NAZI CONSPIRACY
AND AGGRESSION

VOLUME III

Office of United States
Chief of Counsel For Prosecution
of Axis Criminality

United States Government Printing Office
Washington · 1946

Sold in complete sets
by the
Superintendent of Documents U.S. Government Printing Office Washington 25, D.C.

Document number 001-PS through document number 1406-PS, arranged numerically      1-1003

(A descriptive list of documents appears at the end of the last volume.)

A Collection of Documentary Evidence and Guide Materials Prepared by the American and British Prosecuting Staffs for Presentation before the International Military Tribunal at Nurnberg, Germany, in the case of

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 001-PS

Copy to Regional Leader of the NSDAP
Extract of par. 1 to DEGENHARD 15 April

SECRET

Documentary Memorandum for the Fuehrer

Concerning: Jewish Possessions in France

In compliance with the order of the Fuehrer for protection of Jewish, cultural possessions, a great number of Jewish dwellings remained unguarded. Consequently, many furnishings have disappeared, because a guard could, naturally, not be posted. In the whole East, the administration has found terrible conditions of living quarters, and the chances of procurement are so limited that it is not practical to procure any more. Therefore, I beg the Fuehrer to permit the seizure of all Jewish home furnishings of Jews in Paris, who have fled, or will leave shortly, and that of Jews living in all parts of the occupied West, to relieve the shortage of furnishings in the administration in the East.

2. A great number of leading Jews were, after a short examination in Paris, again released. The attempts on the lives of members of the armed forces have not stopped, on the contrary they continue. This reveals an unmistakable plan to disrupt the German-French cooperation, to force Germany to retaliate, and, with this, evoke a new defense on the part of the French against Germany. I suggest to the Fuehrer that, instead of executing 100 Frenchmen, we substitute 100 Jewish bankers, lawyers, etc. It is the Jews in London and New York who incite the French communists to commit acts of violence, and it seems only fair that the members of this race should pay for this. It is not the little Jews, but the leading Jews in France, who should be held responsible. That would tend to awaken the Anti-Jewish sentiment.

BERLIN 18 Dec 1941
R/H

signed: A. ROSENBERG

COPY OF DOCUMENT 001-A-PS

19 November 1945

I, Major William H. Coogan, 0-455814, Q.M.C., a commissioned officer of the Army of the United States of America, do hereby certify as follows:

1. The United States Chief of Counsel in July 1945 charged the Field Branch of the Documentation Division with the responsibility of collecting, evaluating and assembling documentary evidence in the European Theater for use in the prosecution of the major Axis war criminals before the International Military Tribunal. I was appointed Chief of the Field Branch on 20 July 1945. I am now the Chief of the Documentation Division, Office of United States Chief of Counsel.

2. I have served in the United States Army for more than four years and am a practicing attorney by profession. Based upon my experience as an attorney and as a United States Army officer, I am familiar with the operation of the United States Army in connection with seizing and processing captured enemy documents. In my capacity as Chief of the Documentation Division, Office of the United States Chief of Counsel, I am familiar with and have supervised the processing, filing, translation and photostating of all documentary evidence for the United States Chief of Counsel.

3. As the Army overran German occupied territory and then Germany itself, certain specialized personnel seized enemy documents, books, and records for information of strategic and tactical value. During the early stages such documents were handled in bulk, and assembled at temporary centers. However, after the surrender of Germany, they were transported to the various document centers established by Army Headquarters in the United States Zone of Occupation. In addition to the documents actually assembled at such document centers, Army personnel maintained and secured considerable documents "in situ" at or near the place of discovery. When such documents were located and assembled they were catalogued by Army personnel into collections and records were maintained which disclosed the source and such other information available concerning the place and general circumstances surrounding the acquisition of the documents.

4. The Field Branch of the Documentation Division was staffed by personnel thoroughly conversant with the German language. Their task was to search for and select captured enemy documents in the European Theater which disclosed information relating to the prosecution of the major Axis war criminals. Officers under my command were placed on duty at various document centers and also dispatched on individual missions to obtain original documents. When documents were located, my representatives made a record of the circumstances under which they were found and all information available concerning their authenticity was recorded. Such documents were further identified by Field Branch pre-trial serial numbers, assigned by my representatives who would then periodically dispatch the original documents by courier to the Office of the United States Chief of Counsel.

5. Upon receipt of these documents they were duly recorded and indexed. After this operation, they were delivered to the Screening and Analysis Branch of the Documentation Division of the Office of United States Chief of Counsel, which Branch re-examined such documents in order to finally determine whether or not they should be retained as evidence for the prosecutors. This final screening was done by German-speaking analysts on the staff of the United States Chief of Counsel. When the document passed the screeners, it was then transmitted to the Document Room of the Office of United States Chief of Counsel, with a covering sheet prepared by the screeners showing the title or nature of the document, the personalities involved, and its importance. In the Document Room, a trial identification number was given to each document or to each group of documents, in cases where it was desirable for the sake of clarity to file several documents together.

6. United States documents were given trial identification numbers in one of five series designated by the letters: "PS", "L", "R", "C", and "EC", indicating the means of acquisition of the documents. Within each series documents were listed numerically.

7. After a document was so numbered, it was then sent to a German-speaking analyst who prepared a summary of the document with appropriate references to personalities involved, index headings, information as to the source of the document as indicated by the Field Branch, and the importance of the document to a particular phase of the case. Next, the original document was returned to the Document Room and then checked out to the photostating department, where photostatic copies were made. Upon return from photostating, it was placed in an envelope in one of several fireproof safes in the rear of the Document Room. One of the photostatic copies of the document was sent to the translators, thereafter leaving the original itself in the safe. A commissioned officer has been, and is, responsible for the security of the documents in the safe. At all times when he is not present the safe is locked and a military guard is on duty outside the only door. If the officers preparing the certified translation, or one of the officers working on the briefs, found it necessary to examine the original document, this was done within the Document Room in the section set aside for that purpose. The only exception to this strict rule has been where it has been occasionally necessary to present the original document to the defendants for examination. In this case, the document was entrusted to a responsible officer of the prosecution staff.

8. All original documents are now located in safes in the Document Room, where they will be secured until they are presented by the prosecution to the court during the progress of the trial.

9. Some of the documents which will be offered in evidence by the United States Chief of Counsel were seized and processed by the British Army. Also, personnel from the Office of the United States Chief of Counsel and the British War Crimes Executive have acted jointly in locating, seizing and processing such documents.

10. Substantially the same system of acquiring documentary evidence was utilized by the British Army and the British War Crimes Executive as that hereinabove set forth with respect to the United States Army and the Office of the United States Chief of Counsel.

11. Therefore, I certify in my official capacity as hereinabove stated, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that the documents captured in the British Zone of Operations and Occupation, which will be offered in evidence by the United States Chief of Counsel, have been authenticated, translated, and processed in substantially the same manner as hereinabove set forth with respect to the operations of the United States Chief of Counsel.

12. Finally, I certify, that all Documentary evidence offered by the United States Chief of Counsel, including those documents from British Army sources, are in the same condition as captured by the United States and British Armies; that they have been translated by competent and qualified translators; that all photostatic copies are true and correct copies of the originals and that they have been correctly filed, numbered and processed as above outlined.

[Signed] WILLIAM H. COOGAN
Major, QMC, O-455814

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 002-PS

SECRET

25 March 1943

President of Reich Research Dept.
Head of Executive Council
To the Reichsminister of Finance

Berlin W 8
Wilhelmplatz 1-2

Ref 503/43 G SR/GE

In regard to your correspondence of the 19th Dec (J 4761-174 I g III. Ang) to which I gave you a preliminary communication on the 19th Feb, I finally take the following position:

The Surgeon General-SS and Police, in a personal discussion, told me that the budget which he administers concerns primarily the purely military sector of the Waffen SS. As for the small part used for the enlarging of scientific research possibilities, it pertains exclusively to such affairs that can be carried out only with the material (prisoners), which is accessible to the Waffen SS and can therefore not be undertaken by any other experimental agency.

I cannot object therefore on the part of the Reich Experimental Counsel against the budget of the Surgeon General-SS and Police.

Signed: Mentzel
Ministerialdirektor

SECRET

Reich Leader SS
Reich Surgeon SS and Police
File: 135/ Secret / 43 TG, NR 24/43 geh.

Berlin 26 Feb 43

Subj.: Scientific Institutes
Ref to: Correspondence of 19 Feb. 43 Rf. 234/43 SR.—
To the Head of the Executive Counsel of the Reich Research
Counsel Ministerialdirektor Mentzel

Berlin-Steglitz
Grunewaldstrasse 35

My dear Ministerialdirektor:

In acknowledgment of your letter of the 19th Feb 1943, I am able to reply the following to it today:

The appropriation for the 53 key positions for my office which you made the basis of your memorandum was planned for peace times.

The special institutes of the SS which are to be partly staffed through this appropriation are to serve the purpose to establish and make accessible for the entire realm of scientific research, the particular possibilities of research only possessed by the SS.

In view of the further developments of this war, I have already shelved this plan for the time being as the result of negotiations with the Reich Finance Minister in the past year, so that my authorized personnel amounts to 25 key positions only. Of these positions, only 5 are filled at present.

Under these circumstances your objections with regard to an unreasonable overlapping of work of scientific institutes for the war's duration are void.

I will gladly be at your disposal at any time, however, to discuss the particular research aims in connection with the SS, which I would like to start after the war according to the direction of the Reich leader SS.

Furthermore, it is important that these researches—once their realization appears possible, will be tied in with the related research aims of the state.

Hoping to have served you with my preliminary summary, I remain with best greetings and

Heil Hitler
GRAWITZ

25 March 1943

Pres. of Reich Research Counsel
Head of Executive Counsel
To the Surgeon General SS and Police SS Lt. Gen. Prof. Dr.
Grawitz

Berlin W 15
Knesebeckstr. 51

Rf. 504/43 g SR/Ge.
Pertaining to: Letter of 26 Feb. 43
File: 135/geh. 43-Tgb.—Nr. 24/43 g.

I am sending the enclosed carbon copy of my letter to the Reichsminister of Finance in regard to the conversation of 11 March, this year, for your information.

Heil Hitler!

[rubber stamp] Signed: Mentzel
Ministerialdirektor SS Major General

Berlin-Steglitz
Grunewaldstr. 35

19 Feb 43

Pres. Reich Research Counsel
Head of Executive Counsel

To the Surgeon General SS and Police SS Lt. Gen. Prof. Dr.
Grawitz

W 15 Knesebeckstr. 51

Sent on: 20 Feb 43
Received on: 22 Feb 43

[Seal] [Signature illegible]
SS Lt. Col.

Signature of person receiving and opened registered letter

SECRET

19 Feb 43

Reich Research Counsel
Rf. 234/43 Sr.

The Head of Executive Counsel of the Reich Research Counsel
To the Surgeon General SS and Police SS Lt. Gen. Prof. Dr.
Grawitz

Berlin W. 15
Knesebeckstr. 51

The Reich minister of finance told me that you requested 53 leading positions (BES. GR C3-C8) for your office, partly for a new research institute.

After the Reichsmarshall of the Great-German Reich had, as President of the Reich Research Counsel, taken over all German research, he issued directives, among other things, that in the execution of militarily important scientific tasks, the available institutions, including equipment and personnel, should be utilized to the utmost for reasons of necessary economy of effort.

The founding of new institutes is therefore only possible in as far as there are no institutes available for the furtherance of important war research tasks.

As I don't know your personal purpose and have insufficient information from the explanation the Reich finance minister gave me about the planned institute, I would be thankful if you would further explain your plans and purposes.

I will gladly be at the disposal of one of your co-workers for an interview or would be ready to call upon you personally.

I wish you would inform me as to when and where these discussions may take place.

Heil Hitler!

[rubber stamp] Signed: Mentzel
Ministerialdirektor SS Major General

SECRET

19 Feb. 1943

REICH RESEARCH COUNSEL
Rf. 232/43 Sr.
To the Reich Minister of Finance
Head of Executive Counsel of the Reich Research Counsel

Berlin W. 8
Wilhelmplatz 1-2

You notified me on the 19th Dec. (J4761-174 I g III, Ang) concerning the research work by the Surgeon General SS and Police, and asked me what stand I take. Since the work of the state chief of research started originally in the armament department, I was unable to clear up any questions pertaining to the medical department, which came up in the last weeks. But I shall do so in the near future, and I believe I can already say that the new institutes requested by the surgeon general of SS and police will be unnecessary since other institutes can cover these planned missions.

I shall have a conference with the surgeon general SS and police pertaining to details of this planned work and, at that time, I shall let you know what my final stand will be. I would like to suggest, therefore, to defer the decisions at this time.

In this connection I state that the health officer, State Secretary Conti approached the president of the research counsel requesting funds to establish an institute for virus research in Frankfurt on Main.

Investigations to date have shown that the institute is not necessary since the planned work can, without doubt, be done * * *

Pres. Reich Research Counsel
Head of Executive Counsel

Berlin-Steglitz 19 Feb. 43
Grunewaldstr. 35

To the Reichsminister of Finance
W. 8, Wilhelmplatz 1-2

Sent on: 2 Feb. 43
Received on:

Received 22 Feb. 43 Reich Finance Minister
[Seal] [Signature illegible]
Signature of person receiving and opening

SECRET

The Reich Minister of Finance
J4761-174 I g III, Ang

Berlin 19 Dec. 1942

Wilhelmplatz 1/2 Tel. 120015 Postal Check Acct. Berlin Nr. 25955

Assumption of Research Mission By the Surgeon General SS and
Police

The surgeon general SS and police has requested 53 key positions for the new organization of his office (Bes. Gr. C3-38). The organization plan shows that the surgeon general SS and police plans not only special experts for "Research" in pharmaceutical chemistry, in dental and clinical services and a special section of scientific service, but also that plans are desired for a string of institutes which likewise deal mainly with research work:

1. Central Institute for Medical Scientific Exploitation
2. Institute for the History of Medicine
3. Pharmaceutical Chemistry Research Institute
4. Pharmacy for Military Requirements
5. Special Institute Sachenhausen
6. Pathological Institute
7. Hygienic Research Institute

In the informal discussions it was referred to the fact that the plans for the research arrangements for the Waffen-SS can only be granted if the research missions which the Surgeon General SS embarked upon are not already undertaken by other independent institutes, resp. by the universities, or belong to their sphere.

The Hygienic Institute, according to the proposed plan, includes the following seven divisions:

I lack accurate data for other institutes. I have set aside the decision on this budget.

Regarding the decree of the Fuehrer of the 9th June 42, (RGBL. I, 389), and the emphasized necessity of coordinated scientific research, I ask for your immediate opinion on the matter.

By order of

Signed: Dr. Bender
Certified Cunsich Chief Tax Secretary

(RGBL I 389)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 003-PS

A Short Report of the Activity of the Foreign Policy Office (APA)

The mission of the Foreign Policy Office (APA) of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) could not from its founding be considered a replica of the development of the Foreign Office, but is restricted in a very definite manner. From the entire foreign policy complex the following concrete problems have been selected:

The German-English Relationship, the North Eastern Region, the South Eastern Region (Danube Region) along with boundary peoples holding interests in these regions, and Soviet Russia.

With the realization that the entire present day foreign policy is tied together in the closest manner with the question of foreign trade, a definite division was established to deal with this subject. Thus the following divisions were set up in the APA.:

England, the North, the South-East Region, the Near East, Foreign Trade, and the Press.

1. England: The attempts to find persons in England who had the desire to understand the German movement date back to 1929. Our English agent R. in Berlin made possible my first trip to London in 1931. There a number of connections were made which worked out well in a practical fashion to bring about a German-English understanding. Above all was Group Leader W., member of the Air General Staff, who was firmly of the belief that Germany and England must stand together in the defense against the Bolshevist danger. These different voicings of opinions had the result that the circle in the English Air General Staff enlarged and the Flying Club became a center of German-English understanding. In 1934 Group Leader W. came to Germany where he was received by the Fuehrer (Hitler). The utterances of the Fuehrer had the result to further strengthen these already favorably inclined policies, and since this time this cordiality has not been broken. The Air General Staff always inquired of us what they could state to refute the anti-German elements in London in a manner favorable to us. The German arguments were then applied in a corresponding manner. In contrast to certain English persons who would speak out very fervently for Germany, only to speak the contrary some months later, this staunch group, namely, the Air General Staff which was run by the younger officers, had proven itself to be a solid and conscious support in all changing situations. Not least in this influence was the great speech of Baldwin of the previous year in which he promised Germany the right to air protection. The English periodical "The Airplane" which is printed under the guidance of the Air General Staff, began to express against Bolshevism in an always increasing sharper tone, and always declared, when there was agitation against German militarism, that one could today feel well pleased if Germany had a strong air force to combat the Asiatic barbarism. The English ministers who did not wish to adopt this point of view were sharply criticized. In the change of foreign ministers the pro-French candidate for foreign office was not selected, but rather the ex-Minister of Air, Samuel Hoare, who till this day still keeps up his personal contacts with the Air Ministry. Upon his request a memorandum on the spiritual foundation of national socialism, inspired by us, was translated to him; it being his desire to understand our movement more fully.

During the reign of MacDonald this feeling of cordiality was supported through the private secretary of MacDonald, Mr. Badlow whom I also met in 1933 and with whom I had extensive discussions. Since this time he has constantly been informed through us, and has had more than one heated difference of opinion with MacDonald over this subject.

A resulting activity of this connection with the British Air General Staff was the establishment of a liaison between our Air Ministry and the British fliers. However, before it was possible for us to reveal our armament, W. revealed to me on official stationery of the British Air Ministry, a representative of the airplane motor factory which was engaged in producing motors for the British Air Force, and which said representative I later met here in Berlin. Since the German industry itself had attained production capacity by now, this almost official British offer for German air arming could not be fully accepted. However, the Chief of our England Division (Kapitaenleutnant Obermueller, reserve) took two representatives of the German Air Ministry to London and himself undertook several trips to London. He was the first German to receive an invitation from the vice-Air Marshal to view the British Air Force and British air strength. The APA had placed an automobile at the disposal of this same Air Marshal in which to tour Germany when he was in Germany last year. A firmer bond has also been accomplished between our English Division and Henry Deterding and his associates. Misunderstandings in matter of taxes pertaining to the German possessions of Deterding could be removed, thus preventing a change of management in respect to Deterding and the Shell Works whereby Germany would have lost some large contracts.

At the close of last year we received the message that the King of England has expressed himself to be very dissatisfied over the official press agency. The visit of the Duke of Kent to Munich had made matters still worse pertaining to the King's views on the press agency. Consequently we one day received the request from London to make possible that our English agent take a trip to London in order to orient the Duke of Kent in every detail pertaining to national socialism in order to convey this information to the King. R. went with me to London exactly as requested and there had an over three hour long unobserved conference with the Duke of Kent, who then conveyed this to the King of England. One can assume that this instruction has served its purpose and exerted a definite strengthening pressure for change of cabinet and head it in a direction of closer cordiality for Germany.

A number of Englishmen were invited to the Party Day of 1934, of which some at least portrayed a favorable attitude towards Germany. Above all was Captain McCaw, semi-official counsel of the English Ministry of War and liaison man between other ministries. McCaw was previously adjutant to Lord Kitchener, and as we ascertained, has worked for a German-British understanding in official quarters. Besides, there was also the truly enthusiastic adjutant of the Duke of Connaught (uncle of the English King), Archibald Boyle, who was called upon all matters of foreign policy by the Air Transport Ministry, and who worked for the same purpose. To these important contacts may be added a great number of other connections with British politicians, officers, and members of Parliament.

It naturally is to be understood that other personalities of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) had important connections in England and have utilized them. In conclusion I believe I can say that the England Division of the Foreign Policy Office (APA), in spite of many difficulties and counter-currents upon which I will not enter any further, has done its duty in the special purpose of helping to create a German-English understanding.

2. Northern Division: The winning over of the Scandinavian countries to the side of Germany appears as a foregone necessity for future German foreign policy, but the necessity is also as great to prevent the Scandinavian countries from making a clean entry into the circle of anti-German countries. The political possibilities towards these Marxist governments were extremely difficult. Trade policies, according to my belief, have suffered most through sins of omissions, hence the APA restricted itself more to the cultural political field. For this purpose it expanded the Nordic (Scandinavian) Society. This formerly small society has grown to be a decisive bond in the German-Scandinavian relationship since its support by the APA two years ago. The society's leader, Lohse, is selected by the APA. The offices in all sections [Gau] are headed by corresponding section chiefs [Gauleiter]. Trade groups and other organizations and branches of the party which have dealings with Scandinavia have come to agreement so that almost all of the traffic between Germany and Scandinavia today passes through the hands of the Nordic Society. The society has to date celebrated in Germany all memorial days of great Nordic scientists and artists (Hamsun, Holberg, Heidenstam) and has brought a number of Nordic conductors to Germany, as well as having furthered Nordic literature. Through its periodical "The North" [Der Norden] thoughts have been exchanged. Finally, personal relations were increasingly favored through conventions. Especially was the Convention of 1935 a complete success. This convention met under the sanctity of the Scandinavian ministers in Germany and the German ministers in Scandinavia, as far as it applied to the Nordic Music Conclave as the main purpose of the convention. The committee was composed of the authoritative Nordic Music Society. Fourteen sold out concerts and over 200 Scandinavian visitors attest to the success of the convention.

Thereupon the First National Finnish Art Exhibition came to Germany, followed by the request of the Finnish Government to the APA to hold a German exposition in Helsinki in March of 1936. These psychologically valuable affiliations have undoubtedly loosened the tension in many circles and it would do well for a clever trade policy to make use of this loosened tension, as for example, the trade treaties between England and Finland expire in 1936. The Chief of the Northern Division is my private secretary, Thilo von Trotha.

3. Southeast (Danube-Region): Since the Fuehrer (Hitler) has reserved Austria for his own, the APA has relayed on to the responsible places any reports from Austria, and has not dealt in Austrian politics. Relations with Hungary were immediately established. The APA invited Premier Gombos to Berlin in 1933 for a private visit where he was presented to the Fuehrer. The Fuehrer took him along to Erfurt to observe a review of the SA. Specific discussions were undertaken with Hungary to convince her of the futility of her demands for 100 percent revision of boundaries. Finally in August of 1935 I spoke with his excellence von Angian and made clear to him that although we well understood her own interests, the necessity that Hungary must decline its revision demands upon Yugoslavia and Rumania and address its demands to Czechoslovakia. One can assume that the Hungarians are now ready to realize the necessity of the boundary revisions as proposed.

Exceptionally long and drawn out discussions were in process with Rumania because definite measures were necessary, not because we did not wish to be intervening in Rumanian affairs without being called, but because we had to await the attitude of the Party as a result of the King of Rumania sending a friend to Berlin. Here on Rumanian soil a bitter battle was going on between the pro-French Titulesco and Jewish elements on one side against the anti-Jewish elements on the other side. The King is well aware of the fact that in the end his support of Bolshevism may cost him his throne. However, he is so intimidated by the threats of France, so as not to call for an election, and hopes only that the powers of the people, which are mounting against Titulesco, are so strong that he can support himself upon the will of the people. In order to create unity of expression the APA suggested formation of a large German-Rumanian Chamber of Commerce in Berlin. The profits of this business were not to benefit any private associates, but were to go to those groups that worked for a German-Rumanian understanding. Because of a false report of Herr von Neurath to the Fuehrer (Hitler) in which it was stated as though the action were taken in the name of the Fuehrer, the work was delayed and hindered and finally stopped, even though all of the ministers concerned had agreed to the plan. Through this many costly months were lost and the APA was forced to try other means. Since it was not possible to work with money, many conferences were arranged between the coming Premier Goga. Finally, an agreement which had been considered impossible, was concluded between Goga and the anti-Semitic leader Cuza. Cuza, upon my wish, deleted several points from his program, after which he informed us that it was necessary in the interest of his fatherland (Rumania) and a German-Rumanian understanding that he comply with my wish, as he had recognized in me an unyielding anti-Semite. I have informed the Fuehrer of the complicated later relationships in numerous reports. Germany is fighting France and Bolshevism in Rumania, and when affairs have progressed so as to warrant further discussion, the King of Rumania will invite me to a visit to discuss the matter further.

Feelers have been sent out to Belgrade through Rumania. Here also exists the possibility of splitting the "lesser entente," but as far as I can ascertain, Yugoslavia is not considering withdrawal from this alliance singly under certain guarantees, but will withdraw together with Rumania. The work in Rumania has to a part been undertaken by Herr Duckwitz, but especially by Party-Member Schickedanz.

The Near East: Next it was necessary that the position of the national socialistic movement be secured not only within the confines of the Party but also in public life. This was the more so necessary since the old Rapallo Treaty was constantly being discussed in the universities in numerous lectures. In relation with this was the Near East Ideology of Moeller van dem Brock which exerted its influence deep within the Party. The APA proceeded in the most tenacious fashion to prevent the proponents of the Rapallo school from coming to the universities, although this was not always possible. The APA prevented that instructional lectures of the School of Rapallo and Moeller van dem Brock were held within the Party and other societies. Through the Reich Ministry for the Furtherance of German Literature were issued many sharp criticisms over the eastern ideology of Moeller van dem Brock to all government and party offices. Furthermore, Dr. Leibrandt, the Chief of the Near East Division delivered several speeches on this matter to Party Conventions, student societies, and so forth. It was this activity which caused the APA to make enemies with many governmental offices until the Fuehrer in his speech of May 21 set forth the authenticity of this work and forced a withdrawal of those who opposed this activity of the APA. From there on the Near East Division has pursued the entire current Russian political activity, collected and examined current Russian reports, made an exact study of the minority feelings in Russia, and contacted anti-Soviet circles, although only for purposes of study. The Near East Division has supplied other divisions, namely the English Division with necessary material about Russia, as well as making available to the Press Division material for "Dem Voelkischen Beobachter" [official Nazi Party newspaper].

Foreign Trade: In all these political connections the question of foreign trade played an important part. Reluctantly one must say that it was just in this field, according to my view, that much opportunity has been lost. First of all, the Manchuko Incident, which came to the attention of the Fuehrer, was without question sabotaged in the worst fashion by the Foreign Offices in Berlin and Tokio. Still, it is of significance that the form of the reciprocal trade treaties which were written up by the Foreign Trade Division serve as models for many other governmental treaties. In many instances the division was able to establish order when things had been greatly neglected, as the German-Finnish Discussions (for which the chief of the Foreign Trade Division received the Finnish decoration), the German-Norwegian Wal Agreement, and a great number of other questions. Problems dealing with the foreign trade of Germany and the middle east (Turkey and Iran) were also attacked. One may say today that a very cheerful cooperation has been established in this field between the representatives of the Foreign Office and our Foreign Trade Division. The German-Rumanian question was tackled by our Foreign Trade Division during all this time, but unfortunately did not produce the desired results. The Foreign Trade Division produced a stimulus for German industry on the question of German-Russian credit. As things stood, greedy circles in heavy industry threatened the interests of the medium and small industries whom they were willing to sacrifice for the tempting Soviet business. Seventy million marks would have been lost in this deal because Russia would not accept the decisions of the Board of Arbitration, while heavy industry was willing to forego this sum. Through the intervention of the APA the situation was changed. Shortly thereafter the Board of Arbitration again met and acknowledged the claims of little and medium business, and divided among the several categories, thus saving the German Reich 70 million marks.

