73	ditto.	Large white clouds flying all through the sky.
10	5	M.	21	6	3	60½	W	Clear.
	6	M.	21	6	3	60	W	Small white clouds flying to the south.
	12	N.	21	1	5	80	W	The white clouds are become much larger.
	2	E.	21	5	1	80	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	0	75	N W	Light clouds throughout the air, but heavy at N. W.
11	6	M.	21	5	7	68	N	Ditto.
	11½	M.	21	6	2	62	N	Very clear.
	12	N.	21	6	4	79	N W	All the air is covered with very thin clouds, but large white clouds in the horizon to the south.
	2	E.	21	5	0	80	W	White clouds flying throughout the sky.
	6	E.	21	5	2	74	W N W	Clear small clouds at the horizon in the north.
12	6	M.	21	6	2	65	N E	The sky is covered with thin clouds like a veil.
	12	N.	21	5	3	79	N W	A few light flying clouds throughout the sky.
	2	E.	21	5	0	80	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	4	73	N W	Clear and cloudless.
13	6	M.	21	6	7	60	W	Clear and calm.
	12	N.	21	5	0	81	N W	Clear, only a few light clouds to the south-east.
	6	E.	21	5	5	74	ditto.	Clear, and a few small clouds near the horizon.
14	6	M.	21	6	6	63	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	0	79	W	Large flying clouds, the sun is covered.
	2	E.	21	5	0	79	S	The whole sky is covered with heavy clouds, only a small part of the horizon clear at north, a small shower of rain for a few minutes.
	6	E.	21	5	6	72	S	Flying clouds throughout the air.
16	6	M.	21	6	5	62	S S E	A few clouds at east, the rest clear.
	12	N.	21	5	4	80	W	Flying clouds throughout the air, a sudden violent wind from the west which lasted 5 min.
	6	E.	21	5	5	72	N W	Clear.
	7½	E.	21	6	0	70	W	Clear and cloudless.
17	6	M.	21	6	5	63	S E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	2	80	S W	Flying clouds throughout the air.
								_N. B._ Thermometer exposed to the sun, and in half a minute mounted to 106°.
	2	E.	21	4	9	80	W b S	Ditto. Thermometer exposed to the sun, in half a minute mounted to 110°.
	6	E.	21	5	2	72	W	Clear, only a few clouds to the west.
18	4	M.	21	6	4	60	S	Calm and hazy.
	6	M.	21	6	8	58	S	Calm, all the air covered with thin clouds like a veil. ——Thermometer exposed to the sun, mounted to 100°.
	2	E.	21	5	0	81	W	A few light clouds in the east. ——Thermometer exposed to the sun, mounted to 107°.
	6	E.	21	5	5	72	W	Clear.
19	6	M.	21	6	8	58	W N W	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	5	80	S	Ditto,——Thermometer exposed to the sun, 105°.
	2	E.	21	5	0	81	N W	Ditto,——Thermometer Do.————113°.
	6	E.	21	5	6	73	W N W	Ditto.——
20	6	M.	21	6	8	62	E	Ditto.——
	12	N.	21	5	6	79	W	Large heavy clouds to the south and to the east, the sun hid. Thermometer exposed to the sun, 105°.
	2	E.	21	5	0	80	N W	Ditto,——Ditto,———— in half a minute mounted to 101°.
	6	E.	21	5	6	73	ditto.	Heavy clouds to the east and west.
21	6	M.	21	6	7	62	E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	3	80	N W	Thin clouds like a veil cover the sky.——Thermometer exposed to the sun, 106°.
	2	E.	21	4	9	80	W	Clear, only a few thin clouds to the north.——In half a minute the thermometer exposed to the sun, mounted to 106°.
	6	E.	21	5	0	74	N	All the air is covered with thin clouds like a veil.
								EQUINOX.
22	6	M.	21	6	7	62	E	Clear.
	1	E.	21	5	2	81	W b N	A few light clouds flying in the south. ——Thermometer, in half a minute, rose to 110°.
	2	E.	21	4	7	81	N N E	Clear, thermometer in half a minute rose to 111°.
	6	E.	21	5	0	74	N N W	A few streaky clouds like a veil to the eastward.
23	6	M.	21	6	4	62	E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	3	81	W b N	Large white clouds, the sun covered. ——Thermometer 88°.
	2	E.	21	4	6	85	S S W	All the sky is covered with white heavy clouds. ——Thermometer exposed to the sun, rose to 106°.
	6	E.	21	5	3	75	S	Ditto.
24	12	N.	21	4	7	83	W	Heavy clouds throughout the air, the sun covered.
	2	E.	21	4	6	81	W N W	Ditto——Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	3	73	N W	Clouds at the W. and N. W. towards the horizon.
25	6	M.	21	6	3	63	W	Clouds to W. and N. W. towards the horizon.
	12	N.	21	4	7	81	W N W	White flying clouds throughout all the air.
	2	E.	21	3	4	81	W	Short claps of thunder, with a small shower of rain for a few minutes at different times.
	6	E.	21	5	2	68	W	Heavy clouds, with a violent wind.
26	4	M.	21	6	0	63	W	Clouds and lightning, very pale towards the south.
	6	M.	21	6	3	63	W	All the sky covered with clouds.
	1¾	E.	21	5	2	77	S	Violent showers of hail, without any mixture of rain for 15´, the hail as big as a meddling cherry. Thunder, but not loud, and of short duration.
	3¾	E.	21	5	5	72	S	Hail and rain, mixed in showers, with short intervals, that may have lasted an hour.
27	6	M.	21	6	3	56	W	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	1	76	S	Flying clouds all throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	5	5	77	W N W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	8	70	N W	Violent wind in blasts, which lasted for 5 or 6´ at a time. All the sky is covered with large heavy clouds, especially at north; thunder, with violent blasts of wind alternately every 8 minutes.
28	6	M.	21	6	6	58	E	Clear till ten o'clock, and the sky obscured with white clouds.
	12	N.	21	4	6	81	W	Large clouds over the sky, going violently to the south-west.
	2½	E.	21	4	4	83	S b E	Large clouds, and the sun covered.
	6	E.	21	5	7	71	S	Small clouds to the eastward.
29	6	M.	21	6	7	59	E	Clear till nine, when the sky is covered with white clouds.
	12	N.	21	5	2	80	N	Clouds through all the sky, and the sun covered.
	2	E.	21	4	8	80	W	All the air is full of small white clouds.
30	6	M.	21	6	4	63	E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	3	80	W	Small white clouds flying throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	8	80	W	Wind varying to the north.
	6	E.	21	5	2	72	W	Clouds toward the horizon.
31	6	M.	21	6	1	61	W	A few clouds in the south towards the horizon.
	12	N.	21	4	6	83	W	White flying clouds scattered thro' all the air. ——Thermometer exposed to the sun, in half a minute rose to 101°.
	2	E.	21	5	0	82	N W	Clouds as above, but thinner and smaller. ——Thermometer exposed to the sun, in half a minute rose to 113°.
	6	E.	21	5	0	73	W	Clear.
April
1	6	M.	21	6	0	59	S b E	Perfectly clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	4	0	84	S W	All the air covered with white flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	3	8	84	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	4	8	75	W	Frequent clouds throughout the air, which come from the east against the wind.
2	6	M.	21	6	2	64	W by S	Clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	4	6	85	S E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	6	80	W	Ditto.—— the sun is covered.
	6	E.	21	4	9	75	N by E	A few flying clouds.
3	6	M.	21	6	4	63	E by S	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	1	82½	S E	A few flying clouds, especially at the west and north.
	3	E.	21	4	7	82	E	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	3	75	S E	Ditto.
8	6½	M.	22	2	0	72	——	A few clouds through all the air.
	10¼	M.	22	0	0	74½	S W	Rain, the drops large and distant, that lasted a quarter of an hour.
	12	N.	21	11	8	75½	N W	Thunder, and very thick clouds at north-west, sudden blasts of wind which lasted with intervals about a quarter of an hour at a time.
	2	E.	21	11	4	74	ditto.	The clouds a little lighter, but the wind still strong with intervals.
	6	E.	21	11	2	76	ditto.	Thunder at the east south-east, the clouds are very thick at east and north-west.
	6¾	E.	—	——	——	——	N N E	The wind blows like a tempest, with lightening at east and north, black clouds at north-west and north.
	7	E.	21	11	5	74½	N E	There begins a small shower, then comes thunder, the rain increases with a strong wind for 2 hours.
9	6	M.	22	0	0	72	——	Clouds all thro' the air, especially at N. W. and S. W.
	12	N.	21	11	6	76	N W	Great heavy clouds all over the horizon, especially at north-west.
	2	E.	21	11	3	77½	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	11	2	77½	N W	Heavy clouds at north-west, and thunder for half an hour.
10	6	M.	21	11	8	70	——	Clear.
	2	E.	21	11	4	78	N	Small clouds in the horizon at north-west.
	6	E.	21	11	2	76	W	Clear.
11	6	M.	22	0	0	68	——	Ditto, and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	11	5	76	N W	All the air is covered with a light veil.
	2	E.	21	11	3	76½	ditto.	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	11	1	74½	N	Ditto.
12	6	M.	22	0	0	67	——	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	11	6	75½	N	A few clouds towards the horizon.
	2	E.	21	11	4	77	N W	White clouds all flying over the air.
	6	E.	21	11	2	71	——	Clouds towards the horizon at west and south-west.
13	6	M.	21	11	8	68	——	Clear.
	12	N.	21	11	5	75½	W	Clouds towards the horizon at north.
	2	E.	21	11	4	76	W	Small clouds at east.
	6	E.	21	11	3	74	N W	A thin veil has covered the heavens.
14	6	M.	22	0	2	68½	N E	A light veil over the sky.
	12	N.	21	11	8	76½	W N W	White clouds in the east.
	2	E.	21	11	5	76	N W	Ditto, lighter in the south.
	6	E.	21	11	5	76	N	A veil of white clouds cover the whole air.
15	2	M.	21	11	6	66	N N E	Clear and cloudless.
	7½	M.	22	3	0	69	ditto.	White clouds like a veil flying through the air.
	12	N.	21	11	7	76½	N W	Clouds as above, but more united.
	2	E.	21	11	4	79	ditto.	Clouds at north-west, clear at south-east.
	3	E.	21	11	4	80	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	11	4	76½	N	Clear.
16	7	M.	22	0	0	70	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	11	8	77½	N W	White light clouds at north-west north and north-east, all the rest clear.
	2	E.	21	11	5	77½	W	White flying clouds through all the air, the sun is covered.
	6	E.	21	11	4	78	W	Heavy clouds all over the air, but clear at west.
17	6	M.	22	0	0	73	N	Clear.
	1½	E.	21	11	7	76½	N W	Flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	11	5	79	ditto.	——Ditto.—— A small part clear towards the zenith at south-east.
	4¾	E.	21	11	4	79¼	ditto.	Flying clouds throughout the air, especially at north north-west and north east.
	6	E.	21	11	3	76	ditto.	Heavy clouds throughout the air.
18	1	M.	21	11	8	75½	E by S	Heavy rain for 10 min. thunder in the north, and lightning in the north and south.
	12	N.	22	0	1	75	N W	Large white clouds scattered throughout the sky.
	2	E.	21	11	8	77	ditto.	Clouds as above, but very heavy to the eastward.
	3¾	E.	21	11	5	77	ditto.	Heavy thick clouds at the north, lighter at east and west, the south clear towards the zenith, but heavy clouds in the horizon, the wind very violent.
	6	E.	21	11	5	76	N N W	Clouds thro' all the air, and great appearance of rain.
19	6	M.	22	0	6	64	N	At seven o'clock there was at the S. S. E. a small white cloud, from which came a great quantity of lightning. Thunder thro' the night, but no rain.
