Project Gutenberg's Why is the Negro Lynched?, by Frederick Douglass

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license


Title: Why is the Negro Lynched?

Author: Frederick Douglass

Release Date: March 24, 2019 [EBook #59116]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WHY IS THE NEGRO LYNCHED? ***




Produced by hekula03, David E. Brown, and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)









[Illustration]


  Why is the Negro
  Lynched?


  BY THE LATE

  FREDERICK DOUGLASS.


  Reprinted by permission from “The A.M.E. Church
  Review” for Memorial Distribution, by a few
  of his English friends.


  BRIDGWATER:
  PRINTED BY JOHN WHITBY AND SONS, LIMITED.
  1895.




_We have felt that the most fitting tribute that we, of the Anti-Caste
movement, can pay to the memory of this noble and faithful life is to
issue broadcast--as far as the means entrusted to us will allow--his
last great appeal for justice (uttered through the pages of “The A.M.E.
Church Review” only a few months before his death). A slanderous charge
against Negro morality has gone forth throughout the world and has been
widely credited. The white American has had his say both North and
South. On behalf of the accused, Frederick Douglass claims, in the name
of justice, to be heard._


Copies can be obtained free from the Editor of “Anti-Caste,” Street,
Somerset, England.




  Why is the Negro Lynched?

  (“THE LESSON OF THE HOUR.”)


  BY THE LATE

  FREDERICK DOUGLASS.


  _Reprinted by permission from the “A.M.E. Church Review.”_




I.


THE AFRO-AMERICAN PEOPLE INDICTED ON A NEW CHARGE. INTRODUCTORY--THE
WRITER’S CLAIM TO BE HEARD.[A]

I propose to give you a coloured man’s view of the so-called “Negro
Problem.” We have had the Southern white man’s view of this subject at
large in the press, in the pulpit and on the platform. He has spoken in
the pride of his power and to willing ears. Coloured by his peculiar
environments, his version has been presented with abundant repetition,
with startling emphasis, and with every advantage to his side of
the question. We have also had the Northern white man’s view of the
subject, tempered by his distance from the scene and by his different,
if not his higher, civilization.

This quality and quantity of evidence, may be considered by some men as
all sufficient upon which to found an intelligent judgment of the whole
matter in controversy, and, therefore, it may be thought my testimony
is not needed. But experience has taught us that it is sometimes wise
and necessary to have more than two witnesses to bring out the whole
truth. Especially is this the case where one of such witnesses has a
powerful motive for suppressing or distorting the facts, as in this
case. I therefore insist upon my right to take the witness stand and
give my version of this Southern question, and though it shall widely
differ from that of both the North and South, I shall submit the same
to the candid judgment of all who hear me in full confidence that it
will be received as true, by honest men and women of both sections of
this Republic.

There is one thing, however, in which I think we must all agree at the
start. It is that this so-called but mis-called Negro problem is one
of the most important and urgent subjects that can now engage public
attention. Its solution is, and ought to be, the serious business of
the best American wisdom and statesmanship. For it involves the honour
or dishonour, the glory or shame, the happiness or misery, of the whole
American people. It not only touches the good name and fame of the
Republic, but its highest moral welfare and its permanent safety. The
evil with which it confronts us is coupled with a peril at once great
and increasing, and one which should be removed, if it can be, without
delay.


EPIDEMIC OF MOB-LAW.

The presence of eight millions of people in any section of this
country, constituting an aggrieved class, smarting under terrible
wrongs, denied the exercise of the commonest rights of humanity,
and regarded by the ruling class of that section as outside of the
government, outside of the law, outside of society, having nothing in
common with the people with whom they live, the sport of mob violence
and murder, is not only a disgrace and a scandal to that particular
section, but a menace to the peace and security of the whole country.
There is, as we all know, a perfect epidemic of mob law and persecution
now prevailing at the South, and the indications of a speedy end are
not hopeful. Great and terrible as have been its ravages in the past,
it now seems to be increasing, not only in the number of its victims,
but in its frantic rage and savage extravagance. Lawless vengeance is
beginning to be visited upon white men as well as black. Our newspapers
are daily disfigured by its ghastly horrors. It is no longer local but
national; no longer confined to the South but has invaded the North.
The contagion is spreading, extending and overleaping geographical
lines and state boundaries, and if permitted to go on, threatens to
destroy all respect for law and order, not only in the South but in all
parts of our common country, North as well as South. For certain it is,
that crime allowed to go unpunished, unresisted and unarrested, will
breed crime. When the poison of anarchy is once in the air, like the
pestilence that walketh in darkness, the winds of heaven will take it
up and favour its diffusion. Though it may strike down the weak to-day,
it will strike down the strong to-morrow.

Not a breeze comes to us from the late rebellious states that is not
tainted and freighted with Negro blood. In its thirst for blood and
its rage for vengeance, the mob has blindly, boldly and defiantly
supplanted sheriffs, constables and police. It has assumed all the
functions of civil authority. It laughs at legal processes, courts
and juries, and its red-handed murderers range abroad unchecked and
unchallenged by law or by public opinion. If the mob is in pursuit of
Negroes who happen to be accused of crime, innocent or guilty, prison
walls and iron bars afford no protection. Jail doors are battered down
in the presence of unresisting jailors, and the accused, awaiting trial
in the courts of law, are dragged out and hanged, shot, stabbed or
burned to death, as the blind and irresponsible mob may elect.

We claim to be a highly-civilized and Christian country. I will not
stop to deny this claim, yet I fearlessly affirm that there is nothing
in the history of savages to surpass the blood-chilling horrors and
fiendish excesses perpetrated against the coloured people of this
country, by the so-called enlightened and Christian people of the
South. It is commonly thought that only the lowest and most disgusting
birds and beasts, such as buzzards, vultures and hyenas, will gloat
over and prey upon dead bodies; but the Southern mob, in its rage,
feeds its vengeance by shooting, stabbing and burning their victims,
when they are dead.

Now, what is the special charge by which this ferocity is justified,
and by which mob law is excused and defended even by good men North and
South? It is a charge of recent origin; a charge never brought before;
a charge never heard of in the time of slavery or in any other time in
our history. It is a charge of assaults by Negroes upon white women.
This new charge, once fairly started on the wings of rumour, no matter
by whom or in what manner originated, whether well or ill-founded,
whether true or false, is certain to raise a mob and to subject the
accused to immediate torture and death. It is nothing that there may
be a mistake in his case as to identity. It is nothing that the
victim pleads “not guilty.” It is nothing that the accused is of fair
reputation and his accuser is of an abandoned character. It is nothing
that the majesty of the law is defied and insulted; no time is allowed
for defence or explanation; he is bound with cords, hurried off amid
the frantic yells and curses of the mob to the scaffold, and there,
under its ghastly shadow, he is tortured, till by pain or promises,
he is made to think that he can possibly gain time or save his life
by confession--confesses--and then, whether guilty or innocent, he is
shot, hanged, stabbed or burned to death amid the wild shouts of the
mob. When the will of the mob is accomplished, when its thirst for
blood has been quenched, when its victim is speechless, silent and
dead, his mobocratic accusers and murderers of course have the ear of
the world all to themselves, and the world, hearing only the testimony
of the mob, generally approves its verdict.

Such, then, is the state of Southern law and civilization at this
moment, in relation to the coloured citizens of that section of our
country. Though the picture is dark and terrible, I venture to affirm
that no man, North or South, can successfully deny its essential truth.


ATTITUDE OF UPPER CLASSES.

Now the question arises, and it is important to know, how this state
of affairs is viewed by the better classes of the Southern States. I
will tell you, and I venture to say in advance, if our hearts were
not already hardened by familiarity with crimes against the Negro, we
should be shocked and astonished, not only by these mobocratic crimes,
but by the attitude of the better classes of the Southern people and
their law-makers, towards the perpetrators of them. With a few noble
exceptions, just enough to prove the rule, the upper classes of the
South seem to be in full sympathy with the mob and its deeds. There
are but few earnest words ever uttered against either. Press, platform
and pulpit are generally either silent or they openly apologise for
the mob and its deeds. The mobocratic murderers are not only permitted
to go free, untried and unpunished, but are lauded and applauded as
honourable men and good citizens, the high-minded guardians of Southern
virtue. If lynch law is in any case condemned by them, it is only
condemned in one breath and excused in another.

The great trouble with the Negro in the South is that all presumptions
are against him. A white man has but to blacken his face and commit
a crime to have some Negro lynched in his stead. An abandoned woman
has only to start a cry, true or false, that she has been insulted
by a black man, to have him arrested and summarily murdered by the
mob. Frightened and tortured by his captors, confused, he may be,
into telling crooked stories about his whereabouts at the time when
the crime is alleged to have been committed, and the death penalty
is at once inflicted, though his story may be but the incoherency of
ignorance or the distraction caused by terror.

