Relation of the operations of the archbishop of
Manila, governor and captain-general of the Philipinas, during the time
of his government, of the measures taken during the time of the siege
or blockade by the English of the capital of Manila, of its capture by
assault, of the events which followed this unfortunate occurrence.
Written for the defense of his fame and name which were abused and
trampled under foot by envy through its calumnies, injuries, and
reproaches by word and writing in letters and great libels.
[The archbishop1 begins his relation with a short
introduction, in which he states that his defense [177]against the libels that have been published
against him will consist of a synopsis or summary of his deeds while
archbishop and governor, and of events during the English siege and
invasion. He considers the libels themselves as unworthy an answer in
kind and hence will not satisfy an idle curiosity to such an extent;
and even if the charges made against him were true, to defend himself
so, would only increase the scandal. He is answerable for his errors,
not to the ignorant crowd, but to his king, and to the learned and
prudent men of the Spanish nation.]
Part first. Of the operations of the archbishop during the time
of his government of the islands.
[The archbishop finds it necessary to refer to the events of this
period as some of them are connected with the events of the two
following periods; and because complaints have been made of him. The
first thing noted is the peace that the archbishop brought about in the
ranks of the Augustinians who had split up into various factions, and
who had sought the aid of the law. He also heals the breach between the
visitor and the provincial of the Recollects, first succeeding in
getting a peaceful entry for the visitor. One of the matters under the
latter’s jurisdiction having been settled in favor of the
defendant, a religious, whom the order had condemned and deprived of
honor, the breach opens again, but is finally settled by a council of
Dominican and Augustinian religious, the visitor, the provincial and
definitors of the Recollects. By the ship “Philipino,” the
archbishop asks the viceroy of Mexico for one hundred soldiers, but
asks him not to send criminals or evil-minded men. He asks also that
fifty [178]thousand pesos of the annual situado be in small
change in order to replace the clipped coin in circulation and also to
prevent further counterfeiting, which is so widespread. He also turns
his attention to the troops, appointing officers and opening a
recruiting station. He sends one hundred soldiers to Zamboanga, as well
as the annual supplies, including two thousand pesos extra. Eighty
soldiers are sent to the province of Caraga which has been ravaged by
the Moros of late. These are in command of Nicolas Norton,2
an Englishman, who has become a naturalized Spaniard. The latter is
commissioned to cultivate spice and cinnamon, the working of which he
understands thoroughly. With him goes a Recollect missionary to attend
to spiritual matters, and good results are promised to Christianity.
The new bishop of Zebù is despatched to his diocese, taking with
him six thousand pesos of the funds of that bishopric, which has been
adjudged him by the Audiencia.3 [179]The
archbishop has a part in the pacification of Bohol through the above
bishop and the alcalde-mayor newly appointed to that province.4
They succeed in reducing the chief insurgent Dagahoy and three thousand
men, after the province had been in rebellion for over fourteen years,
during which two Jesuits have been killed. “At the beginning of
the archbishop’s term of government, a contagious epidemic of
smallpox showed and declared itself, which had stealthily and slowly
gained a foothold in the city and spread rapidly through the villages
in its environs, without escaping little or big of the very great
population of the natives.” The archbishop meets the issue by
various spiritual and temporal measures, detailing ecclesiastical
ministers to administer the sacraments, in which both regulars and
Jesuits aid manfully. “A holy field was assigned for burials,
because of the horror caused by the dead in the churches, and to
prevent the pest from spreading because of the stench. He appointed
four deputies from the regidors, and a like number from the
ecclesiastical cabildo with instructions and orders which he gave to
attend to all the necessities of the poor and sick.” He gives
these men one thousand pesos of his own income, and various sums
resulting from fines, especially from play (more than two thousand
pesos) for the charitable work. A council of physicians is called to
write a prescription which is posted up in all the churches of the
villages and in other public places. The archbishop keeps a sharp eye
on temporal [180]and spiritual matters, during the entire time of
the epidemic. The general calamity is still further heightened by a
violent typhoon which occurs on October 12 of this year, when the
epidemic is at its worst. Relief to both is accorded through the many
supplications made to heaven. The epidemic spreading through the
provinces, the measures for spiritual and temporal relief are extended
thither. In the middle of the month of December the archbishop begins
to suffer from a disease of the eyes which lasts for more than two
months, which obliges him to use a signet seal instead of writing his
name, in order that the business of the country might not cease.
January 20, the anniversary of the birth of the king is held with great
solemnity, and despite his affliction, the archbishop fulfils his share
in the ceremonial celebrations. It is learned that Auditor Francisco
Villacorta has not been present at the celebration because his carriage
has been detained at the palace-door leading to the living apartments
of the governor, and where the archbishop-governor has prohibited
entrance on account of his illness, the Audiencia using the other or
general door. As punishment for his non-attendance he is ordered to
remain a prisoner in his house and threatened with a fine. This gives
occasion for a breach between the official and the archbishop-governor.
In the following month are held the celebrations in honor of our Lady
of Guadalupe, the ceremonies being both ecclesiastical and
social.5 Among the latter are three afternoons given up to
bullfights, “which was properly an entertainment, without any
fear of danger, for the bulls hereabout are not courageous and fierce
like those of [181]both Españas,” and anyone could
indulge in the sport, even the unskilled. There are also musical
entertainments and dancing which are designed chiefly for the ladies.
The illness of the archbishop, however, compels him to hold aloof from
the celebration. During Lent and the three days of jubilee in honor of
the coronation of the pope, the proper ceremonies are observed, but the
archbishop’s illness allows him to take but little part in
them.]
16. Since the archbishop assumed the responsibility, at the
beginning of his government, of the many measures which were necessary
for the fulfilment of that post, among various others to which he
attended, he set his gaze and hand to the navy which was both in a
backward state and important. He immediately endeavored to get boats,
and was able to purchase three galleys—one a large one, and two
small—and two champans. He gave order and money to the new
alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan for two galleys and two champans; to the
alcalde-mayor of Sorsogon for two more galleys, and sent him a
shipbuilder; to the alcalde-mayor of Orani and Zambales order and money
for a like number of the above-mentioned boats. Since he also had an
order from his Majesty to construct two fragatas of fifty cannons, this
was the chief thing to which he turned his attention. Having been
informed of the great amount of wood which had been collected for this
purpose by Mariscal Arandia, in the two cuttings which he had ordered
in various places, and that said wood was for the most part used, and
that at the moment of the conclusion of his government, his successor
had had the cutting stopped, the archbishop again established them, in
the districts which were found to be most [182]suitable.
Consequently, methodically and economically, the necessary timber was
collected for a fragata, and the speedy sending of a like amount or
more for the other fragata.
[All the preparations having been made, the work is started in the
shipyards at Cavite, whither the archbishop goes in person. In that
city he is royally entertained by the castellan of the fort, two
bullfights being arranged for him, and musical concerts being given
nightly during the five or six days of his stay there. The archbishop
while there spends his time as follows: in the morning he celebrates
mass, and goes to others attended by his suite, among whom are Manuel
Galban, the auditor, and Francisco Viana, the fiscal; visits the royal
storehouses, and the walls which are being repaired; during the
remainder of the afternoon, if there is time, he visits the environs of
the village; and at the time of the Angelus goes to the church where
there is music. Thence, preceded by the musicians, he goes to his
apartments where he listens to a concert until nine, at which hour he
sups. Many complaints are made of this, as well as of the festivities
in the palace at Manila and the time which he spends in his summer
residence of Nagtahan, where he passes the hot months, namely, April,
May, and a part of June. By his efforts to construct a navy, the
archbishop believes that he is doing his duty. He plans to restrain the
Moros from their raids, and has the coasts of the Visayan Islands
guarded.]
19. … But the embassy of the sultan of Mindanao happening to
come almost at the same time as that of Ba[n]tilan, who is governing
the islands of the sultan of Jolo,6 both with propositions
[185]of peace, and of valuable conditions, it was
becoming very apparent that many advantages would accrue to our side,
and the hostility of the Moros be kept in check.
20. In regard to what was advised and ordered by his Majesty, the
archbishop received these two embassies, and that from Jolo, with the
previous consent and pleasure of the king of said island, Don Fernando
I, who was greatly obliged by this attention, as well as by others
which the archbishop had observed toward him. For the archbishop had
given him a house and a carriage within the city, and had taken him
from the most unworthy lodgings where he lived in the royal fort,
because of having recognized the need of repairing it and having begun
said work.
21. The ambassador or envoy from Bantilan incited said Don Fernando
to petition and repeat his writings to the archbishop, so that his
cause which had been so long delayed might be reviewed. This cause was
so foggy and laden with many knotty and ancient points which having
been examined and an extract having been made in regard to the whole
matter, the archbishop sent it for a consultative vote to the royal
assembly and in view of what the assembly stated in regard to their
duty to declare him free from prison and with the authorization to be
able to go to his kingdom, the archbishop reserved his consent,
[186]taking the time to arrange the voyage of said
Don Fernando and his son, Prince Isrrael; and having taken measures in
regard to his embarcation, and the other necessary things, fixing the
voyage for November of that same year 1762: the preliminaries of peace
were given and concluded, and the new and voluntary proposition of the
said king and his son, signed by both, in it they conceded that the
Spaniards could have a settlement and build their fort in their
principal island of Jolo. In the meanwhile, the principal fortress of
said island was to be surrendered to them as a mark of the confidence
that they had in them and of the love which they professed to so good a
king as the Catholic monarch. Also, in the island of Basilan the
Spaniards were to be allowed to place their fortress. He ceded other
distant islands which would be freely surrendered, and which were of no
use to them. No other nation was to be permitted to settle in his
kingdom without the consent of the Catholic king. All was accepted with
the reservation of the rights of his Catholic Majesty, to whom a report
was to be made.
22. The other ambassador from Mindanao proposed, and it also
appeared in the letters from his sultan, that he would cede Sebugay,
where he was stationed, as he was minded to move to another part of his
possessions. He would maintain the ancient peace of his ancestors with
the Spaniards, and would aid them against the other Moros, if they gave
him arms. Nothing was concluded with this envoy, because, although the
proposals were advantageous, while the archbishop was giving the matter
his attention, and although he was pushing the matter urgently, the
unexpected surprise of the English [187]occurred. That also
occasioned this great harm that our islands would have remained in
security, and with precautions so that they might not be invaded by the
Moros, who have ruined them for so long a time; and with the
above-mentioned project for the settlement of the Spaniards in Jolo,
the settlement which the English claimed and agreed upon with Bantilan
would have been annulled. But everything was frustrated because divine
ordination must prevail over human ideas.
23. During that time also the disturbance which was roused up
against the Society of Jesus was quieted, some anonymous and libelous
writings being scattered and read freely, and now prohibited with two
others of new writings in these islands, which insulted it even to
excess. By means of an edict and censure that was fulminated, these
infernal stigmas were taken back, and the author of the two
above-mentioned writings having been discovered, namely, a regular, he
was corrected by means of his prelate, who without being induced and
with only the notice had begun to punish him; and it was necessary to
moderate that prelate because of the exhaustion and great age of the
culprit who now recognized his error. So much the more did the
archbishop push this matter as it was apparent to him, and he had
experienced the truly apostolic zeal of that order in these parts, and
that its workers watched with their accustomed spirit and fervor in all
that concerned the good of souls; and in the visit of the
archbishopric, they labored with the archbishop with great fruit and
his consolation. Because of their merit, and through his long and very
intimate experience of the wisdom and spirit of those religious, he
[188]wrote to his Holiness who has protected them so
greatly in their adverses. He stated to his Holiness what his
conscience dictated to him in favor and approval of those evangelical
workers and peculiar coadjutors of the bishops. But this letter
perished with the others in the captured ship “La
Trinidad.”…
[24]. At the same time and at the beginning of his government,
noting the orders that his Majesty had given and the extreme need of
his royal works for rebuilding or repairing them, the archbishop sent
master workmen and intelligent men to report on their condition. In
view of their inspection and in accordance with what they themselves
discovered, after a thorough inspection, those men stated the need
because of the ruin which was threatened, either in whole or in part,
of said buildings, with danger to those who lived in them and with
their dread and uneasiness. In consideration of that, after
investigations and contracts with the masters of the art, he proceeded
to the adjustment of each one, under bonds to grant them their pay in
three instalments, one-third at the beginning of the work, another
third when it was half done, and the last third at its completion. Thus
was a good beginning made in them all, and some of them were half
finished, in which condition they were overtaken by the event of the
war, for all would have been finished during the first three months of
the following year.