	12	N.	—	——	——	91	W N W
	2	E.	21	11	3	78	N W	Small flying clouds through the air.
	6	E.	21	11	1	77	ditto.	Clear.
20	6	M.	22	0	5	64½	N	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	11	9	77¼	N W	The sky covered with a very light veil.
	3	E.	21	11	3	78	W	Small flying clouds.
	6	E.	21	11	3	77	N E	Clear, at four o'clock, the wind changed to east.
	8	E.	21	11	3	77	E N E	Clear and cloudless.
21	6	M.	21	0	0	65	S E	Ditto.
	12	N.	22	0	2	77	N W	Ditto.
	1	E.	21	11	6	79	W	Clear, only three small clouds near the zenith.
	6	E.	21	11	3	78	S E	Calm and a very few light clouds.
	8¼	E.	21	11	7	75	E	Clear for three nights past.
22	6	M.	22	0	7	63	N E	All the air is covered with thin clouds like a veil.
	12	N.	22	0	0	77½	W	Clear.
	1	E.	21	11	6	79	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	11	3	79	W N W	Ditto.
	3	E.	21	11	2	79	W	Ditto.
	4	E.	21	11	1	80	W	Ditto.
	5	E.	21	11	0	80	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	11	1	78	N W	Clouds all over the horizon especially at west and north west.
	7	E.	21	11	5	76	N E	Great clouds towards the horizon and black at north west.
	8	E.	21	11	6	75	N	Ditto.
	9	E.	21	11	6	74	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	10	E.	22	0	0	74	S E	Ditto.
	11	E.	22	0	0	73	E N E	Ditto.
	12	E.	22	0	0	73	N E	Ditto.
23	1	M.	22	0	0	70	E S E	Small light clouds in the east.
	2	M.	22	0	0	66	S E	Clear.
	3	M.	22	0	0	68	E	Ditto.
	4	M.	22	0	0	66	S E	Ditto.
	5	M.	22	0	2	65	E N E	Ditto.
	6	M.	22	0	2	66½	ditto.	Ditto.
	7	M.	22	0	2	70	E S E	Clear and cloudless.
	8	M.	21	11	9	79	ditto.	Ditto.
	9	M.	22	0	2	76	W N W	Ditto.
	10	M.	22	0	2	77	N W	Ditto.
	11	M.	22	0	0	78	ditto.	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	11	6	79	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	11	0	82	N E	Clear, only a few clouds at the north-west.
	6	E.	21	11	2	77	ditto.	Clouds all throughout the horizon except at north-west.
24	6	M.	22	0	2	65	S E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	11	7	79	S W	A few clouds to the north and south.
	2	E.	21	11	2	81	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	11	2	78	N	Clouds all over the horizon, and a veil all over the sky.
25	6	M.	22	0	0	64	E S E	Clear.
	2½	E.	21	11	0	82	W	Clouds throughout the air, but clear at south-west.
	6½	E.	21	11	0	79	N	Flying clouds throughout all the horizon.
26	6	M.	22	0	1	64	S E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	11	6	79¼	W N W	Flying clouds all over the sky especially at north-west.
	2	E.	21	11	2	79	ditto.	All the air covered, the sun likewise covered.
	6½	E.	21	11	2	78	N	Flying clouds all over the sky especially at north-west.
27	12½	M.	22	0	2	66	N	Clear.
	6	M.	22	0	4	63	N E	Small clouds through the horizon.
	12	N.	21	11	10	78	W N W	White clouds in the north and east.
	2	E.	21	11	3	80	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	11	5	77	ditto.	All the sky is covered with heavy clouds, which go against the wind, that is to the north-west, a few drops of rain fall.
28	6	M.	22	0	6	65	E	Clouds in the horizon, and a thin veil covering all the sky at north-east and south up to the zenith.
	12	N.	22	0	2	78	N W	White and hoary clouds flying all over the sky.
	6½	E.	21	11	10	77½	N b E	Flying clouds throughout all the air, they go towards the west, a violent wind about midnight from the east.
29	5½	M.	22	0	6	67	E N E	Clear.
	6½	M.	22	11	9	69	S	Mostly clear, with some part of the heavens covered with a thin veil.
	12	N.	22	0	3	79	E	Light clouds flying in the sky.
	2	E.	22	0	0	80	N E	Strong blasts of wind from time to time.
	6½	E.	21	11	9	78	N by W	Clouds throughout the horizon.
30	6	M.	22	0	7	65	E	Clouds flying to the north and east.
	12	N.	22	0	0	81	N W	Large white clouds all over the horizon, especially at north-east.
	2	E.	21	11	5	81	W N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	11	6	81½	ditto.	Large white clouds all over the horizon.
MAY
1	1	M.	22	0	3	68	E	Flying clouds much united all over the sky, the east is the part that is freest.
	6	M.	21	0	4	65	N E	Heavy clouds towards the north, the rest clear.
	12	N.	21	11	5	80¼	N W	Flying clouds at north and north-east.
	2	E.	21	11	1	81¾	ditto.	Clouds as above, and also at the horizon.
	6½	E.	21	11	3	78	E N E	Thick clouds all over the horizon, and the sky almost covered as with a veil.
	8½	E.	21	11	7	77	W	Rain, thunder, and lightning, but in no great quantity, all the sky is covered excepting at south-east.
2	6	M.	22	0	5	65½	S E	All the air is covered with thick clouds, a few drops of rain; at half past six a very light rain began which lasted for a few minutes, and begins again.
	7½	M.	22	0	8	67	ditto.	It has begun a light shower, which ceases and begins again at intervals.
	2	E.	21	11	7	77	N N W	Large white clouds throughout the air, the sun covered.
	6½	E.	21	11	9	75	ditto.	Ditto.
3	12	N.	22	0	1	77½	N W	Large moving clouds, the sun is covered.
	2	E.	21	11	3	80	N E	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	11	5	76¼	N	Clouds everywhere joined, and cover the whole air.
4	6½	M.	22	0	7	64¾	E	Light flying clouds.
	12	N.	21	11	9	79	N W	Small white flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	11	3	80	N N E	Small white clouds in the horizon.
	6½	E.	21	11	4	77½	N W	Clouds throughout the air, they come from south-east, and go against the wind.
5	6	M.	22	0	4	71	N by E	Small light clouds throughout the horizon.
	12	N.	22	0	0	80	N N E	Clouds at east.
	2	E.	21	11	3	81	ditto.	Heavy moving clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	11	4	77¼	N N W	United clouds through the air, appearance of rain.
6	6	M.	22	0	8	66½	N E	Great clouds which cover all the air.
	12	N.	21	1	8	80	N W	Ditto.
	4½	E.	22	0	0	76¾	S E	All the air covered with white clouds, it begins to rain.
	5¾	E.	22	0	6	71¼	ditto.	Ditto——Ditto;—— it begins to thunder.
	6½	E.	22	0	7	71	——	A light shower, which ceases in a few minutes.
7	6	M.	22	0	8	71	——	Clouds at the horizon especially at E. and N.
	12	N.	21	0	2	75¼	N W	Great white flying clouds, nothing clear but the zenith.
	2	E.	21	11	5	77¼	N	Clouds cover the whole air.
	6¼	E.	21	11	6	72½	N	It has begun to rain a little, all the air is covered with heavy clouds.
	6½	E.	21	11	7	72¼	N	The rain has ceased, clouds throughout the air.
8	6	M.	22	0	0	65½	——	Clouds throughout the whole air.
	12	N.	21	11	6	74	N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	11	3	76	ditto.	All the air is covered with clouds.
	6½	E.	21	11	6	74	N E	Ditto.
	7½	E.	22	0	1	73	S S E	Clouds as above, it begins to rain lightly at eight.
9	6	M.	22	0	6	74	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	22	0	0	73	N W	White clouds at the horizon at north and east, a light veil covers the sky.
	2	E.	21	11	5	75	ditto.	Thunder in short claps.
	6½	E.	21	11	7	73¼	N	Flying clouds throughout the air.
10	6½	M.	22	0	6	62¼	N E	Light clouds throughout the whole air.
	12	N.	22	0	0	75¼	N W	Large clouds flying throughout the air, especially at north and east, thunder.
	2	E.	21	11	3	75	ditto.	Flying clouds throughout the air, the sun is covered, a small shower which lasted for a few minutes.
	6½	E.	21	11	6	72¼	E S E	Thick clouds throughout all the air.
11	6½	M.	22	0	6	62	E b S	White light clouds throughout the air, dark towards the horizon, especially in the east.
	12	N.	22	0	7	73½	N W	Great masses of white clouds, with clear intervals.
	2	E.	21	11	5	75¾	W	Thick clouds in every part, the zenith only clear.
	3¼	E.	22	0	0	73¾	E	Violent rain, with clouds, thunder and lightning.
	6½	E.	22	0	0	67¾	N E	It rains a little, all the heavens covered, but darkest at north-west and south-east.
12	6½	M.	22	0	4	62¼	S E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	22	0	0	73	S by E	Great masses of white clouds throughout the horizon; zenith clear.
	2	E.	22	0	3	74½	N E	Ditto.
	6	E.	22	0	3	71½	E	The sky covered with black clouds, it begins to rain smartly.
	6½	E.	22	0	8	69¾	N E	Black clouds, and rains violently, but without thunder.
13	6½	M.	22	0	3	64¼	ditto.	A light veil covers the sun, which does not hinder it from being warm.
	12	N.	21	11	6	74¼	W	Flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	1	1	76	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	11	2	74	N E	Ditto.
14	6	M.	22	0	4	66½	ditto.	All the air is covered with thick clouds, which threaten rain.
	12	N.	21	11	4	74	N N E	Ditto.
	2¾	E.	21	11	0	75	N E	Scattered clouds throughout the air.
	4½	E.	21	10	5	77	N N W	Flying showers for ten minutes, the sun clear.
	6½	E.	21	10	9	73¾	N E	Thick black clouds, thunder at south-east and violent lightning.
15	4¾	M.	22	0	1	62¼	S E	A large thick cloud at west, all the rest clear.
	6	M.	22	0	2	64¾	ditto.	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	11	6	75	N W	Great clouds flying to north and east, zenith clear.
	2	E.	21	11	0	76¼	ditto.	White clouds towards the horizon, zenith clear.
	6½	E.	21	11	2	74¼	N E	One single cloud covers the whole sky equally.
16	5¼	M.	22	0	0	66½	ditto.	Clear, only a very few white clouds at the horizon.
	6½	M.	22	0	2	63	ditto.	Clear, only a few white clouds at west.
	12	N.	21	11	6	76¾	S S E varying to S W	Large clouds at N. N. W. all the heavens covered as with a veil, wind changing to N. N. W.
	2	E.	21	11	2	77	N	A great cloud covers the zenith.
	6½	E.	21	11	1	73¼	E N E	United clouds cover the whole air.
17	6	M.	22	0	4	62	ditto.	Clear.
	12	N.	21	11	7	74	W N W	Thick clouds to the north-west, and thunder from the same quarter, and the other part of the sky, clouds flying against the wind.
	2	E.	21	11	4	74¼	N E	All the sky is covered with clouds, it threatens rain.
	6½	E.	21	11	6	70¼	N N W	All the sky is covered with black clouds, it lightens also, and threatens rain.
JUNE
1	6	M.	21	6	5	63	W	The west is all full of heavy clouds, which reaches from the horizon to the zenith.
	12	N.	21	3	6	69	N	It begins to rain heavily, and large drops.
	2	E.	21	3	1	68	N N W	All the air covered with thick clouds, especially at the south and west.
	6½	E.	21	3	8	65	N	Between this and the last observation three or four small showers, and the whole sky covered with thick clouds.