In confirmation of what I have said, I have before me the utterances
of some of the best people of the South, and also the testimony of
one from the North, a lady of high character, from whom, considering
her antecedents, we should have expected a more considerate, just and
humane utterance.

In a late number of the _Forum_, Bishop Haygood, author of the “Brother
in Black,” says that “The most alarming fact is that execution by
lynching has ceased to surprise us. The burning of a human being for
any crime, it is thought, is a horror that does not occur outside of
the Southern states of the American Union, yet unless assaults by
Negroes come to an end, there will most probably be still further
display of vengeance that will shock the world, and men who are just
will consider the provocation.”

In an open letter addressed to me by ex-Governor Chamberlain, of South
Carolina, published in the Charleston _News and Courier_, in reply
to an article of mine on the subject of lynching, published in the
_North American Review_, the ex-Governor says: “Your denunciation of
the South on this point is directed exclusively, or nearly so, against
the application of lynch law for the punishment of one crime; the
existence, I suppose I might say the prevalence, of this crime at the
South is undeniable. But I read your article in vain for any special
denunciation of the crime itself. As you say, your people are lynched,
tortured and burned, for assault on white women. As you value your own
good fame and safety as a race, stamp out the infamous crime.”

And now comes the sweet voice of a Northern woman, Miss Frances
Willard, of the W. C. T. U., distinguished among her sisters for
benevolence and Christian charity. She speaks in the same bitter tone
and hurls against us the same blasting accusation. She says in a letter
now before me, “I pity the Southerners. The problem in their hands
is immeasurable. The coloured race multiplies like the locusts of
Egypt. The safety of women, of childhood, of the home, is menaced in a
thousand localities at this moment, so that men dare not go beyond the
sight of their own roof tree.” Such, then, is the crushing indictment
drawn up against the Southern Negroes, drawn up, too, by persons who
are perhaps the fairest and most humane of the Negro’s accusers. Yet
even they paint him as a moral monster, ferociously invading the sacred
rights of woman and endangering the homes of the whites.


INCRIMINATION OF THE WHOLE RACE.

Now, I hold, no less than his accusers, that the crime alleged against
the Negro is the most revolting which men can commit. It is a crime
that awakens the intensest abhorrence and tempts mankind to kill the
criminal on first sight.

But this charge thus brought against the Negro and as constantly
reiterated by his enemies, is plainly enough not merely a charge
against the individual culprit, as would be the case with an individual
of any other race, but it is in large measure a charge constructively
against the coloured people as such. It throws over every man of colour
a mantle of odium, and sets upon him a mark of popular hate, more
distressing than the mark set upon the first murderer. It points the
Negro out as an object of suspicion, avoidance and hate.

It is in this form of the charge that you and I and all of us are
required to meet it and refute it, if that can be done. In the opinion
of some of us it were well to say nothing about it, that the least said
about it the better. They would have us suffer quietly under the odium
in silence. In this I do not concur. Taking this charge in its broad
and comprehensive sense, the sense in which it is presented and as now
stated, it strikes at the whole coloured race, and, therefore, as a
coloured man, I am bound to meet it. I am grateful for the opportunity
now afforded me to meet it. For I believe it can be met and met
successfully. I hold that a people too spiritless to defend themselves
against unjust imputations, are not worth defending, and are not worthy
to defend anything else.




II.


THE DEFENCE--“NOT GUILTY.” CHARACTER OF THEIR ACCUSERS CHALLENGED.

Without boasting in advance, but relying upon the goodness of my
cause, I will say here I am ready to confront ex-Governor Chamberlain,
Bishop Fitzgerald, Bishop Haygood and good Miss Frances Willard and
all others, singly or altogether, who bring this charge against the
coloured people as a class.

But I want however, to be clearly understood at the outset. I do not
pretend that Negroes are saints and angels. I do not deny that they are
capable of committing the crime imputed to them, but utterly deny that
they are any more addicted to the commission of that crime than is true
of any other variety of the human family. In entering upon my argument,
I may be allowed to say again what should be taken for granted at the
start, that I am not a defender of any man guilty of this atrocious
crime, but a defender of the coloured people as a class.

In answer, then, to the terrible indictment thus read, and speaking for
the coloured people as a class, I venture in their name and in their
stead, here and now, to plead “not guilty,” and shall submit my case
with confidence of acquittal by good men and women, North and South,
before whom we are, as a class, now being tried. In daring to do this I
know that the moral atmosphere about me is not favourable to my cause.
The sentiment left by slavery is still with us, and the moral vision of
the American people is still darkened by its presence.

It is the misfortune of the coloured people of this country that the
sins of the few are visited more or less upon the many. In respect to
the offenders, I am with General Grant and every other honest man. My
motto is, “Let no guilty man escape.” But while I say this, and mean to
say it strongly, I am also here to say, let no guilty man be condemned
and killed by the mob, or crushed under the weight of a charge of which
he is not guilty.

I need not be told that the cause I have undertaken to support is not
to be maintained by any mere confident assertions or general denials,
however strongly worded. If I had no better ground to stand upon than
this, I would at once leave the field of controversy and give up the
coloured man’s cause to his accusers. I am also aware that I am here
to do in some measure what the masters of logic say is impossible to
be done. I know that I cannot prove a negative; there is one thing
that I can and will do. I will call in question the affirmative. I can
and will show that there are sound reasons for doubting and denying
this horrible charge of rape as the special and peculiar crime of the
coloured people of the South. I doubt it, and deny it with all my soul.
My doubt and denial are based upon three fundamental grounds.

The first ground is, the well-established and well-tested character
of the Negro on the very point upon which he is now so violently and
persistently accused. I contend that his whole history in bondage and
out of bondage contradicts and gives the lie to the allegation. My
second ground for doubt and denial is based upon what I know of the
character and antecedents of the men and women who bring this charge
against him. My third ground is the palpable unfitness of the mob to
testify and which is the main witness in the case.

I therefore affirm that a fierce and frenzied mob is not and ought not
to be deemed a competent witness against any man accused of any crime
whatever, and especially the crime now in question. The ease with which
a mob can be collected, the slight causes by which it can be set in
motion, and the element of which it is composed, deprives its testimony
of the qualities necessary to sound judgment and that which should
inspire confidence and command belief. Blinded by its own fury, it is
moved by impulses utterly unfavourable to a clear perception of facts
and the ability to make an impartial statement of the simple truth.
At the outset, I challenge the credibility of the mob, and as the mob
is the main witness in the case against the Negro I appeal from the
judgment of the mob to the judgment of law-abiding men, in support of
my challenge. I lay special emphasis on the fact that it is the mob
and the mob only that the country has recognised and accepted as its
accredited witness against the Negro. The mob is its law, its judge,
jury and executioner. I need not argue this point further. Its truth
is borne upon its face.

But I go further. I dare not only to impeach the mob, I impeach and
discredit the veracity of men generally, whether mobocrats or otherwise
who sympathise with lynch law, whenever or wherever the acts of
coloured men are in question. It seems impossible for such men to judge
a coloured man fairly. I hold that men who openly and deliberately
nullify the laws and violate the provisions of the Constitution of
their country, which they have solemnly sworn to support and execute,
are not entitled to unqualified belief in any case, and certainly not
in the case of the Negro. I apply to them the legal maxim, “False in
one, false in all.” Especially do I apply this maxim when the conduct
of the Negro is in question.

Again I question the Negro’s accusers on another important ground;
I have no confidence in the veracity of men who publicly justify
themselves in cheating the Negro out of his constitutional right to
vote. The men who do this, either by false returns, or by taking
advantage of the Negro’s illiteracy, or by surrounding the ballot box
with obstacles and sinuosities intended to bewilder him and defeat his
rightful exercise of the elective franchise, are men who should not be
believed on oath. That this is done and approved in Southern States is
notorious. It has been openly defended by so-called honest men inside
and outside of Congress.

I met this shameless defence of crime face to face at the late Chicago
Auxiliary Congress, during the World’s Columbian Exposition, in a
solemn paper by Prof. Weeks, of North Carolina, who boldly advocated
this kind of fraud as necessary and justifiable in order to secure
Anglo-Saxon supremacy, and in doing so, as I believe, he voiced the
moral sentiment of Southern men generally.