[The royal works needing repair are the hospital, the royal college
of Santa Potenciana, the college of San Phelipe, and the royal fort of
Santiago; and the sum necessary to be expended on them is slightly in
excess of forty thousand pesos. The wall of Cavite [189]is
also in a very bad condition, repeated complaints of which have been
made to the government, and to which the archbishop cannot turn a deaf
ear. The terrible hurricane of October 12, 1761, has damaged the walls
still more. Plans are drawn up by the engineers, to put which in
operation would cost one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and would
take more than eight years. But because of the expense and time
necessary, the engineers are told to discuss a new plan, and
accordingly propose a double stockade of palma brava, which can be
constructed for ten thousand pesos and which will last at least fifteen
years. This plan is followed and is nearing completion when the English
enter. The cracks in the walls of Manila are stopped up, but the war
with the English shows its weakness, for it has been built, not so much
to withstand artillery and civilized warfare, as the attacks of Moros.
It is designed to repair the esplanades of the walls and the gun
carriages mounted thereon, but the English arrive before the stone and
timber for it can be gathered. Twenty men are kept busy, for more than
two months, polishing the one thousand two hundred muskets formerly
brought by Governor Arandia, which have become very rusty. Various
other measures are taken to bring up the military strength of the city,
which is in a wretched state so far as defense is concerned. The
treasury enters upon a new life with the assumption of government by
the archbishop, for although it has but ten thousand pesos from the new
tax, and the sums left by the bishops [espolios] in
1761, by September 22, 1762, when the English appear (and the annual
situado has not yet arrived), it has 138,633 pesos 5 tomins, 6 granos.
This sum includes [190]36,897 pesos, 5 tomins, 6 granos, in
espolios, 40,000 pesos, which the executor of the property of Governor
Arandia is ordered to deposit there so that a pious foundation may
receive the sum left it by the abovesaid governor, and over 60,000
pesos belonging to the treasury by right. Payments are prompt, and by
the methods adopted many losses are avoided. So far as possible,
definite times are set aside for the administration of justice and
government matters. Two serious matters, especially noteworthy because
of their difficulty, are settled by the archbishop. The first is the
case of Dr. Santiago Orendain, who was proceeded against by the
predecessor of Rojo, the bishop-governor Espeleta, the case being
managed by Francisco Villacorta, one of the auditors. The archbishop
settles the matter, (which had assumed so vast proportions that
Villacorta has been excommunicated), but it breaks out again. Orendain
asks for a review of his case, which is concerned with the
administration of the funds of the Cruzada7
of which [191]he has been treasurer, and the archbishop
accordingly examines the records which fill over five thousand folios.
Orendain is at last declared free after two years’ imprisonment.
The archbishop quashes the case by his decree of November 27, 1761, as
he is anxious to restore harmony, and orders the records sent to the
king. The fiscal, Francisco Viana, appeals to Auditor Simon de Anda,
who has recently come to the islands, and the matter is again stirred
up, but it is at length disposed of definitely, and the records ordered
sent to the king.8 The other case is a dispute with Simon de
Anda y Salazar in regard to the power of a single auditor to act as the
entire Audiencia in the absence of other auditors, in the issuing of
royal provisions. This special case arises over the property of the
late governor Arandia, in regard to which the judge of the property of
deceased persons has recourse to the royal Audiencia. Anda, on coming
to the islands, takes up the case, and Auditor Davila falling mortally
ill, he endeavors to take entire charge of the matter, even to the
issuing of a royal provision. This the archbishop-governor opposes on
the grounds that Anda may not issue such provisions alone. Although law
180 of the título regarding audiencias allows one auditor to act
as the [192]Audiencia in case of the absence of the other
auditors, that auditor cannot determine matters finally, and despatch
royal provisions; as other laws of the same titulo forbid that. Among
such laws are 62, 63, of titulo XV, book ii,
and as well, 88, 106, et seq., and 111.9
Notwithstanding Anda’s wrath, the archbishop [193]maintains good relations with him, and seeks
ever to propitiate him, acting so throughout with the other auditors
and the fiscal. Since entering upon his government, it has been the
custom of the archbishop to invite all classes of people to his mass,
in order thereby to promote sociability and restrain complaints and
disturbances. The people of Manila are “only busy for two or
three months each year, getting ready their bales for the Acapulco
ship, and during the rest [of the year] recline at ease. This ease is
the pillow and stimulus of other vices, and one of the effects which is
experienced is the multitude of clerks, and the huge amounts of copying
paper which are consumed throughout the year, especially during the
time of the above-mentioned despatch. Since from a few days after his
arrival at this city, the archbishop realized that the discord and
complaints of Christian charity arose from that vice of laziness, and
that already the dominant vice was the painful detriment of souls, he
began to use the arms of the Church against the terrible
Goliath.” For this purpose he begins a mission, in which the love
of God and one’s neighbor is preached. The doctrine is also
[194]explained throughout the year every Sunday in
one of the three churches assigned for that purpose. After the
archbishop assumes the government of the islands his custom of
expounding the doctrine is not abated but rather increased; and he
keeps a careful watch over all ecclesiastical dispositions.]
Part Second. Of occurrences immediate to the siege in the year
62; and of the measures taken during that time; and those following the
siege until the year 63.
1. In due time, namely, at the beginning of May, a galley was
despatched to the Embocadero with the fitting aid to meet and assist
the ship “Philipino” which was on its return from Acapulco.
In the middle of May, another galley was despatched for the same
purpose, so that after having met the said ship and after having left
it with the other galley in San Jacinto, it might proceed to Cobadonga
and the island of Leyte. For a long time no authentic news had come
from that place except the ravages of the horrible epidemic which had
caused a great mortality, and among the deceased was the alcalde-mayor.
A person was sent in the said galley to take his place with the fitting
instructions. That person was to repair the casualties which might have
occurred, by aiding those stricken with the plague in the same manner
prescribed by the general measure for all the islands as abovesaid.
2. Shortly after a despatch was made to Calamianes, by a lesser
alcalde for another official, in charge of that so important post which
is located at the point of Paragua, where the construction of a fort
had been commenced during the term of the preceding governor,
[195]and concluded in that of the archbishop. The
latter sent some recruits and some necessary supplies by that one. Then
he also despatched an intelligent and well-instructed alcalde to the
place called Bugason,10 which abounds in people and
rice, and which could not be well administered by the alcalde of
Yloylo, nor be conveniently stocked with food at Samboangan: for the
expenses and difficulties were doubled in conducting the fruits and
royal treasury to said capital, whence it was separated under the
suitable measures, which made manifest the need and utility of that
separation, advantageous for the royal treasury of the above-mentioned
presidio of Samboanga, and very convenient for preventing them from
giving shelter to the Moros in those districts.
3. The reception of the returning ship and of the one despatched
annually to Acapulco,11 is the entire occupation of
this commerce and of the inhabitants [of this community]. It holds and
calls the attention of the governors considerably. The latter begins to
despatch measures for the careening of the ship and other things for
its preparation, at the beginning of the year. There was no other ship
than the very large one called “La Trinidad”12 of which advice was given to the merchants in
regard to the cargo. Its keel having been inspected, and the ship
careened [196]fully, as it was apparent to the archbishop
because of the inspection which the merchants made, that they did not
wish or could not prepare hastily more than one thousand piezas; and
having completed the distribution or allotment of the tickets in the
best manner that this labyrinth of entanglements, complaints, and
vileness permits, they began to stow the cargo in the ship, and
although it was a small cargo, they were retarded greatly by the
vendabals which began at the end of June.
4. At that time happened two events of little importance and
considerable bulk, which the archbishop expedited easily. One was in
regard to the master of the silver collecting the chests, according to
the new order of his Majesty, and the owners not taking them to the
palace, where they had formerly been gathered, whither he agreed; and
in regard to this matter also, the representation of the commissary of
the Inquisition, a person of learning and probity, who was well
considered because of his merit and the due respect to the holy
tribunal. But by the demand of the city and the register being already
shut away, the chests containing it had to be opened for the necessary
note of those who had not been included in said register.
5. The other event was that four merchants of the said city having
prepared some bales, the city delayed giving them audience in order
that they might obtain permission to register it. The hold being about
ready to be closed, they went to the archbishop. The latter granted
them license to embark some bales, on condition that the tickets of the
poor which were left could be accommodated. The others were to be for
the benefit of the royal treasury. The [197]outcry and clamor of
the city, which held many consultations, was great, and greater in
their letters to the viceroy and his Majesty, with ill-founded
complaints that they were deprived of liberty in regard to asking more
or less cargo space. But the archbishop, having been well informed
regarding the royal orders, and aware that the true motive for anger
was the rivalry of the merchants to their other associates, and the
application of the tickets to the royal treasury, he convinced those of
the city of these puerilities and the papers which they had written in
opposition were effectively withdrawn and they asked that the
archbishop should so do. He had only advised the viceroy on account of
the attempt of the merchants, in order that said number of piezas might
not be confiscated. In fact the merchants were convinced, and
satisfied, and thanked the archbishop.
6. With its small cargo of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight
piezas, this ship was able to sail from the port of Cavite, August 1.
That same day the vendavals returned with greater force than ever (and
winds which are contrary for leaving the mouth of this bay) and they
blew with tenacity and without intermission all through August. And
although the pilots did their best, and in fact once did get out
through the mouth, they anchored at the islet of Fortuna, and had to
return to the bay and take shelter behind the mountains of
Cabcave.13
7. The anxiety caused by this delay obliged the archbishop to call a
meeting of the best pilots, and examine the ancient papers in regard to
the direction of the ship at departure, to see whether it was through
the Embocadero, or by way of Cabo Bojeador [198]which lies at the northern end of this island.
With the assistance of the fiscal and other intelligent persons, the
pilots believed that the course by way of Cabo Bojeador was more
expeditious and advantageous, if the ship left at the latest by the
beginning of July; but, if it were despatched, as usually happened, at
the end of July, or in August, it was to be feared that the terrible
typhoons or hurricanes of the China Sea which reach as far as the said
cape and farther, would carry it away. Consequently, it was more
advisable for the said ship to pursue its voyage through the
Embocadero, and the vendavals would be favorable to it until they left
it, and farther until they reached the Marianas. It was not late, for
other ships had left at the beginning of September. This opinion,
having been attested, was sent to the commander of the ship so that the
pilots might be informed of it. The ship left the mouth in fact on the
third of September, and reached San Jacinto in four days, where it took
wood and water aboard, and where it was overtaken by two boats or
champans with the reënforcement of food, sails, and other
supplies, which had been asked and which they would need. They sailed
from the Embocadero on the thirteenth of said month with a favoring
wind. But when they had sailed three hundred leguas, they were met by a
most violent storm. We shall discuss this misfortune in due time.