2	6	M.	21	5	8	63½	N	Flying clouds through the whole air especially at north and north-west.
	12	N.	21	4	2	67½	N	Flying clouds through the air.
	2	E.	21	3	8	68½	N N E	——Ditto; all this afternoon have fallen small showers, which lasted for five or six minutes at a time.
	6½	E.	21	4	0	67½	N	The sky at present is all clouded.
3	6	M.	21	5	8	62	S W	All the air is covered with thick clouds, at the E. and N. E. the air a little thinner.
	12	N.	21	4	4	68	N N E	All the air covered as above with thick clouds, and the sun not seen.
	2	E.	21	4	0	67½	N	Scattered clouds through all the sky.
	6½	E.	21	4	8	66	N N E	Black clouds at N. and W. the S. perfectly clear.
4	6	M.	21	5	8	62	N	Clouds united all over the heavens, it rained a little in the morning.
	12	N.	21	4	8	67½	N N E	The south covered with a thick cloud, the rest of the heavens covered with flying clouds, but pretty heavy; at half past twelve it rained violently.
	2	E.	21	4	0	67	N	The south covered with very thick clouds, with some thunder.
	6½	E.	21	4	0	67½	N N E	Thick clouds at north and west the rest of the heavens clear.
5	6	M.	21	5	7	61	N	Clear.
	12	N.	21	4	3	67½	N N E	There has fallen a little rain for about ten minutes.
	2	E.	21	4	0	68½	N	Thick clouds but the sun appears.
	7	E.	21	4	0	67½	N	Clouds in the horizon to north and west, very small clouds in the rest of the air.
10	12	M.	21	5	0	66	N N E	Cloudy, all the heavens are perfectly covered.
	6½	E.	21	4	6	66½	S	Very heavy clouds cover the whole air, coming first from the south, it rains very violently.
11	6	M.	21	5	0	65½	——	Flying clouds thro' the whole air, especially at the horizon.
	2	E.	21	4	6	66	N N E	Heavy clouds through the whole air, it has rained very heavily two or three times.
	6½	E.	21	4	6	66	ditto.	Ditto.
12	6	M.	21	5	2	64½	——	Scattered clouds throughout the air, especially to the S.
	12	N.	21	5	1	65½	S E	All the air is covered with heavy thick clouds, and it begins to rain with great violence.
	12¾	E.	21	5	2	64	N W	It has continued to rain every half minute, to six o'clock, with violent claps of thunder.
	6½	E.	21	4	9	65	N N E	It still continues to rain moderately for three hours in the night.
13	6	M.	21	5	2	64½	——	Clouds in the horizon at S. and E.
	12	N.	21	4	9	66	N W	All the air is covered with thick clouds.
	2	E.	21	4	6	66	N N E	—— Ditto, but the sun appears.
	4	E.	21	4	1	66	S E varying to S W	The south is covered with thick black clouds, it has rained several times between four and five.
	6½	E.	21	4	6	64½	S E	Small rain for about an hour, clouds flying through the air very heavy in the horizon to the S.
14	6	M.	21	4	9	65	——	Heavy clouds from the south-east to the west.
	6½	E.	21	4	3	65	N N E	Black clouds to the south and west.
15	6	M.	21	4	9	64½	——	Clouds in the south and in the east, towards the horizon.
	12	N.	21	4	7	65½	ditto.	Clouds throughout the whole air, it thunders with long intervals.
	2	E.	21	4	4	66	ditto.	—— Ditto; and great appearances of rain, it lightens at south.
	6½	E.	21	4	1	66	N E	Thick clouds to the south, thinner through the rest of the air.
16	6	M.	21	4	9	64	——	Dark mist on every side, which lasted only half an hour.
	12	N.	21	4	5	66½	N N E	Heavy clouds throughout the air especially to the S.
	2	E.	21	4	5	66½	N	Clouds throughout the air, it has rained for three times violently, but of short duration.
	6½	E.	21	4	2	66	N E	Black clouds throughout the air, with violent lightning.
17	7	M.	21	4	6	65	——	Flying clouds throughout the air, especially in the E.
18	7	M.	21	4	8	63¼	N E	Light clouds, but closely united all over the sky like a veil, and something blacker to the S. S. W.
	12	N.	21	4	4	66	ditto.	Black clouds throughout the air, a violent rain has fallen for a quarter of an hour the wind S. S. W. and N. N. E. alternately.
	2	E.	21	4	2	65	N W	About half past one, a most violent rain which lasted a quarter of an hour, violent and constant thunder with lightning the whole afternoon.
	6½	E.	21	4	4	63¾	S E	Sky covered with dark clouds, and a violent rain begun which lasted two hours.
19	7	M.	21	4	6	65	E	Flying clouds throughout the air but heaviest towards the south.
	12	N.	21	4	6	66	N E	Heavy scattered clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	3	65	ditto.	Clouds as above, only the horizon at S. S. W. is clear.
	6½	E.	21	4	4	64	ditto.	Thick black clouds throughout the air especially at south south-west.
20	7	M.	21	5	1	64	——	Clouds scattered every where throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	4	8	65½	N	Thick clouds throughout the air. The highest current from the south, the lowest comes from the north with great rapidity, rain and thunder.
	2	E.	21	4	6	64¾	S E	Clouds as above.
	6½	E.	21	5	1	63¾	E	Rain and violent thunder, which began at five in the evening and lasted till midnight without intermission.
21	7	M.	21	5	1	63¾	——	Clear, only a very few clouds in the horizon to the south-west.
	11½	M.	21	5	0	66	N E	Clouds thick and heavy at the east and north, violent rain.
	12	N.	21	5	9	65¾	W	Thick clouds to the north and west, at east south-east clear.
	2	E.	21	4	6	64	N N E	Clouds scattered throughout the whole air.
	6½	E.	21	4	6	63¾	ditto.	Many thick clouds to the north and east, wind changing from that to S. W.
22	7	M.	21	4	8	63	N E	Clear, only a few clouds to the horizon, and a thick mist to the north.
	12	N.	21	4	8	64¾	ditto.	Clouds throughout the whole air.
	2	E.	21	4	5	64	N N W	It is clear near the horizon to the S. W. a current of air is seen coming from the N. W.
	6½	E.	21	4	4	63	N	Clouds throughout the whole air, with mist and rain, a violent wind in the night.
23	7	M.	21	5	2	61	W N W	Flying clouds through the air, especially north-west, west and south-west.
	12	N.	21	5	1	64	W	—— Ditto; to the west of north it has rained often.
	2	E.	21	4	9	62¾	N N E	All the heavens covered with very thick clouds, it threatens rain.
	6½	E.	21	5	0	63	N E	Thick clouds throughout the air, which come from north-west, there is a current thinner which comes from the south-west.
24	6½	M.	21	4	9	63	S	Clouds throughout the whole air, a great quantity of mist going southward, thunder likewise.
	2	E.	21	4	7	65	N E	Clouds through all the air, and thunder.
	7	E.	21	4	4	63	N	Heavy clouds throughout the air.
25	7	M.	21	5	0	61¼	——	Ditto.—the sun covered.
	12	N.	21	4	6	64	N	Clouds as above, the highest current of clouds come from the south.
	2	E.	21	4	3	64	ditto.	The sky overcast, it rains violently.
	6½	E.	21	4	6	63¾	N E	Ditto.—It begins to rain small rain.
26	6½	M.	21	4	8	62¾	N	Clouds throughout the whole air, and so heavy they scarcely move.
	12	N.	21	4	8	65¼	N E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	3	64	S S E	Black clouds at south south-west, lighter flying clouds to the east.
	6½	E.	21	4	6	63	W	Heavy clouds throughout the whole air.
27	7	M.	21	5	7	60½	N E	Light flying clouds.
	12	N.	21	5	4	63¾	W	Very cloudy, sometimes there comes a blast from the east with a little rain.
	2	E.	21	5	1	63	N	Thick clouds throughout the air, it rains.
	6½	E.	21	4	8	62½	N N E	Thick clouds to the north-east and north, clear in the west and south, quite clear in the zenith.
28	6½	M.	21	5	7	61¼	E N E	Light clouds all over the sky, but in the south a little heavier.
	12	N.	21	5	3	63¾	N E	Heavy clouds, the higher current of wind south-west the lower north-east, it threatens rain and violent thunder and lightning.
	2	E.	21	4	9	62	N N E	Small rain and thunder.
	6½	E.	21	5	3	61½	ditto.	Thick clouds through all the air. There are currents of air which carry the clouds some to the W. and others to N. the lower current N. N. E.
29	6½	M.	21	5	4	61¼	——	Clear, there are a few streaky clouds in the horizon to the south.
	12	N.	21	5	0	63¾	N E	Light flying clouds, thicker towards the horizon in the south-west.
	2	E.	21	4	8	63½	ditto.	The air quite overcast.
	6½	E.	21	4	6	62¾	N	Clear only a few clouds at the horizon.
30	7	M.	21	5	3	62	——	Light flying clouds throughout the horizon especially to the south-east and south-west.
	12	N.	21	5	2	62¾	N E	Heavy clouds through all the air, it rains; two currents of wind from the N. W. and N. E.
	2	E.	21	4	7	63	——	Clear, excepting a few clouds in the horizon towards the south-east, it thunders.
	6½	E.	21	4	9	62½	S E	Heavy clouds throughout the air, great appearance of rain.
JULY
1	6½	M.	21	5	2	61¼	S S W	Many clouds flying throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	5	1	63	N	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	9	62¾	S W	Ditto.—Especially at south-east.
	6½	E.	21	5	6	58¾	W N W	Thick heavy clouds throughout the air.
2	6	M.	21	6	6	57	S	Flying clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	5	7	65½	N W	White flying clouds throughout the air, they seem higher towards the horizon, the low clouds covering the north-east.
	2	E.	21	5	7	65½	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	63	N b W	Thick clouds to the north and north-west, lighter in all other places.
4	5½	M.	21	6	9	57¼	ditto.	Many small clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	9	59	N b E	Rain and very thick clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	3	62½	N varying to E & W	Frequent clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	9	59	N	Ditto.
5	5½	M.	21	6	7	58	N W	Light flying clouds throughout all the air, and darker towards the horizon.
	12	N.	21	7	1	60	N b E	Thick clouds with violent rain.
	2	E.	21	6	8	62	N N W	The clouds are scattering, but remain thick at W.
	6½	E.	21	6	7	59	N N E	Very thick clouds to north north-west and north-east, the rest clear.
6	5½	M.	21	7	2	56¾	N	White clouds flying throughout all the air seeming to unite in south.
	12	N.	21	6	8	62	N N W	Very thick clouds, thunder and lightning in the S.
	2	E.	21	6	6	59	N	Clouds uniting throughout the air.
7	5½	M.	21	7	1	57	N E	Clear, only a very few small clouds in the horizon towards the east.
	12	N.	21	6	7	54¾	W	Violent rain, the wind change first from north then to west.
	2	E.	21	6	7	59¾	N N W	Thick clouds throughout the air, rather clear in the east.
	6	E.	21	6	5	57¾	N	Clouds through the whole air, but especially in the horizon to the north.
8	5½	M.	21	7	2	55½	N	Dark clouds in the horizon, everywhere but in the north is clear.
	12	N.	21	6	8	63¾	N N W	White clouds throughout the whole air.
	2	E.	21	6	6	63½	N varying by S	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	7	59	N	Thick clouds in the horizon, everywhere but in the north, where they are very black.
9	5½	M.	21	7	0	57¼	N by E	Clouds united all through the air, the north only clear.