Now, men who openly defraud the Negro of his vote by all manner of
artifice, who justify it and boast of it in the face of the world’s
civilization, as was done by Prof. Weeks at Chicago, I hardly need
say that such men are not to be depended upon for truth in any case
where the rights of the Negro are involved. Their testimony in the
case of any other people than the Negro would be instantly and utterly
discredited, and why not the same in this case? Every honest man will
see that this point is well taken. It has for its support common
sense, common honesty, and the best sentiment of mankind. On the other
hand, it has nothing to oppose it but a vulgar, popular prejudice
against the coloured people of our country, a prejudice which we all
know strikes men with moral blindness and renders them incapable of
seeing any distinction between right and wrong where coloured people
are concerned.


THE NEGRO’S CLEAN RECORD DURING WAR TIME.

But I come to a stronger position. I rest my denial not merely upon
general principles but upon well-known facts. I reject the charge
brought against the Negro as a class, because all through the late war,
while the slave-masters of the South were absent from their homes, in
the field of rebellion, with bullets in their pockets, treason in their
hearts, broad blades in their bloody hands, seeking the life of the
nation, with the vile purpose of perpetuating the enslavement of the
Negro, their wives, their daughters, their sisters and their mothers
were left in the absolute custody of these same Negroes, and during all
those long four years of terrible conflict, when the Negro had every
opportunity to commit the abominable crime now alleged against him,
there was never a single instance of such crime reported or charged
against him. He was never accused of assault, insult, or an attempt to
commit an assault upon any white woman in the whole South. A fact like
this, though negative, speaks volumes, and ought to have some weight
with the American people on the present question.

Then, again, on general principles, I do not believe the charge,
because it implies an improbable change, if not an impossible change
in the mental and moral character and composition of the Negro. It
implies a radical change wholly inconsistent with the well-known facts
of human nature. It is a contradiction to human experience. History
does not present an example of a transformation in the character of any
class of men so extreme, so unnatural and so complete as is implied in
this charge. The change is too great and the period for it too brief.
Instances may be cited where men fall like stars from heaven, but such
is not the usual experience with the masses. Decline in the moral
character of such is not sudden, but gradual. The downward steps are
marked at first by slow degrees and by increasing momentum, going from
bad to worse as they proceed. Time is an element in such changes, and I
contend that the Negroes of the South have not had time to experience
this great change and reach this lower depth of infamy. On the
contrary, in point of fact, they have been, and still are, improving
and ascending to higher and still higher levels of moral and social
worth.


EXCUSES FOR LYNCHING--DELICACY OF SUBJECT; POSSIBILITY OF CRIMINAL’S
ESCAPE FROM JUSTICE.

Again I utterly deny the charge on the fundamental ground that those
who bring the charge do not and dare not give the Negro a chance to
be heard in his own defence. He is not allowed to show the deceptive
conditions out of which the charge has originated. He is not allowed to
vindicate his own character from blame, or to criminate the character
and motives of his accusers. Even the mobocrats themselves admit that
it would be fatal to their purpose to have the character of the Negro’s
accusers brought into court. They pretend to a delicate regard for
the feelings of the parties alleged to have been assaulted. They are
too modest to have them brought into court. They are, therefore, for
lynching and against giving a fair trial to the accused. This excuse,
it is needless to say, is contemptible and hypocritical. It is not
only mock modesty, but mob modesty. Men who can collect hundreds and
thousands of their kind, if we believe them, thirsting for vengeance,
and can spread before them in the tempest and whirlwind of vulgar
passion, the most disgusting details of crime, connecting the names
of women with the same, should not be allowed to shelter themselves
under any pretence of modesty. Such a pretence is absurd and shameless
upon the face of it. Who does not know that the modesty of womanhood
is always and in every such case an object for special protection in
a court of law? On the other hand, who does not know that a lawless
mob, composed in part of the basest men, can have no such respect for
the modesty of women, as has a court of law. No woman need be ashamed
to confront one who has insulted or assaulted her in any court of law.
Besides, innocence does not hesitate to come to the rescue of justice,
and need not even in this case.

Again, I do not believe it, and deny it because if the evidence were
deemed sufficient to bring the accused to the scaffold by a verdict of
an impartial jury, there could be and would be no objection to having
the alleged offender tried in conformity to due process of law.

The only excuse for lynch law, which has a shadow of support in it is,
that the criminal would probably otherwise be allowed to escape the
punishment due to his crime. But this excuse is not employed by the
lynchers, though it is sometimes so employed by those who apologise for
the lynchers. But for it there is no foundation whatever, in a country
like the South, where public opinion, the laws, the courts, the juries,
the advocates, are all against the Negro, especially one alleged to be
guilty of the crime now charged. That such an one would be permitted
to escape condign punishment, is not only untenable but an insult
to common sense. The chances are that not even an innocent Negro so
charged would be allowed to escape.




III.


THE THREE STAGES OF NEGRO PERSECUTION. THEIR OBJECT--HIS
DISFRANCHISEMENT.

But I come to another fact, and an all important fact, bearing upon
this case. You will remember that during all the first years of
reconstruction, and long after the war, Negroes were slain by scores.
The world was shocked by these murders, so that the Southern press
and people found it necessary to invent, adopt and propagate almost
every species of falsehood to create sympathy for themselves, and to
formulate excuses for thus gratifying their brutal instincts against
the Negro; there was never at that time a charge made against any Negro
involving an assault upon any white woman or upon little white children
in all the South. During all this time the white women and children
were absolutely safe. During all this time there was no call for Miss
Willard’s pity, or for Bishop Haygood’s defence of burning Negroes to
death, but killing Negroes went on all the same.

You will remember also that during this time the justification for
the murder of Negroes was said to be Negro conspiracies, Negro
insurrections, Negro schemes to murder all the white people, Negro
plots to burn the town and to commit violence generally. These were
the excuses then depended upon, but never a word was then said or
whispered about Negro outrages upon white women and children. So far
as the history of that time is concerned, white women and children
were absolutely safe, and husbands and fathers could leave their homes
without the slightest anxiety for the safety of their families. But
now mark the change and the reasons for the change. When events proved
that no such conspiracies, no such insurrections as were then pretended
to exist, and which were then paraded before the world in glaring
headlines in the columns of nearly all our newspapers, had ever existed
or were even meditated--when these excuses had run their course and
had served their wicked purpose, when the huts of the Negroes had been
searched, and searched in vain for guns and ammunition to prove these
charges against the Negro, and no such proof was found, when there
was no way open thereafter to prove these charges against the Negro,
and no way to make the North believe in them, they did not even then
bring forward the present allegation, but went on harassing and killing
Negroes just the same. But this time they based their right to kill on
the ground that it was necessary to check the domination and supremacy
of the Negro and to secure the absolute rule of the Anglo-Saxon race.

It is important to notice and emphasize here the significant fact that
there has been three distinct periods of persecutions of the Negroes
in the South, and three distinct sets of excuses for this persecution.
They have come along precisely in the order they were most needed. Each
was made to fit its special place. First, you remember, as I have said,
it was insurrection. When that wore out, Negro supremacy became the
excuse. When that was worn out, then came the charge of assault upon
defenceless women. I undertake to say that this orderly arrangement and
periodicity of excuses are significant. They mean something, and should
not be overlooked. They show design, plan, purpose and invention.
And now that Negro insurrection and Negro domination are no longer
defensible as an excuse for Negro persecution, there has come in due
course another suited to the occasion, and that is the heart-rending
cry of the white women and little white children.

Now, my friends, I ask what is the manifest meaning of this charge at
this time? What is the meaning of the singular omission of this charge
during the two periods preceding the present? Why was not this charge
made at that time as now? The Negro was the same man then as to-day.
Why, I ask again, was not this dreadful charge brought forward against
the Negro in war times and in reconstruction times? Had it existed
either in war times or during reconstruction, does any man doubt that
it would have been added to the other charges and proclaimed upon the
house-tops and at the street corners, as this charge is at present?

I will answer the question: or you yourselves have already given the
true answer. For the plain and only rational explanation is that there
was at the times specified no foundation for such a charge, or that the
charge itself was either not thought of, or if thought of it was not
deemed necessary to excuse the lawless violence with which the Negro
was then pursued and killed. The old charges already enumerated were
deemed all sufficient.

Things have changed since then, and the old excuses are not now
available. The times have changed, and the Negro’s accusers have
found it necessary to change with them. They have been compelled to
invent a new charge to suit the times. The old charges are no longer
valid. Upon them the good opinion of the North and of mankind cannot
be secured. Honest men no longer believe that there is any ground to
apprehend Negro supremacy. Times and events have swept away these old
refuges of lies. They were once powerful. They did their work in their
day and did it with terrible energy and effect, but they are now cast
aside as useless. The lie has lost its ability to deceive. The altered
times and circumstances have made necessary a sterner, stronger and
more effective justification of Southern barbarism, and hence we have,
according to my theory, to look into the face of a more shocking and
blasting charge than either Negro supremacy or Negro insurrection.