8. On the fourteenth of the said month of September word was
received from the river of Canas, in a latitude a short distance from
the islet of Fortuna, that a ship and its boat had been seen in said
river. That piece of news communicated by two Indians, caused great
anxiety in Manila, and people [201]variously conjectured as to
whether it were the “Philipino” or whether the
“Trinidad” had put back, or perhaps whether it were some
foreign ship. Order was immediately given for an official to go from
Cavite to prove the news, and follow the ship as far as possible. But
after three days of this diligence, and the ship had not been found, it
was asserted that another ship had been seen in Mariveles. Through the
neglect of the alcalde-mayor of Orani, in not having imparted this news
immediately, as he must have had bantayes14 or bajias
in Mariveles, he was ordered to be imprisoned, and an official put in
his place. Without delay a message [cordillera] was
despatched through all the Embocadero, ordering people to be on their
guard, as a ship, whose destination and nationality were unknown, had
been seen. If the “Philipino” had already entered, it was
to be advised (and a letter was written to the commander with this
order) not to enter by the bay, but by Sorsogon, Camarines, or any
other place, in order to discharge its silver and despatches, and to be
on the lookout, and give full report of everything. This order was
duplicated within three days, and a galley was being prepared with an
official already appointed and the instruction advisable for this same
measure. But on going to execute it, and on embarking with the galley,
on the afternoon of September 22, it was frustrated by the sudden
entrance into the bay, at five in the afternoon of the same day, of the
English squadron.
9. The entrance of this squadron composed of [202]thirteen ships, which formed in line and with
wind or easter astern, entered and took possession of the bay,
surprised our minds greatly. They stretched from the middle of the bay
in a circle to the point called Sangley. The confusion of Manila and
its environs with so unlooked-for a squadron, in an unprepared place
can not be imagined. The people ran through the streets. Those of the
suburbs came into the city, those of the city went outside, and there
were some persons (as was learned afterward), who started immediately
for the mountains and for Laguna. The archbishop could do no less than
be surprised, and much more the chief inhabitants and auditors who
surrounded him. But it was immediately resolved to write to the leader
of the squadron, and that was done with courtesy, asking him his
nationality and destination and granting him port and provisions
according to his need and the custom of civilized nations.
10. In the meanwhile, one of the most pressing anxieties and one of
danger was attended to, in regard to a large amount of powder, stored
in what is called the powder works [polverista], where
it is manufactured, and which is three-quarters of a legua from the
city along the beach. But in the morning of the following day, a great
portion of it remained to be brought, and the archbishop found it
necessary to go a-horseback accompanied by his Majesty’s fiscal
and several others. At twelve o’clock, this task was really
finished, in which there was necessarily a great waste of this
material. When they reëntered, some of the ships were almost
within cannon-shot, and were threatening in that direction, which is
toward the south, with respect to the city. [203]
11. The reply of the generals was, with their letter or challenge,
arrogant, and to the effect that Manila and its forts should be
surrendered to the king of Gran Bretaña, from whose power the
most remote possessions of the Catholic king were not free, whose
court, through its evil conduct, had proclaimed war against Ynglaterra.
If the Spaniards of Manila were not infatuated, they would surrender,
in order not to experience the severity of their powerful arms.
12. In view of this arrogance, the archbishop, in general council,
made the answer that was dictated by the zeal, love, and loyalty to his
king and sovereign, namely, that they would sacrifice their lives in
defense of his arms and domains, and that they would make all the
defense possible.15 They wondered at the so unlooked-for news,
and the first notice they had of the declaration of war, was that given
by the said generals with these threats and armed hand and squadron.
Having given the measures ordering the provinces to come to the aid of
the capital promptly, and those which exigency permitted, having
considered the few regular troops, and having given the musters for the
militia companies, the city suffocated with the consternation of the
conflict to which it was pledged, and which was so necessary, was
placed in a state of defense.
13. On the night of that day, the enemy began to disembark toward
the south. The Indians of the said places of the environs were not able
to resist the fire from their boats and ships. The people in those
places got under shelter of two regular companies [204]who
were obliged to retire. The enemy found all they could need for their
rearguard and trenches in the strong edifices of the churches of Malate
and of Nuestra Señora de Guia, whence without loss of time, and
with ease they surrounded and took possession of the equally strong
churches of San Tiago and San Juan de Bagumbayan, whence it became
necessary for our men to retire. And although our men made three
sallies, the enemy were only driven out for a little time from the last
place. In the last sally, especially, their attack was arranged in
three different parts in order to kill some people, but with greater
mortality on our part, and through the inequality of arms and
discipline, ours yielded ground notwithstanding that the native troops
who had come in from the neighboring provinces, were now very
numerous.
14. Meanwhile, a few clashes occurred, that of greatest consequence
being the death of an English officer who had left their camp with a
white flag and came toward our camp, and whom our natives attacked
without anyone being able to restrain them. They assassinated him and
hacked his body into many pieces. In the endeavor to shelter him, Don
Antonio de Sierra Tagle, the nephew of the archbishop, received many
mortal wounds from lance thrusts, from which he died in a few days. He
was a prisoner,16 and knowing him to be a relative, the
generals sent him back with the above-mentioned unfortunate officer.
The said generals learning of that assassination and mutilation,
through the infraction [205]also of the symbol of peace (a
white flag), demanded the aggressors, with the threat that if the
demand were not accorded, they would send back the heads of the
officers whom they had captured. But the archbishop having ordered an
investigation of the matter, it resulted that the Spaniards were not to
blame, and that they had ceased firing, and all hostility, on seeing
the symbol of peace. Notwithstanding this the sepais [i.e.,
Sepoys] continued their fire, on account of which the Indians in
irritation, committed that assassination. With the letter and testimony
of those investigations, which the archbishop wrote to the general, the
matter seemed to be dropped.
15. The English made their trenches in a short time and mounted
their artillery and began to bombard the city at the bastion of the
foundry, as their fire was insufficient to reach the bastion of
Carranza,17 and the active efforts which were able to be made
in order to undo their labors and dislodge them [i.e., the
British]. Of not a little importance (amid the inequality of forces and
of practiced soldiers) was the form in a cordon of some people of this
vicinity who were considered most fitting, and of some of the natives
of the environs from the site of Pasay which is at the south near the
powder factory to that of San Lazaro, which lies to the east. The
archbishop took that precaution, as it was very necessary, in order to
guard the Pasig River at the point [206]where the provisions are
traded, and to obtain some opposition against the enemy. The fire of
the latter, by means of their land and ship artillery, and their
bombarding, in which the bombs fired exceeded four thousand, and the
number of balls of twenty-four, a trifle more, threw the city and all
its inhabitants into great consternation. On that account, and because
the breach [in the walls] was begun to be opened, in a general council
on the night of the third of October, what ought to be done in such a
conflict was discussed.18
16. Although the military men thought that they ought to capitulate,
other reputable votes were against it. One of them, namely, the
fiscal,19 asked the engineer and military men, if what they
said was [to be understood as] in the present, and if they were
[207]to proceed immediately to the capitulation.
Receiving the negative answer, he, following the advice of others,
counseled defense. In view of everything and the rest which appears in
said council, the archbishop gave the orders, which appear in the
records, in regard to the work, labor, and the defensive works, with
the provision of materials, workmen, and foremen, giving charge of
these operations to the engineers, and having appointed the chiefest
military men to the most important posts, and having ordered their
vigilance in regard to the operations of the enemy. But nothing
sufficed, for, redoubling their fire, on the following day, and adding
bombs, which they discharged with their fire, which caught in two
buildings, to which it was so necessary to hasten, the day and its
night passed in moments of confusion and agony. At six in the morning
of the fifth of the above-mentioned October of 62,20 having
gained possession of its breach and of the bastion of the
foundry,21 the English extended their troops along both
sides of the wall, and another column through the royal gate which they
forced; so that there was nothing else for the archbishop to do than to
wave the white flag and retire to the fort of San Tiago with the
ministers, and some officials and citizens. Notwithstanding that he
knew nothing of militia, and [208]had never seen such functions, and
had at his side none but equally inexperienced men, and one or two
officials who had scarcely any knowledge more than was speculative, yet
as God aided, and the loyalty of our hearts, he did what he could and
what he comprehended.
17. Before this misfortune befell that of the capture of the galley
which had been despatched by the commander of the
“Philipino,” with notice of its return from Acapulco and
that it had put back to the village of Palapa. Two days after the siege
began, namely, on the twenty-fourth of September, the galley entered
the bay and came within sight of the squadron (of which it had no
news). A fragata gave it chase and several barcas, it having been
beached already toward the north in Bancusay. Although some of those
who came in it were able to escape by swimming, its officers and the
above-mentioned Don Antonio Sierra Tagle were captured. The enemy took
possession of everything in the galley, and of many letters from which
they gathered information of the “Philipino” and of the
place where the latter lay. Two days later they sent a fragata and a
ship in order to capture it; for the day before they had been joined by
a ship and two fragatas which had become separated, or could not follow
the squadron.
18. From some quite damp letters, among them that of the commander
of the “Philipino,” which had been carried by those who
escaped by swimming, the archbishop learned (and it was the first news)
that the “Philipino” was in Palapa; that it had been unable
to enter by way of the Embocadero because of stormy weather; and that
on leaving Acapulco, [209]by a letter of the viceroy to the
commander, the latter had learned of the breaking out of war with
Ynglaterra, and he was advised to have a care. Consequently, he must
have come with that information; but said commander knew nothing of
what was happening in Manila. In view of all things, and with the
unanimous opinion of auditors and principal citizens, a letter was
written to the commander, giving him an order to fortify himself in
Palapa, and to land the silver and chests. Fortifying himself as well
as possible in said port, which is very difficult to get at, and only
very experienced persons know its entrances, which with but slight work
can be made impassable, the said commander was to hold his ship in
readiness for sinking by burning, if the ships of the enemy met it.
This letter was sent with all care, by a person very skilful in the
coasts of the Embocadero, so that it reached Palapa in a very few days.
It had been duplicated as a precaution to what might happen to it at
its first sending.
19. The rest that was done for the defense of the place was placed
in the diary. Some measures not necessary there were stated here as
belonging to the operations of the archbishop, such as those in regard
to withdrawing the treasury and the commission of Auditor Don Simon de
Anda. Both measures were vigorously promoted by the auditors—the
first, at the request of the treasurer, Don Nicolas de Echauz22 on the first day of the siege. Although it was at
the instance of the auditors, the archbishop resisted it strongly, for
the reason that the treasury could not be in better security than where
there was security [210]of their lives. But reiterating their
instances for various reasons, and that it was advisable under any
circumstances to have placed the money outside the city, the archbishop
had to comply; and ordered that some quantity having been left, the
greater part should be withdrawn. Accordingly, this was done, and the
sum of one hundred and eleven thousand pesos withdrawn. Of the amount
left in the treasury, ten thousand pesos were paid out in order to
supply the city with provisions. In regard to that various precautions
were taken, and a commission was given to the fiscal, in order that he
might attend to those supplies. Other sums also followed for the
current expenses, all of which made the sum of twenty-four thousand
pesos, account of which is to be given by the accountant, Don Fernando
Carabes of whom it was demanded urgently by the archbishop.
20. The other measure in regard to Auditor Anda was passed with
greater haste by the auditors themselves on the third of October.
Because of the conflict in which we found ourselves, they told the
archbishop that it was advisable to despatch him outside the city with
the title of governor and captain-general. These titles were to be
given him, in order that he might keep the natives quiet in their
Christian instruction and in their obedience to the king. But
notwithstanding that this measure clothed itself in so specious
reasons, the archbishop answered that neither he nor the Audiencia had
any authority to create a governor and captain-general, which was the
proper privilege of his Majesty; and that it was enough to give him the
title of visitor of the land for the so just end that was claimed
(which is in accordance with the orders of his Majesty), and the title
of [211]lieutenant of the captain-general which could be
conferred on him. This was the custom followed in like commissions to
ministers. Since that seemed advisable to the ministers and fiscal, it
was executed with the celerity that the present conflicts demanded.
Furnishing him with official paper, and a notary and advocate, the
above-mentioned auditor Anda left immediately that night.23
21. Other operations during the time of the siege which looked to
the care and watch of the city, the archbishop practiced vigilantly.