	12	N.	21	6	6	66	N varying S	Clouds all over the horizon, they seem to cross one another in the zenith, which as yet is clear.
	2	E.	21	6	4	66¼	N varying to N W	Thick clouds over the horizon, these from north-east and north cross one another in the south.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	58	N varying to N W	Thick clouds unite in the south.
10	5½	M.	21	6	7	57	W	The north, the south, south-east and south-west are covered with clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	5	65	N	White clouds in great masses all over the horizon, the zenith clear.
	2	E.	21	6	1	65½	N	Great thick clouds throughout.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	59	N varying to E & W	White flying clouds throughout the air, only black at west near the horizon.
11	5½	M.	21	6	3	61½	W	Clouds united through all the air.
	12	N.	21	6	3	61½	W	Thick black clouds throughout the air, thunder at a distance, with some drops of rain.
	2	E.	21	6	3	59¾	W	Thick black clouds cover the sky, there has fallen a small shower.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	59½	N	Thick black clouds through all the air, they come from the north above the Mountain of Koscam.
12	5½	M.	21	7	0	57¼	N	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	7	0	59¾	N	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	7	59½	N N E	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	7	59½	N E	Clouds throughout the whole air, excepting the west which is clear.
13	5½	M.	21	7	2	56½	ditto.	Clear, only a small cloud in the west.
	12	N.	21	7	0	58	W varying to N	Rain, and the whole air covered with clouds.
	2	E.	21	6	7	60	N varying to E & W	Moderate rain, the air covered as above.
	6½	E.	21	6	9	58¾	N	Large masses of clouds cover the whole air.
14	5½	M.	21	7	3	56	N N E	Clear, only two very small clouds visible in the horizon to the east.
	12	N.	21	7	0	60	W	Very thick clouds through all the air, excepting in the east, which is clear.
	3	E.	21	6	7	60	N N W	The clouds intercept one another from the south-east and south-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	7	59½	N E	Rain.
15	5½	M.	21	7	2	57	N N E	All the air is covered with very thick clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	9	60¾	W	Ditto.——With rain.
	6½	E.	21	6	8	59½	N varying to N N E	Very thick black clouds come from north-east, and south-east, a thick mist at north which is very low.
26	5½	M.	21	7	2	57	N	Thick clouds at north, and very low.
	12	N.	21	6	8	65¾	N	White clouds flying throughout the air, heavy at S.
	2	E.	21	6	7	64	N	Thick clouds united throughout the air, heavier at south and north-east.
	6½	E.	21	6	8	61	N	Very thick mist to the north.
27	6	M.	21	7	0	59	N W	All the air is covered with clouds joined together.
	2	E.	21	6	7	64½	N	Thick flat clouds through all the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	6	59¾	N	Ditto.
28	6	M.	21	7	1	57¾	N	Flying but scattered clouds through all the air, they come from east and south.
	12	N.	21	6	7	63	S W	Thick clouds through all the air, especially at S. W.
	2	E.	21	6	4	63¾	W by N	Clouds throughout all the air, but blackest towards north-east, and north.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	61	N	Thick clouds, which come in great quantities from the north.
29	6	M.	21	6	7	57¾	W N W	Clouds throughout all the air, but thickest towards west and north-west.
	12	N.	21	6	5	63½	N	Large flying clouds throughout all the air, two currents of wind, one from S. the other from N.
	2	E.	21	6	1	65	N N W	Clouds closely united throughout all the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	61	N	Clouds come from north-east are very low and heavy.
30	6	M.	21	6	6	58	N	All the air is covered with clouds closely united.
	12	N.	21	6	6	61½	W	Large clouds flying through all the air, they come from north-west and north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	0	63	N	All the air is covered with clouds.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	59½	N	The clouds come from north-east, and are very thick.
31	6½	M.	21	6	6	58	N W	All the air is covered with clouds.
	2	E.	21	6	2	61	W N W	Thick united clouds through all the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	59	N N E	Large flying clouds very black especially in the horizon at south and north, loud thunder and the sun covered.
AUG.
1	6	M.	21	6	6	58	N N E	Clouds flying throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	2	63	W S W	Thick flying clouds from the east, likewise some come to meet them from the west.
	2	E.	21	5	9	64	W	Rain for a few minutes.
	6½	E.	21	5	9	60¾	N varying to N N E	Thick clouds at north they come from north-east.
2	6	M.	21	6	4	57¾	W N W	Thick flying clouds throughout all the air.
	2	E.	21	6	6	61½	N N E	Rain.
	6½	E.	21	5	9	61½	N N W	Great masses of clouds at north-west.
3	6	M.	21	6	3	58	S W b N	All the air is covered with clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	6	59	N	It rained for some minutes.
	2	E.	21	6	1	59½	N	Flying clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	59	N N E	Rain, with clouds united all over the air.
4	6	M.	21	6	5	58	N W	The clouds are joined all over the air, and a mist comes from south.
	12	N.	21	6	7	59	N E	Heavy clouds throughout the air, it rains.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	58	N	The whole sky is covered with clouds, it rains.
5	6	M.	21	6	7	56	N by E	All the air is covered with clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	5	60½	W	Moderate rain, the clouds cross from north-west north and south-east.
	2	E.	21	6	2	58¾	N N E	Large flying clouds at north which come from east.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	58¾	ditto.	Large clouds remain in the horizon.
6	5½	M.	21	6	4	58	ditto.	Flying clouds, they come frequent all over the air.
	12	N.	21	6	4	59½	S W	Large clouds all over the air.
	2	E.	21	6	1	59	N W	United clouds through all the air, and are very low, a stream of mist goes constantly to the S.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	59	N	All the sky is covered with thick clouds, the lowest come from south very quickly.
7	6	M.	21	7	0	54¾	S W	A thick mist covers the whole air.
	12	N.	21	6	5	58	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	2	61	S W	The clouds heavier to the south.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	56	N b W	The clouds are all joined throughout the air, there is a stream of mist coming from the north.
8	6	M.	21	6	7	55½	N N W	All the air is covered with clouds, it rains.
	12	N.	21	6	5	60	W varying to W S W	Thick clouds through all the air, they come from south-east, and north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	2	62	S varying to S S W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	57¾	N by W	Thick clouds throughout the air especially at north, they come from south-east, small rain.
9	6	M.	21	6	5	57	N E	Thick clouds in great masses through all the horizon.
	12	N.	21	6	3	60¾	N W	Clouds flying throughout all the air, they come from north and south.
	2	E.	21	6	1	61¾	W S W	Rain from the north, and very thick clouds throughout the air, they come from north and south.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	58½	N varying to N W	Rain and thick clouds throughout the air. Two currents of wind, the one from the south the other from the north.
10	6	M.	21	6	9	56¾	N E	Thick clouds cover all the air.
	12	N.	21	6	5	60½	W	Clouds mixed with large spaces of clear. The clouds come from the east with great violence against the wind.
	2	E.	21	6	2	60	N N E	Thick clouds throughout the air, two currents of wind, one from north-east the other from north-west, cross one another. Thunder in the W.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	58	N	All the sky is covered with thick clouds. The upper current from the east, the next from north, and the last so low as to touch the earth. They cross with great velocity and force.
11	6	M.	21	6	6	56	N E	Clouds cover the whole face of the sky.
	12	N.	21	6	4	61	S E	Clouds throughout the air, the wind in two currents north and south.
	2	E.	21	6	3	59	N by E	Moderate rain the whole sky overcast with clouds.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	59	N varying to N E	Very thick clouds throughout the air. Two currents of wind, the highest from north, the lowest from north-east.
12	6½	M.	21	6	9	56½	N N E	Light clouds cover the sky like a veil.
13	12	N.	21	6	6	61¼	W	Large clouds near the horizon, especially at north north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	4	62	N W	The sky is overcast with thick clouds and closely united at south.
	7½	E.	21	6	2	60	N	Black clouds, and very low in the horizon. Two currents of wind, the one east south-east the other north, which cross each other.
14	6½	M.	21	6	9	55½	N E	Clouds blowing about the horizon, the zenith clear.
	12	N.	21	6	4	61½	ditto.	A current of clouds from north and south, thunder and lightning through all the sky.
	2	E.	21	6	3	60	W varying to N	Violent rain, it has thundered two hours without interval.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	58	N N E	Large flying clouds throughout the air.
15	6½	M.	21	6	4	56	W	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	3	61½	N	Clouds through all the air, and it begins to rain.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	60¾	N N E	Black clouds. Two currents of air come from the N. and S. along the Mountain of the Sun. It has thundered and lightned [sic] all afternoon, and the lightning runs in sheets upon the earth like water.
16	6½	M.	21	6	7	57	ditto.	The sky overcast with thick clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	6	58	N	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	2	61¼	N N E	The sky overcast with clouds, excepting in the south, west clear.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	60	ditto.	Thick clouds throughout the air.
17	6	M.	21	6	8	56¼	ditto.	Thin clouds like a veil cover the sky.
	12	N.	21	6	4	61¾	N	Thick black clouds cover the sky, and come from N.
	2	E.	21	6	3	61½	N varying to N N E	Clouds as above but thickest at south.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	60	N by E	Black clouds throughout the air, especially at north west.
18	6	M.	21	6	9	55¾	N E	Thin clouds cover the air like a veil.
	12	N.	21	6	4	61¾	N W	Very thick clouds throughout the air, it rains, clouds come from north and south.
	2	E.	21	6	4	61¾	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	57¾	N N E	Black clouds all over the air.
19	6½	M.	21	6	8	56½	ditto.	Small light clouds fly throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	5	61½	ditto.	Rain, thunder, and lightning.
	2	E.	21	6	3	58	N by E	Black clouds all over the sky.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	60	N N E	Ditto.
20	6	M.	21	6	9	56½	ditto.	Flying clouds cover the whole air.
	12	N.	21	6	5	61	N N W	It begins to rain, clouds very heavy, they come from north and south, and meet in the zenith.
	2	E.	21	6	3	62½	N	Great clouds throughout the air, the S. W. is clear.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	59	N N E	Clouds throughout the air, they come from the N.
21	6	M.	21	6	9	55¼	ditto.	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	6	5	63½	N varying to N N E	Thick clouds come from the south, some small ones from the north.
	2	E.	21	6	3	64	N N W	Thick clouds cover the whole air, they come with great violence from the north.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	59¾	N	Thick clouds and very low from the north, thunder and rain without ceasing.
22	12	N.	21	6	4	63	N	Clouds with violent rain thunder and lightning.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	58¾	N	Broken clouds throughout the air, but black ones come from the north.
23	6	M.	21	6	8	58	N	Flying clouds cover the air.
	12	N.	21	6	4	59¼	N	Thick clouds throughout the air, but thickest at north.
	2	E.	21	6	3	61¾	N by E	Thick clouds throughout the air, rain in the S.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	60¾	N N E	Rain and thick clouds.
24	7	M.	21	6	7	57	N E	Clear, except a little hazy at S. S. W.
	12	N.	21	6	3	59½	N	Thick clouds throughout the air, it rains at north.
	2	E.	21	6	6	59½	N	It rains at east.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	58¾	N	Rain and thick clouds throughout the air, especially in the west.
25	7	M.	21	7	0	56½	N E	Great clouds throughout the air, especially at south and north, a stream of dark mist comes from the south very low.
	12	N.	21	6	6	62	W S W	Great and thick clouds throughout the sky, especially at south and north.
	2	E.	21	6	5	59½	ditto.	Moderate rain, thick clouds throughout the sky.
	6½	E.	21	6	6	57	N	Dark clouds very low throughout the air, it is very cold.
26	6½	M.	21	7	0	55½	N N E	Light clouds, but frequent throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	7	58¾	W	It rains violently especially from the south-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	59	N W	Very thick clouds throughout the air, a low stream comes from north.