The Foreign Trade Division worked under the theory, that the question of foreign trade would be a rapid development, and therefore formulated exact recommendations in the discussions. The recommended foreign trade drafts, as were recommended in these discussions, were not refuted by Wagemann nor Josias Stamp in London. Opposition, however, has arisen in the Reich Ministry of Commerce, which apparently, however, has not given the matter a very exact examination. Thus the matter rests. German foreign trade has not progressed, and the forced taxation by means of export duties of over 700 million marks for German industry in 1935 can only be considered an emergency measure and not a fundamental policy. Here again the APA recommends to the Fuehrer to give these proposals a trial.

Party Member Daitz has worked with initiative on questions of foreign trade. Party Member Malletke, who has proven himself to be a far-seeing associate, has conducted the daily administration and the examination of all problems.

The Press: The Press Division of the APA is comprised of persons who together master all the languages that are in use. Daily they examine approximately 300 newspapers and deliver to the Fuehrer, the deputy Fuehrer, and all other interested offices the condensations of the important trends of the entire world press. I know that these press reports are highly praised by all who constantly follow them. The Press Division furthermore conducts an exact archives on the attitudes of the most important papers of the world and an exact archives on the most important journalists of the world. Many embarrassments during conferences in Germany could have been avoided had one consulted these archives (case of Leumas, Nurnberg, 1934; case of Dorothy Thompson; and others). Further, the Press Division was able to arrange a host of interviews as well as conducting a great number of friendly foreign journalists to the various official representatives of Germany. Hearst then personally asked me to often write about the position of German foreign policy in his papers. This year five continuous articles under my name have appeared in Hearst papers all over the world. Since these articles, as Hearst personally informed me, presented well founded arguments, he begged me to write further articles for his papers.

The Press Division of the APA was able to step into a position of arbitration in the conflict which arose between the representatives of the foreign press in Germany and the Office of Propaganda because of the general attack that the Minister of Propaganda, Dr. Goebbels had made upon the combined world press in July of 1934. Thus from the combined press representatives it was able to select and take care of those who were of a pro-German opinion, or at least conducted themselves in a neutral manner. Because of the willingness to cooperate that the Press Division under the skillful guidance of Dr. Bomer showed the foreigners, the Press Division has won a position of honor, and can today claim to have a truly personal and factual knowledge of world journalism.

In general the APA has attempted in the last 1-1/2 years to establish contact between diplomacy and the world press in Germany. For this purpose the APA held a Beer Party [Bierabend] each month. On each of these evenings a prominent representative of the party or government spoke about the work of his division. The most prominent national socialists spoke at these gatherings (Goering, Rust, Todt, Schirach, Hierl, Dr. Gross, Frau Scholtz-Klinck, Frank, Ley, and others). These evenings were constantly attended by the majority of the diplomatic representatives. We could always count on having at least 350 to 400 visitors. Since we invited a great number of representatives of the German ministries and party offices in the last year, a hefty traffic has developed. Many items which later appeared in the papers can be accredited to the personal clarification of a national socialistic party member who attended these evenings. The APA furthermore conducted a great number of foreigners to the labor battalions [Arbeitsdienst] or acquainted them with other establishments. That has been a bit of work that has constantly been going on so that the APA here too has experience to answer all questions which may arise.

The School of Instruction [Das Schulungshaus]: The 2-1/2 year work of all those active in the APA has given them a very exact picture of the practical workings of foreign policy and foreign trade. It has also enabled them every bit of knowledge which can be obtained from a national socialistic point of view in order to accurately judge the questions of foreign policy at all. In order to also develop potential and interested capable powers arising from the people and develop them as successors in the movement of national socialism the Foreign Policy School of Instruction [Aussenpolitisches Schulungshaus] was founded in Dahlem in 1935. Students from all over Germany who displayed an interest in foreign policy were assembled at this school. They were here instructed and schooled through lectures and cooperative work similar to seminars. Into this school were drawn the Hitler youths, SS, and the plan exists to have persons who will later travel abroad as representatives of large German concerns undergo an extensive course of instruction. Furthermore, the foreign Policy School of Instruction should also examine those students which the Academic Student Exchange is sending abroad. Lectures at the school were given by a number of German economists, as well as the Japanese and Chinese military attaches. The Chief of the APA himself lectured there.

The administration of the APA as well as the School of Instruction rest in the hands of Party Member Knauer, who in his youth was party to the March on Coburg.

In conclusion I may well say that these 2-1/2 years were rich in experiences and have tested people in their capacity to perform work. These 2-1/2 years have led to the elimination of one or another incompetents, but at least a dozen people have become so enriched through experience that they can be a great help to the Fuehrer in the field of their enterprise.

The lack of necessary and sufficient means naturally prevents a complete exploitation of the entire activity, which surely would be desired. But in spite of this one can say that the most humanly possible was accomplished here with sacrifice, sense of duty, and energy.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 004-PS

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The Political Preparation of the Norway Action

The Office of Foreign Relations [Aussenpolitisches Amt] of the National Socialist Party (NSDAP) has had contact with Vidkun Quisling, leader of the Nasjonal Samling in Norway, for years. The director of the "Office North" [Amt Norden] of the office of Foreign Relations—later victim of a fatal accident—paid him (Quisling) a personal visit on one of his trips to Scandinavia.

When in 1939 the general political situation was beginning to grow critical Quisling gave the Office of Foreign Relations an estimate of the situation and his opinion about the possible intentions of Great Britain with relation to Scandinavia in case of conflict (Great Britain's) with the German Reich. Prior to the convention of the Nordic Association [Nordische Gesellschaft] in Luebeck, Quisling was received by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in Berlin. He (Quisling) pointed out the decisive geopolitical importance of Norway in the Scandinavian region and the advantages gained by the Power in control of the Norwegian coast in case of conflict between the German Reich and Great Britain. He further explained the extraordinarily clever, democratic and particularly anglo-saxon propaganda which had been accepted favourably by almost the entire nation, also because of Norway's economic dependence on the seas and therefore on England. Since he did not believe that the small nations would remain neutral in case of conflict—as had been the case in the World War of 1914—but was convinced that they would become involved in one way or the other he requested support for his party and press in Norway, basing his request on the "pangermanic" ideology. Reichsleiter Rosenberg also requested Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt to arrange a meeting between Quisling and his Deputy Hagelin with State Secretary [Staatssekretaer] Koerner, bearing in mind that this matter might be of particular interest to General Field Marshall Goering with regard to air strategy. This meeting with the State Secretary Koerner did take place. At the same time Staff Director [Stabsleiter] Schickedanz, directed by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, submitted the attached memorandum to Reich Minister and Chief of the Chancellery [Reichsminister und Chef der Reichskanzlei] Lammers for the information of the Fuehrer by the end of June 1939 (Enclosure No. 1).

After the Luebeck convention Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt took a vacation trip to Norway to further pursue this matter. His observations are found in the attached report (Enclosure No. 2). Even during his presence in Germany Quisling had requested a short, pertinent training program for reliable party functionaries especially selected by him. This request was granted by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. In August 1939 a 14 day course was held at the School of the Office for Foreign Relations of the NSDAP [Aussenpolitisches Schulungshaus der NSDAP] in Berlin for 25 followers of the Nasjonal Samling who had been selected by Quisling.

In September Burgermeister Dr. Winkler revealed that he had been charged with the financial aspects of Quisling's request by General Field Marshal Goering through State Secretary Koerner. The outbreak of war and the beginning of the Polish campaign delayed the decisions (Enclosure No. 3). A further reminder of Reichsleiter Rosenberg to General Field Marshal Goering in the course of a talk about the importance of Norway in connection with the matters set forth originally by Quisling had no practical results.

At the same time political tension increased in Norway as Russian activity made itself felt in the Baltic regions. Of this Quisling kept the office (APA) informed through his deputies in Germany. The outbreak of the Russo-Finnish war at the end of November helped to further increase the anti-German currents in all Scandinavia and played into the hands of the anglo-saxon propaganda which was now building up to full strength. Greater Germany was represented as a secret ally of Soviet Russia and as the real culprit in Finland's misfortune. At the same time the Western Powers promised Finland military support which could only be supplied via Norway and Sweden. The possibility of a plan by Great Britain to occupy Norway and possibly Sweden to effectively close the blockade against Greater Germany and further to gain convenient air bases against Germany began to take shape under the pretence of altruistic help to Finland. Its aim was to involve also the Nordic Nations in a conflict against Greater Germany. Quisling informed the office (APA) about these new possibilities shaping on the political scene, acting through his deputy in Germany.

As the activities of the Allies became more and more noticeable in Norway Quisling again came to Germany to voice his fears. He was received by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in the early part of December and he again presented his ideas. Firmly convinced that in the long run a genuinely neutral position in the great conflict would become impossible for the small nations and in his firm faith in the victory of Greater Germany in this conflict which also was an ideological one, Quisling considered it his duty—supported as he was by a small but determined minority—to tie Norway's fate to that of Greater Germany as the new centre of strength of a nordic-germanic life community. We knew that his courageous group was the only pro-German Party. His deputy in Germany, Hagelin, had also arranged for a talk between Quisling and Grand Admiral Raeder which took place about this time. During a report to the Fuehrer Reichsleiter Rosenberg again mentioned Norway. He particularly pointed out her importance in the case of England deciding to occupy Norway with the tacit consent of the Norwegian Government, for the purpose of strengthening the blockade and under the pretence of help for Finland. Grand Admiral Raeder, too, upon his request, was called to the Fuehrer in connection with his talks with Quisling. As a result of these steps Quisling was received by the Fuehrer for personal instructions on the 16th of December and again on the 18th of December. During this interview the Fuehrer emphasized repeatedly that the most preferable attitude of Norway as well as all of Scandinavia would be one of complete neutrality. He had no intentions to enlarge the theatres of war to draw other nations into the conflict. If, however, the enemy were preparing an enlargement of the zones of war with the aim to further throttle and threaten the Greater German Reich then, of course, he would be obliged to arm against such steps. Then the Fuehrer promised Quisling financial support for his movement based on the pan-germanic ideology and for the purpose of combatting the increasing enemy propaganda. The military matters of the questions were now transferred to a special military staff which assigned special missions to Quisling and heard his opinions (Encl. No. 29). The political treatment was to be handled by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, expenses were to be carried by the Foreign Office [Auswaertiges Amt] and Reichsminister for Foreign Affairs [Reichsminister vom Aussenpolitischen Amt] was to be kept informed at all times. Maintenance of liaison with Quisling was assigned to Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt who, as matters developed further, was attached to the Naval Attache in Oslo, Commander [Korvettenkapitaen] Schreiber. Strictest secrecy was ordered for the entire matter.

Then, in January, during a conference between Reichsleiter Rosenberg and Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop it was decided to appropriate to Quisling an initial sum of 200,000 Goldmark. This money was to be taken to Oslo, in two instalments, by the liaison agent Scheidt where it was to be handed to Quisling. In the Foreign Office [Auswaertiges Amt] Privy Councillor [Geheimrat] Von Grundherr was the only one to be told of this arrangement (Encl. No. 3).

As shown in the attached documentary memoranda Quisling's reports transmitted by his deputy in Germany Hagelin concerning the possibility of active intervention of the Western Powers in Norway with consent of the Norwegian Government became more and more alarming. These reports continuously supplemented with more and more accurate confirmations by Quisling's confidants were in certain contrast with the opinions of the German Legation in Oslo. The Legation believed in the neutral intentions of the Norwegian Government of that time, the Nygardsvold, and was further convinced that the Government would take arms in defence of its neutrality policy. The Foreign Office [Auswaertiges Amt] held the same opinion as is shown in the attached documentary memorandum dated January 8 which is the result of a talk between Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt and Privy Councillor [Geheimrat] Von Grundherr (Encl. 8). It is of special interest that Hagelin, Quisling's Deputy in Germany, whose intimate connection with Quisling was not known in Norway succeeded in getting a foothold in the circles of the Nygardsvold Government. Thus he heard the uncolored opinions of the members of the Government who conducted themselves like a secret Norwegian-Anglophile society.

In the documentary memorandum of January 13 he relates the opinions expressed to him by two Norwegian Ministers. The gist of the opinions was that Germany had already lost the war and that Norway—if only because of its large Merchant Marine—could not do other than favour England in her politics, in war even more so than in peace. And further that the entire nations agreed with this policy (Encl. 9). During the night of February 16 to 17 the English raided the "Altmark" in the Joessingsfjord. The reaction of the Norwegian Government to the Altmark-affair seemed to indicate that certain secret arrangements had been made between the Norwegian Government and the Allies. This was further emphasized in Director Scheidt's consolidated report covering January 20th to February 20th (Encl. No. 11) after he had received Hagelin's report. Hagelin had overheard the conversation between two members of the Storting during which one member said to the other that the actions of the two commanders of the Norwegian torpedo boats had been a "prearranged affair." The same report also refers to the English demands for air bases in Norway and for freedom of trade in the Norwegian waters. It goes on to say that although the Norwegian Government refused those demands it was agreed that violations by the English would be answered with paper protests only. Such reports, and confirmations thereto were time and again supplied through Quisling. In complete contrast to those opinions the German Legation, even after the Altmark Affair, relied fully upon the good will of the Norwegians. The Ambassador cited the signing of the Norwegian-German trade agreement as weighing heavily in favour of his point of view. He already considered the Norwegian Government Nygardsvold somewhat dependent on the Greater German Reich (Encl. Nos. 11 and 12). All these reports were currently submitted to the Fuehrer by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. Quisling always emphasised that more than 90% of the country was behind England and that he only represented a minority which, however, was chosen by virtue of its intuition to take charge later on as representatives of a new Norwegian nation.

Apart from financial support which was forthcoming from the Reich in currency, Quisling had also been promised a shipment of material for immediate use in Norway such as coal and sugar. Additional help was promised. The shipments were to be conducted under cover of a new Trade Company to be established in Germany or through especially selected existing firms while Hagelin was to act as consignee in Norway. Hagelin had already conferred with the respective Ministers of the Nygardsvold Government as for instance the Minister of Supply and Commerce [Versorgungs-und Handelsminister] and had been assured permission for the import of coal. At the same time the coal transports were to serve possibly to supply the technical means necessary to launch Quisling's political action in Oslo with German help. It was Quisling's plan to send a number of selected, particularly reliable men to Germany for a brief military training course in a completely isolated camp. They were then to be detailed as area and language specialists to German Special Troops who were to be taken to Oslo on the coal barges to accomplish a political action. Thus Quisling planned to get hold of his leading opponents in Norway including the King, to prevent all military resistance from the very beginning. Immediately following this political action and upon an official request of Quisling to the Government of the German Reich the military occupation of Norway was to take place. All military preparations were to be completed previously. Though this plan contained the great advantage of surprise it also contained a great number of dangers which could possibly cause its failure. For this reason it received a quite dilatory treatment while, at the same time, it was not disapproved as far as the Norwegians were concerned.

In February, after a conference with General Field Marshal Goering, Reichsleiter Rosenberg informed the Secretary in the Office of the Four Year Plan [Ministerialdirektor im Vierjahresplan] Wohlthat only of the intention to prepare coal shipments to Norway to the named confidant Hagelin. Further details were discussed in a conference between Secretary Wohlthat, Staff Director Schickedanz and Hagelin. Since Wohlthat received no further instructions from the General Field Marshal, Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop—after a consultation with Reichsleiter Rosenberg—consented to expedite these shipments through his office. Based on a report of Reichsleiter Rosenberg to the Fuehrer it was also arranged to pay Quisling ten thousand English pounds per month for three months commencing on the 15th of March, to support his work. This money was to be paid through liaison agent Scheidt.

Meanwhile Hagelin, through his connection in Norway as trusted agent of the Norwegian Navy, had been commissioned with the purchase of German AA-guns (Flaks) through the German Navy Ministry. Through this connection he gained more and more insight into the actual ideas and intentions of the Norwegian Nygardsvold Government and into the Allied preparations which had already started in Norway. While in Germany on the 20th of March to attend conferences regarding the delivery of the German AA guns, he made a detailed report about the increasing activities of the Allies in Norway, tolerated by the Nygardsvold Government. According to his reports the Allies were already checking the Norwegian coastal towns for landing and transport possibilities. He also stated that the French Commandant Kermarrec who was charged with this reconnaissance had a confidential talk with Colonel Sunolo, Commandant of Narvik, who is a follower of Quisling; during the course of the talk he told him of the Allied intentions to land motorized troops in Stavanger, Dronthoim and possibly also at Kirkenes and to occupy the airport at Sola (Encl. no. 14).

At the same time Hagelin increased his oral and written warnings regarding the confidential agreements between the Allied and the Norwegian Governments stipulating that in case of an Allied occupation of coastal towns the Norwegian Government would not go beyond paper protest, as was the case in the Altmark Affair. And again, in his report of March 26 (Encl. Nos. 15 and 16) he pointed out that the speech of the Norwegian Foreign Minister Koht dealing with Norwegian neutrality and containing some protests was not being taken seriously either in London by the English nor in Norway by the Norwegians. It was well known that the Government had no intentions to take a stand against England. However, to keep up appearances towards Germany up to the last minute the Norwegian Government intended to issue an order to fire. This was to demonstrate that everything within their power had been done. There was a continuous series of conferences between the King, the Commanding Admiral, the Crown Prince and the newly appointed Minister of War Ljundberg who had been placed in office at the special request of England as early as January. A person close to the King as well as the commanding Admiral explained to Hagelin that the above mentioned actions by England were quite unavoidable since she knew that she could only win the war if she were in control of the Norwegian ports. Furthermore England feared a German counterblow which was not to be allowed to materialize. The Norwegian Government was also notified by London that Germany intended to mine the waters between Jutland and the Norwegian coast. Based on a message from England this plan was revealed on or about March 15 during a secret session of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Storting by Foreign Minister Koht. As a matter of fact, during the course of the military preparations for the occupation of Norway this plan had been adopted by the German military authorities and to this day it is a mystery how this plan got to London. In view of all this news Quisling could no longer back his earlier advice to continue watching the development of the situation in Norway. He now had to point out that any further delay would mean a grave risk. The above was probably the most decisive report ever to be submitted here by Hagelin. Reichsleiter Rosenberg immediately transmitted it to the Fuehrer (Encl. No. 15).

While still in Berlin Hagelin was requested by Colonel Schmundt to make speedy arrangements for a conference between Quisling and a Colonel of the General Staff, at some neutral location. This conference was held in Copenhagen in the beginning of April.

In confirmation of all this information coming from Quisling and his confidants and in contrast to the opinion held up to the end by German Legation in Oslo and by the Foreign Office, the Allies, on April 8th. initiated their first major blow as an introduction to their intended occupation of Norway. During the night from the 7th. to the 8th. of April they mined the Norwegian coast and made public announcement of this act. Norway's reaction, consistent with the reports always received by the Office of Foreign Relations [Aussenpolitisches Amt] of the NSDAP, was nothing more than protests on paper growing weaker by the hour. Then, after proper preparations and by command of the Fuehrer Greater Germany undertook the counterblow in the morning of April 9th. and occupied the most important Norwegian airfields and seaports.

Reports about the further political developments in Norway proper are found in the appended documentary memorandum (Encl. Nos. 18 to 30).

After the success of the occupational operations in Norway seemed assured the Fuehrer called for Reichsleiter Rosenberg for a short talk before lunch, on April 25th. He oriented him (Rosenberg) about the developments of the military action in Norway where the English Auxiliary Corps had just suffered a decisive defeat combined with the capture of important documents and plans. He further revealed to Reichsleiter Rosenberg that he had based this most daring decision which was now approaching successful completion on the continuous warnings of Quisling as reported to him by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. And that it actually happened in the Drontheimfjord that behind the stern of the last German Troop Transport there appeared the bow of the first English destroyer which convoyed the Allied Troop Transport fleet. This destroyer was wiped out by the German Navy.

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Brief Report on Activities of the Foreign Affairs Bureau of the Party from 1933 to 1943

When the Foreign Affairs Bureau [Aussenpolitisches Amt] was established 1 April 1933 the Fuehrer directed that it should not be expanded to a large bureaucratic agency, but should rather develop its effectiveness through initiative and suggestions.

Corresponding to the extra ordinarily hostile attitude adopted by the Soviet Government in Moscow from the beginning the newly-established bureau devoted particular attention to internal conditions in the Soviet Union, as well as to the effects of World Bolshevism primarily in other European countries. It entered into contact with the most variegated groups inclining towards National Socialism and combatting Bolshevism, focussing its main attention on Nations and States bordering on the Soviet Union. On the one end those nations and states constituted an Insulating Ring encircling the Bolshevist neighbor; on the other hand they were the lateral of German living space [Fluegelstellung zum deutschen Lebensraum] and took up a flanking position towards the Western Powers [Flankenstellung Gegenueber Den Westmaechten] especially Great Britain. In order to wield the desired influence by one means or another, the Bureau was compelled to use the most varying methods, taking into consideration the completely different living conditions, the ties of blood, intellect and history of the movements observed by the Bureau in those countries.

In Scandinavia an outspoken pro-Anglo-Saxon attitude, based on economic considerations, had become progressively more dominant after the World War of 1914/1918. There the Bureau put entire emphasis on influencing general cultural relations with the Nordic peoples. For this purpose it took the Nordic Society [Nordische Gesellschaft] in Luebeck under its protection. The Reich conventions of this society were attended by many outstanding personalities, especially from Finland. While there were no openings for purely political cooperation in Sweden and Denmark, an association based on Greater Germanic ideology was found in Norway. Very close relations were established with its founder, which led to further consequences. (See annex I for more detailed exposition).

South-Eastern Europe was dominated by the French post-war system of alliances. The countries united in the Little Entente were aiming at a more favorable defence of the booty accumulated during the war. In addition each one of these countries sought to gain through this mutual-assistance pact safety against a superior opponent: Czechoslovakia against Germany; Yugoslavia against Italy; Rumania against the Soviet Union. In Czechoslovakia a common hatred against everything German united the still remaining, partly pan-Slavic, Masonic and pro-Jewish tendencies. In Rumania the feeling of insecurity and fear of the superior neighbor, from whom she had taken Bessarabia was growing. In Rumania a primitive anti-Semitic group still existed. Its academically doctrinaire attitude precluded large scale political effectiveness, but nevertheless offered points of mutual interest. The Foreign Affairs Bureau picked these up, developed them, instigated the formation of a new party and thereby forced a decisive change in the whole political situation in Rumania, which is still having its effect today. (See Annex II for more detailed exposition).

Hungary and Bulgaria alone, Allied nations of the World War which had formerly been completely deprived of their rights, were attracted by the newly-formed center of gravity in the north. This attraction was nourished by the hope of obtaining an expansion of their own power through the increasing strength of Germany. However, National Socialism met a certain reserve or antipathy in Bulgaria because of widespread contagion of the Communistic blight. In Hungary it met similar reserve due to the still-fashionable feudal leading circles, who are bolstered by Jewish capital. At any rate it may be mentioned here that the first foreign state visit after the seizure of power took place through the mediation of the Foreign Affairs Bureau. Julius Gombos, who in former years had himself pursued anti-Semitic and racial tendencies, had reached the Hungarian Premier's chair. The Bureau maintained a personal connection with him. In September 1933 he paid a visit to Germany and was received by the Fuehrer in Erfurt. With this visit the official cordon of isolation surrounding National Socialism was pierced for the first time. This visit had been preceded by the Fuehrer's reception of the Rumanian poet and former minister Octavian Goga through the Bureau's mediation. Goga later became the decisive exponent of a political reproachment with Germany.

In Yugoslavia other German Reich agencies had become active in the same direction, so that the Foreign Affairs Bureau remained in the background and shifted its efforts to the purely commercial sphere. It initiated the first contracts with Croation and Serbian cooperatives.

Motivated by reasons of War Economy, the Bureau advocated the transfer of raw material purchases from overseas to the areas accessible by overland traffic routes, i.e. primarily in the Balkans, naturally insofar as practicable. At first little heed was paid to the Bureau in these endeavors, but it later secured the active support especially of the Food Estate; through its cooperation, e.g., on the subject of fruit and vegetable imports, a very substantial shift in the source of imports was attained, particularly through the currently initiated cooperation with Croatian and Hungarian cooperatives as well as with commercial associations all over the Balkans.

From the beginning, work in Italy was out of the question because ever since the days of our struggle for power ties of a personal nature have existed, which were taken over by official institutions or cultivated by individual personalities. Work in Austria was also excluded, since a special "Provincial Directorate for Austria" existed within the Nazi Party.

The Bureau declined to concern itself with questions of Racial Germans [Volksdeutsche] abroad. For this phase of the problem the "Racial Germans" Central Agency [Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle] was later created.

Towards Western European States the Bureau limited its activities to simple observation of existing conditions, or to the establishment of relations, especially of a commercial nature, primarily in Belgium, Holland and Luxemburg.

In accordance with the attitude on foreign policy laid down by the Fuehrer, the Bureau endeavored to establish far-reaching connections with England through continuous personal contacts with influential personalities of English political life. Eminent Englishmen were invited to the annual Party Rallies.

Pursuant to its self chosen task the Bureau devoted its attention to the Near East. Turkey, newly consolidated by Mustapha Kemal, adopted a hesitating attitude of watchful waiting. This position was probably due to military impotence against Soviet Russia, clearly recognized, on the one hand, and also to hostility to Fascist Italy, already previously manifested, on the other hand. In Iran, however, the Bureau's initiative in the economic field to stimulate the mutual exchange of goods encountered greatest understanding and the greatest readiness in carrying it through. The Bureau's initiative in developing with the head of commercial circles, entirely new methods for the economic penetration of Iran found expression, in an extraordinarily favorable way, in reciprocal trade relations. Naturally in Germany, too, this initiative at first encountered a completely negative attitude and resistance on the part of the competent state authorities, an attitude that had first to be overcome. In the course of a few years the volume of trade with Iran was multiplied five-fold, and in 1939 Iran's trade turnover with Germany had attained first place. Even Soviet Russia, the competitor who had been biggest and most dreaded previously, had been eliminated from the running. Concurrently with the activation of commercial relations the Bureau had also intensified cultural relations and had, in conjunction with growing commercial influence and in closest collaboration with the Iranian Government, created a series of cultural institutions headed and directed by Germans. In consequence the dominant French cultural influence in Iran has already been broken since the year 1936.

The Bureau simultaneously attempted to also draw Afghanistan into its orbit. Relations established with leading individual personalities led to the willing opening of this country, which had formerly been rather neglected by Germany. All the leading personalities of Afghanistan were guests of the Bureau. The Bureau favored the taking part of German economy in the industrial upbuilding of the country; German experts in all fields were called to Afghanistan in increasing numbers through the Bureau's mediation. The German Colony became the dominant one in Afghanistan. The preparation for expansion of the Afghan army was in German hands; carrying it through was prevented by the outbreak of war. Even though the German Colony had to leave Afghanistan later on, Afghanistan's neutral position today is largely due to the Bureau's activity.