For he visited the walls personally, even at night, and some of the
bastions, namely that of the foundry and that of the fort. He went out
daily on horseback. Accompanied by various persons he examined the
gates and outside walls, the small fort, and the house of San Fernando,
where, as well as through all Bancuray and Tondo, the natives who
descended from the provinces lodged. Regulations were made there for
them, and they were aided with provisions. The arms that it was
possible to give were furnished them, and they were drilled in some
manner. In short the archbishop omitted nothing in order that he might
go to give the orders which appeared advisable, and personally, at the
sites where his presence seemed necessary or advisable.
22. The archbishop having retired, then, as above-mentioned, into
the royal fort of San Tiago, the articles of capitulation were begun to
be drawn up there. They were concluded after great labor, and received
the unanimous consent of the auditors and other military men and
citizens who were present. [212]The enemy already having taken
possession of the city, extended their troops in two columns toward the
said fort, along the walls, and other companies in front protected by
the royal chapel. As a white flag was immediately flung in the fort,
there was no hostility directed toward the small citadel. Two officers
entered with a message from their general, demanding surrender. But
within a short time the colonel of those troops appeared, and demanded
an instant surrender, or one would be forced by arms. The archbishop
gave him the articles of capitulation with a message to his general. He
refused to receive them, and there were no means or manner to get him
to receive them and take them to his general. Consequently, they had to
abide by what the colonel tenaciously answered, namely, that the
general’s order was the one which he had already expressed, and
that it was now no time to tire themselves out in demands and replies
concerning the surrender.
23. At this pass, and in view of what was already passing in the
presence of the archbishop in said fort, as the soldiers were throwing
themselves from its esplanade and from the walls, and casting
themselves into the river, and as some officers and regular troops
there, who never surpassed eighty in number were also in part doing the
same as the other soldiers, with not a few of the citizens; and as the
said fort was in itself indefensible, and the principal curtain which
looked on the city, and in front of which was the enemy, was
threatening to fall into ruins; the archbishop found no other expedient
in this conflict than to offer the colonel to accompany him to treat
with his general in regard to the fort and surrender under his word of
honor of the exemption from harm [213]and safety of his person. He
condescended to that without any of the bystanders, or auditors who
surrounded him offering to take that matter upon themselves, or even to
accompany him, except the master-of-camp and another officer. With them
and the said colonel, he went to the royal palace where the general had
already taken up his quarters.
24. After the salutation and the respective courtesies, in which
General Draper was profuse (and he showed special veneration to the
archbishop), the latter handed him the articles of capitulation that
had been drawn up, and which treated of the surrender of the fort. The
general answered that Admiral Cornish, whom he was awaiting from his
ship, must also be consulted. But after a long time with incessant
interruptions because of the continual coming of the general’s
officers to get his orders, and of many of ours who presented
themselves to him, the general said that since Cornish was giving time,
the archbishop should give the order for the surrender, and that that
would be best, because he knew the harshness of the nature of said
admiral. Answer was made that the order would be given under all the
military honors which were fitting. All these conferences passed by
means of two interpreters—one in the English language, and the
other in the French with a mixture of Latin in which the archbishop
talked and which the general understood, although they both pronounced
it in accordance with their native languages. Consequently, it was
difficult for them to understand one another. Nevertheless, the
archbishop comprehended, and not confusedly, that the general agreed to
the condition proposed, and the archbishop gave the order for the
surrender of the [214]fort. The latter did not properly merit
this name because of its weakness, and the dislodging already
mentioned, by which it could have no defense, but manifest danger of
life to those who remained there, and even of those who remained in the
city.
25. Great was the confusion of that day, and the grief of the fierce
sack. After the sack had lasted six hours, the archbishop requested the
general to forbid it, saying that neither church nor palace would be
left. The general went in person to attend to this, and by the
diligence of his men killed one, and maltreated another, who was
wounded in an arm, and commanded three to be hanged among whom was an
Indian of tender years, and it appears with small grounds as only a few
balls were found on him. But as a matter of fact, the sack continued
for more than thirty hours, as was asserted to the archbishop, on
account of which the latter made frequent requests of the general. But
in this madness of the sack, the very house servants had not a little
part and guilt, taking advantage of this unfortunate occasion. And as
regards the suburbs of the city, malicious persons and robbers by
profession (who abound in these districts) as well as the very natives
who had come from the provinces, and much more, the characteristic
perversity of the Sangleys executed this destruction on the churches
and many houses.24 [215]
26. The afternoon of the same day, both chiefs, Draper and Cornish,
sent the archbishop the conditions under which the city would be free
from the sack, the life of the citizens, and their possessions,
commerce, and religion, saved, namely, by the surrender of Cavite, and
the payment of four million pesos, two million to be paid at once. In
this manner, they would consider the articles of the capitulation that
had been signed by the archbishop, auditors, and city. Those articles
were sent shortly after on the same day by the generals, approved with
some restrictions as may be seen by all in their originals and in the
testimonies placed in the collection of papers.
27. From that afternoon a general council was called of all estates,
who met on the following morning to deliberate in regard to said
conditions. The archbishop ordered all to discuss the matter of the
said millions, while he was treating with the military men and auditor
of war in regard to Cavite. The latter excused themselves from
expressing an opinion under pretext of being prisoners of war,
whereupon the archbishop wrote to the general, asking him to declare
that those who were in the fort were not prisoners, and that meanwhile
he could not answer regarding Cavite. But he had not despatched said
letter, before he received a message from the generals in regard to the
fulfilment of their conditions, [216]with the instant and terrible
threat, that if the contrary was done, they would put them all to the
sword without excepting a single person. Within a few moments the same
message was repeated by means of a Siquite [Sepoy?]. Both messages were
heard by all the Spaniards of the council, and by many others who were
in the palace; and it was learned for certain that the order was given
to the colonel, who had drawn up his troops in front of the palace, and
had taken the entrances of the streets. Answer was made that a reply
would be given in a very short time. The archbishop, thereupon, turning
to all the above-mentioned persons in the council, told them that they
should determine without delay what was most advisable in regard to the
millions, and that they should do it while he was deliberating with the
military men regarding Cavite. The latter, with the auditor of war
(forgetful of their opposition toward giving an opinion a short time
before), not only gave one, by which Cavite was to be immediately
surrendered, but even asked that with great insistence. Being
reprimanded and asked why now they gave their opinion which they had
refused so tenaciously a short time before, they answered that
circumstances had changed in a few moments by the ruin that threatened
all in a short time.25 The council also resolved that
the four millions should be given, the silver of the pious funds,
chaplaincies etc., found existing being given immediately, while the
rest demanded would be given from the wealth in the
[“Philipino?” MS. worn]. What remained would be paid
[217]by his Majesty, since there was no other
recourse except his royal clemency. The paper containing this
proposition was signed by the archbishop, and by the auditors and chief
citizens.
28. In such a predicament, in which the archbishop conceived all
without any exception to be defendants and thrown into consternation,
he found no other means than to agree to the above-mentioned
proposition, which put in writing and signed by the chief persons, was
taken by two commissaries to the generals, and also the order for the
surrender of Cavite, stating that no move toward resistance would be
made, and taking the precaution of sending a suitable officer for that
purpose. The generals answered the commissaries that, if what they said
was contained in the paper, they would allow them to ascertain that
through their interpreter; and that since two of their ships had gone
in search of the “Philipino,” if they had already captured
it, they [i.e., the Spaniards] ought not to reckon on it in the
payment, of which they could make use if it were not already captured.
In accordance with this, a letter was to be written to the commander of
the “Philipino;” and the abovesaid notice was to be
executed ordering him to come from Palapa to this [city? MS.
worn]. This letter agreed to by all the council and signed by the
archbishop was shown to the generals and was despatched to [that
commander?] by two of the chief inhabitants, who sent it safely; though
as yet we are ignorant of its receipt, and it has been rumored that it
has been intercepted on the way, and that even a contrary order has
been given without us knowing by whom.
29. The sum found in the pious funds, chaplaincies, [218]etc., was really ascertained and delivered.
There was some difference in it because of the small coins which had
been clipped, and which were received by weight. To this sum was added
the amount of the wrought silver of the churches (in which it appears
that in some churches some of the silver was reserved). There was a
measure enacted by the archbishop, in virtue of what was discussed in
the general council and of present circumstances. The superiors and the
administrators of said church, who were notified thereof, agreed, and
they made the delivery without any answer or protest; for they saw well
that, although the secular estate contributed with ¡ts interests
in the “Philipino,” it would be impossible to get during
those days a suitable distribution among the citizens (and as it
seemed), the destruction of the sack had left them without money or
anything of value, as they declared. Besides all their powers could
never make enough and be sufficient for the whole or half of the
contribution demanded. And the silver of the churches being in sight,
it was the best stimulus and incentive of greed, robbery, and of
violence, and with profanation of the altars and of the sacristy, as
had already been begun to be experienced, not only from the English
troops, but also from the natives themselves and the domestics, and the
especially covetous Sangleys. Not only did these misfortunes disturb
the heart of the archbishop, but also the gloomy consideration of the
Moros, those ancient enemies, who annually raided the provinces, and of
whom it was conjectured that, hearing of our fatality, they would feed
themselves with more audacity on their robberies, sacrileges, and
piracies, as, in fact, has been experienced even in a village near
[219]the mouth of Marivelez which is the mouth of
this bay. Thence, after their accustomed molestations, they have taken
one hundred captives of both sexes, and, from the island of Marinduque,
they have taken one hundred persons and the Jesuit missionary of that
island.
30. It befell that in order to obviate so many inconveniences, they
did not hesitate in taking from the altars the silver for the
redemption and relief, which was the least danger to the faithful
Catholics. By this arrangement, the payment of his Majesty was reduced,
from whose royal magnificence has originated the rich adornment of the
churches. But the sacred vases which belong immediately to divine
worship were always reserved, as were also the chalices, cups, and
monstrances. In these circumstances, the archbishop voluntarily
delivered all his valuables and vases without reserving his pectoral or
anything else, in order to aid so far as he was concerned in the ransom
of the city, and in order that he might serve as an example, so that
his [MS. worn] might not excuse himself from contributing
voluntarily whatever was possible. And as it was not proper that, in
these public calamities, and of the despoliation of his own spouse, the
cathedral church, he should remain with adornment and should not be
deprived of everything; and although his said possessions were not of
any considerable importance, he had the consolation of not reserving
anything and of giving them up with good will. Of money in cash he gave
none, for he had none, nor, since he has been in these islands, has he
had any left from his pay and stipends, for he has spent them all in
the support of his household, on the poor, and for the relief of many
necessities, always [220]grieving at not helping them all, because
excessive sums would have been required (as those necessities were many
and grave). For this same reason, by order of the [English] commissary
of artillery, the bells were taken down (as spoils that belonged to
them) from the churches of the city and its environs. The archbishop,
grieving over the loss of his charge, set his mind on ransoming the
bells of the cathedral and royal chapel, but since he had not come to
these islands with wealth to execute it, he gave an order against his
agent in Cadiz, ordering him to pay the sum of five thousand pesos for
which they were redeemed, notwithstanding that a very small sum
remained in the possession of the said agent to comply with the order.
But the great confidence which assists him in the above-mentioned
animated the archbishop.
31. Advised of the scattering of the Spaniards since the day of the
assault, and that they were going to the villages and mountain, where
they were in danger from the barbarians and the revolted natives (as
was experienced in many disasters, thefts, and murders), and their
families in other directions not any more secure, and others in the
city and its precincts, an order was issued for all to assemble and
come to live in the city with those who were there. That order had
little effect, for each one followed his own opinion and will, and
began to lose his obedience to his superior. This was aided not a
little by the example of those who by their employ and dignity ought to
have given a better example.
32. Better fruit was obtained in ecclesiastical matters (although
that not sufficient and advisable), for the prebendaries and some of
the secular clergy [221]continued to assemble at the cathedral, and
in the convents of the regulars some religious remained. They were
requested and charged not to abandon their churches, and to endeavor to
have a suitable number of subjects for the continuance of divine
worship, and to be the relief and consolation of the faithful, and that
they might be able to attend to their necessities in the administration
of the sacraments.