27	6¼	M.	21	6	8	56	N	Light clouds fly throughout the air, they come from east and west.
	12	N.	21	6	5	61½	W by S	Large thick clouds especially at north, the lowest come from the west.
	2½	E.	21	6	4	61½	N	Thick clouds in the horizon, it rains hard, the air is all covered.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	59½	N	Thick clouds, all the air is covered especially at south and north.
28	6	M.	21	6	8	57	N E	All the air is cloudy.
	12	N.	21	6	4	61	N	Clouds as above a stormy rain at north-west.
	2	E.	21	6	4	58	N	Thick clouds in the horizon.
29	6	M.	21	7	0	57	N E	Large clouds flying throughout the air, especially at south.
	12	N.	21	6	5	62	W	Wandering clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	4	62	N N W	Clouds as above, but thicker.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	59	N	Large masses of clouds from the N. W.
30	6	M.	21	6	6	56¾	N	Both east and west are covered with thick clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	4	59	N	Great clouds throughout the air, violent rain, thunder, and lightning.
	2	E.	21	6	3	63	N N E	Large clouds throughout the air, and a moderate rain.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	58¾	N	Very thick clouds through the whole horizon, these go in currents to the south-west and north-east, but leave the zenith clear.
31	6	M.	21	6	5	57	N	Light clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	3	62	N	Flying clouds, but dark to the south.
	2	E.	21	6	3	64	N	Large clouds especially at south and north.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	61	N N E	Very thick black clouds cover the air.
SEPT.
1	6	M.	21	6	8	56½	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	6	5	62¾	N	Thick clouds cover the air, they come from north and south.
	2	E.	21	6	3	63	N N E	Thunder at south-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	60	N	Dark clouds in the horizon, especially at S. W.
2	6	M.	21	6	9	57	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	6	4	64	N	Thick broken clouds, they stream from north and south.
	2	E.	21	6	3	65¼	N	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	61¾	——	Clear small clouds in the horizon at N. W. and S.
3	6	M.	21	6	6	58¾	N N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	4	63¾	N	Clouds throughout the air especially at north, thunder in the east.
	2	E.	21	6	4	63¾	N varying to N E	Moderate but constant rain, coming from the north-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	60	N N E	Clouds in the horizon to the north and north-west.
4	6	M.	21	6	9	56½	N by E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	7	61	E N E	Clouds throughout the air especially at west, violent thunder and lightning.
	2	E.	21	6	4	60	N E	Clouds throughout the air, and rain which seems to be violent to the westward.
	6½	E.	21	6	7	58¾	N	Very thick clouds throughout the air, especially at east, south, and south-west.
5	6	M.	21	7	3	58	N N E	All the air is covered with light clouds.
	12	N.	21	7	0	62	N	Clouds which have overcast all the air.
	2	E.	21	6	5	63	N N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	7	0	60¾	N N E	Violent rain and clouds everywhere especially at N.
6	6	M.	21	7	1	57	N E	Small clouds throughout the air, they come from the south and north.
	12	N.	21	6	6	63½	N N E	Large clouds throughout the horizon.
	2	E.	21	6	4	66	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	61	N	Large dark clouds from the north and east.
7	6	M.	21	6	8	57½	N E	Light clouds flying throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	7	61½	W	A most violent rain, which began with north-east winds, but changed to west, and ended in a hail shower.
	2	E.	21	4	0	62	N E	Rain and thick clouds, the rain comes most violently from north-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	60	N	The clouds are united through the whole air.
8	6	M.	21	7	2	67	N E	Light clouds in the horizon.
	12	N.	21	6	6	65	W N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	4	67	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	63½	N	Low dark clouds in the north-west and south-west.
9	6½	M.	21	7	3	58¾	N E	Small white clouds scattered through the horizon.
	12	N.	21	6	7	67½	S E	Light small clouds through the air.
	2	E.	21	6	5	68½	N E	Great clouds through all the horizon.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	66	N N E	Black clouds in the horizon to the W. N. W. and S. W.
10	6	M.	21	7	2	58¼	N W	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	6	6	68½	E varying to N E	Thick clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	5	69	N N E	Small flying clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	6	64	ditto.	Large clouds occupy the air.
11	6	M.	21	7	0	60¾	N	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	5	66½	N N E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	4	65	N E	Violent rain from N. E. and the whole sky overcast.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	69¼	N varying to N E	Thick clouds throughout the air.
12	6½	M.	21	7	0	57½	N	Light clouds cover the sky like a veil.
	12	N.	21	6	5	65	N	Clouds cover the air which come from the north-east.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	61	N by E	Light clouds towards the zenith, heavy ones towards the horizon at north and west, lightning at west.
13	6	M.	21	6	9	67	N N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	4	65¾	W S W	White clouds fly throughout the air, which come from north-east and south-west.
	2	E.	21	6	4	65	N	Clouds as above but more frequent.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	62	N	Large black clouds in the horizon at south.
14	6	M.	21	6	9	58¾	N N E	Clouds cover the whole air.
	12	N.	21	6	4	65	N N W	Large clouds from N. W. and S. E.
	2	E.	21	6	3	65	ditto.	Large clouds thro' the whole air.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	63	N varying to W	Black clouds in the horizon at north.
15	6¼	M.	21	6	8	59	N N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	4	66	S varying to S E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	3	66	N	The clouds are lighter.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	61	N	All the air is covered with thick clouds, lightning at north-west.
16	6½	M.	21	7	2	59	N N E	The whole air is covered with thick clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	7	61¾	W S W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	4	65	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	61	N	It rains violently, the sky all overcast.
17	6	M.	21	7	2	58¼	N N E	The sky clear, except a small cloud in the horizon at west.
	12	N.	21	6	6	65	N W	Great clouds cover the air, which come north-east and south-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	62	N	Thick clouds to the horizon.
18	6	M.	21	7	0	58¼	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	4	67	E	Clouds fly through the air.
	2½	E.	21	6	4	67	N varying to N N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	62	N	Ditto.
19	6	M.	21	6	8	58½	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	4	66	N by E	Many clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	4	64¾	ditto.	Large clouds darken the whole air.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	63	ditto.	All the air is covered with clouds.
20	6	M.	21	6	8	59	N E	Light clouds cover the air thicker towards the horizon.
	12	N.	21	6	4	66	N W	Thick clouds throughout the air, they come from west.
	6¼	E.	21	6	6	60½	N E	Ditto.
21	6	M.	21	7	0	57	N by E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	5	60¾	N W	A quantity of black clouds throughout the horizon, they move from the north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	4	64	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	5	64	N E	Thick clouds throughout the air, the lower current comes from the south the other from north-east.
22	6	M.	21	6	7	57½	N E	Clear everywhere, excepting one cloud in the horizon to the west
	12	N.	21	6	3	67	S	A dark cloud is split into many and covers the whole air.
	2	E.	21	6	3	68	N N E	Flying white clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	63½	N E	Small rain, the clouds are thick and heavy, they come with the wind from north-east.
23	6	M.	21	6	4	58	ditto.	Clear small clouds to the horizon at west.
	12	N.	21	6	3	67	ditto.	Thick heavy clouds throughout the air, which come from north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	4	65	N W	Thick clouds and thunder at west.
	6¼	E.	21	6	3	61	N E	Thick black clouds throughout the air.
24	6	M.	21	6	8	58	ditto.	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	3	65¾	S E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	3	65¼	N W	Ditto.
	6¼	E.	21	6	3	63	N	Thick heavy clouds throughout the air, especially at south and west.
25	6	M.	21	6	4	59	N E	Thin clouds cover the whole air.
	12	N.	21	6	3	66½	E N E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	2	68	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	62	N	The clouds are heavier.
26	6¼	M.	21	6	6	59	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	3	68	E by N	Strong squalls of wind come in starts, white clouds through the air, coming from north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	2	68¾	N E	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	65	N	Clear.
27	6	M.	21	6	8	69¼	N N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	3	68	E by N	Ditto.—But a few flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	6	2	69¾	N E	Thick clouds scattered about the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	63	W N W	Black clouds in the horizon to the S. and W.
28	6	M.	21	7	1	57¾	N E	Small black clouds flying in the west.
	12	N.	21	6	4	68	ditto.	Small white clouds in the north, north-east and north-west.
	2	E.	21	6	3	70	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	64	N	Clear, excepting a few small clouds to the W.
29	6	M.	21	7	0	58	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	4	67¾	E S E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	3	69	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	66½	N	Flying clouds throughout the air, they come from the E. N. E. and S. E.
30	6	M.	21	6	7	58¾	N E	Clear.
	2	E.	21	6	3	70	E S E	White clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	66	N	Clear except a few small clouds in the horizon to the west.
OCT.
1	6	M.	21	6	9	58	N E	Clear, only a few small clouds at south-west.
	12	N.	21	6	4	69	W	Clouds cover the whole air.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	66	N by W	Clear.
2	6	M.	21	6	8	59½	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	4	69½	ditto.	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	3	69	N	Clouds throughout the whole air, clear in the E.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	66	N	Clear, excepting a very few small clouds at south-east and south-west.
3	6	M.	21	6	6	60	N N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	3	69½	N E	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	67½	N	Ditto.
4	6	M.	21	6	4	60	N E	Clear till mid-day, it then overcast and rained an hour with violent thunder and lightning.
	12	N.	21	6	3	64	N varying to N W	Thick clouds near the horizon at north-west and south-west.
5	6	M.	21	6	7	60	N	Light clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	3	64	N	Small rain, the whole sky overcast; it thunders.
	2	E.	21	6	3	63	N	Clouds throughout the air, a little rain at S. W.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	61½	N	Clouds throughout the air.
6	6	M.	21	6	9	58	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	2	68	E	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	64	N by E	Ditto.
7	6	M.	21	6	6	59	ditto.	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	2	68½	N E	Clouds flying through the air.
	2	E.	21	6	1	67	N by E	The sky is overcast, but the sun appears sometimes.
	3½	E.	21	6	1	67	N E	Rain and violent large hail, it lasted about half an hour, and came from the south against the wind, some of the hail nearly half an inch round. It lay upon the Mountain of the Sun near one hour without melting.
	6½	E.	21	6	2	61¾	N	Many clouds through the air.
8	6	M.	21	6	7	58½	N	Light clouds flying through the air.
	12	N.	21	6	2	65½	N E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	1	67	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	61½	N	Clear, unless some clouds in the east and west near the horizon.
9	6½	M.	21	6	8	58	N	Small clouds scattered thro' the air.
	12	N.	21	6	0	66	S	Large clouds come from south-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	60	N E	Dark clouds throughout the air.
10	6½	M.	21	6	6	57¾	ditto.	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	2	64	ditto.	Clouds flying throughout the air, the sun covered.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	61	ditto.	Violent rain thunder and lightning.
11	6½	M.	21	6	6	57¾	ditto.	Clear, only some small clouds in the horizon at N. W. south and south-west.
	12	N.	21	6	4	63	S W	White flying clouds from the S. E. and south-west.
	2	E.	21	6	1	60¾	N	The sky is overcast, and there is appearance of rain.
	6½	E.	21	6	3	60	N	The air overcast with thick clouds.
12	6½	M.	21	6	8	56	N E	Thin flying clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	2	63¾	W S W	Thin white clouds to the west and to the north.
	2	E.	21	6	0	65¾	N	Large moving clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	63½	N E	Ditto.
13	12	N.	21	6	1	64¾	N by W	Ditto, the sun covered.
14	6½	E.	21	6	0	63	N	All the air is covered with clouds.
15	6½	M.	21	6	2	58¾	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	1	66	ditto.	Light flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	0	65	N	Clear.