I insist upon it that this new charge has come at the call of new
conditions, and that nothing could have been hit upon better calculated
to accomplish its brutal purpose. It clouds the character of the Negro
with a crime the most shocking that men can commit, and is fitted to
drive from the criminal all pity and all fair play and all mercy. It
is a crime that places him outside of the pale of the law, and settles
upon his shoulders a mantle of wrath and fire, that blisters and burns
into his very soul.

It is for this purpose, it seems to me, that this new charge, unthought
of and unknown in the times to which I have referred, has been largely
invented and thundered against us. It is for this purpose that it has
been constantly reiterated and adopted. It was intended to blast and
ruin the Negro’s character as a man and a citizen. I need not tell you
how thoroughly it has already done its work. The Negro may and does
feel its malign influence in the very air he breathes. He may read it
in the faces of men among whom he moves. It has cooled his friends;
it has heated his enemies and arrested at home and abroad, in some
measure, the generous efforts that good men were wont to make for his
improvement and elevation. It has deceived his friends at the North
and many good friends at the South, for nearly all of them, in some
measure, have accepted this charge against the Negro as true. Its
perpetual reiteration in our newspapers and magazines has led men and
women to regard him with averted eyes, dark suspicion and increasing
hate.

Some of the Southern papers have denounced me for my unbelief in this
charge and in this new crusade against the Negro, but I repeat I do
not believe it, and firmly deny the grounds upon which it is based.
I reject it because I see in it evidence of an invention called into
being by a well-defined motive, a motive sufficient to stamp it as a
gross expedient to justify murderous assault upon a long enslaved and
hence a hated people.

I not only reject it because it bears upon its face the marks of being
a fraud, a make-shift for a malignant purpose, but because it has
sprung upon the country simultaneously, and in manifest co-operation
with a declared purpose and a well-known effort, and I may say a
fixed determination to degrade the Negro by judicial decisions, by
legislative enactments, by repealing all laws for the protection of the
ballot, by drawing the colour line in all railroad cars and stations
and in all other public places in the South, thus to pave the way to
a final consummation which is nothing less than the Negro’s entire
disenfranchisement as an American citizen. It is to this great end
that all the charges and complaints against the Negro are directed
and are made to converge. This is and has been from first to last the
grand and all-commanding object in view. It is a part of a well-devised
reactionary movement against the Negro as a citizen. The old master
class are wise in their day and generation. They know if they can once
divest the Negro of the elective franchise and nullify his citizenship,
the partition wall between him and slavery will no longer exist, and no
man can tell where the reaction will stop.


THE ATTACK LESS UPON CRIME THAN COLOUR.

Again, I do not believe it, and deny it, because the charge is not so
much against the crime itself, as against the colour of the people
alleged to be guilty of it. Slavery itself, you will remember, was a
system of unmitigated, legalised outrage upon black women of the South,
and no white man was ever shot, burned or hanged for availing himself
of all the power that slavery gave him at this point.

To sum up my argument on this lynching business, it remains to be
said that I have shown that the Negro’s accusers in this case have
violated their oaths, and have cheated the Negro out of his vote;
that they have robbed and defrauded the Negro systematically and
persistently, and have boasted of it. I have shown that when the Negro
had every opportunity to commit the crime now charged against him, he
was never accused of it by his bitterest enemies. I have shown that
during all the years of reconstruction, when he was being murdered
at Hamburg, Yazoo, New Orleans, Copiah and elsewhere, he was never
accused at that time of the crime now charged against him. I have
shown that in the nature of things no such change in the character
and composition of a whole people, as this implies, could have taken
place within the limited period allowed for it. I have shown that those
who accuse him dare not confront him in a court of law and have their
witnesses subjected to proper legal inquiry. I have shown from the very
constitution of a mob, the slight causes by which it may be created,
and the sentiment by which it is impelled, it cannot be depended upon
for either truth or justice. I have shown that its sole aim is to
execute, not to find a true verdict. And showing all this and more, I
have shown that they who charge the Negro with this foul crime, in
such circumstances, may be justly doubted and deemed unworthy of belief.




IV.


OBJECTIONS ANSWERED: PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SENTIMENT. LACK OF
RESPECT FOR HUMAN LIFE.

But I now come to a grave objection to my theory of this violent
persecution. I shall be told by many of my Northern friends that my
argument, though plausible, is not conclusive. It will be said that
the charges against the Negro are specific and positive, and that
there must be some foundation for them, because, as they allege, men
in their normal condition do not shoot, hang and burn their fellow men
who are guiltless of crime. Well! This assumption is very just and
very charitable. I only wish that something like the same justice and
the same charity shall be shown to the Negro. All credit is due and
is accorded to our Northern friends for their humane judgment of the
South. Humane themselves, they are slow to believe that the mobocrats
are less humane than themselves. Their hearts are right but their heads
are wrong. They apply a general rule to a special case. They forget
that neither the mob nor its victims are in a normal condition. Both
are exceptions to the general rule. The force of the argument against
my version of the case is the assumption that the lynchers are like
other men and that the Negro has the same hold on the protection of
society that other men have. Neither assumption is true. The lynchers
and mobocrats are not like other men, nor is the Negro hedged about by
the same protection accorded other members of society.

The point I make, then, is this. That I am not, in this case, dealing
with men in their natural condition. I am dealing with men brought up
in the exercise of irresponsible power. I am dealing with men whose
ideas, habits and customs are entirely different from those of ordinary
men. It is, therefore, quite gratuitous to assume that the principles
that apply to other men, apply to the lynchers and murderers of the
Negro. The rules resting upon the justice and benevolence of human
nature do not apply to the mobocrats, or to those who were educated in
the habits and customs of a slave-holding community. What these habits
are I have a right to know, both in theory and practice. Whoever has
read the laws of the late slave states relating to the Negroes, will
see what I mean.

I repeat, the mistake made by those who, on this ground, object to
my theory of the charge against the Negro, is that they overlook the
natural influence of the life, education and habits of the lynchers.
We must remember that these people have not now and have never had any
such respect for human life as is common to other men. They have had
among them for centuries a peculiar institution, and that peculiar
institution has stamped them as a peculiar people. They were not before
the war, they were not during the war, and have not been since the war,
in their spirit or in their civilization, a people in common with the
people of the North, or the civilized world. I will not here harrow up
your feelings by detailing their treatment of Northern prisoners during
the war. Their institutions have taught them no respect for human life,
and especially the life of the Negro. It has, in fact, taught them
absolute contempt for his life. The sacredness of life which ordinary
men feel does not touch them anywhere. A dead Negro is with them now,
as before, a common jest.

They care no more for the Negro’s rights to live than they care for
his rights to liberty, or his right to the ballot or any other right.
Chief Justice Taney told the exact truth about these people when he
said: “They did not consider that the black man had any rights which
white men were bound to respect.” No man of the South ever called in
question that statement, and no man ever will. They could always shoot,
stab, hang and burn the Negro, without any such remorse or shame as
other men would feel after committing such a crime. Any Southern man,
who is honest and is frank enough to talk on the subject, will tell you
that he has no such idea as we have of the sacredness of human rights,
and especially, as I have said, of the life of the Negro. Hence it is
absurd to meet my arguments with the facts predicated of our common
human nature.

I know that I shall be charged with apologising for criminals.
Ex-Governor Chamberlain has already virtually done as much. But there
is no foundation for such charge. I affirm that neither I nor any other
coloured man of like standing with myself has ever raised a finger
or uttered a word in defence of any man, black or white, known to be
guilty of the dreadful crime now in question.

But what I contend for, and what every honest man, black or white, has
a right to contend for, is that when any man is accused of this or any
other crime, of whatever name, nature, degree or extent, he shall have
the benefit of a legal investigation; that he shall be confronted by
his accusers; and that he shall, through proper counsel, be allowed to
question his accusers in open court and in open daylight, so that his
guilt or his innocence may be duly proved and established.

If this is to make me liable to the charge of apologising for crime,
I am not ashamed to be so charged. I dare to contend for the coloured
people of the United States that they are a law-abiding people, and I
dare to insist upon it that they or any other people, black or white,
accused of crime, shall have a fair trial before they are punished.


GENERAL UNFAIRNESS--THE CHICAGO EXHIBITION, ETC.

Again, I cannot dwell too much upon the fact that coloured people are
much damaged by this charge. As an injured class we have a right to
appeal from the judgment of the mob, to the judgment of the law and to
the justice of the American people.

Full well our enemies have known where to strike and how to stab us
most fatally. Owing to popular prejudice, it has become the misfortune
of the coloured people of the South and of the North as well, to have,
as I have said, the sins of the few visited upon the many.