33. Thus was it done for the most part, but it was not that which
was advisable and sufficient to meet other casualties, which the
superiors of the Society satisfied. He was the only provincial prelate
who remained living [in the city], together with that of St. John of
God, whose superiors and subjects complied perfectly with their
respective ministries. On account of this defect, or non-existence of
the superior, it appears that the persecution by the English of the
Augustinian fathers or their opposition to them had no reparation; and
although their provincial was indeed near Manila, his passage to the
city was prevented.26 The other superiors, although
not provincials, [222]met respectively what arose in their
orders, but their powers did not reach to the subjects outside [the
city] nor did they gain the respect of the English within. And the
English qualifying as having committed excesses those Augustinian
religious and others, who appeared before them, who were commanding the
natives outside, proceeded to imprisonments, exiles, and confiscations
of property, especially in the above-mentioned, taking possession of
their church, money, valuables, and everything else that they
had.27 It is enough to have touched this point, for it
would be most tedious to set forth all its particulars in detail; and
it does not belong to the archbishop to qualify the facts, since each
superior must give account of them to the king, our sovereign, with the
religious sincerity which he professes, and to show their complaints
with the same truth. But he cannot restrain his wonder as to how the
father visitor and the father of this province of San Juan de Dios, the
reverend Father Puga,28 a priest, with his community
attended and attends to his institute, sheltering and assisting so
great a number of sick and poor amid so great calamity and so many
necessities, and who not having the slight regular alms, does not fail
at all to his sick, the religious aiding them. This is properly a
miracle of charity. The persecution which this superior and community
has suffered, [223]from the one who has taken command of the
government is as painful as their patience is praiseworthy and
exemplary.
34. The destruction which was experienced in the suburbs of Manila
and in other more distant places, from robbery, murders, and other
execrable atrocities, obliged the archbishop to endeavor to restrain
the evildoers and insurgents by means of Don Josef Busto, a person of
spirit and of great experience in the land, with a company of men to
his satisfaction. He was ready to do it, but asked a suitable salary
after he had formed his account.29 Thereupon, the archbishop
ordered that one of the citizens, who had not suffered from the sack
and was wealthy, to make ready two thousand pesos which would be placed
to his account and apportioned to the sum which was to be demanded from
him for the contribution of the millions; and that the senior auditor,
who exercised the office of auditor of war, would give the instructions
and powers necessary to said Busto for the above-mentioned end. But
both persons excused themselves most strongly, the above-mentioned
citizen with the frivolous remark that he had nothing [224]which he could supply, the auditor by saying
that he was a prisoner of war, and a mere assessor in these matters.
The first was a bit of frivolity, and the second a pretext, for when
the governor is an ecclesiastic, the auditor expedites and determines
by himself criminal causes which arise; and thus did it happen with the
archbishop during the time of the siege and before in like causes with
the same auditor. But since the reins of obedience and respect had
already been broken, and there were no forces to reduce them to their
duty, like other matters, this remained thus without the due remedy,
and the disasters continued through insolence and libertinage.
35. During this time also, Auditor Anda had declared himself
governor, captain-general, and royal Audiencia, and had despatched
messages [cordilleras] ordering himself to be so
recognized in the provinces. And he had ordered and commenced to cut
off the provisions in the two districts of Bulacan and Laguna whence
they come to the city. In these raids, happened the murders of natives
and English in the suburbs, and the latter were mutilated and treated
with other contempts suitable for barbarians. Other events had preceded
with the religious of Bulacan where Anda was, and the English chiefs of
whom it was spoken variously. The archbishop cannot speak with
exactness, as he does not know of those events, only that on one
occasion, posterior to that time, in which the Augustinian30 fathers were discussed before many, the
archbishop alleged publicly in their favor (led rather by his
inclination to piety than by [225]the judgment which he had formed
then of their guilt or innocence), as well as in favor of all the
religious who were present in their convents; for he held several
divine offices, and protected them so far as he could, although he was
unable to prevent the English from embarking and sending nine of them
in the English fragatas which went to Madrasta.
36. It appears that, on account of the said causes, and (as is
known) from other apprehensions or imaginations, the British leaders
proscribed the above-named auditor, and it was added that they had
offered a reward for his person. The auditors learning this, went to
the archbishop with this notice, and great fright; and for the time
being there were no means by which to assure their lives. But within a
short time a hasty message from the general to the archbishop, ordering
him to cause that auditor to appear, together with the alcalde-mayor of
Bulacan and other nearby alcaldes in order that, on the twenty-fifth
day of October, they might, together with the city and the military
men, take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, and give
their word of honor not to take arms against his nation during the war,
and until the kings should agree or decide the fate of these islands.
The archbishop replied to this message that he was unable to cause the
appearance of Auditor Anda, since they had proscribed him, which was
equivalent to handing him over to death; and that so long as Anda was
not secure of his life he could not make him appear. In regard to the
alcalde of Bulacan and the others, he could as little cause them to
come, because in the lack of any one to govern and restrain the
natives, their disturbance and revolt would increase all the more.
[226]
37. In order that he might inform the auditors of this event, the
archbishop had them summoned, and with them, namely, the fiscal and the
senior auditor, he began to discuss what they ought to do in regard to
Auditor Anda. While they were conferring thus, Auditor Galban came with
the marquis of Monte Castro, who were with General Draper at the time
when my above-mentioned reply or message was given to him. He sent them
so that they might discuss and talk over this point with the
archbishop. They told him that he could rest assured of the life of
Anda, and the general answered the same through his envoy. The
conference lasted for more than three hours, with various commotions,
without the auditors caring to express their opinion, giving as an
excuse that the said general had told those above-mentioned that they
were all prisoners of war, with the exception of the archbishop. On the
night of said day, said ministers presented to the archbishop a
writing, leaving in his hands and judgment as the one to whom the
matter pertained, the appearance of said Anda.
38. But in order to meet this matter better, he had some of the
foremost military officers invited, to whom he told all that had
passed. They were of the opinion that he should cause the said Anda to
retire, under security of his life, for he was incurring a great
danger, and exposing the lives of many with his disturbances; and to
shut off the provisions carries the same risk. [They were all of this
opinion] except one military man, who asserted that if Bulacan was a
separate province and had a fort or bastion, Anda ought not to be
summoned, for then he could defend himself. But said province is very
near Manila, [227]being separated therefrom by only a distance of
three or four hours, and it never had a bastion or fortress except that
which very lately was constructed by order of the said Anda, and which
the English demolished as will be told later.
39. In accordance with this opinion, the archbishop asked the
general for assurance of the life of the abovesaid, in writing, and it
was sent to him in the English language. The archbishop had it
translated into our language, and kept in his possession the original
paper. The above-mentioned copy was enclosed to him, and at the bottom
of it the archbishop assured him that it was a faithful copy, and that
he had had it copied into our language in order that Anda might
understand it. He gave Anda strict orders to appear, but the latter
replied discourteously with several absurdities, which the archbishop
answered by noting his rudeness, and stating that he should have been
addressed with the title of governor, and of Anda’s disrespect in
judging him [i.e., the archbishop] to be the secretary of the
British. The archbishop also showed Anda other errors which he
suffered, and sent him the original paper of safety, so that he might
make use of it in the way that he pleased, and said that he would make
a charge before God and the king of his excesses.
40. From that time until the present Anda continued his orders to
prevent any food from being taken down to the city. But he has never
been able to succeed in more than that the price of food has risen. He
has not considered that the greater part of the garrison were prisoners
in the city with the archbishop, with their officers, two togated
ministers, and the officials of the royal treasury (except the
[228]treasurer), and the majority of the persons
composing both cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, various religious
of all the communities, a convent of nuns, the beateríos and
schools of both sexes, and most of the citizens of all classes and
estates. He has not reflected that his obstinacy in this measure in any
event and in any manner in which it might have any desired effect,
resulted, before any injury to the English, in that of all these
vassals of the king, afflicted and opposed by both parts. He has taken
no account of the lack of success that could be hoped for from such a
project, as has been shown, as he has not sufficient arms or
disciplined men with which to oppose a nation which, besides having the
city garrisoned and that of Cavite, and in both a good provision in the
storehouses, dominated also the sea with their boats, with which in
case of necessity, they could furnish provisions in plenty.31 [229]
41. This temerity has been the origin of many evils, which have
increased the misfortune of these inhabitants, both secular and
religious. They have been reduced to prison on various occasions, with
sufficient contempt, occasioning that, together with injury to the
natives, notable disturbances, disasters, fires, murders, robberies,
and rapines have been experienced through the same agents and other
evildoers. They have even been propagated through diverse places and
estates with the destruction of their fields and herds; and, on the
other side, the English irritated, not only have committed in the
vicinity of Manila, many annoyances, burning of villages and buildings,
and taking by force of arms (without resistance), all kinds of grain
and animals, food, and a very great number of buffaloes, which were
destined for the plough and the cultivation of the land, but they have
also penetrated into some provinces with very few men, taking therefrom
whatever they have wished, as they did in the month of November in the
village of Pasig, where especially the food of all the Lake of Bay was
gathered, and where trenches had been made in the church and convent.
With all kinds of arms they had been occupied by ten thousand Indians,
who were defeated at their first arrival by five hundred English. About
one thousand five hundred of both sexes and all ages were killed, part
of them with gun and cannon, and part precipitated into and drowned in
the river Pasig. From that [230]time a detachment of English
troops remained in said village.32 For that reason the
English have penetrated about all the lake and through the province of
Taal and Balayan, and have always brought vast supplies of food for
their troops and for the storehouses. All these inhabitants always
furnish them (for their money) with flesh, wheat, and palay. In any
other way they would have suffered many more miseries. In the month of
February, they did the same in Bulacan, which was the province where
the above-mentioned Anda had established his fort in the church and
convent. They advanced and forced his trenches, where some Spaniards
and religious were killed, and four hundred Indians were put to the
sword. The only difference was that in this place they did not carry
back provisions or fortify themselves, but retired after demolishing
the fortifications in the convent. They have also made many extortions
in other villages which they would not have done had they not been
provoked.33
42. All these injuries and many others, which are the necessary
sequel of them, the archbishop thought over from that beginning, [which
had been] without any fruit or advantage to our side, but, indeed, had,
on the contrary, the pernicious effects that experience has proved, and
which had already commenced to show themselves. Consequently, he found
it necessary to write to Anda again, mitigating with the [231]greatest mildness the ardor of his preceding
letter, in order that Anda might consider these calamities, and change
direction, increasing and arranging the terms of his commission as
visitor of the land and lieutenant of the captain-general. But there
was no other answer to this letter except notice of its receipt written
on its envelope.
43. A like effect was obtained by the order that he gave in his
letter to the treasurer, ordering him to transfer to the city the money
in his care, in order that it might escape the theft which many evil
natives had attempted. They would have succeeded in one of their most
vigorous attacks, had not this disturbance been calmed by the alcalde
of Pagsanjan, the marquises of Villamediana and Monte Castro being
present. The latter were abused by three Franciscan religious, who,
armed, captained the Indians in order to get possession of the
treasury. In order to avoid this danger and the loss of this money, the
archbishop had conferred with the generals, saying that he would hand
it over to them on condition that it be reckoned as a part of the
millions demanded, and that they supply him with the pay for the
ministers, officers, troops, and others whose support depended on his
Majesty. The relief of the community would also follow the exhibition
of this treasury, and would lessen the payment of his Majesty. Nothing
sufficed to make the treasurer Echauz obey. He went to Pampanga with
the treasury, which he placed at the disposition of Auditor Anda, who
began to use it recently for the expenses which he believed advisable
or necessary, according to his projects.
44. To the question of the British, which was urgently put to him,
in regard to the royal treasury [232]and possessions, the
archbishop responded briefly and truly, showing them that the king, his
master, had no temporal interest in these islands, but only that
strictly of the souls of his vassals, and the causing them to live as
civilized beings and Christians, according to the Catholic law for
their salvation; and that in order to maintain them with his
ecclesiastical and secular ministers, he spent the tributes which were
collected with so great right, and the two departments only of buyo and
wine. In this regard he distributed very large sums annually from the
treasury of Mexico. In no other manner could these islands subsist.