16	6½	M.	21	6	5	58¾	N N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	2	66¾	N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	0	69½	W	White clouds flying throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	66	N	Ditto.—They come from south-east.
17	6½	M.	21	6	9	59	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	1	67	S W	Cloudy.
	2	E.	21	6	1	69	N	White clouds come from the south-east.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	66	W	Clear.
18	6½	M.	21	6	3	59	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	1	67	N W	Clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	0	67¾	N by W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	65	N	Clear.
19	6½	M.	21	6	1	59¾	N by E	Thin clouds like a veil cover the whole sky.
	12	N.	21	6	1	67¼	ditto.	White flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	0	69½	S W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	65¾	N W	Ditto.
20	6½	M.	21	6	4	58¾	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	1	67	N N E	Small flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	0	67½	N by E	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	65	N by E	Ditto.
21	6½	M.	21	6	4	59½	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	0	67¾	N N E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	0	69¾	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	67	N	Ditto.
22	6½	M.	21	6	4	61	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	0	68¾	S S W	White flying clouds throughout the air, the sun is sometimes darkened.
	2	E.	21	6	0	70	N	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	67	N	Clear.
23	6½	M.	21	6	1	61	N by E	Ditto.
	½ P.	M.	21	6	0	69	S W	White clouds flying throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	5	9	69¼	W S W	There has fallen three or four small showers.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	66¾	N	Thick clouds throughout the air.
24	6½	M.	21	6	2	61	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	0	66¼	N	Flying clouds throughout the air, they come from N. E. and S. E.
	2	E.	21	5	8	66¾	N W	The sky overcast, small showers and thunder.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	65	N	Clear.
NOV.
20	12	M	21	4	9	71	N b N W	Flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	5	72	N N W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	5	69½	N	Black clouds near the horizon.
21	6	M.	21	6	6	60	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	7	71	W varying to S W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	1	73	W	Little clouds flying throughout the air, they come from north-east.
	6	E.	21	5	7	69½	N	Clear.
22	6	M.	21	6	7	61	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	5	71	W	Flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	9	74	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	69	N E	Black clouds in the horizon at west.
23	6	M.	21	6	5	61	ditto.	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	4	71	W	Light clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	8	74	N by W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	4	69	N W	Clear.
24	6	M.	21	6	2	61	N by E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	4	9	72	W S W	White clouds flying throughout the air, they come from north-east.
	2	E.	21	4	7	71	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	3	70	N N W	All the south is covered with thick clouds.
25	6	M.	21	6	3	60½	N E	Clear, only a thin veil covers the sky south.
	12	N.	21	5	2	70	N N E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	8	71	N W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	8	64½	S S W	All the sky is covered with very thick clouds, which come from north-east.
26	6½	M.	21	6	3	59	N	Small spotted clouds near the horizon, all the rest clear.
	12	N.	21	6	5	68	N N W	The air is covered with clouds which come from the south.
	2	E.	21	5	0	70½	N E	Small white clouds throughout the horizon.
	6	E.	21	6	5	66	N N W	Clear, only small clouds in the horizon, at north.
27	6½	M.	21	6	2	59½	N	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	6	60	W S W	A quantity of clouds thro' the whole air, especially at south.
	2	E.	21	5	2	69	N W	Clouds as above, there have been three blasts of wind which lasted for about half a minute each, then calmed.
	6	E.	21	5	5	67	N N W	Clear.
28	6½	M.	21	6	4	60½	N	Clear, except a few small clouds to the W. S. W.
	12	N.	21	5	8	69	N b W	Flying clouds throughout the air, the sun is covered.
	2	E.	21	5	2	71	ditto.	Flying clouds from the south.
	6	E.	21	5	7	67	N N W	Light clouds like a veil.
29	6½	M.	21	6	8	59	N N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	8	69	N W	Clouds flying throughout the air, especially at south, the sun is covered.
	6	E.	21	5	8	65½	ditto.	Clear and cloudless.
30	6½	M.	21	6	9	59	W N W	Thin clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	6	0	69½	N varying to N W	Thick clouds throughout the air, which come from east, the sun covered.
	2	E.	21	5	4	71	N W	Thin clouds throughout the air.
	6	E.	21	5	7	67	ditto.	Ditto.
DEC.
1	6½	M.	21	6	8	59½	N	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	9	69	N W	White flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	5	2	72	ditto.	Ditto.
2	6½	M.	21	6	2	59½	N b E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	7	69	N W	Thin white clouds throughout the air.
	6	E.	21	5	0	68	N b E	Clear.
3	6	M.	21	6	3	59½	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	4	70½	N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	4	73	N b W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	3	69	N N E	Ditto.
4	6	M.	21	6	4	59	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	8	69½	N W	Clear, excepting some small streaks in the horizon to the west.
	2	E.	21	5	0	73½	N varying to N W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	6	69½	N W	Clear, except some small clouds to the south.
5	6	M.	21	6	4	59	N N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	5	69½	N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	9	73	ditto.	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	4	67½	N	Ditto.
6	6	M.	21	6	3	59½	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	4	70	W by N	Small flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	8	71½	ditto.	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	3	68	N W	Thick heavy clouds throughout the air, they come from the south-east.
7	6½	M.	21	6	3	60½	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	6	69	W N W	Small clouds scattered like a veil about the air.
	2	E.	21	5	2	70½	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	65½	ditto.	Clear, except some small streaks in the horizon, at west and south-west.
8	6½	M.	21	6	6	60	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	7	70	S W	Large clouds throughout the air, which come from north-east, the sun is covered.
	2	E.	21	5	2	71½	N	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	66	N W	Large dark clouds throughout the air, they come from the north-east.
9	6½	M.	21	6	8	60	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	7	70	ditto.	Flying clouds come from the north-west.
	2	E.	21	5	0	72	N W	The clouds are increased in number.
	6½	E.	21	5	8	67½	N	Large clouds throughout the air, they come from north-west.
10	6½	M.	21	6	6	59½	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	1	67	ditto.	Heavy clouds cover the air from the north-east.
	2	E.	21	5	7	68	N	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	67	N by W	Clouds in the south-east and south.
11	6½	M.	21	6	8	60½	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	1	69	N W	Clouds throughout the air, the sun covered.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	67½	N	Flying clouds throughout the air, especially at S. W.
12	6½	M.	21	6	4	60½	N by E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	8	69	N N W	Small flying clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	5	8	67½	N	Ditto.
13	7	M.	21	6	4	60	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	9	69	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	2	70½	N W	Small clouds flying through the south.
	7	E.	21	5	7	67	N N W	Clear.
14	7	M.	21	6	3	60	N by W	Ditto.
	7	E.	21	5	5	67	W	Ditto.
15	7	M.	21	6	7	59	N N E	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	3	70½	N by W	Ditto.
	7	E.	21	5	9	66½	N	Ditto.—Only a small white streak of clouds in the horizon, to the south-west.
16	7	M.	21	6	7	59½	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	6	0	69½	W	Small clouds, near the zenith.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	69	W	Clear, only some small streaks of clouds in the horizon, to the S. W.
17	6½	M.	21	6	5	59½	N E	Light clouds like a veil cover the air.
	12	N.	21	6	5	69½	W	Small clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	7	72	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	4	68	N W	Dark clouds in the horizon to the W. and S. W.
18	6½	M.	21	6	3	60	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	2	70	W	Light clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	4	6	72	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	2	69	N varying to N W	Large black clouds cover the whole sky, they come from the east.
19	6½	M.	21	6	3	62	N E	Clear, only small streaks of black clouds to the W.
	12	N.	21	5	3	70	N W	White clouds through the air, they come from N. E.
	2	E.	21	5	0	69½	W	Ditto.
	5½	E.	21	5	2	70	N W	Great clouds throughout the air, a small rain for seven minutes, the sky cloudy to the N.
	6½	E.	21	5	3	69	ditto.	Ditto.
20	6½	M.	21	6	2	63½	N E	Clear, except a few streaks of clouds at the horizon.
	12	N.	21	5	3	71	ditto.	Many clouds throughout the sky, the sun is covered.
	2	E.	21	5	1	70	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	4	70	N N E	Clear.
21	6½	M.	21	6	6	62	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	8	71	ditto.	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	3	70	N N E	Clear and cloudless.
	6½	E.	21	6	0	71	N E	Clear, but some streaky clouds in the horizon at south and south-west.
22	6½	M.	21	7	0	63	ditto.	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	8	72	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	2	74	N E	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	1	70½	W	Ditto.
23	6½	M.	21	7	2	61½	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	7	71	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	0	73	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	6	71	W	Ditto.—Only a few streaks in the horizon to the south.
24	6	M.	21	6	6	60	N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	5	3	71	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	0	73	W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	5	71	W	Ditto.
25	6½	M.	21	6	4	61½	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	3	71½	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	7	71	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	6	70½	W	Ditto.
26	6½	M.	21	6	4	62	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	6	70½	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	0	73	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	9	71½	W	Ditto.
27	6½	M.	21	6	4	62	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	6	70½	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	5	0	73	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	9	71½	W	Ditto.
28	6½	M.	21	6	4	63	N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	4	71	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	9	73	W	Small flying clouds throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	5	2	71	W	Small streaky clouds in the Small streaky clouds in the horizon; at west south-west, about ten at night, there came violent blasts of wind which lasted only a few minutes.
29	6½	M.	21	6	2	63	N E	Small thin clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	5	4	71	W S W	Small flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	4	7	73½	W	The clouds increase, and the sun covered.
	6½	E.	21	5	3	70	W	Streaky clouds to the west and south-west.
30	6½	M.	21	6	4	62½	N E	Light flying clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	5	4	70	W	The clouds are turned heavier.
	2	E.	21	4	2	72	W	Heavier still and the sun covered.
	6½	E.	21	5	2	70	W	Large clouds in the horizon to the south.
31	6½	M.	21	6	0	63½	N E	Thick clouds flying throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	5	7	71½	W	The clouds are larger and more united, the sun is covered, and the south only clear.
	2	E.	21	4	6	72	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	69½	W N W	Many clouds at the south south-east and east.
								Gondar, 1771.
JAN.
1	6½	M.	21	6	4	63½	N E	Small streaks of clouds in the horizon at south-west.
	12	N.	21	5	6	72	W S W	Great white clouds throughout the air, the sun covered.
	2	E.	21	5	0	72½	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	8	69	W	Clouds near the horizon.
2	6½	M.	21	6	3	62¼	N E	Streaky clouds in the horizon at west.
	12	N.	21	5	7	69	W	Small white flying clouds.
	2	E.	21	5	0	72½	W S W	Small flying clouds throughout the air.
	¾ P.	M.	21	5	0	71	W	A violent storm of wind changing to all points of the compass.
	2	E.	21	4	8	71	W	Great clouds to the south.
	6½	E.	21	5	6	68	N E	Clear.
4	6½	M.	21	6	4	61	ditto.	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	4	70	W N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	9	71	W	Small white clouds flying about the air.
	6½	E.	21	5	6	68½	W	Clear, only a small streak of clouds at south and south-west.
5	6½	M.	21	6	5	62	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	6	70	W S W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	9	72	W	Clouds flying to the north.
	6½	E.	21	5	6	69	W	Clouds flying to the south-east.
6	2	E.	21	4	9	72	W	Flying clouds in the north.
	6½	E.	21	5	5	70	W	Flying clouds to the south-east.
7	6½	M.	21	6	6	62½	W S W	Clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	5	6	73	W	Overcast and the sun is covered.
	1½	E.	21	5	3	72	W by N	Ditto.—A violent storm of wind, which lasted four minutes.