The Arab question, too, became part of the work of the Bureau. In spite of England's tutelage of Iraq the Bureau established a series of connections to a number of leading personalities of the Arab world, smoothing the way for strong bonds to Germany. In this connection, the growing influence of the Reich in Iran and Afghanistan did not fail to have repercussions in Arabia. All these relations took place on a purely economic basis and fostered the systematically directed advancement of German influence and prestige in the domains reserved by the Western Powers for themselves. In this connection it may be mentioned in general that the internal peril to England's preponderance in those areas would have been considerably more pronounced, if the Bureau's foresighted initiative, which took Oriental conditions very well into account, had not been forever ignored by official authorities.

The Bureau foresaw the necessity of technical improvement of the Danube water route to facilitate traffic, because of the shift in the increase of the exchange in goods, especially in the Balkans and in the Orient. On its own initiative it attempted to influence competent authorities (especially of the Bavarian Government), together with particularly interested private commercial circles, to enlarge our Danube shipping facilities (primarily the port of Regensburg). Although the Bureau throughout the years, asserted this necessity, which was becoming more and more urgent, and although the Bureau relentlessly maintained its initiative, its endeavors in this matter were unfortunately not crowned by any success. Presumably all responsible authorities regret it bitterly to-day.

Among other projects due to the Foreign Affairs Bureau's initiative, endeavors to grow the rubber-fibered Kok Sagys plant in Germany deserve to be emphasized. This plant is being cultivated in the Soviet Union. In spite of efforts during many years, no success was attained in planting sizeable experimental crops, because of latent disunity among competent authority. The Bureau was compelled to resort to experimental fields in Greece through its own connections in the Balkans.

Somewhat off the beaten path was the Bureau's undertaking in Brazil, which grew out of personal connections, large quantities of cotton (60,000 tons) were successfully brought to Germany under a clearing agreement at a time when imports of this raw material had become very critically short, already necessitating work outs. A Bureau representative was twice the Brazilian Government's guest. Brazil and Iran were the only nations from whom Germany could purchase this indispensable raw material for Reichsmark. The Brazilian Minister expressed his thanks for this initial step to the Head of the Bureau in an address delivered at the occasion of an exposition.

About 40 lecture evenings for diplomats and the foreign press should also be listed. They dealt with the construction of the new Germany, and speakers included many leading personalities of the Reich.

The Bureau has carried out the initiating of all politically feasible projects. With the outbreak of war it was entitled to consider its task as terminated. The exploitation of the many personal connections in many lands can be resumed under a different guise.

Signed: ROSENBERG

2 Inclosures
I Norway
II Rumania

The Political Preparation of the Military Occupation of Norway During the War Years 1939/1940.

As previously mentioned, of all political groupings in Scandinavia only "Nasjonal Samling", led in Norway by the Former Minister of War and Major of the Reserve Vidkun Quisling, deserved serious political attention. This was a fighting political group, possessed by the idea of a Greater Germanic Community. Naturally all ruling powers were hostile and attempted to prevent, by any means, its success among the population. The Bureau maintained constant liaison with Quisling and attentively observed the attacks he conducted with tenacious energy on the middle class which had been taken in tow by the English. From the beginning it appeared probable that without revolutionary events, which would stir the population from their former attitude, no successful progress of Nasjonal Samling was to be expected. During the winter 1938/1939, Quisling was privately visited by a member of the Bureau. When the political situation in Europe came to a head in 1939, Quisling made an appearance at the convention of the Nordic Society [Nordische Gesellschaft] in Luebeck in June. He expounded his conception of the situation, and his apprehensions concerning Norway. He emphatically drew attention to the geopolitically decisive importance of Norway in the Scandinavian area, and to the advantages that would accrue to the power dominating the Norwegian coast in case of a conflict between the Greater German Reich and Great Britain. Assuming that his statements would be of special interest to the Marshal of the Reich Goering for aero-strategical reasons, Quisling was referred to State Secretary [Staatssekretaer] Koerner by the Bureau. The Staff Director [Stabsleiter] of the Bureau handed the Chief of the Reich Chancellery a memorandum for transmission to the Fuehrer. It dealt with the same subject, still taking into account the then doubtful attitude of Soviet Russia. After the outbreak of German-Polish hostilities and of the Soviet-Finnish war, tensions in Scandinavia became more strained and facilitated the work of Anglo-Saxon propaganda. It began to appear possible that, under the pretext of altruistic aid to Finland, Great Britain might intend to occupy Norway, and perhaps Sweden, to complete the anti-German blockade in the North Sea for all practical purposes, and to gain comfortable airplane bases against Germany. The aim would have been to drag the Northern countries, too, into a military conflict with Germany. Apprehensive about this development, Quisling again appeared in Berlin in December 1939. He visited Reichsleiter Rosenberg and Grand Admiral Raeder. In the course of a report to the Fuehrer, Reichsleiter Rosenberg turned the conversation once more to Norway. He especially pointed to Norway's importance should England, to tighten her blockade and under the pretext of aid to Finland, take steps to occupy the country, with the Norwegians' tacit consent. On the basis of his conversation with Quisling and at his own request, Grand Admiral Raeder, too, had been asked to see the Fuehrer. In consequence of these steps, Quisling was granted a personal audience with the Fuehrer on 16 December, and once more on 18 December. In the course of this audience the Fuehrer emphasized repeatedly that he personally would prefer a completely neutral attitude of Norway as well as of the whole of Scandinavia. He did not intend to enlarge the theaters of war and to draw still other nations into the conflict. Should the enemy attempt to spend the war, however, with the aim of achieving further throttling and intimidation of the Greater German Reich, he would be compelled to gird himself against such an undertaking. In order to counterbalance increasing enemy propaganda activity, he promised Quisling financial support of his movement, which is based on Greater Germanic ideology. Military exploitation of the question now raised was assigned to the Special Military Staff, which transmitted special missions to Quisling. Reichsleiter Rosenberg was to take over political exploitation. Financial expenses were to be defrayed by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs [Auswaertiges Amt], the Minister for Foreign Affairs being kept continuously by the Foreign Affairs Bureau. Chief of Section [Amtsleiter] Scheidt was charged with maintaining liaison with Quisling. In the course of further developments he was assigned to the Naval Attache in Oslo, Lt. Commander [Korvettenkapitaen] Screiber. Orders were given that the whole matter be handled with strictest secrecy.

Quisling's reports, transmitted through his representative in Germany, Hagelin, and dealing with the possibility of intervention by the Western Powers in Norway with tacit consent of the Norwegian government, became more urgent by January already. These increasingly better substantiated communications were in sharpest contrast to the view of the German Legation in Oslo, which relied on the desire for neutrality of the then Norwegian Nygardsvold cabinet and was convinced of that government's intention and readiness to defend Norway's neutrality. No one in Norway knew that Quisling's representative for Germany maintained closest relations to him; he therefore succeeded in gaining a foothold within governmental circles of the Nygardsvold cabinet, and in listening to cabinet members' true views. Hagelin transmitted what he had heard to the Bureau, which conveyed the news to the Fuehrer through Reichsleiter Rosenberg. During the night of 16 to 17 February English destroyers attacked the German steamer "Altmark" in Jossing fjord. The Norwegian government's reaction to this question permitted the conclusion that certain agreements had been covertly arrived at between the Norwegian government and the Allies. Such assumption was confirmed by reports of Section [Amtsleiter] Scheidt who in turn derived his information from Hagelin and Quisling. But even after this incident the German Legation in Oslo championed the opposite view, and went on record as believing in the good intentions of the Norwegians.

Thanks to his connections in Norway as agent of the Norwegian Navy, Hagelin had succeeded, in the meantime, in being entrusted with the purchase of German AA guns through the German Navy Ministry. Through these connections he gained more and more insight into the real views and intentions of the Norwegian Nygardsvold cabinet, and into the preparations already initiated by the Allies in Norway. At the occasion of his presence in Berlin on 20 March to negotiate about delivery of German AA guns he mentioned that the Allies were now even examining Norwegian ports for loading and transportation facilities. The French Kommandant entrusted with this mission was said to have revealed Allied intentions in confidential conversations with the commander of Narwik, an adherent of Quisling. These intentions were to land motorized troops at Stavanger, Drontheim and perhaps Kirkenes, and to occupy Sola airdrome near Stavanger. Hagelin also re-emphasized his warnings about agreements secretly concluded between the Allies and the Norwegian government according to which the Norwegian government would content itself solely with paper protests in case of a possible occupation of port cities by the Allies. He pointed out that the Norwegian government had never intended to seriously oppose England, and that it was playing a two-faced game with Germany solely to gain time for faits accomplis. He also mentioned that the Norwegian government had been informed by England that Germany intended to lay a minefield from Jutland to the Norwegian coast. In view of all the information that had reached him, Quisling could no longer stand by his advice to await developments in Norway for a little while longer; he was compelled to point out that any delay of the German counter-thrust would entail extraordinary risks. These reports were immediately transmitted to the Fuehrer by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. On 8 April the Allies struck the first blow in preparation for their intended occupation of Norway, thus confirming these reports made by Quisling and his agents, and in contrast to the views held to the end by the German Legation in Oslo and by the expert of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs [Auswaertiges Amt]. During the night from 7 to 8 April minefields were laid alongside the Norwegian coast by the Allied fleet, and the Allied governments informed the world of the steps they had taken. In accordance with indications given by the Bureau, only progressively more tepid protests were made by Norway. By order of the Fuehrer Greater Germany counter-attacked, after corresponding preparation, in the morning of 9 April and occupied the most important Norwegian sea ports and airdromes.

In spite of almost complete occupation by the Central Powers in the last World War, Rumania was indebted to Versailles for her re-creation, which was effected partially even at the expense of her one-time Eastern ally. A basically sound anti-Semitic tendency existed in this post-war country, which was torn asunder by dynastic squabbles and innumerable party fights. But in spite of repeated efforts this tendency had never risen above the limitations of a club, because of solely scientific doctrinaire leadership. What was lacking was the guiding leadership of a political personality. After manifold grouping trials the Bureau believed to have found such a personality—the former Minister, and poet, Octavian Goga. It was not difficult to convince this poet, pervaded by instinctive inspiration, that a Greater Rumania, though it had to be created in opposition to Vienna, could be maintained only together with Berlin. Nor was it difficult to create in him the desire to link the fate of Rumania with the future of the National Socialist German Reich in good time. By bringing continuing influence to bear, the Bureau succeeded in inducing Octavian Goga as well as Professor Cuza to amalgamate the parties under their leadership on an Anti-Semitic basis. Thus they could carry on with united strength the struggle for Rumania's renascence internally, and her affiliation [Anschluss] with Germany externally. Through the Bureau's initiative both parties, which had heretofore been known by distinct names, were merged as the National-Christian Party, under Goga's leadership and with Cuza as Honorary President. The attempts concurrently undertaken by the Bureau to amalgamate this Party with the much more youthful, but energetic Iron Guard movement were initially frustrated by the apparently insurmountable personal incompatibility of Cuza and Codreanu. At any rate these attempts led to the secret establishment of good personal relations between Goga and the mystic-fanciful Codreanu.

In the course of the years after his return, the king had succeeded in becoming the country's decisive factor through crafty tactics in dealing with the dominant political parties. Had the Bureau also succeeded in merging the National-Christian Party with Codreanu, Rumania would have obtained sharply anti-Semitic leadership based on strong mass support. Such leadership could have attained its aims even against the will of the king. However, surviving rivalries between the country's anti-Semitic trends later enabled the king to use them separately for his plan, in order to destroy them as far as possible.

The struggle for re-orientation of Rumania's foreign policy was taken up by Goga with bold elan. He had earlier succeeded in upsetting the position of Foreign Minister Titulescu, the agent of Franco, of the Geneva League of Nations and of the Little Entente. Titulescu was later overthrown. Among the numerous, not very significant splinter parties, the "Young Liberals", founded by George Bratianu, supported Goga's campaign, without joining the anti-Semitic trend. The Rumanian front of Vaida Voevod, wobbling to and fro among all camps, adopted a similar position for some time.

Through intermediaries, the Bureau maintained constant contact with both tendencies, just like it constantly consulted with Goga, through Staff Director [Stabsleiter] Schickedanz, about tactics to be followed. The whole struggle was accelerated by Soviet Russia's increasing pressure in the Bessarabian question, and by the process of political rapprochement with Moscow, which was supported by Paris and Prague. Following a long period of recurring political trials involving scandal and graft, Rumania's internal struggle for the future make-up of the country had been aggravated by the coming to the front of the Christian-Nationalist Party and of the Iron Guard. This struggle was being fought with increasing bitterness. The king's attitude towards the national movement was procrastinating and underhanded. The movement was agreeable to him for eliminating the two parties which, by tradition, took turns in the government. But he intended to prevent the unequivocal victory of anti-Semitic and racial [Voelkisch] principles, influenced by growing Nationalism, in the country. That is why the Nationalists' foreign policy, secretly projected by Germany, did not fit into his plans. Because he was in possession of the police and of the army, he remained the decisive factor in the country. After repeated postponement of the elections, which were legally due, the king decided to hold an election. The decision was based on a very reliable report of his then Prime Minister Taterescu. Taterescu was convinced that the Liberal Party would again receive 40% of all votes, through the machinations customary in Fomia. However, after a bitter election campaign the Liberal Party suffered painful defeat. The opposition National Movement had achieved indisputable victory in spite of all chicanery and machinations by their opponents. The Iron Guard received about 16% of the total vote, the National-Christian Party Goga-Cuza about 11%, the government party about 35%. The rest of the votes were scattered. After some vacillation and hesitancy, the king appointed Goga Prime Minister on 27 December 1937 with a binding promise that Parliament would be dismissed and new elections held within the legally prescribed time limit. In spite of warnings by the Bureau Goga believed the promise given by the king. But the king was only attempting to gain time.

Thus a second government on racial and anti-Semitic foundations had appeared in Europe, in a country in which such an event had been considered completely impossible. The government immediately made known its intention to proceed against Jewish predominance in the country and declared repeatedly that it would have to subject Rumania's previous foreign policy to re-examination and reform. In the meantime the Judaic-Masonic and liberal opposition did not lose time. Passions were inflamed and became increasingly more envenomed. It looked like a hot and bloody election campaign. The prospects of Goga's Christian-Nationalist Party pointed to a big victory with sure certainty, especially since, with the Bureau's cooperation he had on the sly made a secret agreement with Codreanu. To be sure, Goga did not act on the Bureau's advice to immediately develop his party cadres, to expand his party machine all over the country and to permeate the police and gendarmerie. Goga postponed the execution of organizational reform, which he also intended, until after the election. He considered himself to be under obligation to the king not to undertake anything until the electoral decisions had been rendered, but to take steps all the more incisively after legally attaining the majority.

In innumerable interviews the opposition must have succeeded in convincing the king that an electoral victory of Goga would react most acutely against the king himself. In that case he would no longer be able to get rid of the ghosts he had called in; if Goga attained a two-thirds majority, he, the king, would be Goga's captive. These expostulations, and the uncontrollable Judaic influences of the Jewish clique at the Rumanian court, plus the pressure of the French and British Ministers led to a change in the king's attitude, assuming that this change had not already been anticipated by him at the time of Goga's appointment. The king decided to prevent the elections. Goga resisted. Thereupon the king offered Goga the formation of an authoritarian government, i.e., a government created solely by virtue of royal sovereignty. That meant a coup d'etat. Goga declined. Thereupon the king informed Goga that he would accept the cabinet's resignation, which, however, had not even been offered to him. Goga realized too late that the strength at his disposal was entirely inadequate to thwart the king's plans. He resigned.

But the course once embarked upon forced even the king to pay heed to the mood that had been created in the country. Also, a return to the disrupted foreign-policy ties was no longer possible. Although an authoritarian system had been built up, Rumania found herself without her former backing. The French security system had been ruptured and could not be re-established, if only in view of Yugoslavia's attitude in the South-East, where relations established by other German agencies had simultaneously loosened the cohesiveness of the Little Entente. That, at any rate, was the Goga government's success.

In his last great speech to the Rumania Academy, shortly before his death, Goga welcomed Austria's affiliation with Germany, and affirmed for the last time his belief in adherence to new Greater German Reich and to Fascist Italy, a belief he had struggled for.

Now the king's war of extermination against the Iron Guard began. Codreanu was arrested with his closest collaborators, to face a specially convoked court-martial. Sole basis for the prosecution was an alleged communication from Codreanu to the Fuehrer, which was proved to be a forgery, and a telegram addressed to the Fuehrer. On the basis of these "records" he was sentenced to ten years' hard labor. In vain did the Bureau attempt to bring about an intervention of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in this episode, which diminished the whole prestige of the German Reich. It did not prevail against the official agencies, which condemned the entire project of the Bureau in Rumania, because the official German delegation expected their sole salvation from the attitude of the king and his creatures. Logically, the acceptance without dissent of this challenge was interpreted in Bucharest as granting carte blanche and Codreanu was shot with his closest collaborators for establishment of the first personal contact between the King and the Fuehrer.

This appeared to doom the Iron Guard, too, Goga's party, deprived of his leadership, was submerged into insignificance. But Goga left behind a personal heir, who is now Marshal Antonescu. Against the king's wish, Goga had appointed this politically insignificant provincial general, with whom the king was on bad terms, as his Minister of War. At first, completely pro French in outlook, Antonescu gradually adopted a different view under Goga's influence. After Goga's resignation, Antonescu still remained in the king's cabinet at Goga's wish. He also maintained continued relations with the Iron Guard. Thereby the possibility of eliminating the king was at hand—and was exploited. Antonescu's to-day appears in practice as executor of the heritage bequeathed to him by Goga, who had led him from political insignificance into the political arena. Thereby a change to Germany's liking had become possible in Rumania.

[signed] ROSENBERG

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 014-PS

Report to the Fuehrer

I report the arrival of the principal shipment of ownerless Jewish "cultural property" [Kulturgut] in the salvage location Neuschwanstein by special train on Saturday the 15th of this month. It was secured by my staff for Special Purposes [Einsatzstab] in Paris. The especial train, arranged for by Reichsmarschall Hermann Goering, comprised 25 express baggage cars filled with the most valuable paintings, furniture, Gobelins, works of artistic craftsmanship and ornaments. The shipment consisted chiefly of the most important parts of the collections Rothschild, Seligmann, Bernheim-Jeune, Halphen, Kann, Weil-Picard, Wildenstein, David-Weill, Levy-Benzion.

My Staff for Special Purposes started the confiscatory action in Paris during October 1940 on the basis of your order, my Fuehrer. With the help of the Security Service (SD) and the Secret Field Police [Geheime Feldpolizei] all storage—and hiding-places of art possessions belonging to the fugitive Jewish emigrants were systematically ascertained. These possessions were then collected in the locations provided for by the Louvre in Paris. The art historians of my staff have itemized scientifically the complete art-material and have photographed all works of value. Thus, after completion, I shall be able to submit to you shortly a conclusive catalogue of all confiscated works with exact data about origin plus scientific evaluation and description. At this time the inventory includes more than 4000 individual pieces of art, partly of the highest artistic value. Besides this special train the masterpieces selected by the Reichsmarschall—mainly from the Rothschild collection—have been forwarded in two special cars to Munich already some time ago. They have been deposited there in the air raid shelters of the Fuehrer-building.

According to instruction the chief special train has been unloaded in Fussen. The cases containing pictures, furniture etc. have been stored in the castle Neuschwanstein. My deputies accompanied the special train and took care of the unloading in Neuschwanstein too.

First of all the paintings have to be unpacked to determine any possible damage suffered during the transport. Furthermore, the observation of climatic influences upon the paintings and their future careful maintenance necessitate their unpacking as well as their skillful setting-up. Due to lack of time a part of the shipment has not yet been fully inventoried in Paris. This has to be taken care of by my co-workers on the spot in Neuschwanstein to supplement the inventory in full. I have detached for Neuschwanstein the necessary technical and scientific personnel of my staff for the execution of this work. The required time for the unpacking and arranging in Neuschwanstein as well as the preparing of the exhibition rooms will take approximately 4 weeks. I shall report the completion of the work to you then, and request you, my Fuehrer, to let me show you the salvaged works of art at the spot. This will give you a survey over the work accomplished by my staff for Special Purposes.

Over and above the chief shipment there are secured in Paris a mass of additional abandoned Jewish art possessions. These are being processed in the same sense and prepared for shipment to Germany. Exact accounts about the extent of this remaining shipment are at the moment not available. However, it is estimated that the work in the Western areas will be finished entirely within two to three months. Then a second transport can be brought to Germany.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 015-PS

[Rosenberg Letter and Report to Hitler]

16 April 1943
673/R/Ma

Mr Fuehrer:

In my desire to give you, my Fuehrer, some joy for your birthday I take the liberty to present to you a folder containing photos of some of the most valuable paintings which my special purpose staff [Einsatzstab], in compliance with your order, secured from ownerless Jewish art collections in the occupied western territories. These photos represent an addition to the collection of 53 of the most valuable objects of art delivered some time ago to your collection. This folder also shows only a small percentage of the exceptional value and extent of these objects of art, seized by my service command [Dienststelle] in France, and put into a safe place on the Reich.

I beg of you, my Fuehrer, to give me a chance during my next audience to report to you orally on the whole extent and scope of this art seizure action. I beg you to accept a short written intermediate report of the progress and extent of the art seizure action which will be used as a basis for this later oral report, and also accept 3 copies of the temporary picture catalogues which, too, only show part of the collection you own. I shall deliver further catalogues which are now being compiled, when they are finished. I shall take the liberty during the requested audience to give you, my Fuehrer, another 20 folders of pictures, with the hope that this short occupation with the beautiful things of art which are nearest to your heart will send a ray of beauty and joy into your revered life.

Heil, my Fuehrer

The seizure action began in compliance with the Fuehrer order of 17 Sept 1940. At first those art collections were seized which the Jews, fleeing from occupied territories, left behind in Paris. The seizure action was extended to all remaining cities and villages of the occupied French territory where it was thought that Jewish art collections might be hidden. By using all possible ways and means we discovered and seized all Jewish art collections which were hidden either in Jewish homes in Paris, in castles in the provinces or in warehouses and other storage places. The seizure action was in part very difficult and tedious and, up to now, not all completed. The escaped Jews knew how to camouflage the hiding places of these objects of art, and to find them was made more difficult by the Frenchmen originally charged with the administration of the hiding places. The special purpose staff [Einsatzstab] in connection with the security police [Sicherheitsdienst-SD], the squad for the protection of the foreign currency market [Devisenschutzkommando] and by using their own ingenuity succeeded in securing the main part of art collections, left behind by the escaped Jews, and bringing it safely to the Reich. The most important part of the action was the securing of 79 collections of well-known Jewish art collectors in France. The list of collections is attached hereto. Top place on the list is taken by the famous collections of the Jewish family of Rothschild. The difficulty of the seizure action is shown by the fact that the Rothschild collections were distributed over various places in Paris, in Bordeaux and in the Loire castles of the Rothschilds, and could only be found after a long and tedious search. Although the action covered the past 2 years, we discovered and secured, through the use of trusted agents, quite a large part of the Rothschild collection in 1942.

Besides the seizure of these complete Jewish art collections, we also searched all vacant Jewish apartments in Paris and other places for single art objects which might have been left behind. The main job in this action was to ascertain all addresses of Jews, escaped from the occupied territories, since we had to overcome quite a few difficulties on the part of the French police force which naturally tried their best to retard our progress. During this search through hundreds of single Jewish apartments a large amount of art objects were secured.

These in this manner secured collections and single pieces of art were transferred to central collecting points in Paris, located in the so-called Jeu de Paume and rooms of the Louvre. The art expert of the special purpose staff inventoried, photographed and packed all secured objects of art. Taking the inventory was made more difficult by the fact that all data pertaining to the collection were suppressed by the former owners. For this reason each art object had to be examined separately for origin, place where found, and period. The work is so designed that at its conclusion the finished inventory will represent an unimpeachable document, as far as the historical background of the art collection is concerned. It will show, on one side, the monetary, and on the other, the historical value. The Jewish owners and collectors only judged these collections by their material value. Consequently they did not recognize the historical value and therefore showed no inclination to make these collections available for research. However, this research has now been accomplished by the sorely understaffed special purpose staff. All their findings were incorporated into 3 temporary books which will serve as basis for one catalogue, soon to be compiled.

During the time from 17 Sept 1940 to 7 April 1943, 10 transports of 92 cars or a total of 2775 crates were sent to Germany. The contents of the crates were: paintings, antique furniture, Gobelins, objects of art, etc. Besides all this another special transport of 53 art objects was shipped to the Fuehrerbau in Muenchen, and 594 pieces (paintings, plastics, furniture, textiles) delivered to Reichs Marshal [Goering].

Castle Neuschanstein was designated as the first shelter. After this castle was filled, the Bavarian administration for state-owned castles and parks saw fit to relinquish several rooms in the castle Herrenchiemsee for further shipments.

Since these 2 shelters were not enough and since the Bavarian administration could not supply any more we rented 2 more in the neighborhood; it was made possible through the intervention of the State Treasurer [Reichsschatzmeister]. We rented several rooms in the former Salesianer monastery at Buxheim near Memmingen in Schwaben and the privately owned castle Kogl near Voecklabruck at Upper Austria [Oberdonau]. The location and condition of these 2 shelters is such that they are perfect in regards to safety against air attack and fire, and can easily be guarded. All art objects are so divided between the 4 shelters that it is possible to continue the inventory and care, and that no large collections of valuable art objects will be concentrated in any one place. All measures for safety are taken care of by the combined efforts of: 1. the Bavarian administration for castles and parks, 2. the central control of the fire prevention police, and 3. the local representatives of State and Party. In this way the highest degree of safety has been achieved.

9455 articles in the aforementioned shelters have been completely inventoried, as of 1 April 1943. The inventory is as follows:

5255 Paintings
297 Sculptures
1372 Pieces antique furniture
307 Textiles
2224 Small objects of art, including East-Asiatic art

The inventory in addition to records of seizure and lists of seizure and transport, follows the pattern of the enclosed file card [Karteikarte]. On this file card is noted all information necessary to characterize all objects as to origin, master, technique, time, etc. These file cards together with the extended explanations of the men charged with taking the inventory constitute the basis for the editing of the master catalogue. Besides this there is in preparation a photo-library in one of the central offices in Berlin, as well as in Neuschwanstein. Since the number of technicians was small, the time short, and the necessity of a quick expert from Paris was paramount, only the most valuable objects were inventoried in Paris. Therefore the inventory has to be continued in the shelters. According to the latest count there are approximately 10,000 more objects to be inventoried.

At present there are 400 crates in Paris, ready for shipment which will be sent to the Reich as soon as necessary preliminary work in Paris is completed. Should the present 4 shelters not prove sufficient for consequent shipments, 2 more places, namely the castle Bruck near Linz and the camp Seisenegg near Amstetten on the lower Danube have been prepared.

For reasons of fire prevention all art objects in the shelters had to be unpacked skillfully. These measures were also necessary to accomplish the inventory and to continue with the care of the valuable art objects. Restoration has begun since many needed it when we acquired them. At present a repair shop with all necessary tools is being outfitted in Fuessen in which all paintings, pieces of furniture and other objects will be restored, to safeguard preservation. The unpacking, the continuation of the inventory, and the establishment of the photo-library, and too, the editing of the master catalogue, will take considerable time.