45. The city, orders, and Spaniards having been summoned to the
royal palace, in order to express their loyalty and not to take arms
against his Britannic Majesty, before his generals, an act in which
their loyalty and love to his Catholic Majesty, their legitimate king,
shone forth brightly, through the unwillingness, sadness, and
repugnance, with which it was celebrated. Slightly before as well and
separately was given the word of honor not to take arms during the war
or until another arrangement was made by the sovereigns (in a certain
Latin form, and which necessarily contained nothing of vassalage to his
Britannic Majesty), by the archbishop, auditors, and royal officials
present. The polite representation of the archbishop to the generals in
the said house where they were lodging, namely, the archiepiscopal,
enabled them [i.e., the above officials] to gain exemption from
mixing with the others, or in their formula [of loyalty or allegiance
to the British sovereign].
46. Thence, at their instance, they [i.e., the cabildo,
[233]religious, and Spaniards] were conducted to the
royal palace, and in the presence of so numerous a gathering, a paper
was read, in which the archbishop was reproved as one who robbed from
the churches, the sum to which their silver amounted, and that of the
pious funds already delivered and received; and that in regard to this,
that silver would soon complete a million. And now he was about to
surrender the forces and islands dependent on Manila. By that paper the
heart of the archbishop was wounded as if by a double-edged sword. On
two points he was unable to restrain his wrath, and he uttered in the
presence of the two generals the words that his zeal dictated to him,
namely, that the instance and threat of the victors had been necessary
for the withdrawal of the abovesaid silver, and there were no other
resources near at hand. He does not rob, who makes use, in extreme
need, of the most sacred thing, which is destined in such cases most
suitably to the living temples of God, namely, His faithful. But he
cannot clear himself from this sacrilegious crime, who causes it by
violence, and who willingly and eagerly receives its effects, and
whatever is left over and above them. In regard to the second point,
that meant to attempt another act of violence quite contrary to the day
and to the act which was being celebrated on it to the honor and memory
of the birthday of his Britannic Majesty, whose protection he implored,
so that such a matter might not be discussed on such a day. And the
archbishop insisted that he would sacrifice his life for his
faithfulness to his king, and for his honor, which would be vindicated
by his Catholic Majesty, his sovereign. [234]
47. With this expression of anger, the archbishop retired to his
room, where the above-mentioned paper was sent him. In order to
deliberate on its contents, he had a general council summoned for next
day, October 26, consisting of the ministers, the chief military men,
and the city and ecclesiastical [cabildos]. In a few words the
archbishop explained to the council the arguments pro and con regarding
the cession of the islands. Since he gave all his attention and time to
this, he ordered a council of those interested to discuss, with the
assistance of the fiscal, and under the presidency of the senior
auditor, the matter of the completion of the million. The result of
that discussion will be stated later.
48. But in regard to the point of the islands, which was discussed
in general council, the regulars excused themselves from voting, by
saying that their rules forbade them to vote on war questions, and that
they feared to act irregularly. The archbishop was unable to overlook
this pretext, and told them that they had voted in like assemblies at
the time of the siege, and had permitted or given license to their
subjects to take all kinds of arms, to patrol the walls, and to guard
the posts which were entrusted to them; and had sent the Indians from
their villages to take part in the conflict. They had not done
otherwise in their missions exposed to the dangers of the Moros, than
to manufacture and buy all sorts of arms, and importune the superior
government to supply arms to them, and afterward to handle them and
make use of them in defense of their parishioners, and to fight the
enemies of the faith and religion. At present it was not necessary to
take these arms or to make use of them, but it was necessary to declare
what was [235]advisable in regard to conceding or denying the
submission of the provinces in which religion and the instruction of
their neophytes were at stake. But nothing was sufficient to get them
to give their vote, that which the archbishop had alleged causing them
great irritation. As their obstinacy angered the archbishop still more,
he did not have them summoned to the second council.
49. In the voting of that council of the twenty-sixth, it happened
that the engineer, by whom the voting commenced, refused strongly to
pass any opinion, saying that he was prevented from doing so, as he was
a prisoner of war. This murmur spread among the other military men
present, and they added that the license of the generals was necessary
in order that this council might be held. Consequently, it was
necessary for the archbishop to explain these matters, by telling them
that this was not a clandestine council, but one called openly and in
plain sight and with the knowledge and suffrance of the generals. In it
they were not discussing the taking of arms by the prisoners for the
defense of the provinces, but whether the islands were to be yielded
under present circumstances by the archbishop-governor. Thereupon, the
voting went on with varying results. When it came to the fiscal’s
vote, he again was obstinate on the points prisoners of war and the
license of the generals for the council, and he said that he would
accordingly take his position on the principle of it. The archbishop
answered what he had said in regard to the said points, and that this
was to place in doubt what he had signed. Thereupon, there was great
altercation, anger, and notable incivility, with visible signs of the
agony [236]which the archbishop was suffering from this
blow. But the altercation having subsided, and all of them having
quieted down, the fiscal and other ministers declared their vote. Since
it was now very late and the vote was not cleared up, and since it
could not be well enough discerned at that time, it was ordered that
the same council be convoked on the following day, with the exception
of the regulars.
50. In fact, on the following day, October 27, another council was
held in the afternoon. At it the archbishop had the Latin letter read
which he had received on the morning of that day from General Draper,
with the date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds to the
twenty-seventh of our reckoning and calendar). The vote was put, and
some who had given their vote in the negative on the preceding day,
namely, not to surrender the islands, retracted, and voted
affirmatively. The ministers and some others expressed their opinion
and gave it in writing. The vote was equally cast with but a little
difference of one or two votes. The archbishop asserted that he would
decide without delay what appeared most advisable to him, commending,
as he had done, so grave a matter to our Lord, so that He might inspire
him as to what was for His best service and that of His as well as our
Catholic king. Before dissolving this council, an envoy came from
General Draper with another letter bearing date of the twenty-eighth
(which corresponds in our calendar to the twenty-seventh) written in
the English language. It was read there by an interpreter. It was
reduced to saying that, with only the cession of a few places of little
importance, he would save (he gave to understand with whom he spoke,
namely the archbishop) [237]the lives of a multitude; that he
was sure that his Catholic Majesty would consider himself as well
served; and that those who were endeavoring to persuade the archbishop
not to yield, if they did not promptly change their opinion, would
answer with their lives, and that the auditors were to affix their
signatures.
51. All those present having heard the context of the
above-mentioned letter, without any more being added or mentioned than
what was declared in the above-mentioned council, it was dissolved, and
the thorn (which was very sharp) remained in the heart of the
archbishop in deliberating on so serious a point. In that deliberation
the least thing involved was the danger to his own life, of which he
was tired and of which he almost desired the end. But that is always
placed in the hands of divine Providence who directs everything
positively or permissively for His greater service and glory. Not only
did he consider the extermination of the city and the lives of many
with which he was threatened, but also (and which was very easy), the
uneasiness of the villages and missions of the provinces, in great part
ruined and destroyed by their old-time enemies, the Moros, who with a
little stimulus and encouragement from their new enemies would assault
them on all sides and would finish with their mission ministers and
justices. It was greatly to be feared that if the natives were offered
exemption from tribute, and subjection, they would be the instruments
of these disasters.
52. This effort tied the hands of the English, who irritated by a
negative answer, could have assigned two fragatas of their squadron to
coast along the [238]provinces, and cause this horrible
uneasiness. If they did that, (unless it was averted by divine
Providence), the ruin of the instruction and faith of the neophytes
would be experienced. These reasons having been meditated upon before
Jesus Christ, our life, from whose service depended that of a Catholic
king, the archbishop resolved on the twenty-eighth to avoid the greater
evil, and to assure the conservation of the islands, and the teaching
and doctrine of our holy religion in them by keeping their natives
quiet. Thereupon, on the said day, and on the following, the
twenty-ninth, he wrote letters to the prelates and to the provinces,
with the intention of using them opportunely;34 and without
making mention of those letters, he replied on the date of the
twenty-ninth35 in the Latin language to the above-mentioned
[239]letter, also in Latin, of General Draper,
explaining to him diffusely and vigorously the difficulty of What he
asked. His reasons, if they did not suffice to convince him, lessened
the violence and force which were uttered a thousand times in said
letter.
53. He summoned the auditors in order to show this letter to them,
but they did not come as they were busy, answering that they would come
if the matter were urgent. But the instances of the general of the day
before having been repeated for the reply, it was sent to him in said
letter between seven and eight in the morning of the said day, the
twenty-ninth. But after eleven o’clock on the same day, the
general sent his letter of the thirtieth of the same month (which
corresponds to our date of the twenty-ninth) with the message for me
not to bother myself, that that letter was to be signed by myself and
the auditors, [10017]to whom he sent word that if they did
not do it, he would have them immediately thrown into a galley.
Instantly upon receiving this message they immediately appeared, and
signed the letter together with the archbishop, both the original
letter in English and its translation into Spanish. It was sent to the
said general, and said auditors only gave notice that they had made
their protest before the notary, and that it should not be written at
the foot of said letter, in order that the general might not happen to
see it, if he asked for said original letter. With such fear did they
proceed, but the archbishop showed them the copy of his letter
above-mentioned, in which is manifest his protest with the declaration
of repeating it a thousand times.
54. This point has been treated with prolixity, for besides being
one of the most serious, and one of greatest pain, it has been shifted
and juggled [adviterado?] variously, blackening
enormously the conduct of the archbishop, even to affirming that it is
evident that he had an understanding with the English for this cession,
in a journal full of false entries and of black impostures, composed by
the fiscal. But God be thanked, that the evidence of this criminal
calumny is false, and the weak apprehensions or inferences on which it
is founded have been clearly dissipated. For what is affirmed is false,
namely, that the cession of the islands had been discussed or made
before October 26, and that letters had been written for their
surrender, as the first council was held on the said day, and the
second on the following day (the twenty-seventh and the twenty-eighth).
On the twenty-ninth, the archbishop made his resolution, and wrote the
rough drafts of said letters with his [240]own hand on the
twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth. The statement also is false, namely,
that on the twenty-ninth, said letters were sent with one of the same
date in which the archbishop answered the general ceding the islands.
For these original letters are yet in possession of the secretary of
the assembly, and neither then nor at any time have they been sent or
delivered. So true is this that the commanders having gone—Draper
on the twelfth of November36 of the past year, and Cornish
on the first of March of the present year, who never asked him for a
letter for the surrender of the islands—the British government
tried afterwards to get the archbishop to give letters of surrender for
Zebu, Yloylo, and Zamboanga, which he refused and did not give, as
appears from his letters, rejecting the instances of the
above-mentioned British government.
55. Also false is the end of this report, which asserts, not indeed
that it is presumed, but that it is presumed if not proved, that the
archbishop tried to shield himself. Without this protection or shelter,
he made the cession in his letter of the said twenty-ninth day, as is
said above, with the signature of the auditors, which they placed in
the letter of Draper on the thirtieth (in our calendar, the
twenty-ninth), which in view of and after the receipt of that of the
archbishop, the said general sent on that same twenty-ninth day, with
the threatening message that he would send them to the galleys. Only
the constancy of the archbishop can be well inferred. In his protest he
asserts and [MS. worn] to the general in consideration
[241]of his threat of the extermination of the city
the lives of many, which did not move the animosity of the auditors for
their signature until they received the personal threat of their own
imprisonment.