	2	E.	21	5	1	73	W	Clouds cover the whole air.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	69½	N	Clear, but a black streak of clouds to south and S. W.
8	6½	M.	21	6	4	64	W	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	5	71	W	Flying clouds through the air and the sun covered.
	2	E.	21	4	8	74½	W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	7	69½	W	Clear.
9	12	M.	21	6	3	63½	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	5	3	71	S S W	Small clouds flying through the air.
	2	E.	21	4	7	72½	W N W	Ditto.—The sun covered.
	6½	E.	21	5	4	70	W	A very few small clouds in the air.
10	6½	M.	21	6	0	66	N E	All the air is overcast.
	12	N.	21	4	9	73½	ditto.	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	4	6	72½	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	5	0	72½	W	Small but black flying clouds through the air.
11	6½	M.	21	6	1	64	N N E	Clouds flying through the horizon.
29	12	N.	21	5	5	75	S W	Flying clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	5	4	74	W S W	Ditto.
30	6½	M.	21	7	3	66½	——	A little thicker at the horizon.
	12	N.	21	6	4	70	N W	Ditto.—With appearance of rain.
	2	E.	21	6	3	70	ditto.	Overcast.
	6½	E.	21	6	6	69	ditto.	A little clearer, the clouds come from south-west.
31	6½	M.	21	7	4	65	——	Overcast, especially at east and north-east, the clouds coming from the north-west.
	12	N.	21	6	8	70½	S S W	White clouds come from the north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	4	73	N N W	Light white clouds from the south-west.
	6½	E.	21	6	9	70	N W	Clear, except a few clouds from the north-east.
FEB.
1	6½	M.	21	7	4	65	S S W	All overcast, and the sun covered.
	12	N.	21	7	0	69	ditto.	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	5	72	N W	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	7	0	68	N	Ditto.
2	6½	M.	21	7	2	65	N by E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	8	72	N	White clouds in the south and east.
	2	E.	21	6	4	74	N W	Ditto—But a violent wind.
	6½	E.	21	6	9	68	N N W	Clear.
3	6½	M.	21	6	8	65	N N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	6	73	W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	1	74	W	White clouds flying throughout the air.
	6½	E.	21	6	4	69	N N W	Clear, but a violent storm of wind.
4	6½	M.	21	7	1	65	N	Clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	7	0	72	S W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	7	72½	N W	Ditto.—But the sun covered.
	6½	E.	21	7	0	70	N	Clouds flying throughout the air.
5	6½	M.	21	7	5	64	N	Clouds like a veil cover the sky.
	12	N.	21	7	0	70½	N	Flying clouds throughout the air especially at north.
	2	E.	21	6	8	71	N W	Clouds at south south-east and south.
	6½	E.	21	7	2	68	ditto.	Clouds flying through all the horizon.
6	6½	M.	21	7	6	63½	N	Small white clouds flying from north, the rest clear.
	12	N.	21	7	0	71	N	Scattered clouds.
	2	E.	21	6	8	71½	N W	Light clouds.
	6½	E.	21	7	1	68	ditto.	Ditto.
7	6½	M.	21	7	4	64½	N	White clouds at south and south-east, towards the horizon.
	12	N.	21	7	0	73	N W	White clouds at east, north, and north-east.
	2	E.	21	6	5	74	N	Clear.
	6½	E.	21	6	7	69½	N	Ditto.
8	6½	M.	21	7	2	66	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	8	73	N	White clouds from the east, north, and south-east.
	2	E.	21	6	5	75	N W	Clear.
	6½	E.	21	7	0	70	N by W	Clear and cloudless.
9	6½	M.	21	7	3	63	N by E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	7	0	72	N W	White clouds flying in the south and east.
	2	E.	21	6	5	74	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	7	1	69½	ditto.	Clear.
10	6½	M.	21	7	4	63½	N N E	Clear and cloudless.
	12	N.	21	6	8	72	S W	Light clouds like a veil cover the sky.
11	12	N.	21	6	7	73	N W	Clear.
	2	E.	21	6	5	75	ditto.	Ditto.
	6½	E.	21	6	6	70	N	Ditto.
12	12	N.	21	6	7	72	S	Small clouds in the north-east near the horizon.
	2	E.	21	6	5	75	W	White clouds in the east.
	6½	E.	21	6	8	70	N W	Clear.
14	12	N.	21	6	8	72½	S W	Large white clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	7	75	N W	Ditto.
15	6	M.	21	6	8	70	S W	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	7	72	ditto.	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	5	75	W	White broken clouds at east, the rest clear.
16	6	M.	21	7	4	63½	N	Clear.
	12	N.	21	6	8	72¼	N W	Ditto.
	2	E.	21	6	5	75	ditto.	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	6	8	70	W	Ditto.
17	6	M.	21	7	6	63½	N	All the horizon is black and covered with clouds.
	12	N.	21	7	0	71	N	White broken clouds throughout the air.
	2	E.	21	6	4	74	N	High white clouds.
	6	E.	21	6	2	69	N	Ditto.
23	6	M.	21	6	4	70	N	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	6	8	70	N W	Ditto.
26	6	M.	21	7	4	64	N	Clouds at the west and east.
	12	N.	21	6	8	73	N	A violent storm of winds from the south, which lasted five minutes.
	6	E.	21	6	6	70	N	Clouds and rain for about three quarters of an hour. Violent thunder, the clouds come from the east.
27	6	M.	21	6	6	67	N by E	It rained in the night for about an hour and a quarter.
	12	N.	21	6	5	76	N by W	Large thick clouds, but the sun shines.
	6	E.	21	6	1	71	ditto.	Clouds throughout the air.
28	6	M.	21	6	4	69½	N	The heavens are covered with a light veil; it rained half an hour in the night.
	12	N.	21	6	3	70¼	N W	Ditto.—Clouds come from N. E. and S. W.
	6	E.	21	6	1	71	N by W	Clouds all over the sky, but most at south and west.
March
1	6	M.	21	6	5	75	N	A thin veil covers the sky, but the sun shines thro' it.
2	6	M.	21	6	4	64	N	Flying clouds in the south.
	12	N.	21	6	1	73½	S	White flying clouds, the sun is covered.
	6	E.	21	6	2	72	S E	Ditto.
3	6	M.	21	6	4	69½	E S E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	8	74	S S W	Thick heavy clouds cover the whole air.
	6	E.	21	5	3	75½	W	Ditto.
4	6	M.	21	6	5	68½	S by E	It rained two hours in the night.
5	6	M.	21	6	2	65	N E	The sky is covered with a light veil.
	12	N.	21	5	8	79½	N W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	5	4	72	W	Ditto.
6	6	M.	21	6	5	63	W	Thick clouds cover the air, it has rained about half an hour in the night.
	12	N.	21	5	0	77	S	Thick dark clouds, and appearance of rain.
	6	E.	21	5	8	70	S	Thick clouds in the south, it has rained and hailed about an hour.
7	6	M.	21	6	3	63	W	Clear.
	12	N.	21	4	7	80	W by N	Thick clouds in the south, but clear in the zenith.
	3½	E.	21	4	4	80	W	Overcast with thick clouds in the south and west, it rained and hailed with thunder and lightning.
	6	E.	21	5	4	80	W	Thick and flat clouds, with frequent lightning.
8	6	M.	21	6	5	63	S E	Clear, but has rained twice in the night half and hour at a time.
	12	N.	21	5	2	81	S W	White clouds throughout the air.
	6	E.	21	5	4	71	W	Ditto.
9	6	M.	21	6	3	64	N N E	Clear.
	12	N.	21	5	2	80	W	White thin clouds very hot in the sun.
	6	E.	21	5	6	74	N W	Clear.
10	6	M.	21	6	2	74	N N E	White thin clouds throughout the air.
	12	N.	21	5	0	82	W N W	Clear.
	6	E.	21	5	4	76	N W	Ditto.
11	6	M.	21	6	9	67¾	N by E	Sky is covered with a thin veil.
	12	N.	21	6	3	76¼	N W	Clear, only small clouds appear in the air.
12	6	M.	21	6	7	69¼	N	The sky is covered with a thin veil.
	12	N.	21	6	3	70¼	N W	Overcast with thick clouds, which come from north-east and south-west, it is likely to rain, cold and unpleasant.
	6	E.	21	6	1	71	N	Cloudy to the north and warm. It rained hard for three quarters of an hour immediately after noon.
13	6	M.	21	6	7	69¼	N	Cloudy everywhere.
	12	N.	21	6	3	70	N	Cloudy and cold.
	6	E.	21	6	0	71	N N W	A thick veil covers the sky, clouds in the horizon to the south.
14	6	M.	21	7	0	67¾	N	Overcast all round.
	12	N.	21	6	9	70	N W	Clouds all round, with small drops of rain.
	6	E.	21	7	0	69½	N by W	Cloudy everywhere except in the zenith.
15	6	M.	21	7	5	66½	N	A thin veil covers the sky, faint sun-shine.
	12	N.	21	6	9	70¼	N W	Cloudy all round, and a few drops of rain.
	6	E.	21	7	0	69½	N b W	Cloudy everywhere except in the zenith.
16	6	M.	21	7	4	65½	N W b N	Small white clouds united all over head, high wind all night.
	12	N.	21	6	9	75	N W	Large white clouds in the east.
	6	E.	21	7	0	69¼	N W b N	Clear.
17	6	M.	21	6	9	56	N	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	6	7	77	N W	Ditto.
	6	E.	21	6	1	71	N b W	Cloudy, but the sun sets clear.
18	6	M.	21	7	0	65¾	N N W	A thin veil covers the sky.
	12	N.	21	6	0	77	N W	Light flying clouds, but a clear sun-shine.
	6	E.	21	6	3	73	ditto.	Clear all above, and without clouds, but hazy in the horizon.
19	6	M.	21	7	0	67½	N	Perfectly clear everywhere.
	12	N.	21	6	4	76	N W	Cloudy, but sun-shine.
	6	E.	21	6	3	72¾	ditto.	Clear and serene.
20	6	M.	21	7	0	77¾	N	Clear above, but hazy in the horizon at north-east, and south.
	12	N.	21	6	6	77¾	N b E	Large white flying clouds, but clear sun-shine.
	6	E.	21	6	3	73½	N N W	Clear and serene.
21	6	M.	21	6	9	70¼	N	A thin veil covers the sky.
	12	N.	21	6	4	75½	N W	Clear, but large white clouds to the south-east.
	6	E.	21	6	0	73½	ditto.	Clear above, and hazy in the horizon at north east and south.
22	6	M.	21	6	8	69¾	N	Overcast with small broken clouds.
	12	N.	21	6	0	77	N	Cloudy.
	6	E.	21	6	2	75	N W	Cloudy all over and close.
23	6	M.	21	6	9	70¼	N	Cloudy, especially at south, close.
	12	N.	21	7	0	73¾	N N W	Large heavy white clouds and close.
	6	E.	21	6	4	73¼	ditto.	Cloudy to the south, a violent shower of hail and rain which lasted 18 minutes.
24	12	N.	21	7	6	76	ditto.	Cloudy and warm.
	6	E.	21	0	0	75	ditto.	Ditto.
27	6	M.	21	1	3	70¼	ditto.	Cloudy and close.
28	6	M.	21	0	7	70¼	ditto.	Ditto.—Heavy towards the south.
	12	N.	21	0	2	76¾	S	Sun-shine, with large white clouds.
	6	E.	21	0	0	75¾	N E	Rains, overcast with dark heavy clouds. The first violent lightning and thunder.
29	6	M.	21	0	4	69	ditto.	All overcast, heavy and dark clouds come from west, loud thunder in the night.