The action of seizure [Fassungaktion] in Paris and occupied Western territories will be continued, although on a reduced scale, since there are still new art objects of great value to be found. The administration of the East not only will seize furniture, but also the art objects which might yet be found there. Here too valuable art objects were found in the last months. These art objects, found during the collection of furniture, were also sent to the shelters and will receive the same treatment as the others. Besides these objects, whose art value is established, hundreds of modern French paintings were seized which from the German standpoint are without value as far as the national-socialist art conception is concerned. These works of modern French painters will be listed separately, for a later decision as to their disposition.

On orders from the Reichs Marshal some of the works of modern and degenerate French art were exchanged in Paris for paintings of known value. The exchange was of great advantage to us, since we received 87 works by Italian, Dutch and German masters who are known to be of great value. We shall continue to trade whenever a chance presents itself. At the completion of the action a proposal as to the disposition of the modern and degenerate French paintings will be presented.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 016-PS

The Deputy for the 4 Year Plan
The General Plenipotentiary for Labor Mobilization
GBA

Berlin W 8, 24 April 1942
Mohrenstrasse 65 (Thuringia/House)
Phone: 126571

Bureau of Ministry [Ministerburo] received 27. April 1942, No.
0887 Min. 28/v

Dr. K.P. has been informed

Very esteemed and dear Party-member Rosenberg!

Inclosed please find my program for the mobilization of labor. Please excuse the fact that this copy still contains a few corrections.

Heil Hitler!
Yours
[signed]: Fritz Sauckel

5 copies

copy for Mr. Wittenbacher
[signed]: WACHS
70x

[Stamp]

Chancellory 1 May 1942 (Kanzlei) Mischke
read: ILFL/KS 45.42
filed: I-5, 5/5 42 Pg

To The "Reichsminister" for the Occupied Territories of the
East, Party-Member Rosenberg

Berlin

The Deputy for the Four Year Plan
The Plenipotentiary for Labor-Mobilization

20 April 1942

Sckl./We.

The Labor-Mobilization Program

On the occasion of the Hero/Memorial Day, in 1942, the hardest and most gigantic commitment of German soldiery in all history was announced to the German people by the Fuehrer. Besides the heroic and victorious conduct against an enemy of an unheard of superiority in number and material, and fighting with the courage of utter despair and beastly brutality, stands the endurance of hardships unparalleled in history of severest winter of cold, ice, snow and story since 140 years. The conquest of the unbelievable difficulties arising from such a climate and terrible weather conditions elevates our soldiers of the East Front, by comparison with the human and soldierly efforts of all times up to now, without exaggeration, to supermen.

It is now the duty of the Home Front towards those soldiers to summon all its strength for an equally gigantic effort to enable them to win complete, final and most rapid victory.

All the burdens and further necessary restrictions, even in the field of nutrition, must be endured with proud determination in consideration of the shining example of the soldiers.

Our Armed Forces of Greater Germany surpassed themselves in heroism, resistance and endurance at the Front of the East, in Africa, in the air and on the sea. To insure their victory in any case, it is necessary now to produce more and better weapons, materiel and ammunition through another increased effort and endeavor of the entire German people, that is, all the producing workers, intellectual and manual, the women and the entire German Youth.

In this manner will the German Home Front contribute decisively to the frustration of the hopes of our enemies to again escape their complete and final defeat.

The aim of this new, gigantic labor mobilization is to use all the rich and tremendous sources, conquered and secured for us by our fighting Armed Forces under the leadership of Adolf Hitler, for the armament of the Armed Forces and also for the nutrition of the Homeland. The raw-materials as well as the fertility of the conquered territories and their human labor power are to be used completely and conscientiously to the profit of Germany and their allies.

In spite of the fact that most of the German people capable of doing so have already made a most commendable effort for the war economy, more considerable reserves must be found and made available under any circumstances.

The decisive measure to realize this is in the uniformly regulated and directed Labor-mobilization of the nation in the war.

To reach this goal, the following principles must be worked out and executed:

A. All important Production Programs, actually in progress, must under no circumstances be disturbed by the new measures. On the contrary, they should even be increased.

B. All orders of the Fuehrer, Reichs-Fieldmarshal of the Greater German Reich and the "Minister" for ammunition and armament are to be carried out as quickly as possible. Labor supply necessary for that purpose must be freed and made available either in Germany or in the occupied territories.

C. The task concerning the seed and harvest of German peasantry and all the territories under German control with the view to secure the largest production is just as urgent. The lacking laborers must be made available as quickly as possible.

D. A supply system for the vitally necessary materials for the German people will be assured.

The realization of these principles for labor-mobilization requires:

1. The cooperation of all the forces of the party, economy and the state under coordinated leadership.

2. The best will of all the German people.

3. The most far-reaching measures to imbue all the employed German workmen and women with the highest confidence in the justice of the consideration of their own personal welfare and their salaries as well as the best possible care for their health and shelter under the actual war circumstances.

4. The quickest and best solution of the question of the use of women and youth labor.

To reach the goal determined by the Fuehrer the simultaneous and quickest use of numerous different measures of unified purpose are absolutely necessary. As any one of those must not interfere with the others, but rather complement them, it is also absolutely necessary that all the offices [Dienststellen] in the Reich, its territories and communities, in party, state and economy, participating in this decisive task act according to coordinated, synchronized directives.

Thus, the labor-mobilization of the nation contributes extraordinarily to the quickest and victorious termination of the war. It requires every effort of the German people on the Home front. It is for that German people, for their preservation, their freedom, happiness and amelioration of their nutrition and standards of living that this war is being fought.

Basic Principles

I. In the districts [Gau], it is the task of the district-chief [Gauleiter] to take in his hands the propaganda and orientation of the German people concerning the necessity of labor-mobilization and to carry out important measures for the care of the employed youth and women as well as to supervise the condition of camps and shelters.

They also assure themselves of the closest and friendliest cooperation of all the participating institutions.

II. It is not only the most distinguished duty of the General Plenipotentiary, but a condition sine qua non for the success of his task, to assure himself of the utmost cooperation and understanding of all the highest Reichs-Bureaus [Reichs-stellen], especially those offices [Dienststellen] of the Armed Forces whose departments are concerned with his task.

III. Equally necessary is the mutual understanding of all the Reichs-leaders [Reichsleiter] of the party, especially the cooperation of the German Labor Front [Deutsche Arbeitsfront] and the institutions of economy.

IV. The General Plenipotentiary for labor mobilization will therefore use with the help of the smallest, personal staff of assistants the existing party, state and economic institutions and assure the quickest success of his measure with the good will and the cooperation of all concerned.

V. The General Plenipotentiary for labor mobilization has therefore, with the consent of the Fuehrer and the knowledge of the Reichsmarshal of Greater Germany and the director [Leiter] of the Party Chancellory [Reichskanzlei] appointed all the district chiefs [Gauleiters] as his plenipotentiaries in the German Districts of the National Socialist Party.

VI. The plenipotentiaries for labor mobilization are using all the offices of the Party in their district. The chiefs of the highest offices of the State and economy of their districts will assist and advise the District chiefs in all matters concerning the labor mobilization.

The most important for that purpose would be the following:

Should the confines [Bezirk] of a Land-Labor Office comprise several Districts, it seems advisable that the President of the Land-Labor Office in question should make available to the District Chief, in whose district capital there is no Land-Labor Office, his closest and most capable assistants in such a way that also in those offices the continuous information and instruction of the district-chiefs about all the measures concerning the labor-mobilization remains assured.

VII. The most distinguished and important task of the district-chiefs of the National Socialist Party in their capacity as plenipotentiaries in their districts consists in assuring the best understanding and cooperation of all the offices of their districts participating in the labor-mobilization.

Nevertheless, it must be strictly observed that the dignitaries of the party and the offices of the National Socialist Party, its organizations, sub-divisions and attached institutions do not assume functions coming under the jurisdiction of the State, the Armed Forces or economic institutions and for which only those authorities are responsible; they are not to interfere with official business not coming under their jurisdiction, according to the wish of the Fuehrer.

Should we succeed with the help of the Party in convincing all the German intellectual and manual workers of the great importance of the labor-mobilization for the outcome of the war, and succeed in taking good care and keeping up the morale of all the men, women, and the German youths who work within the labor-mobilization program under extraordinarily strenuous circumstances, as far as their physical and mental capabilities of endurance are concerned, and should we furthermore be able, also with the help of the party, to use prisoners of war as well as civilian workmen and women of foreign blood not only without harm to our own people but to the greatest advantage to our war and nutrition industries, then we will have accomplished the most difficult part of the labor mobilization program.

The Task and its Solution

(No figures are mentioned because of security reasons. I can assure you, nevertheless, that we are concerned with the greatest labor-problem of all times, especially with regard to figures.)

A. The Task:

1. The conscription of new soldiers to a gigantic extent for all branches and services of the Armed Forces has been rendered necessary by the present war-situation.

This means:

a. The removal of workers from all professional enterprises, especially of a great number of trained personnel from armament producing war industries.

b. Also the removal of especially non-essential personnel from the war nutrition industry.

2. The war situation also necessitates the continuation of the tremendously increased and improved armament programs as ordered by the Fuehrer.

3. The most essential commodities for the German people must continue to be produced for minimum requirements.

4. The German housewife's health, particularly the health of those on the farms, must not be endangered in their quality as mothers by the war. On the contrary, they must be relieved in every possible way.

B. The Solution:

1. All skilled workers removed from defense plants through induction into the Armed Forces must absolutely and immediately be replaced in such a way that no bottleneck or decrease in the production of the war product results. It is the responsibility of all the authorities for the labor mobilization to make sure that this directive is considered in each case.

The most capable workers must, therefore, be removed from the reserves of discontinued, lesser defense installations, and the discontinued construction industry and be made available to the enterprises from which specialists are being called into the Armed Forces, 8 weeks before their actual induction, in order to enable them to instruct and familiarize their replacement with their work.

2. Workmen or women available because of destruction or damage of their installations must just as quickly be made available and incorporated again in the war industry.

3. The Armament and Nutrition tasks make it vitally necessary, not only to include the entire German labor power but also to call on foreign labor.

Consequently, I immediately tripled the transport program which I found when I took charge of my mission.

The main effort of that transport has been advanced into the months of May-June in order to assure in time and under any circumstances the availability of foreign labor power from the occupied territories for an increased production, in view of coming operations of the army, as well as agricultural labor in the sector of the German Nutrition Industry.

All prisoners of war, from the territories of the West as well of the East, actually in Germany, must be completely incorporated into the German armament and nutrition industries. Their production must be brought to the highest possible level.

It must be emphasized, however, that an additional tremendous quantity of foreign labor has to be found for the Reich. The greatest pool for that purpose are the occupied territories of the East.

Consequently, it is an immediate necessity to use the human reserves of the conquered Soviet territory to the fullest extent. Should we not succeed in obtaining the necessary amount of labor on a voluntary basis, we must immediately institute conscription or forced labor.

Apart from the prisoners of war still in the occupied territories, we must, therefore, requisition skilled or unskilled male and female labor from the Soviet territory from the age of 15 up for the labor-mobilization.

On the other hand, one quarter of the total need of foreign labor can be procured in Europe's occupied territories West of Germany, according to existing possibilities.

The procurement of labor from friendly and also neutral countries can only cover a small part of the total need. Practically only skilled workers and specialists can be considered in this case.

4. In order to relieve considerably the German housewife, especially the mother with many children and the extremely busy farm-woman and in order to avoid any further danger to their health, the Fuehrer also charged me with the procurement of 400,000-500,000 selected, healthy and strong girls from the territories of the East for Germany.

5. The spring cultivation of the fields [Fruehjahrsbestellung] will be assured by the use of the German youth in class-formation, together with their teachers according to an agreement with Reichs-Youth-Leader [Reichsjugendfuehrer] and the responsible, highest Reichs-Authorities.

6. The labor mobilization of the German women is of very great importance.

Examining this very difficult problem and after getting thoroughly acquainted with the fundamental opinion of the Fuehrer as well as of the Reichsmarshal of the Greater German Reich and my own most careful inquiries and their results, I must absolutely reject the possibility of having an obligatory service decreed by the State for all German women and girls for the German War and Nutrition industry.

Although, at the beginning, I myself, and probably the majority of the leading personalities of the party and of the womanhood with me, believed that for certain reasons an obligatory service for women should be decreed, I am of the opinion that all responsible men and women in party, state and economy should accept with the greatest veneration and gratitude the judgment of our Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, whose greatest concern has always been the health of the German women and girls; in other words, the present and future mothers of our nation.

I cannot enumerate all the reasons which made me come to that decision. I only ask for confidence in me as an old fanatical district chief of the National Socialist party and to believe that this could be the only possible decision.

We all agree that this decision might appear unjust towards millions of women who are engaged in defense and nutrition industries under the most strenuous conditions but we also realize that an evil cannot be remedied by spreading it to the utmost.

The only possible way to eliminate the existing injustices and hardships consists in winning the war in order to enable us to remove all women and girls engaged from jobs unsuitable for women, namely endangering their health, the birth-rate of our nation, and family and national life.

We must also consider the difference, whether a woman or girl has been used to work in the field or in a factory because of her young age, and whether already she has proved to be able to stand this kind of work.

Aside from physical harm, the German women and girls under any circumstances must be protected from moral and mental harm according to the wish of the Fuehrer.

It is doubtful that these conditions could be fulfilled in the case of mass-conscription and employment. It is impossible to compare the German Woman with the German soldier in this case, because of the existing fundamental natural and racial differences between man and woman.

We cannot accept the responsibility for the dangers threatening the life of the nation resulting from such a measure in the field of women labor mobilization, in view of the countless men on the fighting front—our dead soldiers.

The many millions of women, however, faithfully and industriously engaged in the German economy, and especially now, in war time, rendering valuable services, deserve the best possible care and consideration. They, as well as the soldiers and workmen, deserve the greatest gratitude of our nation. They must be treated in the best possible way by the labor offices and labor authorities and their economic and health necessities must be generously considered. The Fuehrer as well as the Reichsmarshal of the Greater German Reich attach the greatest value to those measures. For instance, it would be completely wrong to threaten pregnant women with punishment and court procedures, as has happened already, if they miss a day of work because of troubles resulting from their condition during the usual period of precaution [Schonungsperiode]. Nevertheless, it must and will be possible to maintain the necessary work discipline.

7. A last, but also important reserve consists in the possibility of the personal increased production of each German worker. It will be the most distinguished task of the party and the German labor front to achieve that increased production. There is no doubt that the German intellectual and mental worker will accomplish it, no matter where he works and in spite of the difficult conditions of our present nutrition.

This will be the best way for the German worker on the home front to express his gratitude towards the soldier on the fighting front who bears the most gigantic and terrible hardships in this severe winter, thus remaining victorious over our enemies.

It is also the task of the party, State and economy in cooperation to improve the sick rate by 1 percent through the adequate cooperation of health insurance institutions [Krankenkasse] and approved doctors [Vertrauensarzt]. This was accomplished in the district of Thuringia. Such an improvement of the sick rate throughout the Reich would mean the gain of 200,000 new workers.

The severest measures must be used against loafers, as we can not allow those parasites to shunt their duties in this decisive struggle of our people at the cost of the others.

I tried to determine the exterior solution of the task concerning the labor mobilization, as conditioned by the present war situation, under paragraph B, 1-7.

It is only natural that all the possibilities contained in that paragraph will be completely exhausted. The rejection of a general conscription of all the women and girls does not mean that I condemn absolutely the use of women and girls who are in a position to make themselves available for a suitable job wherever they can be useful to the war industry without violating the principles of the Fuehrer. This will be done in closest cooperation with the competent offices of the party, state, the Armed Forces and the economy.

The labor mobilization program as laid down in paragraph 1-7 constitutes not only the greatest labor mobilization of a people but also in history.

Adolf Hitler, however, made it clear through his idea of National Socialism that figures are not the decisive factor in the life of nations. Besides the tremendous figure of the employed labor forces stands their productive capacity. This productive capacity depends not only on the amount of calories, which I put at their disposal in the form of nourishment, but also on their moral and mental condition.

This makes it necessary to consider besides the gigantic, organizational question, the questions of nutrition, shelter, orientation, propaganda, and spiritual guidance.

Measures to be Taken to Assure the Well-Being of German Workmen and Women

There must be no doubt for the German producing people that they out-do by far all the other workers of the world through their conscientious work and their readiness to accept the most strenuous tasks under proper political and philosophical guidance.

The district Chiefs will at this decisive stage of the war assure with the help of all the institutions and organizations of the party the best political and ideological care ever known in the history of labor and humanity in wartime, for the German producing people in their districts.

I am convinced in my capacity as general plenipotentiary for labor mobilization that everything will be done by the party to maintain within or without the plants the attitude and morale of the German workers on a high level through the use of all means of propaganda and orientation, meetings and appeals, as the only way to make the home front worthy of the fighting front, and the only means of accomplishing this gigantic task and winning the war.

I will constantly see to it, that the authorities for labor mobilization as well as the managers of the plants assist the party and primarily the German labor front in its decisive and great task in this field.

Even workmen and women employed in war plants in their home towns and living and eating with their families must be properly looked after. I mention only: Provisions of coal and potatoes, consideration of their possibility to get to their place of work. The lack of spring vegetables and other troubles caused by war conditions and affecting the nerves and health of our people must be offset by the strength and satisfaction gathered by the realization of the National Socialist principles of folks community [Volksgemeinschaft] social justice and the necessity to hold out together and the belief and the confidence in our Fuehrer.

This task becomes much more complicated in the case of those millions of workmen and women who have been conscripted for labor far from their homes in jobs they are not used to. This is a necessity of war.

Such utilization of labor power can neither be restricted nor can the hardships connected with it be reduced.

The aim is to make life for our folks comrades [Volkskameraden] as agreeable as possible and to facilitate the conditions of their utilization. All these German people must be assisted by billeting them, if possible, in decently furnished rooms under as decent conditions, by encouraging companionship during their free time through the party and to assure prompt issue of ration tickets and other such things.

In this connection the Politeness-Drive [Aktion "Hoeflichkeit"] introduced by Reichs-Director party member Dr. Goebbels will be binding to the utmost for all labor offices and all offices of economy and nutrition.

All camps where German producing people, men or women, are to be quartered, must be perfect examples of German cleanliness, order and hygiene.

The German plants and the German economy must not hesitate to do everything in their power to make life far from their own homes and families tolerable for conscripted folks comrades men or women quartered in those camps. As there is a complete order guaranteed in a way for the German soldier of the Armed Forces in his company for his external requirements as well as for his character, which elevates him far above the soldiers of other nations, so should this also be made possible in adequately applied form for the producing men within the labor mobilization program.

The necessary measures for the care of the producing German people within the labor mobilization program should therefore be carried out to the fullest extent by the German labor front.

In case of more extensive commitment of women and girls away from their home towns and families, the rules for shelter and care as applied by the women's labor service [Weiblichen Arbeitsdienstes] must fundamentally be respected.

Prisoners of War and Foreign Workers.

The complete employment of all prisoners of war as well as the use of a gigantic number of new foreign civilian workers, men and women, has become an indisputable necessity for the solution of the mobilization of labor program in this war.

All the men must be fed, sheltered and treated in such a way as to exploit them to the highest possible extent at the lowest conceivable degree of expenditure.

It has always been natural for us Germans to refrain from cruelty and mean chicaneries towards the beaten enemy, even if he had proven himself the most bestial and most implacable adversary, and to treat him correctly and humanly, even when we expect useful work of him.

As long as the German defense industry did not make it absolutely necessary, we refrained under any circumstances from the use of Soviet prisoners of war as well as of civilian workers, men or women, from the Soviet territories. This has now become impossible and the labor power of these people must now be exploited to the greatest extent.

Consequently, I arranged my first measures concerning the food, shelter and treatment of these foreign laborers with the highest competent Reichs-authorities and with the consent of the Fuehrer and the Reichsmarshal of the Greater German Reich in such a way that a top performance will be demanded and will be obtained.

It must be remembered, though, that even the effort of a machine is conditioned by the amount of fuel, skill and care given to it. How many more conditions must be considered in the case of men, even of low kind and race, than in the case of a machine!

I could not accept the responsibility towards the German people, if after having brought such a tremendous number of men to Germany these men would one day become a burden for the German people or even endanger their health, instead of doing very necessary and useful work, because of mistakes made in their nutrition, shelter and treatment.

The principles of German cleanliness, order and hygiene must therefore also be carefully applied to Russian camps.

Only in such a way will it be possible to exploit that labor to the highest benefit of arms production for the fighting front and for the war nutrition program, without any trace of false sentimentalism.

The necessary instructions concerning the food, shelter and treatment of the people from the East have been communicated to the competent authorities of the police, defense and nutrition bureaus; beyond that, I turn to the district-chiefs of the National Socialist Party with the request to assist me also in this field to the best of their abilities, in order to avoid any harm that might result from the use of that kind of labor to the German people.

The subjects of blood-related, allied and friendly nations are to be treated with particular care and consideration.

All action making the stay and work in Germany more difficult and unnecessarily unbearable for the foreign workers and exceeding the restrictions and hardships imposed by the war must be avoided. We depend to a large extent on their good will and their production.

It is therefore only logical to make their stay and work in Germany as bearable as possible—without denying anything to ourselves.

This can be realized, for instance, by facilitating their national and folk [volkstuemlich] habits concerning food, shelter, and organization of their evenings after work, etc., as far as conditions and the consideration of our own people permit.

It is very possible that, if the authorities for the labor mobilization, the general and interior administration, party and labor front cooperate in close harmony in this mobilization of foreign workmen and women, the tremendous advantage resulting from this mass commitment of millions of prisoners of war and foreign, civilian working men and women for the German defense and nutrition industries may be supplemented by an equal success for the propaganda of the national socialist Great German Reich and for its prestige throughout the world.

On the other hand the greatest harm for our war industry may result if the cooperation of all forces involved is not assured and all those problems are not solved by all competent offices.

Therefore in closing I would ask you to observe the following principles carefully:

1. All technical and administrative matters for the labor mobilization come exclusively under the authority and responsibility of the General Plenipotentiary for Labor Mobilization, the National Labor Offices [Landesarbeitsaemter] and the Labor Offices [Arbeitsaemter].

2. All questions and tasks concerning propaganda orientation, observation of political consequences and care (of people engaged in this labor-mobilization program) come under the jurisdiction of:

a. The party, if outside of the plant

b. The German Labor Front for manufacturing plants, the Bureau for farm politics [Amt fuer Agrarpolitik] for agricultural enterprises.

3. The issue of food and clothing ration cards, financial indemnities and relief come exclusively under the jurisdiction of the competent authorities or institutions of economy.

Ask the district chiefs of the National Socialist Party, as my plenipotentiaries, to assure a smooth cooperation between those various bureaus as well as the best possible harmony and mutual complete exchange of information.

4. The solution of the task concerning the war mobilization of labor is of such decisive importance that even the most important local or regional interests concerning most vital peace tasks must not interfere with it. Whoever violates that rule must be made responsible if the German soldier in his decisive struggle for the fate of our nation lacks arms and ammunition, synthetic gasoline or rubber, vehicles or airplanes.

Therefore, I want to deeply impress upon all the men and women who participate decisively in this war in the labor mobilization program with insistence to comply with all those necessities, decisions and measures, according to the old National Socialist principle:

Nothing for us, everything for the Fuehrer and his work, that is, for the future of our Nation!

[signed]: Fritz Sauckel

[Stamp]

(The Deputy for the 4 year plan
The General Plenipotentiary for labor mobilization)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 017-PS

Copy /T

The Deputy for the Four Year Plan
The General Deputy for the Mobilization of Labor
Va. Nr. 5780,28/4265

Berlin SW 11, 3 Oct 1942
Saarlandstrasse 96 (Reich Labor Ministry)
Phone of the Ministry 11 00 28
Postal Check account Pay Master Berlin 10019
Urgent Mail

To the Reichsminister for the Occupied Eastern Territories
c/o Gauleiter Meyer
Berlin W. 35

B—StV
5 Oct. 1942
Nr. 904 A/42

Dear Party Fellow member Meyer!

The Fuehrer has worked out new and most urgent plans for the armament which require the quick mobilization of two more million foreign labor forces. The Fuehrer therefore has granted me, for the execution of my decree of 21 March 1942, new powers for my new duties, and has especially authorized me to take whatever measures I think are necessary in the Reich, the Protectorate, the General Gouvernement, as well as in the occupied territories, in order to assure at all costs an orderly mobilization of labor for the German armament industry. The additional required labor forces will have to be drafted for the majority from the recently occupied eastern territories especially from the Reichskommissariat Ukraine. Therefore the Reichskommissariat Ukraine must furnish 225,000 labor forces by 31 December 1942 and 225,000 more by 1 May 1943. I ask you to inform Reichskommissar Gauleiter party fellow member Koch about the new situation and requirements and especially to see to it that he will support personally in any possible way the execution of this new requirement.

I have the intention to visit Party member Koch shortly, and I would be grateful to you if you could inform me as to where and when I could meet him for a personal discussion.

Right now though, I ask that the procurement be taken up at once with every possible pressure and the commitment of all powers especially also of the experts of the labor offices. All the directives which had limited temporarily the procurement of Eastern laborers are annulled. The Reichs procurement for the next months must be given priority over all other measures.

I do not ignore the difficulties which exist for the execution of this new requirement, but I am convinced that with the ruthless commitment of all resources, and with the full cooperation of all those interested, the execution of the new demands can be accomplished for the fixed date. I have already communicated the new demands to the Reichskommissar Ukraine via mail.

In reference to our long distance phone call of today, I will send you the text of the Fuehrer's decree at the beginning of next week.

Heil Hitler!
Your devoted
[signed] FRITZ SAUCKEL
[stamp] Certified conform to the original
[signed] ACKERMANN clerk

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 018-PS

The Reichsminister for the Occupied Eastern Territories

21 December 1942
Nr. 02926/42

To Gauleiter Fritz Sauckel
General deputy for labor deployment
Berlin W 8
Mohrenstrasse 65

Dear party member Sauckel:

I thank you very much for your report on the execution of the great task given to you, and I am glad to hear that in carrying out your mission you have always found the necessary support, even on the part of the civilian authorities in the occupied Eastern territories. For myself and the officials under my command this collaboration was and is self-evident, especially since both you and I have, with regard to the solution of the labor problem in the East, represented the same viewpoints from the beginning. For political as well as efficiency reasons, you have devoted your attention, above all, to the care of the Eastern workers, employed in the Reich, and in the same sense I also have striven toward an overall satisfactory solution, by the establishment of special posts, collaborating with the welfare organizations [Betreuungsorganisationen].

If there is now complete agreement between your and my conception of the matter, I nevertheless find it necessary on the grounds of several occurrences during the last months, to point out with reference to the enclosure, the methods applied by your agencies and collaborators. I thereby do not disregard the fact that considering the scope and urgency of the task to be accomplished, difficulties and hardships, yes even false measures by the executing branches, can in the long run not be avoided. But it seems necessary to me, to follow up these occurrences insofar as they touch the conduct of war and the interests of the Reich. This would always be the case, where the acquisition of new laborers is undertaken in a way which intimidates the population. The reports I have received show, that the increase of the guerilla bands in the occupied Eastern regions is largely due to the fact that the methods used for procuring laborers in these regions are felt to be forced measures of mass-deportation, so that the endangered persons prefer to escape their fate by withdrawing into the woods or going over to the guerilla bands. Add to the occasionally unfavorable news regarding the treatment of the Eastern laborers in the Reich, about experiences with the labor procurement authorities, then the result can only be a strengthening of the number and fighting spirit of the hostile troops. This development is further aided by the return of tens of thousands of useless Eastern workers from the Reich (sick, cripples, etc.).