56. The ambiguous letter of Draper of the twenty-eighth (in our
calendar, the twenty-seventh), is slight foundation for so gross a
suspicion and its proof; in which he seems to infer that the archbishop
had made the cession, and infers on the other hand, that he was in
condition of acting in regard to the cession. For the letter says that
those who endeavored to persuade him not to make the cession would
answer with their lives. It is a proof of the sincerity of the
archbishop that he showed the said letter in the second council, for if
it contained anything suspicious, or anything by which he would be
discovered to be lacking in application, it would have been very easy
for him to suppress it and return it to the general, in order that the
latter might write another, in which nothing would be understood in
regard to the secret understanding. It is not the mark of a good reason
and less is it Christian to assert so great a crime as proved without
having had any motive. For to such infamies, one is moved either by
self-interest or the expectations of honors, or important posts which
both lacked. For the archbishop had previously stripped himself of all
his few valuables and pectorals, without reserving any; and he was
clothed in the greatest honors and employments with which the powerful
Catholic king can honor a vassal of his in these islands. And only by
depriving himself of this recognition, and of his character as a
Christian and archbishop could he offend so enormously against his
[243]king and religion because of the expectation or
promise of greater honors in Londres or with the very crown of all
Ynglaterra. Through the mercy of God, the archbishop has not been
abandoned by His divine hand in his right judgment or in the works of
his misery and weakness. Neither does he live so forgetful of quid prodest homini,37 etc.
57. The reason of the archbishop not having used said letters which
they falsely affirmed had been delivered, and of the originals being
conserved in the possession of the secretary, was that having been sent
(as he thought they ought first to be sent) to the regular superiors
living in Manila on the thirtieth (the following day) of October, who
[MS. worn] to their most [MS. worn] in the margin to be
understood by it the said original message [cordillera]. The above-mentioned reason having been given, the
rumor spread among the populace that the said letter had been the cause
of the disaster of the alcalde-mayor of Pagsanjan,38 who was
lanced by the Indians themselves on the gallows. That was mentioned to
the archbishop by a trustworthy and God-fearing [244]person who grieved at his carelessness in said
letter.
58. Surprised at this information, the archbishop had the
above-mentioned letter brought into the presence of the said person,
together with the others, and had the secretary read them with their
dates. By their very dates, namely, the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth
of October, it was plain that they could not have occasioned the event
of Pagsanjan which occurred the day before, namely, the twenty-seventh
of the same month. This casualty was made more impossible by the
distance of said village from Manila, which is at the least three
days’ journey. The legitimate cause of this insurrection and
tyrannical murder of their alcalde was that which appears in the
documents formed of this matter, where it is evident that this cloud of
dust which was raised was no other thing than the racial inconstancy
and disloyalty of the natives of that village and its environs. The
fact that the archbishop had not had any support or reply to the
contents of his letter from the superiors of Manila, and the knowledge
that Auditor Anda had already sent his message [cordillera] through the provinces,39 in which he
declared himself to be governor and captain-general, made it
[245]necessary for the archbishop not to disturb the
provinces and accede to the times and to the circumstances thereof, and
ordered that none of the said letters be sent. That order was executed
as given and the originals were kept in the possession of the
secretary. That which can have happened, and of which there is frequent
experience in any part, as well as in this city, is that a copy of one
or more of said letters may have been drawn by the infidelity of some
clerk without the archbishop or his secretary being able to remedy it,
and in this way their contents may have become known and explained by
the malicious rivalry in as sinister a manner as is usual.
59. In regard to the other point of the completion of the million,
the archbishop entrusted it to the senior auditor, Don Francisco
Villacorta,40 in order that having assembled those interested,
together with the fiscal, they might determine what the matter demanded
according to its circumstances. They held several meetings, in one of
which a plan was adopted for demanding of each person the contribution
in accordance with his wealth and the sack which he had suffered. But
there was great opposition, and some made complaint to General Draper
and to the archbishop. The latter assembling them all, exhorted their
help to the extent possible, to which they were obliged by their
conscience and by the circumstances, in order to avoid greater
extortions. For the representation to the general of not having
promised to complete the million was not received, but this matter was
strongly insisted upon. Finally, the only [246]success achieved was
in getting each one to offer what he deemed best. With the valuables
and money [given], scarce did the sum reach twenty-six thousand pesos.
But a very great quantity was needed to complete the million in
addition to that raised by the pious funds, the chaplaincies, and the
silver of the churches. This reached the sum of four hundred and
forty-three thousand pesos.41 However great the effort and
attempt made by the English to have the million paid, yet it was found
impossible on the part of the citizens to raise hastily a greater sum
than that above-mentioned because of the sack and destruction which
they suffered even in their furniture and houses; and because some few,
who could have aided, were not living in the city, but had taken to the
mountains in several places, while some others, as was said, placed
what money they could in safety outside the city, so that the richest
who were absent refused to aid.
60. At this time the two fragatas, which had been assigned by the
enemy, at the time of the siege, to capture the
“Philipino,” entered the bay with the ship
“Trinidad,” which they had fought and captured after a
vigorous defense on the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of October. This
ship left for its voyage to Acapulco from the Embocadero under a
favorable wind on September 13, but lost its mast in a severe storm at
a distance of three hundred leguas at the parallel of the Marianas. It
was all but gone, and it became necessary to put back [which was done]
with great difficulty. When it was in the Embocadero near San Jacinto,
without being aware of what was happening in Manila, it was attacked
[247]by said two fragatas and captured. From the time
of its arrival, the claim was begun to be made that it was not a
legitimate prize, the freedom of trade, possessions, and property
having been agreed upon in anticipation. And although the instance of
the commerce body was continued to the British government for this
declaration, the government sent it to Admiral Cornish, and the latter
after many delays, and by nature serious, harsh, and hard, because the
Spaniards had not fulfilled the stipulation regarding the millions,
answered that that matter belonged to the admiralty of Londres, whither
it was sent.42 He would never consent to have the cargo
remain on deposit, or to have it delivered to those interested in it,
under the guaranty which was lastly proposed by the archbishop, he
having previously supported the right of the citizens to its
restitution; for said admiral said that it was no time now to discuss
this matter, as he was just about to sail, and left on the first of
March with his squadron, taking said ship.43
61. Its cargo consisted of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight
piezas, but all that was sent outside of the hold, consisting of boxes
of presents, valuables and things of value, he had placed at auction,
without taking the formality to summon those interested or making any
note of what was taken possession of and seized. Some of the boxes of
letters which were filled with water, and which were seized by them,
they opened and took cognizance of their contents. The archbishop was
unable to get the return [248]of these letters and official
papers, which he demanded repeatedly. For it was well to burn the
private letters, which the enemy themselves declared to be false and
entangling, as they themselves noted. But no one was ignorant of the
many accounts and fabulous stories which were written by several
persons. The archbishop was also unable to obtain some canes which he
was sending—one for the king, and the other for the prince. Their
distinction was that they were made of fine bamboos of these islands,
and the handles were engraved skilfully with the royal arms by noble
natives of the islands. Neither did [he obtain] the valuables left by
Mariscal Arandia as a legacy to our sovereigns.
62. As the whole business or object of the English was the treasure
of the “Philipino” they sent two more fragatas to look for
it, and in them went persons authorized by this community. Inasmuch as
four citizens had been made prisoners or detained in houses of this
city, as well as Auditor Don Francisco Villacorta and the fiscal, Don
Francisco Viana, one cannot imagine the efforts of the archbishop,
personally and in writing with the generals and the British government
for the release of the above-mentioned, especially the ministers. After
some days and petitions, he was able to succeed on condition that four
men should be chosen to make the abovesaid efforts. In fact they were
chosen by the citizens and sailed in said fragatas, although they were
unable to make the port of Palapa because of very violent storms which
putting them in danger of shipwreck made it necessary for them to put
back to Manila after ninety days.
63. Seeing that their attempt was frustrated and [249]that
the rumors that they heard were that the silver had been removed from
the “Philipino,” and placed in safety, Admiral Cornish,
irritated and just about to sail, attempted a new sack. Although by
demand of the British government, it appears that he went to quiet his
officers, yet he was implacable, and it appears that having been
advised by the said government that it would resist on its part the
sack within the city, without desisting from his attempt, said admiral
set his gaze on the suburbs, especially on Santa Cruz,44 where the most of the Spaniards are. Already were
the dread and consternation great, and the destruction and mortality
which were threatened by the fury of this hostility were feared. The
archbishop, having been notified thereof by some Spaniards, exerted all
his strength and care to avoid this disaster, and moderate, and cause
the admiral to set some bounds [to the matter]. Discussing the matter
with the latter in several visits which he paid to him, he was able to
persuade him and agree to give him an order for the two millions. In
case that the “Philipino” (as was already inferred) came
with its wealth or the fragata which was assigned for this purpose
transported them, from that property would be completed the amount of
the other two millions, having liquidated the account in regard to the
sum already raised, and taking account of the amount of the sack that
they had suffered and which was to be regulated.
64. In this manner everything remained quiet. It was no time or
season for answer or reply, especially [250]with the admiral who
was so strong and hard in his resolution. No other expedient was found
with which to meet the conflict than the above-mentioned order. Neither
could he avoid in the nearness of his embarkation the new sack of the
church and convent of St. Augustine (with the exception of the
reliquaries which the archbishop, feigning ignorance, had caused to be
kept in the cathedral); nor that the admiral should not sack the houses
of the marquis of Monte Castro and of Don Andres Blanco—the first
because he had failed in his word of honor, and the second because he
had not taken part in the contribution—in which were included
various persons who lost their property.
65. The account of the sack which Cornish furnished to the
archbishop is quite ridiculous and improbable as to the amount of
twenty-nine thousand pesos at which he puts it, since by means of the
investigations which the archbishop was able to carry on the sack
amounts to more than eight hundred thousand pesos; and almost one-third
of the inhabitants were absent so that it has been impossible to adjust
their loss through the absence of many persons. However, it is a fact
that the total amount must be lowered by what the Indians and house
servants took in these robberies and destruction. But this adjustment
could not be made at the time when Cornish threatened the new sack; for
these investigations are being made at present, and as yet the last has
not been heard from because of the absence of not a few inhabitants who
have still to make their declaration. Neither would the irritation of
Cornish, had these investigations even been finished, have considered
our account and adjustment, both because of his [251]impetuous nature, and because of the so vast
discrepancy of his account to that above-mentioned. Consequently, it
was only the time to yield and to enter into some kind of agreement by
means of the above-mentioned order. This recourse was necessary and
inevitable under the circumstances leaving it for the consideration of
our king and his ministers who might take the advisable measures in
view of what had happened.
66. The admiral departed, as has been said, the first of March. He
left orders to his castellan of Cavite to go in a fragata to Palapa. In
fact the latter did so, and through a citizen, who was selected by the
merchant body, the order was given from the beginning for the commander
of the “Philipino” to bring the silver or deliver it; so
that, having reduced the amount which was lacking to complete the
millions, the remainder might be delivered to the Spaniards interested
and sent to its destination. Already it was more than probable by this
time that the silver of the said ship was placed in safety; and the
above-mentioned castellan, who went to Palapa, found that it was so. He
found the said ship without any crew or any cargo; and notwithstanding
some investigations which he made to get the silver, he ordered the
“Philipino” to be set afire and returned to Manila without
having obtained anything else than having made his efforts in
vain.45 But he did not cease to make all efforts ashore
and by sea in small boats to get the silver, but the same result
followed of not obtaining any success. [252]
67. Before these incidents, by others which intervened through the
withdrawal of some Spaniards and officers, notwithstanding their oath
and word of honor, the English caused to enter into the city those who
were suspected, among them being the two ministers who were the only
ones outside the walls, Don Francisco Viana and Don Francisco
Billacorta. The latter effected his entrance into the city on receipt
of the message; and the former his retirement to Pampanga at the end of
January. Auditor Villacorta entered and left the city freely, but had
the heedlessness [to write] certain letters to Auditor Anda, and the
misfortune to have them intercepted. It resulted therefrom that he was
seized and in a very short time he was considered by a council of war,
which sentenced him to the list punishment.46
68. Almost at the same time the rumor spread abroad of the offensive
and defensive alliance of the British government with the king of Jolo.