When a white man steals, robs or murders, his crime is visited upon
his own head alone. But not so with the black man. When he commits a
crime, the whole race is made responsible. The case before us is an
example. This unfairness confronts us not only here but it confronts us
everywhere else.

Even when American art undertakes to picture the types of the two
races, it invariably places in comparison, not the best of both races
as common fairness would dictate, but it puts side by side and in
glaring contrast, the lowest type of the Negro with the highest type
of the white man and then calls upon the world to “look upon this
picture, then upon that.”

When a black man’s language is quoted, in order to belittle and degrade
him, his ideas are often put in the most grotesque and unreadable
English, while the utterances of Negro scholars and authors are
ignored. To-day, Sojourner Truth is more readily quoted than Alexander
Cromwell or Dr. James McCune Smith. A hundred white men will attend a
concert of counterfeit Negro minstrels, with faces blackened with burnt
cork, to one who will attend a lecture by an intelligent Negro.

Even the late World’s Columbian Exposition was guilty of this
unfairness. While I join with all other men in pronouncing the
Exposition itself one of the grandest demonstrations of civilization
that the world has ever seen, yet great and glorious as it was, it was
made to show just this kind of injustice and discrimination against the
Negro.

As nowhere in the world, it was hoped that here the idea of human
brotherhood would have been grandly recognized and most gloriously
illustrated. It should have been thus and would have been thus, had
it been what it professed to be, a World’s Exposition. It was not
such, however, in its spirit at this point; it was only an American
Exposition. The spirit of American caste against the educated Negro
was conspicuously seen from start to finish, and to this extent the
Exposition was made simply an American Exposition instead of a World’s
Exposition.

Since the day of Pentecost there was never assembled in any one place
or on any one occasion a larger variety of peoples of all forms,
features and colors and all degrees of civilization, than was assembled
at this World’s Exposition. It was a grand ethnological object lesson,
a fine chance to study all likenesses and all differences of mankind.
Here were Japanese, Soudanese, Chinese, Singalese, Syrians, Persians,
Tunisians, Algerians, Egyptians, East Indians, Laplanders, Esquimaux,
and, as if to shame the educated Negro of America, the Dahomeyans
were there to exhibit their barbarism and increase American contempt
for the Negro intellect. All classes and conditions were there save
the educated American Negro. He ought to have been there, if only to
show what American slavery and American freedom have done for him. The
fact that all other nations were there at their best, made the Negro’s
exclusion the more pronounced and the more significant. People from
abroad noticed the fact that while we have eight millions of colored
people in the United States, many of them gentlemen and scholars,
not one of them was deemed worthy to be appointed a Commissioner,
or a member of an important committee, or a guide or a guard on the
Exposition grounds, and this was evidently an intentional slight to
the race. What a commentary is this upon the liberality of our boasted
American liberty and American equality! It is a silent example, to
be sure, but it is one that speaks louder than words. It says to the
world that the colored people of America are not deemed by Americans as
within the compass of American law, progress and civilization. It says
to the lynchers and mobocrats of the South, go on in your hellish work
of Negro persecution. You kill their bodies, we kill their souls.




V.


NEGRO SUFFRAGE: ATTEMPT TO ABRIDGE THE RIGHT. THE LOWLY NEED ITS
PROTECTION.

But now a word on the question of Negro suffrage. It has come to be
fashionable of late to ascribe much of the trouble at the South to
ignorant Negro suffrage. That great measure recommended by General
Grant and adopted by the loyal nation, is now denounced as a blunder
and a failure. The proposition now is, therefore, to find some way to
abridge and limit this right by imposing upon it an educational or some
other qualification. Among those who take this view of the question are
Mr. John J. Ingalls and Mr. John M. Langston, one white and the other
colored. They are both distinguished leaders; the one is the leader
of the whites and the other is the leader of the blacks. They are
both eloquent, both able, and both wrong. Though they are both Johns,
neither of them is to my mind a “St. John,” and not even a “John the
Baptist.” They have taken up an idea which they seem to think quite
new, but which in reality is as old as despotism, and about as narrow
and selfish as despotism. It has been heard and answered a thousand
times over. It is the argument of the crowned heads and privileged
classes of the world. It is as good against our Republican form of
government as it is against the Negro. The wonder is that its votaries
do not see its consequences. It does away with that noble and just idea
of Abraham Lincoln that our government should be a government of the
people, by the people and for the people and for _all_ the people.

These gentlemen are very learned, very eloquent and very able, but I
cannot follow them in this effort to restrict voting to the educated
classes. Much learning has made them mad. Education is great but
manhood is greater. The one is the principle, the other the accident.
Man was not made as an attribute to education, but education as an
attribute to man. I say to these gentlemen, first protect the man and
you will thereby protect education. Do not make illiteracy a bar to the
ballot, but make the ballot a bar to illiteracy. Take the ballot from
the Negro and you take from him the means and motives that make for
education. Those who are already educated and are vested with political
power have thereby an advantage which they are not likely to divide
with the Negro, especially when they have a fixed purpose to make
this entirely a white man’s government. I cannot, therefore, follow
these gentlemen in a path so dangerous to the Negro. I would not make
suffrage more exclusive but more inclusive. I would not have it embrace
only the élite, but I would have it include the lowly. I would not
only include the men, but would gladly include the women, and make our
government in reality, as in name, a government by the people, of the
people, and for the whole people.

But, manifestly, it is all nonsense to make suffrage to the coloured
people, the cause of the failure of good government in the Southern
states. On the contrary it is the lawless limitation of suffrage that
makes the trouble.

Much thoughtless speech is heard about the ignorance of the Negro in
the South. But plainly enough, it is not the ignorance of the Negro
but the malevolence of his accusers, which is the real cause of
Southern disorder. It is easy to show that the illiteracy of the Negro
has no part or lot in the disturbances there. They who contend for
disfranchisement on this ground, know, and know very well, that there
is no truth whatever in their contention. To make out their case, they
must show that some oppressive and hurtful measure has been imposed
upon the country by Negro voters. But they cannot show any such thing
and they know it.

The Negro has never set up a separate party, never adopted a Negro
platform, never proclaimed or adopted a separate policy for himself or
for the country. His assailants know this and know that he has never
acted apart from the whole American people. They know that he has
never sought to lead, but has always been content to follow. They know
that he has not made his ignorance the rule of his political conduct,
but he has been guided by the rule of white men. They know that he
simply kept pace with the average intelligence of his age and country.
They know that he has gone steadily along in the line of his politics
with the most enlightened citizens of the country and that he has never
gone faster or farther. They know that he has always voted with one or
the other of the two great political parties. They know that if the
votes of these parties have been guided by intelligence and patriotism,
the same must be said of the vote of the Negro. Knowing all this, they
ought to know also, that it is a shame and an outrage upon common
sense and fair dealing to hold him or his suffrage responsible for
any disorder that may reign in the Southern States. Yet while any lie
may be safely told against the Negro and will be credited by popular
prejudice, this lie will find eloquent tongues, bold and shameless
enough to tell it.

It is true that the Negro once voted solidly for the candidates of the
republican party; but what if he did? He then only voted with John
Mercer Langston, John J. Ingalls, John Sherman, General Harrison,
Senator Hoar, Henry Cabot Lodge and Governor McKinley and many of the
most intelligent statesmen and noblest patriots of whom this country
can boast. The charge against him at this time is, therefore, utterly
groundless and is used for fraud, violence and persecution.

The proposition to disfranchise the coloured voter of the South in
order to solve the race problem, I therefore denounce as a false and
cowardly proposition, utterly unworthy of an honest and grateful
nation. It is a proposition to sacrifice friends in order to conciliate
enemies; to surrender the constitution for the lack of moral courage to
execute its provisions. It is a proclamation of the helplessness of the
Nation to protect its own citizens. It says to the coloured citizen,
“We cannot protect you, we therefore propose to join your oppressors.
Your suffrage has been rendered a failure by violence, and we now
propose to make it a failure by law.”

Than this, there was never a surrender more dishonorable, more
ungrateful, or more cowardly. Any statesman, black or white, who
dares to support such a scheme by any concession, deserves no worse
punishment than to be allowed to stay at home, deprived of all
legislative trusts until he repents. Even then he should only be
received on probation.


DECADENCE OF THE SPIRIT OF LIBERTY.

Do not ask me what will be the final result of the so-called Negro
problem. I cannot tell you. I have sometimes thought that the American
people are too great to be small, too just and magnanimous to oppress
the weak, too brave to yield up the right to the strong, and too
grateful for public services ever to forget them or to reward them.
I have fondly hoped that this estimate of American character would
soon cease to be contradicted or put in doubt. But events have made me
doubtful. The favour with which this proposition of disfranchisement
has been received by public men, white and black, by republicans as
well as democrats, has shaken my faith in the nobility of the nation.
I hope and trust all will come out right in the end, but the immediate
future looks dark and troubled. I cannot shut my eyes to the ugly facts
before me.