To this point I should like to add that my repeated plea to establish sick-camps in the regional labor office districts, instead of the mass deportation of the Easterners who are incapable of work, has so far not been answered. Hence I found it necessary to contact the Reichskommissar [Commissioner] for health and sanitation on this matter. In the session of the propaganda department called by State Counselor, Professor Boerger on the 17th of this month, the negative repercussions which will be caused in the native provinces by the recently planned return transports were referred to not only by the representatives of my agency, but particularly by the representative of the economic staff East, since such events interfere with the demands for labor and production in the rear military zones. Measures such as conscription, return of the sick or similar things not only impair the procurement and the legal validity of the executive orders of the compulsory-labor order released by me on Dec 19.41, but moreover endanger all the important war work in the occupied Eastern territories. This goes as well for the urban as for the rural procurement districts, where so far, thanks to the self-sacrificing activity of the leaders of the economic land bases, an atmosphere permitting productive work was created between the German administration and the native population, which now threatens to become lost. Even if I do not close my eyes to the necessity that the numbers demanded by the Reichs minister for weapons and ammunition as well as by the agricultural economy justify unusual and hard measures, I have to ask, due to the responsibility for the occupied Eastern territories which lies upon me, that in the accomplishment of ordered tasks such measures be excluded, the toleration and prosecution of which will some day be held against me, and my collaborators. In order to achieve this, and to bring into agreement the requirements given by the peculiar political situation of the Eastern territories with the measures of the commissions and the staffs of your agencies, I have empowered the Reichs commissioner for the Ukraine insofar as necessary to make use of his right, and to see to it that methods which run contrary to the interest of the conduct of the war and war economy in the occupied East be abolished.

It appears strange to me, that in numerous cases which should have been discussed with the civil authorities, we only receive information through the police and other agencies. I am referring in this connection to the note of my standing representative of Nov. 11.42.—III wi 5—1231-3587—in which I asked for a discussion concerning the mutual cooperation, and especially on the position of your delegates, to which I have unfortunately never received an answer from you. With consultation of our mutual wishes, which you personally will certainly understand, it is unfortunately impossible for me to accept a co-responsibility for the consequences, which result from the recounted state of affairs.

I should not like to have informed you of this, without expressing my hope that in the interests of both of us, this condition will be terminated with the coming of the new year. I am personally convinced that you, dear Party member Sauckel, have the same desire. I assume that there will be an opportunity for discussion of this in the conference prompted by me on Jan. 11.43.

I am gratefully looking forward to your reports in this connection.

Yours,
signed: A. ROSENBERG

Extracts from the Secret Report on Morale by the Foreign Mail Censorship Post Berlin.

In the letters from the Ukraine a further sharp decline in the morale is pictured, and under the impact of an increased requisition of labor forces for the Reich, the Ukrainian population has been seized by a terrible fear.

Horrifying picturizations of compulsory measures by the administrative authorities for the seizure of Eastern laborers, form a major part of the news from home to their relatives working in Germany. The disinclination to answer the call to work in the Reich has evidently grown steadily, not only due to the reports of Eastern workers, which fled home and their workshops or have been dismissed. In order to secure the required number for the labor transport, men and women including youngsters from 15 years on up, are allegedly taken from the street, from the market places and village festivals, and carried off. The inhabitants therefore hide themselves in fear and avoid any appearance in public. After public beatings during the month of October, so available letters state, came the burning down of homesteads, and of whole villages as retribution for failure to comply with the demand for the appropriation of labor forces directed to the communities. The execution of the latter measures is being reported from various villages.

Parts from Two Letters

"At our place, new things have happened. People are being taken to Germany. On Dec. 5, some people from the Kowkuski district were scheduled to go, but they didn't want to and the village was set afire. They threatened to do the same thing in Borowytschi, as not all who were scheduled to depart wanted to go. Thereupon 3 truck-loads of Germans arrived and set fire to their houses. In Wrasnytschi 12 houses and in Borowytschi 3 houses were burned.

"On Oct. 1 a new conscription of labor forces took place. From what has happened, I will describe the most important to you. You can not imagine the bestiality. You probably remember what we were told about the Soviets during the rule of the Poles. At that time we did not believe it and now it seems just as incredible. The order came to supply 25 workers, but no one reported. All had fled. Then the German militia came and began to ignite the houses of those who had fled. The fire became very violent, since it had not rained for 2 months. In addition the grain stacks were in the farm yards. You can imagine what took place. The people who had hurried to the scene were forbidden to extinguish the flames, beaten and arrested, so that 7 homesteads burned down. The policemen meanwhile ignited other houses. The people fall on their knees and kiss their hands, but the policemen beat them with rubber trunchions and threaten to burn down the whole village. I don't know how this would have ended if I Sapurkany had not intervened. He promised that there would be laborers by morning. During the fire the militia went through the adjoining villages, seized the laborers, and placed them under arrest. Wherever they did not find any laborers, they detained the parents, until the children appeared. That is how they raged throughout the night in Bielosirka. The workers which had not yet appeared till then, were to be shot. All schools were closed and the married teachers were sent to work here, while the unmarried ones go to work in Germany. They are now catching humans like the dog-catchers used to catch dogs. They are already hunting for one week and have not yet enough. The imprisoned workers are locked in at the schoolhouse. They cannot even go out to perform their natural functions, but have to do it like pigs in the same room. People from many villages went on a certain day to a pilgrimage to the monastery Potschaew. They were all arrested, locked in, and will be sent to work. Among them there are lame, blind and aged people."

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 019-PS

The Commissioner for the Four Year Plan
The Deputy General for Labor Supply
No. IVa 5780.28/1138

Berlin, SW 11, 17 March 1943
Saarlandstr. 96 (Reich's Ministry for Labor)
Tel. of the RAM: 11 00 28

Postal Checking Account of the RAM, Branch: Berlin 100.19

Copies:

1. Gauleiter
2. III W 5
3. Special Deputy for the Eastern Labor Supply

Personal!

To: The Reichsminister for the Occupied Eastern Territories.
Att. Mr. Reichsminister ROSENBERG, Berlin
Subject: Draft of workers from the East

Dear Party Member Rosenberg:

After a protracted illness my Deputy for Labor Supply in the occupied Eastern Territories, State Councillor Peukert, is going there to regulate the labor supply both for Germany and the territories themselves.

I ask you sincerely, dear party member Rosenberg, to assist him to your utmost on account of the pressing urgency of Peukert's mission. Already now I may thank you for the hitherto good reception accorded to Peukert. He himself has been charged by me with the absolute and completely unreserved cooperation with all bureaus of the Eastern Territories.

Especially the labor supply for the German agriculture, and likewise for the most urgent armament production programs ordered by the Fuehrer make the fastest importation of approximately 1 million women and men from the Eastern Territories within the next 4 months a must. Starting 15 March the daily shipment must have reached 5000 female and male workers respectively, while beginning of April this number has to be stepped up to 10,000. This is a requisite of the most urgent programs, and the spring tillage, and other agricultural tasks are not to suffer to the detriment of the nutrition and of the armed forces.

I have foreseen the allotment of the draft quotas for the individual territories in agreement with your experts for the labor supply as follows:

Starting 1 April 1943 the daily quota is to be doubled corresponding to the doubling of the entire quota.

I hope to visit personally the Eastern Territories towards the end of the month, and ask you once more for your kind support.

HEIL HITLER!
Signed: SAUCKEL

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 025-PS

Copy

I H (ZO) 1/752/42

for the files on hand I 3 [handwritten]

SECRET!

Berlin NW 7, 4 Sept. 42

1. Notice

On 3 September 1942 a conference, under the presidency of the General Deputy for Labor Mobilization, of the representatives of the highest Reich authorities, the Party Chancellory, as well as of the German Labor front (DAF) was held at the Thuringenhaus, Berlin W. S, for the discussion of the pending importation of domestic workers from the East from the Ukraine into the Reich. To this Gauleiter Sauckel declared the following:

It is the definite wish of the Fuehrer that the law over the duty year [Pflichtjahr] for women be not over extended, that all German girls must work one additional year in housekeeping. This position of the Fuehrer is motivated by the positive experiences which have been made so far with the women's Reich's labor service; this service has proved itself to be an instrument of political breeding through which the German girls are made politically more reliable than through one additional year of private housekeeping. Therefore, and this is also the opinion of the Reichsmarshall and of Reichsleiter Bormann, the housekeeping problem must be solved through a different way than the above-mentioned one.

Therefore, the Fuehrer has ordered the immediate importation of 400,000 to 500,000 female domestic Eastern workers from the Ukraine between the ages of 15 and 35, and has charged the General Deputy for labor mobilization with the execution of this action which is to end in about 3 months. In connection with this—this is also approved by Reichsleiter Bormann, the illegal bringing of female housekeepers into the Reich by members of the Armed Forces, or various other agencies, is to be allowed subsequently, and furthermore, irrespective of the official recruiting, is not to be prevented. The determining factor for the recruiting of Ukrainian female domestic workers is this: according to the specific wish of the Fuehrer only such girls are to be recruited against whose permanent stay in Germany, to be determined by their conduct and their physical appearance, there will be no scruples; it is in accordance with a specific desire of the Fuehrer that the greatest number of these girls be germanized through the recruitment. To this, the Fuehrer declared that we have to review our school knowledge about people migrations, to the extent that the Lebensraum of the Germanic peoples is not only to be considered from a point of view of the newly gained territories at that time, but also from the point of view of the region of origin of those peoples. The Germans have spread "like beer". Only the young people have left whereas the old ones remained at home. This is the reason why there are, especially in the Ukraine and in the northerly part of the Black Sea, such a great number of blond haired and blue eyed people who have neither Tartar nor Caucasian appearances. This can only be the case of peasants, descendants of settled Germanic tribes; to re-germanize them can only be a question of time. It is the Fuehrer's desire that in 100 years from now 250 million German speaking people will live in Europe.

If, therefore, the recruitment of Ukrainian domestic workers is not only under a labor mobilization consideration but also a racial one, it ensues forcibly that a special treatment of this labor mobilization measure is necessary, which does not exclude the fact that the domestic Ukrainian workers are to be considered in the first place as workers from the East and are to be provided with the sign "OST". They are to be employed in city households as well as in country households, preferably in families with many children and essential constructive families (Aufbau Familien) so that 200,000 of them will be furnished to city households and 200,000 to country households. In order to prevent a better position of the Eastern domestic workers employed in country households as compared to the ones employed in cities, the domestic workers from the Ukraine are to receive basically the same food as the German civilian population. Because these regulations necessitate a revision of the feeding precepts of Prisoners of War and soviet civilian laborers as stated in a communication of the Reich's nutrition ministry of April 4, 1942, the Reich's minister for nutrition and agriculture has asked the General Deputy for labor mobilization to refrain from the execution of the measures at least until the food situation of the German people permits the importation of more foreign labor forces and a better food situation for the workers from the East can be assured. Gauleiter Sauckel spoke in harshest terms against the stand of the Reich's minister for nutrition stating that he refuses to discuss an order of the Fuehrer. He added furthermore that irrespective of the importation of domestic workers, the mobilization of one more million workers from the East is being planned, this being the only way to realize in the years to come the Fuehrer's Armament and Steel production program for the execution of the great plans in the West and for the annihilation of the greatest war economy of the world, the North American one. For the feeding of this million men labor force which number furthermore is equilibrated by the fact that approximately 7 million German soldiers are in greater part supplied with food from the foreign countries, party member Backe has only to solve the organizational problem in order to take advantage of the first rate harvest throughout Europe. Never before did a minister for nutrition start his function under such favorable conditions as State Secretary Backe. The reference to the difficult transportation conditions to bring the foreign harvests into the Reich does not impress Gauleiter Sauckel in the least; he would find ways and means to utilize the harvest and the cattle from the Ukraine even if he has to draft the whole Jewry of Europe to use them as a human road for the handling of boxes to the Ukraine. "If the food rations both for the Germans and the foreign workers are not increased shortly, then a scandal of the greatest proportion will take place". The decreased resistance of the bodies—especially with the shortage of doctors—will give rise to great epidemics (see Diphtheria Epidemy). It is to be requested from Party member Backe that the proposed increase of bread and meat ration be not done with the start of the winter time only but at the end of the present allotment period, so that the weakened bodies can build up a reserve of strength which will get them well through the winter. The Fuehrer cannot understand the fact that it has to be in the country which carries the greatest weight in the fight for the future of Europe that most people go hungry while this is not the case with France, Holland, Hungary, and the Ukraine and everywhere else; he desires that this be the contrary in the future. As far as the foreign workers in Germany are concerned (with the exception of the workers from the East) a slow reduction of food according to renderment has to be applied to them; it cannot be tolerated that lazy Dutchmen or Italians receive better food than a diligent worker from the East. As far as the nutrition is concerned, here too the principle of renderment has to be applied. Since the new nutrition regulation is seen as being feasible by Gauleiter Sauckel in the above mentioned way of thinking, therefore, the special action of the General Deputy for labor mobilization (GBA) for the importation of domestic workers from the East must be coupled with the current recruiting commission in the Ukraine. The delegation from October to April of 200,000 to 300,000 male and female workers from the East already employed in the German agriculture to industry factories is not affected by this; these forces (incl. the female ones) will be returned in the spring to their original peasant organizations, and there just as before, they will not be employed at home but for agricultural work. A lawful ground for special domestic action, a decree is being prepared, the text of which was read at the conference by Councellor in the Ministry Dr. Letsch. The recruiting which in the case of the female domestic workers will be based especially on voluntariness will be executed in connection with the office of the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German police who intend to step in for the pre-examination with regard to a possible worthiness of becoming a German. Those female workers from the East found to be apt for housekeeping will be marked in a special way by the labor and social officers so that they can be recognized as such on the transport lists of the collective shipments. Independent of these, special shipments of domestic female workers are to be considered since Gauleiter Sauckel plans on having brought into the Reich 6,000 persons a day. With reference to the treatment of the female domestic workers from the East in the Reich, this question has been talked over with the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German Police, the Reichswomen office, the Party Chancellory, the General Deputy for labor mobilization, the result being a plan for a notice for the German housewomen. The wages of the female domestic workers are to be paid according to a remuneration table for workers from the East; however, this has to be deviated through the fixation of special tariffs by the labor trustees. In reference to the Eastern worker's tax for management directors, it was decided to ask the Reich's finance minister to higher the Eastern worker's tax by half for the families of up to three children and to cut it out completely for families of 4 children and more.

At the end of the conference, the Councellor to the Ministry Letsch—as he had done previously with new notices—tried to get the proposed notice for the German housewomen ratified by those who took part; however, the undersigned protested against that by demanding a copy to determine his position. The representatives of the party chancellery, the nutrition ministry and other offices joined in this demand so that Gauleiter Sauckel promised to make available the draft of the text for September 4, 1942 with the request that final positions be taken by 1400 o'clock.

Generally one gathered from this conference that the questions concerning the recruitment and mobilization as well as the treatment of the female domestic workers from the East are being handled by the General Deputy for labor mobilization, the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German police and the party chancellory and that the Reich's ministry for the occupied territories of the East is not considered as competent or only as half competent. In reference to this the undersigned established specifically that the Reich's ministry for the occupied territories for the East has not until now participated in the drafting of the notice. He declared furthermore that the Reich's ministry for the occupied territories of the East is greatly interested in the Propaganda for the mobilization of domestic workers, and that it be carried out in a favored way considering the necessity to have only volunteer forces at the disposition for housekeeping.

Gauleiter Sauckel took knowledge of this with satisfaction.

(signed) Gutkelch

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 031-PS

Chief of the Political Directing Staff, personal referee

Berlin, 12 June 1944

TOP SECRET

Copy No. 1 of 2 copies

1. Memorandum:

The Army Group "Center" has the intention to apprehend 40-50,000 youths at the ages of 10 to 14 who are in the Army Territories, and to transport them to the Reich. This measure was originally proposed by the 9th Army. These youths cause considerable inconvenience in the Theatre of Operations. To the greater part these youths are without supervision of their parents since men and women in the theatres of operations have been and will be conscripted into labor battalions to be used in the construction of fortifications. Therefore Children's Villages are to be established behind the front, for the younger age groups, and under native supervision. To collect adequate experiences the 9th Army has already established such a Children's Village and has achieved good results also from the political viewpoint. Army Group further emphasizes that these youths must not be allowed to fall into the hands of the Bolsheviks in case of a withdrawal since that would amount to reinforcing the enemy's potential war strength. This measure is to be strongly fortified by propaganda under the slogan: Care of the Reich for White-Ruthenian Children, Protection against Brigandry. The action has already started in the 5 kilometer zone. The Youth Bureau has already had preliminary talks with the Organization Todt and with the Junkers works. It is intended to allot these juveniles primarily to the German trades as apprentices to be used as skilled workers after 2 years' training. This is to be arranged through the Organization Todt which is especially equipped for such a task through its technical and other set-ups. This action is being greatly welcomed by the German trade since it represents a decisive measure for the alleviation of the shortage of apprentices.

The Chief of the Political Directing Staff, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Berger, submitted the action to the Minister on the 10th of the month. The Minister feared that the action would have most unfavorable political consequences, that it would be regarded as abduction of children, and that the juveniles did not represent a real asset to the enemy's military strength anyhow. The Minister would like to see the action confined to the 15-17 year olds.

Following are the arguments against this decision of the Minister:

1. This action is not only aimed at preventing a direct reinforcement of the enemy's military strength but also at a reduction of his biological potentialities as viewed from the perspective of the future. These ideas have been voiced not only by the Reichsfuehrer of the SS but also by the Fuehrer. Corresponding orders were given during last year's withdrawals in the southern sector.

2. A similar action is being conducted at the present time in the territory of the Army Group Ukraine-North (General Field Marshal Model). Even in this politically especially preferred Galizian territory recruiting measures were being taken with the aim to collect 135,000 laborers to be organized in battalions for the construction of fortifications. The youths over 17 were to be detailed to the SS Division and those under 17 to the SS Auxiliary. This action which has been going on for several weeks has not led to any political disturbances. While it is true that the population has to be recruited by force, they do show a certain understanding, later on, for this measure of purely military necessity. Provided, of course, that they receive correct treatment, good food and lodgings, etc.

The unified organization of parents in labor battalions makes it possible to extract this group as a whole in the case of withdrawals which are quite conceivable in the case of Army Groups "Center" and South. The children already transported into the Reich would serve as a suitable incentive.

3. As to Army Group "Center" this measure is to be initiated in Army Territories, that is to say in those territories not under a civil administration. During a conference with the Chief of Staff of the 9th Army I gained the impression that the action will be executed, if necessary, even without the consent of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Territories of the East.

4. If the Ministry for the East should not support or execute this action, it is expected that the procurement will be undertaken by the GBA [Generalbevollmaschtiger fuer den Arbeitseinsatz—General Deputy for the Mobilization of Labor]. Army Group "Center" and especially 9th Army thought it of greatest importance not to let the children be put to work in the Reich through the General Deputy for the Mobilization of Labor. They preferred the offices of the Reichs-minister for the Occupied Territories of the East [RMfdbO]. Only through these offices did they believe to have a guarantee for correct and proper treatment. This desire of the Army Group is a particular expression of confidence towards the Ministry for the East. Army Group desires that the action be accomplished under the most loyal conditions, as had been done previously in the case of recruiting for the SS Auxiliary. They further desired special arrangements regarding care mail exchange with parents etc. As far as possible the children are to remain in groups according to their village communities, then be collected in small camps in the Reich where they would be at the disposal of trade establishments. These technical matters have already been discussed. They can be accomplished with the help of the offices of the Hitler Youth through the Youth Bureau of the Ministry. Thus the Ministry is also able to exercise political guidance over the juveniles and has them at its disposal at all times. If I should re-occupy the territory the Ministry of the East could return the juveniles in the proper manner. Together with their parents they would then most likely represent a positive political element during the reconstruction of the territory.

Berlin, 14 June 1944

SECRET

1. Annotation

The Obergruppenfuehrer has given his consent to again submit the matter "Heu-Aktion" to the Minister, with the aim to bring about a reversal of his decision. This was done on this day. The Minister has approved the execution of the "Heu-Aktion" in the Army Territories, under the conditions and provisions arrived at in talks with Army Group Center [Heeresgruppe Mitte].

Urgent!

2. Write via radio to:

Re: "Heu-Aktion"

"Heu-Aktion" approved under conditions and provision arrived at in conference.

By order of

The Reichsminister for the Occupied Eastern Territories

Signed: BRANDENBERG

3. Copies to:

[Marginal note] complied 15 June 44 signed: Sg

a. SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Berger, Chief of the Political Directing Staff, respectfully submitted for information

b. Chief Labor Bureau, for information

4. Matter p5 for information. Please return.

5. File

returned from P5 without acknowledgement
August 25, 44
signed: Bz 24 Aug

June 14, 44
[Initials]

P OK by Dr. Streube (?)

To the Chief of the Political Directing Staff, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Berger, respectfully submitted with the request to resubmit the contents of this memorandum to the minister with view to reconsideration of the Minister's decision.

Signed: BRANDENBERG

[Note in ink] regarding the above-Obergruppenfuehrer Berger received the memorandum on June 14. Consequently the Reichsminister has approved the Action.

Signed: Str. June 16

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 035-PS

SECRET

Berlin, 26 October 1943

On 24 Sep 1943 a prohibited zone was created by a decree of the War Commander in the city of Kiev—, which runs some 3 km west of the Dnjepr. The whole civil population in this area, including non-military officials, had to abandon this zone as of 2100, 26 Sep 1943. The office of the Special Purposes Staff [Einsatzstabes] on Rowno Street #8 lies in the prohibited zone. The apartment house on Theaterstrasse #9 was evacuated and troops quartered within.

The removal of the materials on hand encountered extraordinary difficulties due to lack of loading space. However the transporting of the following was carried out:

This shipment went to Ratibor and contained

Moreover an essential part of the prehistoric museum was transported away.

Since already on the 20 Sep the head of the provincial administration of libraries, museums and archives, Dr. Winters, had requested his assignment to the Special Purposes Staff. Because of the evacuation of the civil administration, he left the city on 25 Sep on the basis of the general evacuation order. Dr. Winter turned over to the leader of the main division (HAG) a list of the articles under his protection in case the Special Purpose Staff remained longer in Kiev and would also take charge of these materials. Dr. Winter could only send 2 freight cars of material into the interior. Shortly before his departure Dr. Winter had turned over by a transfer document to the city commissioner the administration of the materials entrusted to him. The latter had charged Prof. Dr. Mansfeld with as complete an evacuation of these articles as possible. Since Prof. Dr. Mansfeld knew little about the articles, he requested support from the Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter Rosenberg. On 1 Oct. it was possible to load 2 freight cars with museum goods, but under great difficulty. Since labor was unobtainable all the members still in Kiev on the Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter Rosenberg undertook the loading themselves.

The activity in Kiev became more difficult since the German artillery stands in the center of the city and from there fires its salvoes toward the East bank.

Through the military measures the salvage work was carried out, under ever-increasing difficulties. At the request of Prof. Dr. Mansfeld 2-3 collaborators were assigned to him for the evacuation of the articles and institutes which up to now had been under the civil administration.

Since the remaining in Kiev of all members of the Chief Labor Group Ukraine was impossible the leader of the Chief Labor Group HAG had come to an agreement by the 2 Oct. with G-2 (Ic) on the following points concerning the division in that area.

1. The Special Purposes Staff of Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Chief Labor Group Ukraine will leave behind a detachment of 5 men for security and safety of the cultural articles in the off-limits zone of the city of Kiev.

2. The remaining detachment will at the request of the infantry division (ID) and at the command of the 7th Army Corps (7 AK) work in close cooperation with the G-2 (Ic) of the infantry division (ID).

3. The infantry division (ID) is prepared to take care of the detachment and provide each member with corresponding identification papers and thereby guarantee the utmost protection possible in the prohibited zone.

4. At the request of G-2 (Ic) of the Infantry Division (ID) the particular detachments were to take over tasks which lay in the competence of the Armed Forces.

5. The Infantry Division (ID) places great value on further evacuation of precious articles, since this battle zone can in no case be protected sufficiently by the army. One may even count on artillery shells falling at any time. Army installations, means of transportation, etc., should be provided by the Infantry Division, if possible.

Of course it was the duty of the Chief Labor Group Ukraine (HAG) to hold out in Kiev as long as possible, until it was rendered impossible by the military situation.

All members of the Chief Labor Group [HAG] have worked in harmony and with strong interest to insure the safety and evacuation of the most precious cultural goods. At the loading they lent a hand in order to complete the loading work in the few hours remaining.

The remaining of the Chief Labor Group [HAG] and its work has greatly impressed G-2 and the Division. The intention that the remaining detachment would leave Kiev at the last possible moment met with strong approval. This last movement was defined by the Army as the one on which the remaining detachment would be "bombed out of office."

On 5 Oct 1943 the leader of the Chief Labor Group departed from Kiev with his staff except those selected for the remaining detachment in order to continue leading the work of the Chief Labor Group of Ukraine [HAG] from Truskavice.

Signed: UTIKAL

The Staff Directorate
[Stabsfuehrung]
Referee East

Berlin 21 Oct. 1943
II b/Dr. Z./Z/

[handwritten notation]

Miss Girschberg for final copy to Reich Directorate, Staff Director, Subordinate Leaders, etc.

Memorandum for the Reichs Leader

As you all know the Chief Labor Office Group Ukraine (HAG) of the Special Purposes Staff had to, for the time being shift its offices [Dienstsitz] to Truskaviec near Drobobycz 90 km South of Lomberg. This shifting was accomplished without any friction. A remaining detachment was left behind in the prohibited zone in Kiev. This remaining detachment still protects the cultural goods which lie in the battle zone insofar as their salvage has not been carried out. Numerous cultural goods were saved in the last hour by the Special Purposes Staff before the destruction through enemy action, aided by the strenuous work of the staff members as a whole. The following items were shipped:

1. 24 Sept. 43: Materials from the Charkow Art Museum.

Taken over by party member (Pg.) Pfeiffer from General Commissioner Shitomir to be transported by trucks (LKW) to Reich Commissioner Ukraine in Rowno.

96 Ukrainian paintings
183 Western European paintings
12 wood carvings and etchings
25 carpets and tapestry

The files and inventory of these objects are in the hands of the staff leaders [Stabsfuehrung]. The Reich Commissioner kept a copy of the inventory.

2. 26 Sept. 43: Materials of the Main Divisions [HAG]

The documents, house library, utensils, office supplies, private luggage, and the supplies of the administration were loaded in a freight car by 13 native workers for Truskaviec under the supervision of Special Purposes Staff Director FUCHS.

3. 27 Sept. 43: Materials of the Department of Seizure [Abt. Erfassung.]