In consideration of the treaty which that sultan had a few months
previously celebrated in favor of his Majesty and the Spanish nation,
and of the irreparable injuries that would result to these islands from
the newly-contracted alliance, the archbishop had recourse by a very
strong and expressive letter to said government, laying upon it all the
responsibility in regard to said alliance. However, he resisted
strongly for the reason which he expresses in his reply. But this
alliance has reached such a point that the government has sent Prince
Ysrael, son of the said sultan, to Jolo; and then tried to get the
archbishop to give [253]him a letter for the surrender of
Zebù and other islands,47 but its petitions and
exigencies to obtain said letter were unsuccessful. The archbishop
refused to give it for the reasons which are expressed in his letters
to the British government on this matter. So far has the archbishop
been from giving letters for the surrender of the islands, that he
refused and resisted what was petitioned from him in instances and even
by threats a long time after the cession had passed.
69. The archbishop excused no effort in the so serious matter of the
cause of Auditor Villacorta, by message, visits, and letter, but all he
could obtain was the suspension of his execution. The British conceded
that on condition that the defendant himself, the father provincial of
the Society, and the archbishop write to Auditor Anda, ordering him to
suspend hostilities, and not to prevent the entrance of food. I have no
doubt that the two letters were couched in good terms. That of the
archbishop was dated March 21, [and was written] with the care and
attention that it expresses. These letters were given to the British
who sent them by the most reverend Father Sierra, a Dominican, who
brought back the answers and placed them in the hands of said British
government. The latter, after a few days, sent his to the archbishop
opened, after having made a copy of it, which was translated into the
English language. Consequently, it was necessary for [254]the
archbishop to demand that the said copy be destroyed, as it touched and
blackened his honor.48 But the British government did
not comply with this request, and only promised not to let it out of
its possession, except to its superiors. Already the contents of said
letter had been divulged among the Spaniards and English, a fact that
deeply penetrated the heart of the archbishop, for its style and its
contents, alone ought to be buried in profound silence.
70. This letter, of which a rare copy will be found in the
histories, is handed in to the royal hand and most just comprehension
of his Majesty under other covers. The same diligence is practiced in
another letter of the fiscal with his diary and manifesto, all written
in the same ink and formed almost with the same pen as the
above-mentioned letter of the other minister. Both of them have not
been ashamed of staining their pens with blood against the laws of
decency, truth, justice, and charity, to the offense of God, of their
oath of obedience to the laws of the Indias, and in contempt of the
archiepiscopal dignity, and of the archbishop’s representation in
these islands of the royal person of his Majesty. By their example they
fermented the people, who have become scattered and corrupted with
scandals, murmurings, disgust, and spite against their own prelate,
pastor and father.
71. This impudence in the village, and almost universal among all
classes of persons and estates, with the exception of some few of
reason and judgment, is the fire that has deeply penetrated the feeling
and pierced the heart of the archbishop. He maintained himself and
still maintains himself [255]firmly in the face of his enemies,
in order that he might attend to the conflicts and needs of the said
village and of our peoples, and not deprive the city and the many
persons of both sexes who have found it impossible to leave it, of
shelter; to attend, at the same time, to the protection of the churches
as well as possible; and to see that the holy religion and divine
worship are encouraged without commencing to grow weak in the capital.
He has succeeded in doing this in the greater part through the divine
Mercy; and to so great a degree have Church functions and all the
ecclesiastical ministers succeeded for the welfare of the faithful,
that edification and not a little wonder is caused by the fact that the
faith and worship of our Lord Jesus Christ are seen to shine forth in
the midst of so many hardships, conflicts, and necessities.
72. In this the royal favor and protection of the king, our
sovereign, has the greatest and best share. The ecclesiastical cabildo
and its ministers, the girls’ school of Santa Potenciana, the
troops which were left, the invalid and sick officers in the hospital
of San Juan de Dios, the archbishop and his household, and many others
who are aided by the king’s pay, have been able to be maintained
through his generous pity. With all this was concerned the provision
which the archbishop enacted with the British governor in regard to the
supply of the pay which he has administered without fail. In the
regulation of them, the distribution has been made according to the
circumstances of the persons and of the time, with the economy which
has appeared advisable. Of the amount of these salaries, he has given
and will give the orders against his Majesty’s treasury,
[256]on whom depends the subsistence of the
above-mentioned vassals who have only lived and been able to support
themselves with these aids of his Majesty, without having any other
help so far as the human is concerned.
73. But in order that no thorn might be wanting to the archbishop to
pierce him in regard to this same so favorable and equitable provision,
since he assigned therein only half pay to the wearers of the toga (in
consideration of the fact that if they moderated themselves under the
present circumstances, it appeared sufficient, as they no longer
respected his Majesty, reserving for the latter’s justification,
the payment of the other half for an opportune time), they were very
angry, and made an outcry against the archbishop in a most impudent
letter, in which they retorted but without foundation and with a
vicious comprehension, that the archbishop was applying to himself more
than half pay, although he took only the half which belongs to him as
governor, and nothing more, not even any stipend as archbishop. But
said ministers requested, and it was given them in its entirety or as a
reward until October five, without them having been willing in the
future to accept the half pay which was assigned to them under the
above-mentioned reasons; and although their right remained safe to them
at all times, it would have demonstrated that they would have been
insufficient had the archbishop changed his provision. But it was shown
that one-half the pay was quite sufficient for a minister to maintain
himself with moderation and economy, as was proved in the case of Don
Pedro Calderon, who arrived at this capital with the captured ship
“Trinidad,” and who requested that he be [257]furnished with half pay under bond. It was
conceded to him in this manner, and he supported himself, daughter, and
household with it.
74. Notwithstanding so many contradictions, conflicts, accidents,
and enemies, on all sides which have undermined the robust health of
the archbishop, placing him in the extremity of dying, he has been
experiencing the most special providence of the Most High. Not without
astonishment do they see him with life and that he has been able to
attend to the conflicts of all and to the continuous attacks which
pressed on him constantly from all sides. There has not been any
Spaniard or native, or people of these, or any religious, who have been
in prison, or experienced hardship, or necessity, whom he has not
helped or protected with the offices of charity, mediation, and
petition with the English, from whom he has many times obtained either
the protection or justice which has been fitting. Consequently, he has
encountered the enemy for all this class of people, even with danger to
the respect of his dignity and of his person. Individual mention of the
cases and persons would be infinite; and much appears in his letters to
the English on various matters. But the gratitude that has been his due
is that of a people made peevish by the wicked leaven of the examples
and inducements of persons, who by their rank and post, special honor,
and greater obligation, and because of being singularly benefited by
the archbishop, ought to be quite other, and, at least, without the
abandon of the fear of God and Christian charity.
75. The inevitable situation in which the archbishop finds himself,
because of being in front of the enemy and in their presence, in order
to attend to the [258]various grievous casualties which
frequently occur would become more tolerable to him, if he did not
experience from his own people and from the one who commands them, and
from those whom they incite for the latter, that they have vomited
forth their fury against his person. It seems incredible, but it is a
fact, that the wrath and imprudent acts of the abovesaid who have
soullessly trampled on his dignity have cost him more pangs than the
presence of the enemy, who have respected him, although they have
caused him great mortification.
76. From this fatal experience it comes, that the situado and wealth
of the “Philipino” having been assured as abovesaid; and
adding that in the same security, in which it is considered, it runs
great danger from the very ones who are guarding it, and from other
evildoers: the archbishop does not dare to ask for it for the help and
pay of those who are supported in the city at the expense of his
Majesty, but continues to ask and receive that help and pay from the
British government, by which the royal treasury is doubly burdened.
This treasure has as yet escaped the hand of the English, but it has
fallen into so many that it is difficult for it to come into the hands
of those interested; for besides its great danger, it is asserted that
the expenses of its conduction, which is not finished as yet as far as
Pampanga, exceed one hundred and twenty [pesos] to the thousand, while
the pay which is distributed with free hand and other expenses are in
excess of thirty thousand pesos per month, as the archbishop has been
assured.
77. It is true that there would be no little difficulty in
conducting these sums, which the archbishop asks, to the city, and that
they would run many dangers; [259]but the difficulty from which
Auditor Anda would remove and free himself in its sending is greater
and insuperable. This person, quite filled with wrath against the
archbishop, by his apprehensions as mistaken as exorbitant, and by his
scandalous productions, and who appears to be only trying to make his
conduct and zeal for the royal service shine out by blackening that of
the archbishop, refused to send the despatches of his Majesty, and
those belonging to the archbishop himself, and which had been brought
by the “Philipino,” although he was ordered to deliver
those that belonged to all the tribunals, [religious] communities, and
private persons. This refusal shows what would happen to any request
for the silver. For if since this retention is opposed to the sovereign
respect of his Majesty, by detaining the orders that he may direct to
the archbishop in his royal decrees, Anda is trampling also upon the
public faith, in what corresponds to the letters, business,
commissions, pious funds, and matters of conscience which may be
concerned in them, it being quite to the prejudice of the government of
the archbishopric and to the public scorn and disrespect of its
pastor.
78. Anda’s despatch also in regard to the royal seal made it
necessary for the archbishop to take extreme precaution so that this
royal jewel might not be endangered. This being in the power of the
archbishop, had been conserved in his possession with so great secrecy
without the least fear. But the said instance and procedure of said
open despatch to the vice-chancellor, who was in the house of the
archbishop, in his service, divulged the secret in Pampanga, and to not
few persons of this city. Consequently, [260]not without manifest
danger could it be sent, or could it be preserved in the possession in
which it had been, and besides to deliver these royal arms to Anda was
to place them in a cruel hand for the abuse and atrocities which are
experienced, and without it being possible in present affairs to have
their authoritative use, for which they were destined by their
sovereign owner.
79. The many persons who are fed with the silver have gone to
Pampanga, among whom is a considerable number of military
officers—some in order to get what belongs to them, and others
for the consideration of larger pay, and all of them and all the other
Spaniards incited and threatened by said auditor have been made to
incur the inobservance of their oath and their word of honor. And from
this irregularity and from others of which the cowardice of the fiscal
and his inducements for the same purpose, furnished an example, have
come other disorders and disasters of the enemy who have been irritated
by these proceedings. Never did the archbishop dissuade or induce any
to remain in the city or to leave it, although he well knew that it was
impossible to divert some families and the religious communities, and
much more those of the feminine sex; but all the fatal consequences
that have been mentioned have aided to compress the spirit of the
archbishop, who by the singular blessing of God has been able to live
and remedy some of the fatalities.
80. He considered nothing more necessary than to petition for mail
posts and opportunity to give account of everything to his Majesty,
from whose Catholic zeal alone can one hope for the remedy, unless the
divine Providence miraculously clears the [261]way just as is asked
from Him, without believing that it is to tempt God, through the most
extreme necessities in most important matters, and of His divine
service, which intervene and are contained in the present conflicts.
And the efforts dictated by the archbishop’s prudence and
obligation, such as giving a report to his king by two posts, doubling
the despatches in the last, by which there comes to be a fourth post,
must not be omitted.
The first was in December, when the engineer, Don Miguel Gomez, was
sent, who was equipped as well as possible. The second was in March of
the present year, by equipping two officers, Don Christoval Ròs,
and Don Andres de la Torre; and at the same time in another English
fragata with sufficient safety and prudent security. He duplicated the
despatches in two English fragatas, addressed to his agent at
Cadiz.
81. These are the most important occurrences during the time of the
siege, and the period following it. Both the other occurrences previous
to the siege, possess the truth that is noted; and these [succeeding
it] are proved by the papers and their instruments which have been
drawn up. Other verification and authentication was not ready at hand,
as it was sent by the letters in the posts above-mentioned which have
not gone so bare of certain necessary documents and are not of very
small bulk. [262]
![Plan of Mariveles Bay, 1764; in collection of Charts by Alexander Dalrymple ([London], 1781)](images/p199.jpg)