	12	N.	21	11	9	73¾	S E	Cloudy and close, wind varying to south, clouds come from north-west and west.
	2¾	N.	20	11	5	75	E	A violent blast which lasted a few minutes. Loud thunder in the zenith and south, clouds, with rain, drive from east and south-west.
	4½	E.	20	11	6	71¾	N E	It has rained till now and cleared, with the wind at north-east, thunder and cloudy still in the south, clouds drive from north-west.
	5¾	E.	20	11	5	72¼	E	Clear sun-shine, clouds fly swiftly from west.
	6	E.	21	11	5	72	N E	Lightning, clouds from west and north, close.
30	2¾	M.	21	0	0	68¼	ditto.	It has thundered, lightned, and rained violently all night; clouds from west and east fly moderately.
	6	M.	21	0	9	67¼	E	Constant heavy rain, clouds fly all round.
	8	M.	21	1	0	69½	N	It has ceased raining with wind at north varying to north-west.
	12	N.	21	0	5	74¼	S	Heavy white clouds from north-west, faint sun-shine.
31	6	M.	21	0	0	67¾	N W	Cloudy, the clouds come from north-west, faint sun-shine.
	12	N.	21	0	7	71	N b E	Cloudy all round, clouds come from north, dark in the east.
	6	E.	21	0	4	70¼	N N W	Cloudy, the clouds come from north and south-east.
April
1	6	M.	21	1	0	68¼	E	Faint sun-shine with a light veil over the sky.
	12	N.	21	0	5	72¼	N E	Cloudy and dark, stormy like to the south.
	3½	N.	21	0	0	72¼	N N E	A violent shower of hail which lasted nine minutes, and cleared with wind at north north-east.
	6	E.	21	0	3	71	ditto.	Cloudy and close, dark and stormy like to south.
2	6	M.	21	1	0	66½	N	Clear sun-shine, with large white clouds, lightning and rain all the night.
	12	N.	21	0	9	69¼	N W	Cloudy all over.
	6	E.	21	0	4	70¾	N N E	Cloudy in most parts, which fly swiftly from east and west.
3	6	M.	21	1	0	67½	ditto.	Cloudy to the south and dark, clear to the northward
	12	N.	21	0	9	72	ditto.	Cloudy, they cross from west and east.
	3¼	E.	21	0	5	72½	S S E varying to N N E	Rain and cloudy all over.
	6	E.	21	0	4	70½	N N E	Cloudy throughout.
4	6	M.	21	5	1	67	N E	Clear and serene everywhere, no rain last night.
	12	N.	21	0	8	73¼	N b W varying to N N E	Cloudy, the clouds drive from east and west.
	6	E.	21	0	8	71¼	N	Cloudy, with a violent high wind, clouds cross the zenith swiftly from west.
5	6	M.	21	0	0	69½	N E b E	High wind, but clear.
	12	N.	21	0	4	73	N W	Large white clouds, but clear sun-shine.
	½	E.	21	0	4	73½	N	Heavy rain, thunder in the south, clouds from east and west.
	2½	E.	21	0	7	69	N W	It is all overcast, and thunders in the zenith; it has rained till now, there has been a strong wind which lasted 25 minutes.
	6	E.	21	0	7	70	N E	Clear, with a few clouds in the horizon at north and south.
6	6	M.	21	0	8	68¼	N E b E	Cloudy, high white clouds cool and fresh.
	12	N.	21	0	7	73	E	Cloudy, dark and rainy like in the south.
	6	E.	21	0	4	73¼	N N E	Large clouds chiefly to the north and close.
8	3	E.	21	0	7	72¾	S E varying to S	Clouds with small rain.
	6	E.	21	0	4	73¾	S E	High light white clouds close and warm.
9	6	M.	21	7	1	71	E	Dappled sky, and faint sun-shine.
	12	N.	21	1	0	73	S E	It has thundered all day, but no rain.
	6	E.	21	1	0	71¾	N E	Varying to east and north, dark and stormy like all round.
10	6	M.	21	1	7	68¼	N N E	Cloudy all over, it rained in the night one hour.
	12	N.	21	1	4	67½	N E	Faint sun-shine, with some high white clouds, it rained half an hour in the night, and thundered.
	6	E.	21	1	3	67½	N	Cloud and stormy-like, dark clouds fly from E. to W.
11	6	M.	21	1	4	67½	N E	Faint sun-shine, with some high white clouds, it rained a little.
	12	N.	21	1	0	72½	W S W	Heavy white clouds.
	6	E.	21	1	0	71¾	N	Close clouds flying from east and west.
26	6	M.	21	1	4	67	N E	Sun-shine and cloudy by turns.
	12	N.	21	1	0	73	S E	Sun-shine, but faint large white clouds.
27	6	M.	21	1	5	67	N E	Clear and serene.
	12	N.	21	0	8	71¼	N	High wind, and clouds from north-east.
28	6	M.	21	1	4	67	N E	Clear, but cold and windy.
	12	N.	21	1	7	72	S S E	Cloudy and dark both in the south and west.
	6	E.	21	0	8	70	N	High wind since noon.
29	6	M.	21	1	7	68¼	N N E	Cloudy, windy, and stormy like, it begins to rain.
	12	N.	21	1	4	67	N	Cloudy to the south and north.
	6	E.	21	1	0	70	N	Wind cold bleak, but clear.
30	6	M.	21	1	7	69	N	Cloudy, it rained in the night.
	12	N.	21	0	8	73	N W	Cloudy and windy.
	6	E.	21	0	8	71	N	High wind, bleak and cool, cloudy in the south.
31	6	M.	21	0	7	70	N E	Cloudy and heavy to the south.
	12	N.	21	0	2	75¾	ditto.	Rain, heavy and dark clouds to the west.
MAY
1	6	M.	21	1	4	73½	N	Heavy rain, with intervals.
	12	N.	21	1	7	65	N N E	Cloudy in the west.
	6	E.	21	1	3	69¼	N E	Cloudy all over, it thunders in the south.
2	6	M.	21	1	6	63	S E	Cloudy, and like to rain, the clouds come from north-east.
	6	E.	21	0	9	78	N W	Cloudy and heavy in south and west.
3	6	M.	21	1	1	75	ditto.	All overcast, cloudy in north-east, it rained hard in the night.
	12	N.	21	0	7	78	N N E	Cloudy, but not like rain.
	6	E.	21	0	8	74½	N E	Cloudy all over head, but high.
4	6	M.	21	0	9	63	ditto.	Clear and serene, but hazy in the horizon to the S.
	12	N.	21	0	7	77	N W	Clear, and without clouds.
	6	E.	21	0	7	75¼	ditto.	All overcast, it lightens violently.
5	6	M.	21	7	1	69½	N E	Clear, and serene, it rained a few drops in the night.
	12	N.	21	1	4	78	N W	Clear a few white clouds come swiftly from east.
	6	E.	21	0	6	74¼	ditto.	Cloudy and dark in the south, clouds come from south-east and south-west.
6	6	M.	21	1	9	65	N E	Heavy clouds in the south.
	12	N.	21	0	8	79	N W	All overcast, clouds come from south-east, and east.
	6	E.	21	0	8	70	S E	It has rained violently since three, overcast all round.
7	6	M.	21	1	9	59	E	Clear, though there are still clouds to the south, it rained heavily in the night, wind varying all round from south to north.
	12	N.	21	1	2	74	N W	Cloudy to windward and to S. E. clouds fly rapidly different ways, but chiefly from south-west.
	6	E.	21	1	4	71½	ditto.	Cloudy and warm, heavy to the south, lightning and small rain.
8	6	M.	21	1	0	64½	N	Clear and pleasant light, white clouds from east.
	12	N.	21	0	5	73	N E	Cloudy, clouds fly from north-west, north-east, south-west and south.
	6	E.	21	0	6	72¼	ditto.	Small rain, wind varying to south-east, south south-east, dark in the south.
10	6½	M.	21	1	7	62	E N E	Clear sun-shine, a few thin clouds to the east.
	12	N.	21	1	0	78	N E	Light clouds in the south-east.
	6	E.	21	1	7	70¾	ditto.	Thin narrow streaks of red clouds to the W.
11	6	M.	21	1	7	61½	N W	Clear everywhere, and warm.
	12	N.	21	1	0	74	N by W	A heavy cloud rises in the south, light clouds at N. W.
	6	E.	21	1	0	71½	N W	It has rained small rain by intervals, but is very dark.
14	6	M.	21	1	4	63	ditto.	Cloudy everywhere but in the zenith.
	12	N.	21	0	5	74	ditto.	Overcast clouds come slowly from south and north.
	6	E.	21	0	6	66	N E	Clear, only a few light clouds to the south.
15	6	M.	21	1	0	66	N E	Ditto.
	12	N.	21	0	5	78	N W	Cloudy in the south and north, but the zenith clear.
	6	E.	21	0	7	73½	S W	Cloudy all round, and likely to rain, close and warm.
16	6	M.	21	1	0	63	N E	Clear, bright sun-shine.
	12	N.	21	0	4	75¼	S W	Cloudy and dark to the south and north-west.
	6	E.	21	0	0	74	E S E	Cloudy, it has rained a few drops.
19	6	M.	21	1	6	63	N W	Clear, unless in the south-east a few clouds.
	12	N.	21	0	0	72	S S E	High white clouds, but no rain.
21	6	M.	21	1	7	62	N E	Clear, with a few white clouds to the north and east.
	12	N.	21	1	0	73	N by W	Ditto.—They seem stationary.
	6	E.	21	1	1	73	N W b W	Cloudy, it lightens; thunders heavily in the south.
22	6	M.	21	1	7	62	N W	Clear and serene, but warm.
	12	N.	21	1	0	76	W	A small black cloud ascends from the east, turning round like a wheel upon its axis, quicker as it approaches the zenith.
	6	E.	21	1	0	74	S E	Heavy and cloudy, it lightens greatly.
23	6	M.	21	1	9	61	N W	Large heavy white clouds all round.
	12	N.	21	1	2	73	ditto.	Cloudy and bleak.
	6	E.	21	1	3	67	ditto.	Cloudy and close.
25	6	M.	21	1	6	63	ditto.	Some white heavy clouds to the south-east and east, they fly swiftly, and turn as a wheel as before; at ten o'clock heavy clouds.
	12	N.	21	0	3	75	ditto.	Cloudy, the sun covered, dark in the north-west.
	6	E.	21	0	4	70	N varying to E & S	It began to rain, thunder and lightning about three, and so continues dark every where.
26	6	M.	21	0	8	62	N	It has rained heavily all night, the sun at times overcast.
	12	N.	21	0	5	73	N W	Cloudy, it has rained several times this forenoon.
	6	E.	21	1	0	72	N W varying to S	It has rained heavily since two, dark and cloudy; when the wind comes south it falls calm, and then is the heaviest rains.
29	6	M.	21	1	4	63	N	High white large clouds to the west and east, it rained all night.
	12	N.	21	1	6	75	N W	Large white clouds all round the horizon.
	6	E.	21	1	4	70½	N E	Ditto.
30	6	M.	21	1	7	64	ditto.	Cloudy to the south, but the sun clear and pleasant.
	12	N.	21	1	4	75	ditto.	Cloudy.
	6	E.	21	1	6	70½	E N E	Cloudy in the south, but clear everywhere else.
31	6	M.	21	1	6	61½	N E	Clouds very high, they come from the east towards the zenith.
	12	N.	21	1	0	73	N W	Cloudy all round, clouds crossing from south and east, and north-west.
	6	E.	21	1	4	70	N	It has rained a few drops, and thundered.

END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.

Transcriber's Notes:
1. Obvious spelling and punctuation errors corrected.
2. Obsolete forms of spelling and use of hyphens have been retained.

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