This shipment went to Ratibor and contained:

42 chests—10,186 books, East library (OBR)
7 chests—Total catalog of the East library (OBR)
1 chest—books for the higher school
21 chests—selected publications
12 [?] chests—art folios
11 packages of model samples of magazines
9 crates
7 rolls (Bolshevist pictures)
22 frames [Vorschlaege] Bolshevist films

Several chests of negatives and positives from the photo-archives, dispositives and slides, material of Special Purpose Commandant, Dr. Huettig of the Special Purpose Staff "Science."
1 chest of Bolshevist data in Germany and others.

4. 27 Sept 43: Material of the Prehistoric Museum.

Independently from the work of the Special Purposes, Staff of Prehistoric History had packed and shipped to Krakau the most important items of the Prehistoric Museum.

5. 1 Oct 43: Materials of the Ukrainian Museum in Kiev.

On the basis of the general evacuation orders of the city commissioner the following were sorted out by us and loaded for shipment to Krakau:

Textiles of all kinds (clothes, blouses, shirts, coats, over-coats, etc.)
Collection of valuable embroidery patterns
Collections of brocades
Collection of Ukrainian easter eggs
Numerous items of wood, etc.

6. 1 Oct 43: Materials of the Prehistoric Museum.

In a second inspection party member (Pg.) Prof. Dr. Stampfuss with the help of several collaborators gathered another collection of prehistoric articles and also shipped it to Krakau.

When the civil administration left Kiev the head of the provincial administration for archives, libraries, and museums, Dr. Winter and his helper Dr. Benzing, again joined the Special Purposes Staff on 20 Sep. However these two gentlemen also left Kiev on 25 Sep. The Special Purpose Staff did then undertake again its original task of protecting the cultural articles and goods. Though the personnel has been decreased materially in the course of the development of the situation, it was then arranged that right up to the last minute one group of workers capable of action remained in Kiev for the carrying out of the final tasks. The Special Purpose Staff is the last German office which remains in the dead zone of Kiev. Its remaining and its assistance to the G-2 (Ic) of the combat division involved has made a strong impression on the army. We were permitted to remain in the fighting zone up until the point when we would be bombed out of the office.

This successful work was in the main due to the devotion to duty and to personal inspiration of the Chief of the Special Purposes Staff Anton, but also due to the unselfish performance of duty of his other co-workers.

Signed: Dr. ZEISS
Chief of the Special Purposes Staff.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 041-PS

Memorandum for the Fuehrer

By a decision of the Fuehrer the Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories has received the authority to put to use for the support of government arrangements in the Eastern territories the available household goods of refugees, absent or deported Jews in the occupied Western areas. This is the so-called Action "M". For the execution of Action "M" the service office West [Dienststelle Westen] has been set up in Paris with directive authority in France, Belgium and the Netherlands. Up to the present time about 40,000 tons of household goods have been loaded on free transportation space (ship and railway) bound for the Reich.

In recognition of the fact that the requirements of bomb damaged persons in the Reich must take precedence over the demands of the East, the Reich Ministry has placed a major portion (over 19,500 tons) of the household goods at the disposal of the bomb damaged persons in the Reich. The goods have then been transported by the appropriate service office west in the occupied territory. Likewise, the Reich Ministry will place at the disposition of bomb damaged persons the greatest portion, at least 80%, of the goods accruing from Action "N" [sic]. For its own purposes only these goods which are urgently needed in the East will be reserved.

The execution of Action "M" has resulted in two categories of difficulties up to the present time:

a. Transportation Question. The goods have been transported up to this point as Armed Forces goods by means of railway cars and ships. The transportation authorities [Kommandanturen] now wish to treat the transport requirements of Action "M" as the transport of the civilian sector. This would lead to unbearable delays and among other difficulties would require the export-approval of the French State. Because of this the following decree is required: Goods which the Reich Minister for the East-Service Office West [Dienststelle Westen] Paris or their directive authorities in France, Belgium and the Netherlands, declare as goods accruing from Action "M", are to be transported as Armed Forces goods.

b. Distribution of furniture among bombed-out persons. The giving up of the furniture to bomb-damaged persons is being delayed in order that it may be submitted upon import into the Reich territory to handling by the customs. After time-losing determination of the value, the furniture in many cases is auctioned to the bomb-damaged persons by Chief Financial Commissioners [Oberfinanzpraesidenten]; to avoid these red-tape procedures the following decree is proposed:

1. Goods accruing from Action "M" are exempt from all customs handling. For such goods there are no obligations or duties to pay.

2. Bomb damaged districts announce their needs in household furnishing under the auspices of the competent Reich defense commissar to Reich Ministry for Occupied Eastern Territories—Central Section. The Reich Ministry instigates the immediate removal of the objects placed at its disposal by its service office West [Dienststelle Westen] and in accordance with the indication of the Reich defense commissar ships directly to the competent regional directorates [Gauleitungen]. These give the furniture to the persons suffering the bomb damage on a loan basis. The determination of the value of the furniture and the definitive acquisition by the person suffering the bomb damage remains in abeyance till a later accounting. Up to the time of reckoning the goods are Reich property, and are subject to the evaluation right of the Reich Minister for the occupied Eastern territory.

By these proposals a type of management would be achieved whereby persons who have suffered bomb damage would have furniture and household goods at their disposal in the shortest possible time. And thereby also a portion of their most immediate difficulties would be eliminated.

Berlin, 3 October 1942

Signed: A ROSENBERG

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 047-PS

HOTEL KAISERHOF
Berlin W 8

Berlin 24 August 1931

My dear Mr. Rosenberg:

I am just reading in the Voelkischer Beobachter, edition 235/236, page 1, an article entitled "Does Wirth intend to come over?". The tendency of the article is to prevent on our part a crumbling away from the present form of government. I myself am travelling all over Germany to achieve exactly the opposite. May I therefore ask that my own paper will not stab me in the back with tactically unwise articles.

Persons, who are known to seek connection or are even prepared to break from the present constellation, are to be spared under all circumstances. Our fight is to be directed in the first line against the stubborn defenders of the present course and against persons who reject us.

I ask therefore the Voelkischer Beobachter as well as the Party Press Office to pay punctilious attention to this in the interest of our work.

With German greetings,
signed: ADOLF HITLER

signed: WILHELM BRUECKNER, Adj.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 053-PS

REPORT 10
(Concluded on 5th October 1941)
SECRET

(See also the morale report which will be ready in a short time
"Legacy of the Soviets in the Ukrainian Areas"—concluded at
the end of September 1941)

A. The Ukraine on the Right of the Dnieper can, for all purposes, be considered as inactive.

a. The German Wehrmacht was regarded by the populace now, as ever, as emancipator and liberator from physical and mental pressure; the political points of view at present are not as important as the physical.

A temporary administration was almost put in everywhere by the troops, especially by officers of Defense II, who were reserved for this, and will be enlarged upon by the field commanders under the direction of Section VII (military) with the commander-in-chief of the rear communication zone; the proportional far-reaching net of the field and Army post command will be support and condensed through the organization of the office of the inspector of economy (especially the chief group of agriculture) which is of the same opinion. Occasional or regular conferences lead to unification of the points of view. Upon my trip through the land (so far about 6000 km), I have tried through personal contacts, to work for clearness and unification as much as possible; through speeches, conferences, participation in informal discussions, etc., I have reached, so far, some 600 native village burgermeisters, 12 larger city governments with their burgermeisters, about 500 professors or students, 30 ministers with their church councils and 20 leaders of rayons or their assistants. I was asked by 4 commanders-in-chief, several garrison leaders [Standortaelteste], and a few division commanders of various German garrisons, to lecture. I was heard by almost all Ic officers of the armies and other higher command posts, also some 100 agriculture leaders, 30 communications officers and 3 propaganda companies. The present Defense II officers gladly procured such connections for me and guaranteed continued execution of probable decisions.

b. Where friction arises between German-(Retinue) sections and the native populations, they are not of political, but economical or personal nature.

Economy. The populace is aware and understands that a very large part of their total harvest has to be given to the Wehrmacht (and economical command); but they resist against "unjust" and "individual" requisitions, that means against continued confiscation in the villages along the same large routes of march, without uniformly requisitioning in the country; and also against unrationalized or wild demands (the confiscation of pregnant cows, requisition without proper receipts, disregarding of letters of safe conduct issued by higher German echelons, etc.).

Individual German economical commands made complaints, and rightly so, over delayed terms and quantities; in most cases it was found that technical hindrances were the reasons (delayed or curtailed orders, lack of transportation) and not malice or sabotage. The farmers reply to the oft heard remarks of their laziness and lack of working effort, was that they brought in the large harvest on their own free will without having many machines, manpower and the time.

Personal. The Bolshevists, using brutal measures (such as prison, deportation, etc.) in general nevertheless refrained from punishing individuals (by whipping). Now that it occasionally is done by German troops, well meaning people blame it on the misunderstanding or ignorance of the language; but should it be done too often, antipathy and distrust will be created.

Furthermore the population emphasizes the difference which exists between the occasional mistakes of the Germans and the systematic oppressions by our allies. Here especially the Rumanians and Hungarians caused much gossip. The German Army Command, which operated for the safeguarding of German property in the newly acquired Rumanian special (partly drastic) countermeasures. [sic]

c. A complete report on these so-called Partisan-movements was made on 14 Sept 1941.

The Army High Command decided, therefore, in favor of centralizing the work on the problem, and requested Captain Lazarek for this, who until now was assigned to me (Koch).

Examples from Czernigow, Poltawa and other Army groups (for example, Staraja Russa near Orscha) prove that the enemy in the future will employ partisans using explosives and mines.

d. The inner political interest of the population is limited at present to questions of administration and meritorious service in offices or semi-military associations.

Of all the old, strong political parties in Kiev, only a subordinate ("Kultur") section of the "Sojus Wyzwolennia Ukrainy" (organisation for the liberation of the Ukraine) could be found; other trails led to Shitomir, Uman, and Lemberg, but were lost there in some remnants of local organizations.

Up till now, the Bandera people could not fulfill their original plan, the establishment of a self-supporting government in Kiev, since the "Command Kiew" which was to perform this, was removed by the security service [SD] in Fastow and Wassilkow; in the first days after the occupation of the city, they pasted small propaganda placards right next to the German governmental publications, however without much result. Also handbills, in which it was tried to justify the attentat of Shitomir, remain ineffective. The burning of Kiev and the strict screening of the population following thereafter [Sichtungen] have caused, it seems, a (passing) standstill in the organizational construction of the Bandera group.

From the Melnyk organization it was possible to obtain a secret directive called "in Matters of Propaganda"; aside from the old and well-known requests (self-rule demands of totalitarianism, national socialistic philosophy of life) the following is noticeable in regards to the Reich's relative points (Par. 18): "The special aim is to obtain a clarification of the relations to the German factors. It is to be pointed out that Germany is at war with Moscow and therefore is our ally which one must support in battle. At the same time it is emphasized that the opportunity of the construction of a Ukrainian political system does not only depend alone on the Germans but also on our own combined organization and on our ability to produce. Our motto here is: "Our strength lies in ourselves." (This settlement of a German policy differentiates itself, despite their careful composure and stipulation, fundamentally from the rules laid down by Banderas, in which—to my knowledge—it was, up until now, referred to as "allies", often set in quotation marks but never used in connection with the specific references to the Reich.)"

e. A permanent security police force (military) is in every town. It draws its replacements from newly captured Ukrainians, is entirely under German command and wears the blue-yellow brassard; weapons are only issued them for guard duty or patrols. At the beginning of September a (melnyk-friendly) group of 300-500 Ukrainian fugitives out of Bukawia was used in the district Winnica-Gaisin. They are mainly serious men with some knowledge of German and up till now we received no complaints about their services.

f. The fire of Kiev (24-29 September 1941) destroyed the very center, that is the most beautiful and most representative part of the city with its two large hotels, the central Post Office, the radio station, the telegraph office and several department stores. An area of about 2 square kilometers was affected, some 50,000 people are homeless; they were scantily housed in abandoned quarters. As reconciliation for the obvious sabotage, the Jews of the city, approximately (according to figures from the SS-Commands for commitment) 3,500 [sic] people, half women, were liquidated on the 29th and 30th September. The population took the execution—as much as they found out about it—calmly, many with satisfaction; the newly vacated homes of the Jews were turned over for the relief of the housing shortage. Even if certain relief was created in a social respect, the care of the city of half a million is still in danger and one can already foresee food shortages and eventual epidemics.

Up to date the danger of mines has not been eliminated—according to official reports of the engineer officers—at least 10,000 (ten thousand!) mines were deactivated, among them, of course, a great number in the outskirts of the city (railroad station, civilian airport, etc.) and in the tactical forward areas; in individual buildings (also in museums) there were found 3-1/2 tons of explosives in prepared, technically correct mine chambers; captured detonator apparatus leads to the belief that other arrangements of similar nature were built for wireless detonation. With consideration to possible electrical mine detonation, the power supply has not yet been switched on and therefore most staffs and commands are functioning only with candle or poor petroleum lighting. The explosion and the burning of the city caused several losses on officers, men and materials.

The inhabitants of the city remain quiet and disciplined as before; German regulations are enforced to the best ability and without resistance.

I reported over the evacuation measures of the Bolshevists in Kiev in my telephone conversation of the 24-29 September; the picture has not changed noticeably as a whole.

g. I safe-guarded as much of the local art treasures from libraries, academies, institutes and museums with my special detail (2 officers, 2 drivers) as I could. Around 20, partly large, objects could be safe-guarded in this manner and are at the disposal of the Reich.

B. A uniform and supervised administration has not become possible in the Ukraine on the left of the Dnieper River; the streets to the few Dnieper bridges are swarming with prisoners and fugitives, the active troop counter-traffic eastward still hasn't stopped. The Bolshevists were able to trash and carry away undetermined quantities of the harvest, according to the populace. On the other hand, several evacuees, formerly of Soviet authority, managed to stay back in the "Kessel of Kiev" and to save themselves from further deportation; the whole Kiev fire department with its equipment, which was evacuated by the Russians, came back again in a like manner on the day before the fire. In some cases it was possible to salvage several herds of cattle and machinery.

II

The economical commands concerned and 1st Lt. Dr. Dittloff report through channels about the special economical situation of the occupied Ukrainian provinces.

III

With the continuation of the peace, the people are again concerned with cultural and religious questions:

a. Where it was technically possible, the lower classes of schools were opened. The initiative (and the cost) lie with the inhabitants themselves. The administrative court will be held responsible for the political attitude of the teachers, the supervision ties with the Germans. The Soviet school texts are destroyed, all communistic emblems removed from the buildings and institutes.

Request by Russian (and occasionally Polish) minorities to establish Russian (or Polish)—especially private—schools will be denied in all cases.

Junior high schools, business schools, or even colleges, will not even be subject to discussion.

b. A permanent press can be assumed to be existing (in a technical sense).

There are Ukrainian newspapers in Kamienec Podolsk, Rowne, Berditschew, Winnica, Shitomir, Uman, Kirowograd, Nowo-Ukrainka, Kriwoirog, Cherson, Nikolajew and Kiev (perhaps in a few other places); the papers are published from once to six times weekly and are mostly, fairly pure newspapers; some (naturally censored) articles deal with the anti-bolshevistics and in the field of German-Ukrainian cooperation (thankfulness for the emancipation, similar parallels, etc.). The following ground rules pertain to the technique of foreign propaganda: The term "Ukraine" can only be used in a territorial (not pertaining to state) sense; the Reich is not an "ally", but a "protector" of the Ukraine; the German Wehrmacht is not "garrisoned" (or even "occupationally army" as was formulated by several Bandera men) but instead "saviors"; the title "Fuehrer-Emancipator" is to be used when talking of Adolf Hitler, etc.; as far as these directives went, they were looked upon as natural and obeyed without a trace of objection.

c. Six different groups were found in the religious circles in the Ukrainian Province right of the Dnieper:

1. The old Orthodox-Eastern Church (also named "Tychon" or "Slavian"); it is the closest successor of the pre-bolshevistic religious organization and includes the greater part of the church-going populace, Ukrainians and Russians alike; amongst the priests are several pro-Russians; the rest lean toward a final re-establishment of the Ukraine. The strength of the group cannot yet be given in figures. Alone in the Shitomir province for example, there are 100 priests; in the city of Kiev there remained two small churches during the time of the Russians. Bishops are not present. The 83 year old Archbishop Antonij Abaschidse, who was found in Kiev, is crippled and not capable of any conceivable service. A published appeal by the metropolite and so-called patriarch Sergius from Moscow to resist against "Fascism and the German bandits" (dated 22 June 1941) aroused no interest among the populace.

2. The Ukrainian "Autokephal" Church, a (from an orthodox standpoint) uncanonic group, consisting of a Ukrainian, home-conscious people, without lawful bishops; it constitutes a religious minority, but suffered especially severe persecutions from the Bolshevists and is composed exclusively of radical enemies of Moscow and Bolshevism. It has congregations and churches in almost all Ukrainian cities and openly pledges ties to the national-Ukrainian bishops in Wolhynien and to the general government.

Its union with the first mentioned group for a permanent, anti-Moscow and pro-German organization is probable. The German authorities [Behoerde], remembering the decree of the Fuehrer, did not hinder the religious participation of both groups, however instructed them, in the main intersession prayer—to first remember a prayer for the Fuehrer, the Reich and the German Wehrmacht; the instructions were carried out everywhere where they had been given. Larger religious services (in open places, etc.) were often requested, but have so far been rejected.

3. The Synodale (also "Erneuerungs Synodale" or "Lebende") church. It is justified by laws of the church; however it stands at present near an agreement with the Soviet government. Their services where requested—for example in Berditschow—were not permitted.

4. The Roman-Catholic Church. Within the framework of the German military administration, only one religious service was permitted at the old cathedral in Shitomir (16 Sept 41), but was stopped because of the following "misuse of the trust placed in the (Polish) local priests." The Roman-Catholic cathedral of Shitomir was closed again for Latin and Polish services and might be taken over by the Ukrainian-Orthodox congregation.

5. The Sect of the Altglaeubigen (Russian and Ukrainian "Raskolniki").

6. Sects converted to Protestantism (Adventists, Baptists, Evangelical Christians, Stundists, etc.).

Both sect groups did not request religious services and did not openly come into appearance and can be regarded as harmless.

Special director Dr. Stumpp, who was especially appointed for this, reported on the situation of the Evangelical Congregations in the German Settling Space; he is at present with Lt. Vohrer in the German settlement on the Black Sea.

IV

Next Intentions for the Future:

As soon (around the end of October) as the civilian administration occupies the whole territory right of the Dnieper and their Headquarters are established in Kiev, I will follow—providing no other commands are given—the high command of the Army Group South and report at that place.

For the time, after the conclusion of the Eastern campaign, I request permission for special proposals.

signed: GIRUS KOCH
Captain

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 054-PS

The Reichminister
For The Occupied Eastern Territories      C.P., 7 October 1942
The Representative at the Army Sector B.                      L 14/10
To the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories,
Chief Section I,
BERLIN, Unter den Linden 63.
Reprint to Captain Lorenz Hq. of the High Command of the
Army

Subject: Treatment of Ukrainian Specialists.

Enclosures:—2—

Attached I send you the copy of a report made by the Commandant of the Collecting Center for Specialists at Charkow, (report submitted at the end of September 1942) as well as the copy of a letter from April 1942.

Relative to the treatment of Ukrainian specialists in the Reich, I was asked by the Chief of Staff of the Commander in Chief to attend to the matter most emphatically since the complaints here never cease. I have discussed it thoroughly with the chief of section VII at the Commander in Chief's. I went to see Captain Schmid and visited the camp. As synopsis of the discussions with the gentlemen and reading of reports the following can be established in general:

a. With some few exceptions the Ukrainians employed individually in the Reich e.g. at small trade plants, as agricultural laborers, as domestic helps, etc., are very satisfied with their conditions.

b. The Ukrainians sheltered in the community camps, however, complain very much.

The enclosed report of Captain Schmid reports these matters in detail.

The question of treatment of the Ukrainians, transported to the Reich as workers of the East worries the bureaus of the Army concerned a great deal. The Commander in Chief urged me to visit some of the camps in the Reich myself as soon as possible and to report to the proper authorities in order to bring about immediate relief. The Army zone is by no means satisfied. All the circumstances of discontent contribute more and more to more people joining the bands or wandering away to the camp of the Bandera esp. other groups hostile to us.

The best propaganda of all would be to treat the workers of the East well; great demands are not made by the Ukrainians anyhow. If their treatment will only be somewhat better and humanely decent these people, who make in part a good impression, will be more than satisfied; these people after all came to the Greater German Reich—at least at the beginning of the employment of workers of the East in the Reich—of their own free will and full of hope. The unsuitable treatment described in the reports is hardly propaganda and is not profitable for us. After all, we are not at war with the Ukrainian population and certainly not with people who by their voluntary enlistment for labor, help us to win the war.

It also would serve our purposes definitely better to utilize the specialist in his specialty.

[signed] THEURER
(Theurer)
1st Lieutenant

Copy of Copy

Collecting Center for Skilled Workers at Charkow.
Captain Schmid, Commandant.
To the Commander of the Army Sector B., Section VII
CHARKOW
Subject: Abuses in the treatment of Ukrainian skilled workers.

By reason of my capacity as commandant of the Collecting Center for skilled workers and the transport of skilled workers to the Reich connected with it and thereby being in touch with the various groups of the Ukrainian population, I am informed of the morale of the Ukrainians in the extended surroundings of the Eastern Ukraine. Resulting from this knowledge I have to state that an atmosphere of animosity has taken the place of the original attitude toward the Reich. This sudden change of mood is connected partly with the scarcity of food for the civilian population caused by the war and intensified by the measures for centralization. The more important motive—the extreme abuses which have taken place at various times in the treatment of skilled workers shipped to Germany.

Since a prosperous economic cooperation with the 35 million people of the Ukraine lies within the interest of our coming generations and since the Ukrainians themselves are organically healthy, very capable of development and rich in valuable and willing constructive forces, it is necessary to prevent in time an estrangement starting at the roots and to recognize the beginnings of the disastrous development before it is too late, and to take effective countermeasures.

I. Abuses in recruiting

At the beginning of the action the recruiting worked on the basis of voluntary enlistment. Later on a certain pressure had to be put on to reach certain minimum quotas. This however did not give a license to the starosts and to their militia, entrusted with the drafting, to the brutalities mentioned in the following.

The starosts esp. village elders are frequently corruptible, they continue to have the skilled workers, whom they drafted, dragged from their beds at night to be locked up in cellars until they are shipped. Since the male and female workers often are not given any time to pack their luggage, etc., many skilled workers arrive at the Collecting Center for Skilled Workers with equipment entirely insufficient (without shoes, only two dresses, no eating and drinking utensils, no blankets, etc.). In particularly extreme cases new arrivals therefore have to be sent back again immediately to get the things most necessary for them. If people do not come along at once, the threatening and beating of skilled workers by the above mentioned militia is a daily occurrence and is reported from most of the communities. In some cases women were beaten until they could no longer march. One bad case in particular was reported by me to the commander of the civil police here (colonel Samek) for severe punishment (place Sozolinkow, district Dergatschi). The encroachments of the starosts and the militia are of a particularly grave nature because they usually justify themselves by claiming that all that is done in the name of the German Armed Forces. In reality the latter have conducted themselves almost throughout in a highly understanding manner toward the skilled workers and the Ukrainian population. The same, however, can not be said of some of the administrative agencies. To illustrate this be it mentioned, that a woman once arrived being dressed with barely more than a shirt.

Particularly distressing is the fact that, on account of issued ordnances to prevent smuggling, all food acquired by the skilled workers and the rest of the population by buying or bartering household utensils, etc., is being taken away by the militia on the way. This is not rarely accompanied by beatings (without regard to objections or given circumstances).

It happened that skilled workers who came to Germany had sold or bartered their own belongings partly or completely in that way, thus they owned neither household furniture, etc., nor any other goods or food. By combatting smuggling in that manner, unfortunately only too often very poor people are being affected and robbed of their last property, while the real smugglers are hard to catch. Furthermore food has disappeared from the market due to a freezing of prices.

Family members left behind and formerly supported by those who went to Germany get social care. This, however, is only the case in the city of Charkow, not in the case of people on the country (note: used to be the case, now all get special food distribution, the hardship thus is removed). The taking away of food esp. the sale of goods mentioned above often results in considerable hardships for those left behind and has sometimes strong effects, since neither communal nor reciprocal assistance exist here.

Very depressing for the morale of the skilled workers and the population is the effect of those persons shipped back from Germany for having become disabled or not having been fit for labor commitment from the very beginning. Several times already transports of skilled workers on their way to Germany have crossed returning transports of such disabled persons and have stood on the tracks alongside of each other for a long period of time. These returning transports are insufficiently cared for. Nothing but sick, injured and weak people, mostly 50-60 to a car, are usually escorted by 3-4 men. There is neither sufficient care or food. The returnees made frequently unfavorable—but surely exaggerated—statements relative to their treatment in Germany and on the way. As a result of all this and of what the people could see with their own eyes, a psychosis of fear was evoked among the specialist workers esp. the whole transport to Germany. Several transport leaders—of the 62nd and the 63rd in particular-reported thereto in detail. In one case the leader of the transport of skilled workers observed with his own eyes how a person who died of hunger was unloaded from a returning transport on the side track [1st Lt. Hoffmann of the 63rd transport, Station Darniza]. Another time it was reported that 3 dead had to be deposited by the side of the tracks on the way and had to be left behind unburied by the escort. It is also regrettable that these disabled persons arrive here without any identification. According to the reports of the transport commanders one gets the impression that these persons unable to work are assembled, penned into the wagons and are sent off provided only by a few men escort, and without special care for food and medical or other attendance. The Labor Office at the place of arrival as well as the transport commanders confirm this impression.

II. Deficiencies on Transport

During the transport to Germany provisions should be made for food, water and drink, answering the call of nature, medical care, orderly transportation, avoidance of maltreatment, delousing according to regulation, and supervision. To take care of all this a military escort is detailed consisting of 1 car commander for each car, 1 train guard for every 6 cars, 1 supply man for every 5 cars, and 1 control staff for every 3 cars. This is the minimum strength required according to corresponding reports of all transport commanders. With less than that orderly care and transportation of specialists is no longer secured. It has been often confirmed that insufficient and uninstructed escorts caused fatal accidents, insufficient food and care, escape of hundreds of workers, most brutal maltreatment with consequent disorder and confusion. Unfortunately the escorts were depleted on the way in various manners by Army details esp. by commanders for the supervision of furloughs or after the transports were taken over by the police. This always affected the transports unfavorably. The transports commanders are instructed to secure the interests of the transports by all possible means against encroachments of all kind. They are of vital importance for the Great German Reich.

Recently the practice started of handing the transports over to new escorts in Przemysl. These escorts are under the command of a delegate of the German Labor Front or the Ministry of Labor. This practice is clearly against the regulations and rules of the Reich Marshal and the Deputy General for Labor Supply. Taking a good management of the transport by the delegates for granted, incoming reports here list the following deficiencies: The escorts are understaffed which causes in part lack of care and food and rough treatment, doctors and released female domestic helpers are detained in camps without authority for want of supplementary identification papers, social care is lacking. A verbal report at hand relates in detail and with the witnesses the irresponsibility and indecent conduct of delegate Albert Nuessen who took over the 62nd transport. The transfer to the camp is made as fast as possible and not perfect. The railroad offices are of course directed to support the transport commanders. Unfortunately, however, some of the office chiefs of the railroad treat the transports of specialists often as very immaterial. The chief of transportation in Romodan e.g. stated to a transport commander that these transports are not important. Yet the Fuehrer himself ordered these transports, and the problem of work power was declared to be the most important and urgent in order to increase the potential of armament!