Strange things have happened of late and are still happening. Some of
these tend to dim the lustre of the American name, and chill the hopes
once entertained for the cause of American liberty. He is a wiser man
than I am who can tell how low the moral sentiment of the Republic may
yet fall. When the moral sense of a nation begins to decline, and the
wheels of progress to roll backward, there is no telling how low the
one will fall or where the other will stop. The downward tendency,
already manifest, has swept away some of the most important safeguards
of justice and liberty. The Supreme Court, has, in a measure,
surrendered. State sovereignty is essentially restored. The Civil
Rights Bill is impaired. The Republican party is converted into a party
of money, rather than a party of humanity and justice. We may well ask,
what next?

The pit of hell is said to be bottomless. Principles which we all
thought to have been firmly and permanently settled by the late war
have been boldly assaulted and overthrown by the defeated party.
Rebel rule is now nearly complete in many states, and it is gradually
capturing the nation’s Congress. The cause lost in the war is the cause
regained in peace, and the cause gained in war is the cause lost in
peace.

There was a threat made long ago by an American statesman that the
whole body of legislation enacted for the protection of American
liberty and to secure the results of the war for the Union, should
be blotted from the national statute book. That threat is now being
sternly pursued and may yet be fully realised. The repeal of the laws
intended to protect the elective franchise has heightened the suspicion
that Southern rule may yet become complete, though, I trust, not
permanent. There is no denying that the trend is in the wrong direction
at present. The late election, however, gives us hope that the loyal
Republican party may yet return to its first love.




VI.


DELUSIVE COLONISATION SCHEMES.

But I now come to another proposition, held up as a solution of the
race problem, and this I consider equally unworthy with the one just
disposed of. The two belong to the same low-bred family of ideas.

It is the proposition to colonize the coloured people of America in
Africa, or somewhere else. Happily this scheme will be defeated,
both by its impolicy and its impracticability. It is all nonsense to
talk about the removal of eight millions of the American people from
their homes in America to Africa. The expense and hardships, to say
nothing of the cruelty attending such a measure, would make success
impossible. The American people are wicked, but they are not fools;
they will hardly be disposed to incur the expense, to say nothing of
the injustice which this measure demands. Nevertheless, this colonizing
scheme, unworthy as it is of American statesmanship, and American
honour, and though full of mischief to the coloured people, seems to
have a strong hold on the public mind, and at times has shown much life
and vigor.

The bad thing about it is, that it has, of late, owing to persecution,
begun to be advocated by coloured men of acknowledged ability and
learning, and every little while some white statesman becomes its
advocate. Those gentlemen will doubtless have their opinion of me; I
certainly have mine of them. My opinion is, that if they are sensible,
they are insincere; and if they are sincere, they are not sensible.
They know, or they ought to know that it would take more money than
the cost of the late war, to transport even one half of the coloured
people of the United States to Africa. Whether intentionally or not,
they are, as I think, simply trifling with an afflicted people. They
urge them to look for relief where they ought to know that relief is
impossible. The only excuse they can make for the measure is that there
is no hope for the Negro here, and that the coloured people in America
owe something to Africa.

This last sentimental idea makes colonization very fascinating to the
dreamers of both colours. But there is really no foundation for it.

They tell us that we owe something to our native land. This sounds
well. But when the fact is brought to view, which should never be
forgotten, that a man can only have one native land and that is the
land in which he is born, the bottom falls entirely out of this
sentimental argument.

Africa, according to her colonization advocates, is by no means modest
in her demands upon us. She calls upon us to send her only our best
men. She does not want our riff-raff, but our best men. But these are
just the men who are valuable and who are wanted at home. It is true
that we have a few preachers and laymen with a missionary turn of mind
whom we might easily spare. Some who would possibly do as much good by
going there as by staying here. By this is not the colonization idea.
Its advocates want not only the best, but millions of the best. Better
still, they want the United States Government to vote the money to send
them there. They do not seem to see that if the Government votes money
to send the Negro to Africa, that the Government may employ means to
complete the arrangement and compel us to go.

Now I hold that the American Negro owes no more to the Negroes in
Africa than he owes to the Negroes in America. There are millions of
needy people over there, but there are also millions of needy people
over here as well, and the millions in America need intelligent men of
their number to help them, as much as intelligent men are needed in
Africa to help her people. Besides, we have a fight on our hands right
here, a fight for the redemption of the whole race, and a blow struck
successfully for the Negro in America, is a blow struck for the Negro
in Africa. For, until the Negro is respected in America, he need not
expect consideration elsewhere. All this native land talk, however,
is nonsense. The native land of the American Negro is America. His
bones, his muscles, his sinews, are all American. His ancestors for two
hundred and seventy years have lived and laboured and died, on American
soil, and millions of his posterity have inherited Caucasian blood.

It is pertinent, therefore, to ask, in view of this admixture, as well
as in view of other facts, where the people of this mixed race are to
go, for their ancestors are white and black, and it will be difficult
to find their native land anywhere outside of the United States.

But the worst thing, perhaps, about this colonization nonsense is, that
it tends to throw over the Negro a mantle of despair. It leads him to
doubt the possibility of his progress as an American citizen. It also
encourages popular prejudice with the hope that by persecution or by
persuasion, the Negro can finally be dislodged and driven from his
natural home, while in the nature of the case he must stay here and
will stay here, if for no other reason than because he cannot well get
away.

I object to the colonization scheme, because it tends to weaken the
Negro’s hold on one country, while it can give him no rational hope of
another. Its tendency is to make him despondent and doubtful, where he
should feel assured and confident. It forces upon him the idea that he
is for ever doomed to be a stranger and a sojourner in the land of his
birth, and that he has no permanent abiding place here.

All this is hurtful; with such ideas constantly flaunted before him, he
cannot easily set himself to work to better his condition in such ways
as are open to him here. It sets him to groping everlastingly after the
impossible.

Every man who thinks at all, must know that home is the fountain head,
the inspiration, the foundation and main support, not only of all
social virtue but of all motives to human progress, and that no people
can prosper, or amount to much, unless they have a home, or the hope of
a home. A man who has not such an object, either in possession or in
prospect, is a nobody and will never be anything else. To have a home,
the Negro must have a country, and he is an enemy to the moral progress
of the Negro, whether he knows it or not, who calls upon him to break
up his home in this country, for an uncertain home in Africa.

But the agitation on this subject has a darker side still. It has
already been given out that if we do not go of our own accord, we
may be forced to go, at the point of the bayonet. I cannot say that
we shall not have to face this hardship, but badly as I think of the
tendency of our times, I do not think that American sentiment will ever
reach a condition which will make the expulsion of the Negro from the
United States by any such means, possible.

Yet, the way to make it possible is to predict it. There are people
in the world who know how to bring their own prophecies to pass. The
best way to get up a mob, is to say there will be one, and this is what
is being done. Colonization is no solution, but an evasion. It is not
repentance but putting the wronged ones out of our presence. It is not
atonement, but banishment. It is not love, but hate. Its reiteration
and agitation only serves to fan the flame of popular prejudice and to
add insult to to injury.

The righteous judgment of mankind will say if the American people could
endure the Negro’s presence while a slave, they certainly can and ought
to endure his presence as a free man.

If they could tolerate him when he was a heathen, they might bear
with him now that he is a Christian. If they could bear with him when
ignorant and degraded, they should bear with him now that he is a
gentleman and a scholar.

But even the Southern whites have an interest in this question. Woe to
the South when it no longer has the strong arm of the Negro to till its
soil, “and woe to the nation when it shall employ the sword to drive
the Negro from his native land.”

Such a crime against justice, such a crime against gratitude, should it
ever be attempted, would certainly bring a national punishment which
would cause the earth to shudder. It would bring a stain upon the
nation’s honour, like the blood on Lady Macbeth’s hand. The waters of
all the oceans would not suffice to wash out the infamy. But the nation
will commit no such crime. But in regard to this point of our future,
my mind is easy. We are here and are here to stay. It is well for us
and well for the American people to rest up on this as final.


EMANCIPATION CRIPPLED. LANDLORD AND TENANT.

Another mode of impeaching the wisdom of emancipation, and the one
which seems to give special pleasure to our enemies, is, as they say,
that the condition of the coloured people of the South has been made
worse by emancipation.