The food situation of the transports is now somewhat improved after giving right notice ahead of time. Previously some of the food stations failed grossly. However, it happens again and again that in spite of giving advance notice of the transports strength in time, no warm or cold food is ready or available. Sometimes this is due to military or hospital transports which passed through before. This can be easily understood. Sometimes, however, the notice was not passed on or simply nothing at all was done. In the Reich it is generally better. Of course it happens when trains are detoured a great deal of the specialists go hungry for days. The iron ration is always taken along and also used. It mostly depends on the transport commander and the office chief for social care how unforeseen food difficulties are overcome. The Army offices show always greatest understanding for supplying these transports, the deputies of the labor front most of the time fulfill their appointments well, however some of the deputies of the attendance service have completely failed in their duties. The transport commanders are instructed to give exact names and conditions in the future. The red cross which at times is overburdened helps with the supplying; unfortunately, however, the attitude and behavior of many female red cross workers toward the specialists is based often on uncomprehension of the Fuehrer's great action in regard to Eastern workers, and they treat especially the female workers in an outrageous manner. Food also has been refused at times with the reference that these were "Russian swine." Nobody pays attention to the fact that these are Ukrainians, because there is a lack of information to that effect. In reference to this, attention is called to the fact that it has happened on several occasions that people have broken out of the cars after several days of hungering, hurried into the nearby villages, sold their goods and acquired food. In such cases of course, it is not to be expected that they all come back. Such gross incidents of the transports of the first months have not, to our knowledge been repeated in the summer. However, it has been reported that about 500 workers escaped along the route out of a transport which started from Kiev, accompanied by only a few policemen, supposedly 5 in all, (and without medical personnel) and which convoy was badly supplied and taken care of.

To understand the supply problem, it is important to know that often only a short time is being allotted for the feeding of the many hundred people by the train commander or the railway station officer. Therefore all the workers can only be fed before the departure of the train if there is a sufficient amount of accompanying and attendance personnel and if the food is handed out quickly at several distributing points; in addition close co-operation of the workers is needed. Because the transports must often stop 1-3 Km outside of the stations it still happens frequently that a small part of the workers remains without rations because the engineers, in spite of agreements and the stationmaster let the trains take off without warning. On the basis of reported incidents, attention must be called to the fact that it is irresponsible to keep the workers locked in the cars for many hours so that they cannot even take care of the calls of nature. It is evident that the people of a transport must be given an opportunity from time to time to get drinking water, to wash, and in order to relieve themselves. Cars have been showed in which people had made holes so they could take care of the calls of nature. When nearing bigger stations persons should, if possible relieve themselves far from these stations.

The following abuses were reported from the delousing stations: In the women's and girls' shower rooms, services was partly performed by men or men would mingle around or even helped with the soaping!; and vice versa, there was female personnel in the men's shower rooms; men also for some time were taking photographs in the women's shower rooms. Since mainly Ukrainian peasants were transported in the last months, as far as the female portion of these are concerned they are mostly of a high moral standard and used to strict decency, they must have considered such a treatment as a national degradation. The above mentioned abuses have been, according to our knowledge, settled by the intervention of the transport commanders. The reports of the photographing were made from Halle; the reports about the former were made from Kiewerce. Such incidents in complete disregard of the honor and respect of the Greater German Reich may still occur again here or there.

III. Abuses inside Germany

Undoubtedly the higher authorities in the Reich do everything to attend, in the best manner, to the workers from the East, especially from the Ukraine, who have been called to Germany. In most of the enterprises, too, in the countries and in households, one is not only satisfied most of the time with the Ukrainian women and girls as help, but they are also treated with a happy solicitude and with understanding for their position and for our relations to the Ukraine.

Here too, unfortunately voices are heard that tell of bad treatment in the collecting as well as other camps. All the time people tell about beatings and thrashings and constantly also they write about them. It seems that especially these men who have functions pertaining to order and security violate sometimes very much the limits of admissibility and identify the Ukrainians as Bolsheviks while they have actually for decades opposed themselves to Bolshevism as its natural enemies. The camp commanders also, usually show no understanding for the Ukrainians. The treatment in the camps is described as being bad and very brutal.

With regard to food, it is being felt in Germany that in a war for life and death, it is but natural to impose harsh restrictions in the first place on foreigners who have been up to the present in the enemy's camps. No doubt the Reich and the businesses make efforts to keep the workers who were brought in, in good health and working condition. If abuses take place here, it is harmful to ourselves and should be remedied in each single case.

Disadvantageous also is the fact that a great portion of the German population considers the Ukrainian labor forces as their worst enemies and as Russian Bolshevists and treat them accordingly. A definite clarification is urgently needed here. In the face of such an attitude of the Ukraine it will be completely impossible to have for decades and centuries a successful and durable solution for the great economical and political problem of the East especially of the Southern part.

Until recently the postal communication problem of the specialists with their country was not fully solved and gave cause to ill rumor and depression. At present an improvement is being planned.

Here in the Ukraine thousands of recruiting notices and placards have been put out to get cooperation from the people and urging them to report to the Reich with the assurance of best treatment. Therefore, considering this and also the above mentioned abuses, it would seem to be of interest to the Reich, and necessary for the security of our future race and to prevent a later evil, to prevent by all means an alienation of the Ukraine with its precious territories and population by settling vicious abuses and by a clarification of the situation.

Certified True Copy C.P. 5 Oct 1942.
[illegible signature]
Envelope
At the V.O. of the Reichs Ministry for the occupied territories of
the East.
Deputy with Army, Territory B.
Official seal.

Copy of Copy

27 April 42
Camp Dabendorf, Berlin
Reich Railway direction.

Mister Franz H. Ergard and H. Nester!
Good Day!

As I have told you in my letter of 20 Apr. 42, we have been transported to the Grunewald Railroad car repair factories. In the first week I have worked as a manual laborer in the main warehouse of the works. I have unloaded coal, have dug the ground and have stacked lumber. This is supposed to be the "employment of Specialists" in their own line of work. The question constantly arises, why did I go to Germany, maybe that I who volunteered as a specialist (graduate engineer) for Germany, am to be transformed into a banned prisoner? I wonder why? What misdeeds have I committed against Germany? On the contrary, I have believed all those who spoke in Charkow about the worker's life in Germany. My attitude toward Germany has remained kind and friendly, I want to work, but I do not want to be led astray, to be treated as a civilian prisoner and without any care, or as a forgotten man who can find nowhere and receives from nobody, care and moral backing. I had hoped that we would be treated humanely and quite differently. It should be clear that I did not come to Germany to beg for charity. I had a job in Charkow and a decent working place; this I have renounced for the good of Germany and sacrificed for the improvement of the condition of my family. It was clear to me that I had to help that state that delivered me from the Bolshevist yoke, from this yoke under which I had to live for 24 years. Now I had expected a better future for myself. Our food ration consists of: at 4 o'clock in the morning 3/4 of a liter of tea, in the evening at 6 o'clock 3/4 of a liter of soup and 250 grams of bread a day. That is all. With such food we have to dig the ground and great requirements are made from us just like from manual laborers. On account of the under-nourishment and the heavy work I am weak and exhausted today and I don't know if I can endure and survive this much longer. To what conditions thoughtlessness can drive a man! Into a condition which will probably not be pleasant to anybody.

I beg you all, deliver me, help that I can go back to my family! If this is impossible, ease my condition otherwise I may commit a stupidity, escape or suicide.

There is no possibility to continue to live like this.

Your,
Grigori.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 055-PS

SECRET
[rubber stamp]

Berlin, 12 Sept. 1944
Prinz Louis Ferdinand Str.
Received. Bau 9/12

DECREE

The Reichs Commissar for the Ukraine has stored the works of art and paintings shipped in from Kiev and Charkow, in the following storage places in East Prussia:

1. Domain Bichau bei Wehlau.

2. Manor House Wildenhoff (Owner Count Schwerin).

Concerned are 65 chests whose contents will be given completely in the enclosure. There is as yet no inventory of some further 20 chests, 57 folios and one role of engravings. There are a great many of the oldest icons, works of famous masters of the German, Dutch and Italian schools of the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, as well as works of the best Russian artists of the 18th and 19th centuries. On the whole, the contents include the most valuable works of the known Ukrainian art possession, which in themselves represent a value of many millions after a cursory appraisal. Beyond that they have a high ethical and cultural-political meaning as the only collections of this sort in the German orbit with international repute with which the Reich wishes to carry out a collaboration at present or in the future.

In accordance with the ordinance of the Reichs Chancellery of 18 Nov. 1940—Rk. 15 666 B (enclosure 2) it appears necessary to submit a list of the contents to the Fuehrer. I request your signature on the proposed list which is enclosed.

2. Disseminate immediately.

Sv. 9/15

German Reichs Ministry for the Occupied Regions of the East
Director of Group P 4
P 894a/44

Berlin, 14 Sept. 1944
Prinz Louis Ferdinand-str. 2
Phone: 16 45 61
Received: Bau 14.9.44

DECREE

[Rubber stamp] SECRET

1. To the Reichs Minister

Via Chief of the Political Directorate Staff, in the Building

The Reichs Commissar for the Ukraine has stored the works of art and paintings shipped in from Kiev and Charkow in the following storage places in East Prussia:

1. Domain Richau bei Wehlau.

2. Manor House Wildenhoff (Owner Count Schwerin).

Concerned are 65 chests whose contents will be given completely in the enclosure. There is as yet no inventory of some further 20 chests, 57 folios and one role of engravings. There are great many of the oldest icons, works of famous masters of the German, Dutch and Italian schools of the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, as well as works of the best Russian artists of the 18th and 19th centuries. On the whole the contents include the most valuable works of the known Ukrainian art possession, which in themselves represent a value of many millions after a cursory appraisal. Beyond that they have a high ethic and cultural-political meaning as the only collections of this sort in the German orbit with international repute with which the Reich wishes to carry out a collaboration at present or in the future.

I request an acknowledgement.

In accordance with the decree of the Reichs Chancellory of 18 Nov. 1940—RK. 15 666 B—a list of the contents was presented to the Fuehrer.

2. Disseminate.

[initialed] US 14/9

September 1944
16 43 61
received Bau 14.9.44

DECREE

[rubber stamp] SECRET

P 894a/44g
1. To the Reichs Chancellory
(1) Berlin W 8
Wilhelmstr.

According to an expression of the Fuehrer's will (communication to the Director of the Gallery of Paintings in Dresden—File number: RK 10 811 B) it is required to report all treasures of art which have been shipped back from the occupied territories of the East. I submit, therefore, in the enclosure a list of the items from the museums of Kiev and Charkow which are at present stored in East Prussia with a request for acknowledgement.

2. Disseminate.

By direction.

US 9/14

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 057-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALISTIC GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Party-Chancellory

The Head of the Party-Chancellory
Fuehrer headquarters, the 30.5.1944
[Fuehrerhauptquartier]

SECRET

[Receipt Stamp]
CHANCELLORY ROSENBERG
Dated 7 June 1944 Nr. 041 K
(Marked) Shown to RL 7/6

Circular Letter 125/44 Secret

(not for publication)

In the last few weeks low-flying English and American flyers have repeatedly shot children playing in squares, women and children at work in the fields, peasants plowing, vehicles on the highways, trains, etc. from a low altitude with their aircraft guns [Bordwaffen], and have thus murdered defenseless civilians—particularly women and children—in the vilest manner.

Several instances have occurred where members of the crews of such aircraft who have bailed out or have made forced landings were lynched on the spot immediately after capture by the populace which was incensed to the highest degree.

No police measures or criminal proceedings were invoked against the German civilians who participated in these incidents.

signed M. BORMANN.

Distributed List:

Members of the Executive Board of the NSDAP [Reichsleiter]

Regional leaders [Gauleiter]

Leaders of the incorporated and affiliated organizations of the
Party [Verbandefuehrer]

District leaders [Kreisleiter]

[STAMPED]

For Cognizance to

1) Staff Leader

[Stableiter]

2) Central Office

Authenticated:

Friedrichs

30.5.1944

To all Province and District Leaders:

The leader of the Party-Chancellory requests that the local group leaders [Ortagruppenleiter] be instructed concerning the content of this circular letter orally only.

signed: FRIEDRICHS

Authenticated:
Karms

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 058-PS

[Letterhead of the NSDAP Party Chancellery]

The Director of the Party Chancellery
Fuehrer Headquarters

30 Sept 1944

Circular letter 288/44g
SECRET

[Rubber stamped]
Chancellery Rosenberg
Received 3 Oct 1944 Nr 09640
Shown to Reichsleiter 3/10
Filed circular letter secret

The custody of all prisoners of war and interned persons, as well as prisoner of war camps, and institutions with guards are transferred to the commander of the reserve army from October 1, 1944.

For all questions which have to do with the fulfilling of the agreement of 1939, as well as affairs of the police and aid societies, and for the affairs of the German prisoners of war in the enemies hands, the high command of the military forces will give particulars of the transfer and the delineation of the twofold duties in direct consultation with the commander of the reserve army and the divisions of the military forces.

a. In my capacity as commander of the reserve army, I transfer the affairs of prisoners of war to Gottlob Berger, SS-lieut. general and [SS-Obergruppenfuehrer und General der Waffen-SS] chief of staff of the Volksturm.

b. The commanders of prisoners of war with the individual military commands are subject to the command of the senior SS officer effective as of 1 October 1944.

[Rubber stamp] For cognizance to

1) Chief of Staff

2) Central Office

Back to chancellery

c. The mobilization of labor of the prisoners of war will be organized with the present labor mobilization office in joint action between SS-Lieut. General Berger [SS-Obergruppenfuehrer] and SS-Lieut. General Pohl.

The strengthening of security in the field of prisoner of war affairs is to be accomplished between SS-Lieut. General Berger and the Chief of the Security Police, SS-Lieut. Gen. Dr. Kaltenbrunner.

d. Particulars of the transfer will be determined in joint action between SS-Lieut. Gen. Berger and the Chief of the General Office of the Military Forces, General Reineck.

3. The Reichsfuehrer SS has also commanded:

All camp and labor commands are immediately to investigate with respect to security and suppression of any attempt at uprising, and to take all the proper measures. In this connection I order that from now on, all canned goods which the prisoners receive in packages are to be cut open and must be given to the prisoners opened because of the notes and tools which are often hidden in the cans. This treatment is to be accorded to any canned goods of prisoners which have been saved unopened up to now.

4. I am passing this new order on for information. As soon as further details of the transfer, future treatment of the affairs of prisoners of war, and the exact delineation of the tasks of the Reichsfuehrer SS and of the High Command are established, I shall forward them.

I request you work in closest collaboration with the offices to whom the responsibility of the affairs of the prisoners of war was transferred.

signed: M. BORMANN

Distribution:
Reich Directorate
Gauleiter
Chiefs of the organizations affiliated with NSDAP.
[Verbaendefuehrer]
Authenticated: Suergart [?]
File word: Prisoners of War
Order number 8810

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 061-PS

NSDAP

Party Chancellory

11 January 1944

Leader of Party Chancellory
Fuehrer's Headquarters
Announcement 9/44 secret

SECRET

Re: Supply of Bombed Districts

Since the supply of textiles and household goods for the bombed populations is becoming increasingly difficult, the proposition was made repeatedly to effect purchases in the occupied territories in greater proportions. Various district leaders proposed to let these purchases be handled by suitable private merchants who know these districts and have corresponding connections.

I have brought these proposals to the attention of the National Economic Minister and am quoting his reply of 16 December 1943 on account of its fundamental importance: I consider it a specially important task to make use of the economic power of the occupied territories for the Nation. You are aware of the fact that since the occupation of the Western territories the buying out of these countries has been affected in the greatest proportion. Raw materials, semi-finished products and stocks of finished goods have been rolling to Germany for months, valuable machines were sent to our armaments industry. Everything was done at that time to increase our armament potentialities. Later on the shipments of these important economic goods were replaced by the so-called distribution of orders from industry to industry. These measures are running smoothly and with good success for a long time. They were again strengthened these last few months because we were more than ever before forced by the shutting-down of the consumer goods industry in favor of armament to use the economic powers of the Western occupied territories for these German needs.

With the growing volume of the distribution of orders the black-market also lost more ground and the termination of products as to kind, quality and price was taken into our hands much more effectively. In the spring of this year, therefore, the Reichsmarschal was able to decide to prohibit all black-market purchases through German agencies. Since, besides the industrial fabrication from old stocks and from uncontrollable production in the Western occupied territories, certain supplies always exist which are not covered by the industrial displacement, the proper German agencies have received the order from me to get also these free stocks of finished goods besides securing production for the displacement. In doing so, one must not form a wrong idea of the amount of these stocks. They usually are not as big as they might appear to be in the display window of some cities of the Western territories. These purchases are being made under the control of central purchase agencies and according to the regulations of the national agencies. Moreover, these purchases have already been in the hands of German companies proven in foreign business. Since, in addition to these firms, buyers have recently acted who used to be active in the black-market and are not sufficiently competent nor always reliable, I have formed recently for France and Belgium each a common buying office for the companies permitted for certain businesses. It is the task of these offices to purchase the finished goods without disturbing the distribution of orders specially for the supply for air attack losses. These offices represent a coordination of the especially experienced German companies in Belgium and France. Among them are, for instance, also a number of respectable Hamburg firms. The offices are getting general directions from the Reich offices as to which goods are urgently needed for the provision for bombed out people. Besides, it is up to their private economical initiative to develop fully these possibilities, on which I am also putting the greatest importance.

Accordingly, I may assume that your proposals have already been carried out. Difficulties in the delivery of the goods to the Reich are solely due to the present specially strained transport situation. Frequently during the last few weeks it was not possible to bring in even the most important goods destined for the bombed out civilians from the Western occupied territories. Upon an improvement of the transport situation, the provision with these goods will also improve. Special actions, therefore, can also not change this situation. They would only disturb the order of the practice established after many troubles.

Signed M. Bormann

Distribution:
Reichsleiter
Gauleiter
Verbaendefuehrer
Correct [signed] Goerz

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 062-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer
[Receipt Stamp:
Chancellery Rosenberg
No. 941, dated 1 April 1940]

Munich 33, 13 March 1940
Brown House

TOP SECRET

(Initialled): R

DIRECTIVE A 5/40 g-

The French civilian population was directed officially and by radio how to behave in case of landings by German planes.

On account of this fact the Commander in Chief of the Air Force has requested me to instruct the civilian population correspondingly by means of party channels.

The attached directions as to procedure are to be disseminated only orally via district leaders [Kreisleiter], local municipal leaders [Ortsgruppenleiter], cell leaders [Zellenleiter], block leaders [Blockleiter], leaders of the incorporated and affiliated organizations of the party. Transmittal by official orders, posters, press or radio is prohibited.

1 enclosure
Authenticated:
(F.d.R.)
FRIEDRICHS

signed: R. HESS

OFFICIAL STAMP: TOP SECRET

(gives the exact routine instructions how to handle state secrets)

1. This is a state secret in the sense of par. 88 Reich Criminal Code in the wording of the law of 24 April 1934. German laws of 1934 Vol. 1 p. 341 ff.

2. To be passed on only personally or upon personal written request in two envelopes against receipt certificate.

3. Transmission if possible through courier or trusted personality; in case of postal transmission as money-letter (value 1050 marks).

4. Multiplication of any kind as well as making of excerpts is prohibited.

5. Recipient responsible for safe keeping. Violation of this results in severest punishment.

DISTRIBUTION
Members of the Executive Board of the NSDAP
Regional Leaders
Adjutant's Office of the Fuehrer
Liaison Staff of the NSDAP
Reich Organization Directorate
Reich Propaganda Directorate
Reich Student Leadership
SS Gruppenfuehrer HEYDRICH.

INCLOSURE TO DIRECTIVE—A 5/40 g

Direction about behavior in case of landings of enemy planes or parachutists

1. Each enemy plane landing on German soil is to be put under effective protection immediately.

2. The airmen are to be arrested at once, and, first of all, a restarting as well as the destruction or burning of the plane or its contents are to be prevented.

3. It is to be kept especially in mind that each part of the plane, even the smallest, or of the equipment of the airmen is important and of the utmost significance to the competent service office. The retaining of any objects—possibly as souvenirs—is detrimental to the country's defense, and will be punished as looting according to law. This category includes also, i.e. notebooks, letters, postal cards, either in the plane or in the clothing of killed or wounded airmen. Any attempt by enemy airmen to destroy such objects is to be prevented by all means.

4. Likewise, enemy parachutists are immediately to be arrested or liquidated [Unschadlich Gemacht].

5. The nearest military or constabulary post is to be informed at once.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 064-PS

[Letterhead—NSDAP]

The Deputy of the Fuehrer
Chief of Staff

at present in Berlin, 27 Sept 40
Bo-An
[Rubber stamp]
Chancellery Rosenberg
Received No. 2565. 1 Oct 1940

To
Reichsleiter A. Rosenberg
Berlin W 35
Margaretenstr. 17

Dear party member Rosenberg:

I am sending you a photostatic copy of a letter from Gauleiter Florian dated 23 Sept 1940 and I request you to take action on it.

Heil Hitler!
Yours very respectfully
signed: M. BORMANN

Enclosure

[Letterhead of the NSDAP]

Duesseldorf
Duesseldorf 23 Sept 1940

Gauleitung
Subject: Lecture of Major General von RABENAU
Our file: Fl./V.
Department: The Gauleiter
Personal
[Receipt stamp]
Deputy of the Fuehrer
27 Sept 1940

To the Deputy of the Fuehrer
Party member
Rudolf HESS
Munich

Photocopy
[penciled]
Dear Party Member Hess:

A pamphlet entitled "The Spirit and Soul of the Soldiers" written by Major General Dr. h. c. (doctor, honorus causa) von Rabenau has appeared in the publications section of the NSDAP. Group I: German Military Might, published by the Central Publishing Co. of the NSDAP, Successors to Franz Eher Inc. Ltd. (GmbH) Berlin.

I cannot but point out this spiritual outpouring as a digression, at least as inadequate. It is on the same order as the many lectures which General von Rabenau gave to officers before the present war and its tendencies are directed against the concept of the German soldier which was born with the national-socialistic revolution, even if this tendency is cleverly kept to a minimum in this case. Just as in his lectures, Rabenau uses the method of arbitrary juggling with philosophic learning, which on one hand displays a widespread knowledge, and on the other consciously holds back from the clarity for which we strive with the national-socialistic world philosophy [Weltanschauung].

As I have reported before in conversation with you, General von Rabenau gave a lecture in Aachen some time before this war to a group of some 60 to 70 younger officers and about 15 leaders of the party who were invited, and among whom I chanced to be, about the development of the people's army. According to Rabenau, the present people's army began about 1813 during the wars of Liberation (Napoleonic) and developed in the decades which followed to its present size, thanks to the great German qualities of soldiery which reached their zenith in the army of one hundred thousand men. The national-socialistic revolution which created the popular will for soldiery, and with it the developments for the establishment of the first German people's army is not mentioned in any way, much less, in the role of being the dynamic creative force. Rabenau contented himself with presenting only a few quotations from the Fuehrer's "Mein Kampf". The politically ignorant officers got the impression, as Rabenau knew how to talk vividly and convincingly, that the size of the present day people's army was an accomplishment of the old military forces, and in their later thinking they will ask themselves: "Why is there so much emphasis on the Party? Why invite the Party fuehrers? This is an affair for soldiers."

When I asked a question after the lecture, which unfortunately did not offer a discussion period, and explained to him that he was in no wise justified by history, that he had denied the mother of the people's army, the Revolution, the Party, he overbore me in the arrogant manner which is peculiar to him with references to Indian, Chinese, French, English and German philosophies in order to prove to me in front of several listeners that his lecture presentation was correct. I replied with the philosophic ideas which I have won in the practical struggle of life, and insisted on the correctness of my concept. He professes not to be able to allow my contentions because they were not scientifically based. According to all appearances only those philosophic ideas are scientifically based, for him, which were developed before the national-socialistic revolution.

The inadequacy of Rabenau made itself clear at the close of this conversation, when the church came into the debate as the educational factor [Erziehungsfaktor]. After he had affirmed the necessity of the churches, Rabenau said with emphasized self-assurance something like the following, "Dear Gauleiter, the Party is making mistake after mistake in the business with the churches. Obtain for me the necessary powers from the Fuehrer, and I guarantee that I shall succeed in a few months in establishing peace with the churches for all times." After this catastrophic ignorance I gave up the conversation about the importance of philosophic ideas for our ordinary life [Volksleben].

Dear Party Member Hess: The reading of General von Rabenau's pamphlet "Spirit and Soul of the Soldier" has reminded me again of this. In this brochure, just as at that time, Rabenau affirms the necessity of the church, straightforward and clearly, even if it is prudently careful. He writes on page 28:

There could be more examples, they would suffice to show that soldiers in this world can scarcely get along without thoughts about the next one.

Because General von Rabenau is falsely based spiritually, I consider his activities as an educator in spiritual affairs as dangerous and I am of the opinion that his educational writings are to be dispensed with absolutely, and that the publications section of the NSDAP can and must renounce these writings.

If such spiritual educational work should be done, in the interests of the German armed forces, then the Publications Section of the NSDAP can be permitted to accept for publication only brochures about "Spirit and Soul of the Soldier" which point out most strongly the permanent danger for "Spirit and Soul of the Soldier." The churches with their Christianity are this danger against which the struggle must always be carried on.

I considered it my duty to tell you again of my concept of General von Rabenau, as well as to convey my criticism of the Publications Section of the NSDAP.

Heil Hitler

signed: FLORIAN
Gauleiter

official seal of
Gauleiter
Gau Duesseldorf
enclosure.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 066-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer
Chief of Staff

Reichsleiter
Alfred Rosenberg
Berlin W 35
Margaretenstr 17

Munich 24 June 1940
The Brown House
III/Dr Kl—Eg
Chancellory Rosenberg
Receipt Nr 1799 M.
1 July 40

H

Copy to III for comment—2 July

Enclosed please find the draft of a decree about the judicial status of religious organizations and congregations in the Reich district Danzig-West Prussia, with a request for your comment.

The draft in its present form has been approved by District Leader Forster.

Heil Hitler!
Signed: M. BORMANN

1 enclosure

Copy
DECREE

About the Juridical Status of Religious Organizations and Congregations in the Reich district Danzig-West Prussia.

The following decree is issued under authority of par. 3 of the decree of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor regarding the organization and administration of the Eastern territories, dated October 8, 1939—Reich Law Publication (Reichsgesetzblatt) 1 page 2042—and of par. 4 of law of April 14, 1939—Reich Law Publ. I, page 780—with the approval of the Reich Minister of the Interior and the competent Reich Ministers. This shall not be binding for a subsequent general Reich decree.

Par. 1

Because of the peculiar folkloristic conditions in the Reich District Danzig-West Prussia, all religious organizations and congregations need the approval of the Reich Deputy, to assure legal competence.

Par. 2

The Reich Deputy may, with the consent of the Reich Minister of the Treasury, grant subsidies to certain religious organizations and congregations within his own judgement. The subsidies are subject to cancellation at any time.