The champions of this idea are the only men who glory in the good old
times when the slaves were under the lash and were bought and sold
in the market with horses, sheep, and swine. It is another way of
saying that slavery is better than freedom; that darkness is better
than light, and that wrong is better than right; that hell is better
than heaven! It is the American method of reasoning in all matters
concerning the Negro. It inverts everything; turns truth upside down,
and puts the case of the unfortunate Negro inside out and wrong end
foremost every time. There is, however, nearly always some truth on
their side of error, and it is so in this case.

When these false reasoners assert that the condition of the emancipated
slave is wretched and deplorable, they partly tell the truth, and I
agree with them. I even concur with them in the statement that the
Negro is physically, in certain localities, in a worse condition to-day
than in the time of slavery, but I part with these gentlemen when they
ascribe this condition to emancipation.

To my mind the blame does not rest upon emancipation, but the defeat of
emancipation. It is not the work of the spirit of liberty, but the work
of the spirit of bondage. It comes of the determination of slavery to
perpetuate itself, if not under one form, then under another. It is due
to the folly of endeavouring to put the new wine of liberty in the old
bottles of slavery. I concede the evil, but deny the alleged cause.

The landowners of the South want the labour of the Negro on the hardest
terms possible. They once had it for nothing. They now want it for next
to nothing. To accomplish this, they have contrived three ways. The
first is, to rent their land to the Negro at an exorbitant price per
annum and compel him to mortgage his crop in advance to pay this rent.
The laws under which this is done are entirely in the interest of the
landlord. He has a first claim upon everything produced on the land.
The Negro can have nothing, can keep nothing, can sell nothing, without
the consent of the landlord. As the Negro is at the start poor and
empty-handed, he has had to draw on the landlord for meat and bread to
feed himself and family while his crop is growing. The landlord keeps
books; the Negro does not; hence, no matter how hard he may work or how
hard saving he may be, he is, in most cases, brought in debt at the end
of the year, and once in debt he is fastened to the land as by hooks of
steel. If he attempts to leave he may be arrested under the order of
the law.

Another way, which is still more effective, is the practice of paying
the labourer with orders on the store instead of lawful money. By
this means money is kept out of the hands of the Negro, and the Negro
is kept entirely in the hands of the landlord. He cannot save money
because he gets no money to save. He cannot seek a better market for
his labour because he has no money with which to pay his fare, and
because he is, by that vicious order system, already in debt, and
therefore already in bondage. Thus he is riveted to one place, and is,
in some sense, a slave; for a man to whom it can be said, “You shall
work for me for what I choose to pay you, and how I shall choose to pay
you,” is, in fact, a slave, though he may be called a free man.

We denounce the landlord and tenant system of England, but it can be
said of England as cannot be said of our free country, that by law no
labourer can be paid for labour in any other than lawful money. England
holds any other payment to be a penal offence and punishable by fine
and imprisonment. The same should be the case in every State in the
American Union.

Under the mortgage system, no matter how industrious or economical the
Negro may be, he finds himself at the end of the year in debt to the
landlord, and from year to year he toils on and is tempted to try again
and again, but seldom with any better result.

With this power over the Negro, this possession of his labour, you may
easily see why the South sometimes makes a display of its liberality
and brags that it does not want slavery back. It had the Negro’s
labour, heretofore for nothing, and now it has it for next to nothing
and at the same time is freed from the obligation to take care of the
young and the aged, the sick and the decrepit. There is not much virtue
in all this, yet it is the ground of loud boasting.


ATTITUDE OF WHITE RACE TOWARDS NEGROES. A NATIONAL PROBLEM.

I now come to the so-called, but mis-called “Negro Problem,” as a
characterization of the relations existing in the Southern States.

I say at once, I do not admit the justice or propriety of this formula,
as applied to the question before us. Words are things. They are
certainly such in this case, since they give us a misnomer that is
misleading and hence mischievous. It is a formula of Southern origin
and has a strong bias against the Negro. It handicaps his cause with
all the prejudice known to exist and anything to which he is a party.
It has been accepted by the good people of the North, as I think,
without proper thought and investigation. It is a crafty invention and
is in every way worthy of its inventors.

It springs out of a desire to throw off just responsibility and
to evade the performance of disagreeable but manifest duty. Its
natural effect and purpose is to divert attention from the true
issue now before the American people. It does this by holding up and
pre-occupying the public mind with an issue entirely different from the
real one in question. That which is really a great national problem and
which ought to be so considered by the whole American people, dwarfs
into a “Negro Problem.” The device is not new. It is an old trick. It
has been oft repeated and with a similar purpose and effect. For truth,
it gives us falsehood. For innocence, it gives us guilt. It removes
the burden of proof from the old master class and imposes it upon the
Negro. It puts upon the race a work which belongs to the nation. It
belongs to that craftiness often displayed by disputants who aim to
make the worse appear the better reason. It gives bad names to good
things and good names to bad things.

The Negro has often been the victim to this kind of low cunning. You
may remember that during the late war, when the South fought for
the perpetuity of slavery, it usually called the slaves “domestic
servants,” and slavery a “domestic institution.” Harmless names,
indeed, but the things they stood for were far from harmless.

The South has always known how to have a dog hanged by giving him a bad
name. When it prefixed “Negro” to the national problem, it knew that
the device would awaken and increase a deep-seated prejudice at once
and that it would repel fair and candid investigation. As it stands, it
implies that the Negro is the cause of whatever trouble there is in the
South. In old slave times, when a little white child lost his temper,
he was given a little whip and told to go and whip “Jim” or “Sal,” and
he thus regained his temper. The same is true to-day on a large scale.

I repeat, and my contention is that this Negro problem formula lays
the fault at the door of the Negro and removes it from the door of the
white man, shields the guilty and blames the innocent, makes the Negro
responsible, when it should so make the nation.

Now what the real problem is, we all ought to know. It is not a Negro
problem, but in every sense a great national problem. It involves the
question, whether after all our boasted civilization, our Declaration
of Independence, our matchless Constitution, our sublime Christianity,
our wise statesmanship, we as a people, possess virtue enough to
solve this problem in accordance with wisdom and justice, and to the
advantage of both races.

The marvel is that this old trick of misnaming things, so often
displayed by Southern politicians, should have worked so well for the
bad cause in which it is now employed; for the American people have
fallen in with the bad idea that this is a Negro problem, a question
of the character of the Negro and not a question of the nation. It is
still more surprising that the coloured press of the country, and some
of our coloured orators, have made the same mistake, and still insist
upon calling it a “Negro problem,” or a race problem, for by race they
mean the Negro race. Now, there is nothing the matter with the Negro,
whatever; he is all right. Learned or ignorant, he is all right. He is
neither a lyncher, a mobocrat or an anarchist. He is now what he has
ever been, a loyal, law-abiding, hard working and peaceable man; so
much so that men have thought him cowardly and spiritless. Had he been
a turbulent anarchist he might indeed have been a troublesome problem,
but he is not. To his reproach, it is sometimes said that any other
people in the world would have invented some violent way in which to
resent their wrongs. If this problem depended upon the character and
conduct of the Negro there would be no problem to solve; there would be
no menace to the peace and good order of Southern Society. He makes no
unlawful fight between labour and capital. That problem, which often
makes the American people thoughtful, is not of his bringing, though he
may some day be compelled to talk of this tremendous problem in common
with other labourers.

He has as little to do with the cause of the Southern trouble as he
has with its cure. There is no reason, therefore, in the world, why
his name should be given to this problem. It is false, misleading and
prejudicial, and, like all other falsehoods, must eventually come to
naught.

I well remember, as others may remember, that this same old falsehood
was employed and used against the Negro during the late war. He was
then charged and stigmatized with being the cause of the war, on the
principle that there would be no highway robbers if there were nobody
on the road to be robbed. But as absurd as this pretence was, the
colour prejudice of the country was stimulated by it and joined in the
accusation, and the Negro had to bear the brunt of it.

Even at the North he was hated and hunted on account of it. In the
great city of New York his houses were burned, his children were hunted
down like wild beasts, and his people were murdered in the streets, all
because “they were the cause of the war.” Even the good and noble Mr.
Lincoln, one of the best and most clear-sighted men that ever lived,
once told a committee of Negroes, who waited upon him at Washington,
that “they were the cause of the war.”

Many were the men who, in their wrath and hate, accepted this theory,
and wished the Negro in Africa, or in a hotter climate, as some do now.

There is nothing to which prejudice is not equal in the way of
perverting the truth and inflaming the passions of men.

But call this problem what you may or will, the all-important question
is: How can it be solved? How can the peace and tranquility of the
South and of the country be secured and established?

There is nothing occult or mysterious about the answer to this
question. Some things are to be kept in the mind when dealing with this
subject and should never be forgotten. It should be remembered that, in
the order of Divine Providence, the “man, who puts one end of a chain
around the ankle of his fellow man, will find the other end around his
own neck.” And it is the same with a nation. Confirmation of this truth
is as strong as proofs of holy writ. As we sow we shall reap, is a
lesson that will be learned here as elsewhere. We tolerated slavery and
it has cost us a million graves, and it may be that lawless murder now
raging, if permitted to go on, may yet bring the red hand of vengeance,
not only on the reverend head of age, and upon the heads of helpless
women, but upon even the innocent babes in the cradle.




VII.


HOW THE PROBLEM IS SOLVED.

But how can this problem be solved? I will tell you how it cannot
be solved. It cannot be solved by keeping the Negro poor, degraded,
ignorant and half-starved, as I have shown is now being done in
Southern States.

It cannot be solved by keeping back the wages of the labourer by fraud,
as is now being done by the landlords of the South. It cannot be done
by ballot-box stuffing, by falsifying election returns, or by confusing
the Negro voter by cunning devices. It cannot be done by repealing all
federal laws enacted to secure honest elections. It can, however, be
done, and very easily done, for where there is a will there is a way.

Let the white people of the North and South conquer their prejudices.

Let the Northern press and pulpit proclaim the gospel of truth and
justice against the war now being made upon the Negro.

Let the American people cultivate kindness and humanity.

Let the South abandon the system of mortgage labour and cease to make
the Negro a pauper, by paying him dishonest scrip for his honest labour.

Let them give up the idea that they can be free while making the Negro
a slave. Let them give up the idea that to degrade the coloured man
is to elevate the white man. Let them cease putting new wine into old
bottles, and mending old garments with new cloth.

They are not required to do much. They are only required to undo the
evil they have done, in order to solve this problem.

In old times when it was asked, “How can we abolish slavery?” the
answer was “Quit stealing.”

The same is the solution of the race problem to-day. The whole thing
can be done simply by no longer violating the amendment of the
Constitution of the United States, and no longer evading the claims
of justice. If this were done, there would be no Negro problem or
national problem to vex the South or to vex the nation.

Let the organic law of the land be honestly sustained and obeyed. Let
the political parties cease to palter in a double sense, and live up to
the noble declarations we find in their platforms. Let the statesmen of
our country live up to their convictions. In the language of ex-Senator
Ingalls: “Let the nation try justice and the problem will be solved.”

Two hundred and twenty years ago the Negro was made a religious
problem, one which gave our white forefathers about as much perplexity
and annoyance as we now profess. At that time the problem was in
respect of what relation a Negro sustains to the Christian Church,
whether he was in fact a fit subject for baptism, and Dr. Godwin, a
celebrated divine of his time, and one far in advance of his brethren,
was at the pains of writing a book of two hundred pages or more,
containing an elaborate argument to prove that it was not a sin in the
sight of God to baptize a Negro.

His argument was very able, very learned, very long. Plain as the truth
may seem, there were at that time very strong arguments against the
position of the learned divine.

As usual, it was not merely the baptism of the Negro that gave trouble,
but it was as to what might follow such baptism. The sprinkling him
with water was a very simple thing and easily gotten along with, but
the slaveholders of that day saw in the innovation something more
dangerous than cold water. They said that to baptize the Negro and
make him a member of the Church of Christ was to make him an important
person--in fact, to make him an heir of Jesus Christ. It was to give
him a place at Lord’s supper. It was to take him out of the category of
heathenism and make it inconsistent to hold him a slave, for the Bible
made only the heathen a proper subject for slavery.

These were formidable consequences, certainly, and it is not strange
that the Christian slaveholders of that day viewed these consequences
with immeasurable horror. It was something more terrible and dangerous
than the Civil Rights Bill and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments
to our Constitution. It was a difficult thing, therefore, at that day
to get the Negro into water.

Nevertheless, our learned doctor of divinity, like many of the same
class in our day, was equal to the emergency. He was able to satisfy
all important parties to the problem, except the Negro, and him it did
not seem necessary to satisfy.

The doctor was a skilled dialectician. He could not only divide the
word with skill, but he could divide the Negro into two parts. He
argued that the Negro had a soul as well as a body, and insisted that
while his body rightfully belonged to his master on earth, his soul
belonged to his Master in heaven. By this convenient arrangement,
somewhat metaphysical, to be sure, but entirely evangelical and
logical, the problem of Negro baptism was solved.

But with the Negro in the case, as I have said, the argument was not
entirely satisfactory. The operation was much like that by which the
white man got the turkey and the Indian got the crow. When the Negro
looked for his body, that belonged to his earthly master; when he
looked around for his soul, that had been appropriated by his heavenly
Master; and when he looked around for something that really belonged to
himself, he found nothing but his shadow, and that vanished into the
air, when he might most want it.

One thing, however, is to be noticed with satisfaction; it is this:
something was gained to the cause of righteousness by this argument. It
was a contribution to the cause of liberty. It was largely in favour
of the Negro. It was a plain recognition of his manhood, and was
calculated to set men to thinking that the Negro might have some other
important rights, no less than the religious right to baptism.

Thus, with all its faults, we are compelled to give the pulpit the
credit of furnishing the first important argument in favour of the
religious character and manhood rights of the Negro.

Dr. Godwin was undoubtedly a good man. He wrote at a time of much moral
darkness, and when property in man was nearly everywhere recognised as
a rightful institution. He saw only a part of the truth. He saw that
the Negro had a right to be baptized, but he could not all at once see
that he had a primary and paramount right to himself.

But this was not the only problem slavery had in store for the Negro.
Time and events brought another and it was this very important one:
Can the Negro sustain the legal relation of a husband to a wife? Can he
make a valid marriage contract in this Christian country?

This problem was solved by the same slave-holding authority, entirely
against the Negro. Such a contract, it was argued, could only be
binding upon men providentially enjoying the right to life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness, and since the Negro is a slave and
slavery a divine institution, legal marriage was wholly inconsistent
with the institution of slavery.

When some of us at the North questioned the ethics of this conclusion,
we were told to mind our business, and our Southern brethren asserted,
as they assert now, that they alone are competent to manage this and
all other questions relating to the Negro. In fact, there has been
no end to the problems of some sort or other, involving the Negro in
difficulty.

Can the Negro be a citizen? was the question of the Dred Scott
decision. Can the Negro be educated? Can the Negro be induced to work
for himself without a master? Can the Negro be a soldier? Time and
events have answered these and all other like questions. We have among
us Negroes who have taken the first prizes as scholars; those who
have won distinction for courage and skill on the battle field; those
who have taken rank as lawyers, doctors and ministers of the gospel;
those who shine among men in every useful calling; and yet we are
called a problem--a tremendous problem; a mountain of difficulty; a
constant source of apprehension; a disturbing social force, threatening
destruction to the holiest and best interests of society. I declare
this statement concerning the Negro, whether by good Miss Willard,
Bishop Haygood, Bishop Fitzgerald, ex-Governor Chamberlain, or by any
and all others, as false and deeply injurious to the coloured citizens
of the United States.

       *       *       *       *       *

But, my friends, I must stop. Time and strength are not equal to the
task before me. But could I be heard by this great nation, I would
call to mind the sublime and glorious truths with which, at its
birth, it saluted and startled a listening world. Its voice, then,
was as the trump of an archangel, summoning hoary forms of oppression
and time honoured tyranny, to judgment. Crowned heads heard it and
shrieked. Toiling millions heard it and clapped their hands for joy.
It announced the advent of a nation, based upon human brotherhood and
the self-evident truths of liberty and equality. Its mission was the
redemption of the world from the bondage of ages. Apply these sublime
and glorious truths to the situation now before you. Put away your
race prejudice. Banish the idea that one class must rule over another.
Recognize the fact that the rights of the humblest citizens are as
worthy of protection as are those of the highest and your problem
will be solved, and--whatever may be in store for you in the future,
whether prosperity or adversity, whether you have foes without or foes
within, whether there shall be peace or war--based upon the eternal
principles of truth, justice and humanity, with no class having cause
for complaint or grievance, your Republic will stand and flourish for
ever.

                                                     FREDERICK DOUGLASS.

[Illustration]




FOOTNOTE:


  [A] The headings and divisions are not in the original copy.




TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:


  Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.

  Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

  Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized.









End of Project Gutenberg's Why is the Negro Lynched?, by Frederick Douglass

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WHY IS THE NEGRO LYNCHED? ***

***** This file should be named 59116-0.txt or 59116-0.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
        http://www.gutenberg.org/5/9/1/1/59116/

Produced by hekula03, David E. Brown, and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)


Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.



*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.org/license).


Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.


Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.


Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director
     gbnewby@pglaf.org


Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate


Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.


Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.


Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

     http://www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.