Par. 3

All claims of the existing religious organizations and congregations to a state of municipal subsidy are suspended. The religious organizations and congregations have no claim to Church dues.

Religious organization and congregations may not exercise their rights of collecting dues without approval of the Reich Deputy. This also relates to the issuance of regulations concerning dues.

The organization of collections as well as the acceptance of voluntary contributions by the religious organizations and congregations is subject to the approval of the Reich Deputy.

Par. 4

Yearly, and prior to each fiscal year, the religious organizations and congregations will submit a budget plan about the intended expenditures of their receipts, to the government inspector. Further, and upon demand, they must substantiate their expenditures at the end of the fiscal year.

The Government inspector is entitled to inspect the property administration of the Church and to demand any explanations deemed necessary about items in the budget. He may object to certain items in the budget in which case such items are to be eliminated.

Par. 5

Acquisition of property, in particular of real estate by religious organizations and congregations is subject to the approval of the Reich Deputy. This regulation applies to acquisitions through deeds of living persons as well as to testamentary dispositions.

Obligations of money, work or material contributions to religious organizations or congregations, their institutions and affiliations, must be ratified by the Reich Deputy to become lawful, insofar as these obligations have been contracted prior to January 1, 1940.

Par. 6

With view to the peculiar conditions existing in the Eastern territories organized under the Reich District [Reichsgau] Danzig-West Prussia, the public administration of real estate which was owned or possessed by the religious organizations and congregations prior to 1 Sept. 1939, will remain in effect in this territory until further notice. This does not apply to tracts with no buildings other than those intended for worship.

Par. 7

Unless otherwise indicated this decree is effective for the entire Reich District of Danzig-West Prussia.

Par. 8

All regulations conflicting with this decree are void.

The Reich Deputy issues the necessary decrees for the execution and amplification of this law. He designates the agency which will execute the powers invested in the State by this law.

Par. 9

This decree is effective as of * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 068-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Berlin—Wilhelmstrasse 64
The Deputy of the Fuehrer

Munich—Brown House
5 April 1940
III/Dr Kl.-Pu

[Stamped]
Office Rosenberg
Rec'd Nr 1028 M April 9, 1940
Submitted to R April 9
Copy AR and Urban      H      Personal!
To
Reichsleiter
Alfred Rosenberg
Berlin W 35
Margaretenstr. 17

Subject: "Church Services"

Enclosed please find a copy of the letter of the High Command of the Navy as well as a copy of my reply of this date, for your personal information.

Heil Hitler!
by [illegible]
signed: M BORMANN

2 enclosures

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Berlin—Wilhelmstrasse 64
The Deputy of the Fuehrer

Munich—Brown House
April 5, 1940
III/Dr. Kl-Pu

To the High Command of the Navy
Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72/76

In the opinion of the party the term "Church Service" cannot be objected to. I consider it fitting since it properly implies meetings arranged and organized by the churches.

Those Germans who are not members of a Christian Church may be offended by an announcement in a daily newspaper that only the members of the Christian confession are holding a "divine service". After the National Socialist State has created the conception "God-believing" [Gottglaubig] especially for those Germans who confess the belief in God and who have placed their lives in the "Service of God"—without being members of a Christian confession—it can no longer be justified to refer exclusively to the Services arranged by the Christian confessions as "Divine Services", even in the National Socialist dailies.

Heil Hitler!
signed: M BORMANN (acting)

Copy

The High Command of the Navy, AMA/M Wehr IIb B Nr 896
Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72/76 Feb 9, 1940

To the office of the Deputy of the Fuehrer.

With reference to the letter of the Supreme Commander of the Navy dated Oct 24, 1939 and the reply of the Deputy of the Fuehrer dated Nov 3, 1939 I inform you that in the Wilhelmshaven newspapers the expression "Church Services" is still being changed to "Divine Services".

The High Command requests that this regulation, apparently issued erroneously to all principal newspapers by the Chief Press Agency in Bremen, be revoked.

Heil Hitler!
by [illegible]

signed: [signature illegible]

certified a true copy: signed: PAFF

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 069-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer, Staff Director

Munich 33, Brown House, January 17, 1939

SECRET
Regulation No 1/39 g

Subject: Jews

After a report of General Field Marshal Goering the Fuehrer has made some basic decisions regarding the Jewish question. The decisions are brought to your attention in the enclosure. Strict compliance with these directives is requested.

signed: M BORMANN

1 enclosure
Distribution: III b
Official:
[signed: signature illegible]
Office Rosenberg, Rec'd Nr 5827 Jan 19, 39; filed Feb 2
Submitted to
RL Jan 19
Urban Jan 20
Schickedanz Feb 13

Copy

Berlin, Dec 28, 1938

SECRET

A.
I: Housing of Jews

1. a. Protective regulations for tenants will not be generally revoked in the case of Jews. It is desirable, however, to proceed in individual cases in such a way that Jews will live together in one house, as much as feasible under rental conditions.

b. For this reason the arianization of real estate will be the last step of the total arianization, that means that at present real estate is only to be arianized in individual cases where there are compelling reasons. An immediate concern is the arianization of plants and business enterprises, farm property, forests, etc.

2. The use of sleepers and dining cars is to be prohibited for Jews. Apart from that no separate Jew-compartments must be arranged for. Neither should any bans be pronounced regarding the use of railways, streetcars, subways, buses and ships.

3. The ban for Jews is to be pronounced only for certain public establishments etc. This includes such hotels and restaurants which are mainly visited by Party members (for instance: Hotel Kaiserhof, Berlin; Hotel Vierjahreszeiten, Munich; Hotel Deutscher Hof, Nurnberg; Hotel Drei Mohren, Augsburg, etc.). The ban can further be pronounced for swimming pools, certain public squares, resort towns, etc. Mineral baths may, in individual cases and if prescribed by a doctor, be used by Jews, but only in a manner not causing offense.

II. Pensions are not to be denied to Jews who have been civil servants and who have been pensioned. It is to be investigated, however, whether those Jews can manage on a smaller pension.

III. Jewish social care is not to be arianized or to be abolished, so that Jews will not become a public burden but can be cared for by Jewish institutions.

IV. Jewish patents are property values and therefore to be arianized too. (A similar procedure was used during the World War by America and other states pertaining to German citizens.)

B.
Mixed Marriages:

I. 1. with children (half-Aryans 1 class)

a. If the father is German and the mother Jewish the family is permitted to remain in their present apartment. No ban for Jews regarding housing is to be pronounced against these families.

The property of the Jewish mother may be transferred in such cases to the German husband respectively the half-Aryan children.

b. If the father is Jewish and the mother German these families are neither to be housed in Jewish quarters for the time being. This because the children (half-Aryan 1st class) are not to be exposed to the Jewish agitation as they will have to serve later in the labor service and the armed forces.

The property may for the time being be transferred partly or entirely to the children.

2. without children

a. If the husband is German and the wife Jewish par. 1 a holds true accordingly.

b. If the husband is Jewish and the wife German these childless couples are to be treated as pure Jews.

Property values of the husband cannot be transferred to the wife. Both can be lodged in Jewish houses or quarters. Especially in the case of emigration both spouses are to be treated like Jews as soon as the augmented emigration has been set into motion.

II. If the German wife divorces the Jewish husband she returns to the German blood-kinship. All disadvantages for her are dropped in this case.

signed: GOERING

Authenticated copy:
signed: JAHN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 070-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Staff

Munich 33, The Brown House, April 25, 1941

III D—Schw, 1180/0
Chancellery Rosenberg
Receipt No. 4746 Urg 5 May 41
Submitted to the RL on
May 6
H

Subject: National Socialist School Services

We are inducing schools more and more to reduce and abolish religious morning services. Similarly, the confessional and general prayers in several parts of the Reich have already been replaced by national socialist mottos. I would be grateful to know your opinion on a future national socialist morning service instead of the present confessional morning services which are usually conducted once per week.

Should those services be held at designated times, that is once per week or once every other week, or should they only be held at special occasions? I would further appreciate your advice on whether you have prepared concrete suggestions for the arrangement of such national socialist school services. If so I would be grateful to receive them.

Copy to Party member Scheller 5 April 41 complied
Dr. Stellbrechtstang complied 6 April

Heil Hitler!
signed: KRUEGER [?]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 071-PS

23 April 1941
4609/R/MA

To Reich Director Bormann at present at Fuehrer's Headquarters

Dear party member Bormann:

I cannot agree with your letter of the 19th inst., since some misunderstandings occurred therein.

1. The clause concerning confiscations to be undertaken in Reich territory is doubtless a regulation which has not yet been introduced, and directly because of this I have asked you to propose such a regulation to the Fuehrer. The proposal originated in a decree of the Fuehrer relative to the work of the higher institutes of learning whereby the question of research institutes and library were given priority and the official bureaus of the Party and the state were instructed to support me in this work. Now it is clear that the philosophical opponents of the regime (this is especially true in the case of the recently confiscated religious archives) are concealing a quantity of the things which are of priceless, perhaps of irreplaceable, value for the later research of the higher institutes of learning. Because an actual necessity seems to be present, I wish to make the already cited proposal. It is understood that the confiscations are not executed by the regional authorities [Gauleitungen] but that this is conducted by the Security Service [SD] as well as by the police. Scientific work can only be done of course after the confiscation by the police, but here—and this is decisive—all must decide what is necessary for police compilations (actual correspondence with philosophical opponents and other material) and what does not fall under the competency of the police, but under the research work done by seminary, that is the Reich direction [Reichsleiter] of the Nazi Party. The taking of an office by Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich is only to be considered as much, not as a binding engagement. I therefore have decided on this proposal because it has been communicated to me in writing by a Gauleiter, that the Chief Office of the Reich Security [Reichssicherheitshauptamt] of the SS has claimed the following from the library of a monastery: The Catholic Handbook, Albertus Magnus; Edition of the Church Fathers; History of the Papacy by L.V. Pastor and other works. That means that already historical sources and works are being claimed for the Police from the monastery libraries of the districts [Gaue] which must remain reserved uniquely for the work of the Reich direction [Reichsleitung] of the Nazi Party respectively the state research places. These aspects have already been discussed thoroughly in the question of confiscated property in occupied areas. I have transmitted to you a photocopy of my convention with the Security Service [SD] which was reached with the express approval of Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich. I would like also to mention that this work has been executed in accordance with the agreement and always in a loyal fashion (with the exception of a case in Holland which I hope will be likewise solved in the same way). Photocopies and written copies should be made available to me of all material which the police has rightly confiscated for their political police purposes, but which according to its nature, must also be appropriated for a later research value. In my view there exists in itself no fundamental difficulty if both sides adopt the viewpoint of being loyal on their own and to the missions of the Partner. I request once more special efforts to prevent that valuable writings are arbitrarily extracted from the libraries in various districts by the Chief Office of Reich Security [Reichssicherheitshauptamt] or other police service offices. On this account I propose the regulation that all confiscations remain under the full powers [Oberhoheit] of the district leader and be examined by my deputies in case later research value in the respective district itself appears possible.

2. There is a great misunderstanding with respect to what is involved in the question of the south-east and the employment of my administrative staff; art objects have always been treated as a second line problem. In the first line an order of the chief of the high command of the Armed Forces [OKW] on the instance of the Fuehrer has gone twice to the occupied territories of the west to place all scientific and archive materials of ideological opponents of the regime [Weltanschaulicher Gegner] at my disposal for research purposes. That has resulted also in close cooperation on the widest scale with the Security Service [SD] and the military commanders, and I believe that I have secured priceless research pieces for the Reich directorate [Reichsleitung] of the Nazi party and its higher institutes of learning. I wish to inform you especially that as many as 7000 crates have been brought to Germany up to the present moment. In the course of these confiscations we have found according to the nature of the case other valuable cultural objects including very valuable works of art. And in order that these things should not be dispersed and that they be secured for the Fuehrer, the Chief of the high command of the armed forces (OKW) on my request and on the instance of the Fuehrer has ordered that these art objects should be catalogued by me. I ask you that if necessary it should be established for the benefit of the Reich Marshal that my working staff has executed these tasks in a correct fashion and in an objective blameless form. Art objects generally do not come into question as far as the Balkans are concerned although there are Free-Masonry archives and Jewish libraries and other relevant research objects. In my opinion only the same attitude as that prevailing in occupied French territory can be taken and what I requested, was really only an expansion of an already existing regulation. For General Field Marshal List, and likewise for the General Quartermaster of the Army the work has already begun and my men are at work with these circles in Belgrade. By command of General Field Marshal List as well as of his deputy general, these men will also be employed in closest relationship with the Security Service in Salonika. As you know, Salonika is one of the largest Jewish centers.

I should like to remark in this connection that this affair has already been executed on our side with the Security Service in the most loyal fashion. One of our collaborators who also belongs to the Security Service, had his duty-obligation countermanded by the Security Service, whereupon it was impressed upon him that the Security Service cooperates with my administrative staff in a most loyal fashion. The position is thus clarified in a practical fashion and the work has taken its course. What I asked was only a confirmation that the already pronounced decisions for the West should also have validity under the given circumstances for other occupied or to be occupied areas. Finally the representative of the Fuehrer has expressly ordered that the appropriate party members in this question should be placed, so as not to permit this unique opportunity for an inquiry in the Jewish and Masonic lodge question to be lost. The agreement on this matter is thus general.

I trust that this letter has cleared up the resulting misunderstandings.

Heil Hitler!

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 072-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer, Staff Commander

Fuehrer Headquarters 19 April 1941
Fuehrer Bureau (Bo/Fu)
Chancellory Rosenberg
No 4609 H, 21 April 41
Shown to the Reichsleiter on the 22. 4
[rubber stamp]

To Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg
Berlin W 35, Margaretenstr. 17
Copy to Utikal

Dear party member Rosenberg!

In connection with the received draft of the decree I attended, as ordered, a speech made by SS Brig. Gen. Heydrich. The latter called attention to the fact that the sentence, "In the confiscations undertaken, or to be undertaken in the Reich area, of the property of ideological opponents, the same rules apply", anticipates a regulation which has so far not been introduced and would for the first time set a precedent through this decree-draft. Moreover, the regional governments [Gauleitungen] are never allowed to carry out confiscations.

Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich further pointed out that he could under no circumstances recognize the attempted regulation in the final sentence of your decree-draft, since there existed some objections to it. The scientific treatment of the ideological opposition could only be done in conjunction with the political police work. Only the material should be handed over to you, and the seminar respectively. If a speedier treatment through your office is necessary, duplicates and photocopies should be put at your disposal.

The Fuehrer emphasized that in the Balkans the use of your experts would not be necessary, since there were no art-objects to be confiscated. In Belgrade only the collection of Prince Paul existed, which would be returned to him completely. The remaining material of the lodges, etc. would be seized by the agencies of Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich.

The libraries and art objects of the monasteries, confiscated in the Reich, were to remain for the time being in these monasteries, insofar as the Gauleiters had not determined otherwise. After the war, a careful examination of the stock could be undertaken. Under no circumstances, however, should a centralization of all the libraries be undertaken, the Fuehrer has repeatedly rejected this suggestion.

signed: M. BORMANN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 078-PS

COPY

OFFICE IV

Berlin 28 June 1941

SECRET STATE MATTER!

Directives for the Chiefs of Security Police and Secret Service Teams Assigned to PW Camps

These teams are assigned after agreement has been reached between the chiefs of the Security Police, secret service and the Supreme Command of the Army and * * * (see annex). The Commands work upon the special authorization and according to the general directives in the Camp regulations which was given to them and is independently in close harmony with the AO.

The duty of the Commands is the political screening of prisoners and the segregation and further handling of undesirable elements among them with regard to political, criminal or similar respects.

Resources cannot be placed at the disposal of the Commands for the fulfillment of their missions. The "German penal code" [Fahndungsbuch], the "Temporary permit of Leave List" [Aufenthaltsermittlungsliste], and "Special Penal Code USSR" will prove to be of little value; the Special Penal Code USSR therefore does not suffice as only a small part therein is dangerous to the designated Soviet Russians.

The Commands will therefore have to rely on their own specialty and ingenuity upon establishment and self-producing knowledge. Therefore they will only then be able to begin with the fulfillment of their mission when they have gathered an appropriate amount of material.

For their work, the Commands are to make as much use of the experiences of the Camp Commanders as possible, who in the meantime have profited by the observation and examination of prisoners.

Further, the Commands will have to take pains from the beginning to search among the prisoners for seemingly trustworthy elements, may they be communists or not, in order to make them useful for their intelligence purposes.

Through the establishment of such trusted personnel [V-Personen] and through the use of all other present possibilities among the prisoners, it must succeed to screen all elements.

In every case the Commands are to provide themselves with definite clarity over the encountered measures through the examination and eventual questioning of prisoners.

Above all it is important to find out:

Just as important is the finding of persons who are devoted to the reconstruction, the administration, and management of the conquered Russian provinces.

Finally, such persons must be secured who can be used to transact further discoveries, whether of the Police or similar work, and for the clarification of universal interesting questions. In this category fall all the higher State and Party functionaries who are in the camp on the basis of their position and knowledge and who can give information on the measures and working methods of the Soviet State, the Communistic Party or the Cominterns.

In view of the pending decisions, considerations must also be given to the peoples' membership. At the end of the screening, measures, to be decided later, as to the transfer of prisoners from one command to another, will follow.

The Camp Commanders are directed by the Supreme Command of the Army to report such proposals.

Executions will not be carried out in the camps or immediate vicinity. Should the camps in the General Government be situated in the immediate vicinity of the border, then the prisoners for special handling are to be taken care of in former Soviet Russian Provinces.

The Commands are to keep records of the fulfillment of special handlings; which must include:

Serial number
Family and Surname
Date of birth and place
Military rank
Profession
Last residence
Reason for special handling
Day and place of special handling

Office IV

SECRET STATE MATTER

Supplement to the Directives for the Commands of the Security Police and Security Service assigned to P.W. camps

1. In the directives of the 17th July 1941, I have repeatedly pointed to the fact that it is the duty of the Special Purpose Command of the Security Police and Security Service to find not only the untrustworthy but also those trustworthy elements in general which can come into consideration for the reconstruction of the Eastern provinces.

I reemphasize that one duty is as important as the other.

In order to obtain a most extensive view of the co-activity of the Special Purpose Command, I order that the numeral 4 (number of those persons found to be trustworthy) will be especially heeded in the weekly reports.

The war prisoners who are found to be trustworthy and who were formerly in leading positions in the Soviet Russian economic circles, are to be listed, if possible, according to branch their last employment, and by name.

2. I reemphasize again the fact that in view of the pending decisions, consideration must especially be given to the peoples' citizenship.

Ukrainians, White Russians, Aserbeidschanians, Armenians, North Caucasians, Georgians, Turks are only to be designated as definitely untrustworthy and dealt with according to the directive when they are definitely proven to be Bolshevists, Polit-Commissars, or other dangerous functionaries.

One must be careful, in as much as the Turkish people frequently have a Jewish appearance and the circumcision alone does not denote a Jewish descent (for example, Mohammedans).

3. The conception "highbrow" [Intelligenzler] should not be interpreted along European viewpoints.

The simplest, most primitive Soviet-Russian illiterate can, in his political fanaticism, be more dangerous than, for instance, the Soviet-Russian engineer, who due to his ability, went to High School, even though, he only outwardly appeared to be in accord with the Bolshevistic system.

In this respect the highbrow are mainly the professional revolutionists, writers, editors, and persons in the Comintern.

4. Those Soviet Russians who are definitely found to be untrustworthy are to be forthwith reported—as designated in the directives of the 17th July 1941. Following the introduction of the execution authorization, further fulfillment of the designated measures are to begin without further delay.

A further custody in the camps in question are to be avoided for various reasons.

Finally I reemphasize that under no circumstances are the executions to be carried out either in the Camp or in the near vicinity.

It is self-understood that these executions are not public. It is a matter of principle not to admit spectators.

5. I again charge the leaders and members of the Special Service Staff with the following: exemplary behavior during and after duty hours, top cooperation with camp commanders and careful checking of work.

signed: Heydrich
(S)

Verified:
signed: Wolfert, Member of the Chancellory

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 081-PS

[TOP SECRET]

28 February 1942

1/1 /41 g.Ks

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76

Subject: Prisoners of war.

Since the beginning of its existence, the Reich Ministry for the occupied Eastern territories has taken the viewpoint, that the large number of Soviet prisoners of war constitute a highly valuable material for propaganda. The treatment of Soviet prisoners of war must be considered differently than the treatment of prisoners of war of other nations, for various reasons:

1. The war in the East has not been concluded, and the treatment of the prisoners of war must have far-reaching results on the will-to-desert of the Red Army man who is still fighting.

2. Germany intends to keep a large part of the former Soviet Union occupied, even after the end of the war, and to develop it industrially for her purposes. Therefore she depends on a far-reaching cooperation of the population.

3. Germany is conducting the fight against the Soviet Union because of ideological viewpoints. Bolshevism must be overthrown and something better must be put in its place. Even the prisoners of war themselves must realize that national socialism is willing and in the position to bring them a better future. They must return later to their homes from Germany with a feeling of admiration and esteem for Germany and German institutions; and thus become propagandists for the cause of Germany and national socialism.

This attempted goal has not been attained so far. The fate of the Soviet prisoners of war in Germany is on the contrary a tragedy of the greatest extent. Of 3.6 millions of prisoners of war, only several hundred thousand are still able to work fully. A large part of them has starved, or died, because of the hazards of the weather. Thousands also died from spotted fever. It is understood, of course, that there are difficulties encountered in the feeding of such a large number of prisoners of war. Anyhow, with a certain amount of understanding for goals aimed at by German politics, dying and deterioration could have been avoided in the extent described. For instance, according to information on hand, the native population within the Soviet Union are absolutely willing to put food at the disposal of the prisoners of war. Several understanding camp commanders have successfully chosen this course. However in the majority of the cases, the camp commanders have forbidden the civilian population to put food at the disposal of the prisoners, and they have rather let them starve to death. Even on the march to the camps, the civilian population was not allowed to give the prisoners of war food. In many cases, when prisoners of war could no longer keep up on the march because of hunger and exhaustion, they were shot before the eyes of the horrified civilian population, and the corpses were left. In numerous camps, no shelter for the prisoners of war was provided at all. They lay under the open sky during rain or snow. Even tools were not made available to dig holes or caves. A systematic delousing of the prisoners of war in the camps and of the camps themselves has apparently been missed. Utterances such as these have been heard: "The more of these prisoners die, the better it is for us". The consequence of this treatment is now this, that spotted fever is spreading due to the escape and discharge of prisoners and has claimed its victims among the armed forces as well as among the civilian population, even in the old part of Germany. Finally, the shooting of prisoners of war must be mentioned; these were partly carried out according to viewpoints which ignore all political understanding. For instance, in various camps, all the "Asiatics" were shot, although the inhabitants of the areas, considered belonging to Asia, of Transcaucasia and Turkestan especially, are among those people in the Soviet Union who are most strongly opposed to Russian subjugation and to Bolshevism. The Reich ministry of the occupied Eastern territories has repeatedly emphasized these abuses. However, in November for instance, a detail [Kommando] appeared in a prisoner of war camp in Nikolajew, which wanted to liquidate all Asiatics.

The treatment of prisoners of war appears to be founded for a great part on serious misconceptions about the people of the Soviet Union. One finds the opinion that the people become more inferior the further one goes East. If the Poles already were given harsh treatment, one argues, it should therefore be done to a much greater extent to the Ukrainians, White Ruthenians, Russians, and finally the "Asiatics".

It was apparently completely ignored, in the treatment of prisoners of war, that Germany found, in contrast to the West (France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway), a people who went through all the terror of Bolshevism, and who now, happy about their liberation, put themselves willingly at the disposal of Germany. A better gift could not come to Germany in this war, which requires every last man. But instead of accepting this gift, the people of the East are being treated more contemptibly and worse than the people of the West, who do not hide their enmity towards Germany.

It was a basic mistake that no difference was made between real prisoners of war and deserters. It is known that German propaganda deposited millions of leaflets beyond the lines, and encouraged the Red soldiers to desert, whereby good treatment and sufficient food was specifically assured to them. These promises were not kept. The deserters were beaten and left to starve the same as so many prisoners of war. A natural consequence of this politically and militarily unwise treatment was not only a paralyzing of the will to desert, but a plain deadly fear to get into German captivity. It would be naive to assume that the occurences in the prisoner of war camps could be kept hidden from the Soviet government. As can be seen in Molotov's circular, the Soviets have in fact an excellent knowledge of the conditions described above, and naturally they have done everything in their power to influence the Soviet population and Red soldiers accordingly. It can be said without exaggeration that the mistakes in the treatment of prisoners of war are to a great extent the cause for the stiffening power of resistance of the Red Army, and therefore also cause for the death of thousands of German soldiers.

After the Reich ministry for occupied Eastern territories was finally successful in overcoming the prejudice against Soviet prisoners of war partially, and when the prisoners of war were to come to Germany to a great extent for work, it was found that of 3.6 million only several hundred thousand were still able to work. Thus, German economy and armament industry also must suffer for the treatment of prisoners of war.

The above explanations are not intended to be a belated, fruitless criticism, nor are they directed against any official agency, especially since very many objective situations came into play, as has been mentioned, and the responsibility is shared. They should only become the basis for a new policy toward the prisoners of war which corresponds more to our military and civilian interests. The Reich ministry for the occupied Eastern territories is endeavoring with all its powers to assist the fighting troops by effective propaganda for the deterioration of the enemy's military forces. All propaganda will be useless, however, if there is more fear of captivity than of death and wounds on the battlefield.

The primary demand is that the treatment of the prisoners of war ensues according to the laws of humanity and according to the dignity of the German nation. It is understandable that inhuman treatment, proven many times, of German prisoners of war, by members of the Red Army has embittered the German troops so much that they retaliate with the same treatment. However, such retaliatory measures do not improve the situation of German prisoners of war by any means, but must have as their last consequence the fact that neither side will take any more prisoners, thus that they conduct the war in a most inhuman manner. At any rate, as much as is known, such retaliatory measures have not been able up to now to cause the enemy to change. They were therefore without purpose.

Furthermore, sufficient food, and at least primitive shelter, are to be provided for the prisoners within the framework of possibility. In the camps for prisoners, scheduled for work projects, as well as in those for the others, skillful propaganda is necessary, which must be carried out by camp newspapers, movies, lectures, simple musical events, games, etc.

Every camp commandant must be made responsible that every prisoner of war, guarded by him, will return to his home later on as a propagandist for Germany. Of course, on the other side, action must be taken with utmost severity against possible agitators. In any case, in the future a difference must be made between real prisoners of war and deserters. The deserters are to be provided with identification certificates, and in any case are to be treated better than the prisoners of war. Especially this measure should have far-reaching success in reference to the deterioration of the Red Army.

I would appreciate an expression of opinion soon, and information of appropriate action.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 084-PS

Berlin NW 7, The 30 Sept.
Hegelplatz 2

The commitment and treatment of foreign laborers, who have been brought into the Reich from occupied Eastern territories, depicts a proceeding which will not only be of significant importance to the German war production and the securing of food, but also for the carrying out of German administrative interests in a former Soviet area. Two large fields of action are affected by the way in which the problems connected with the inclusion of millions of Eastern nationals in the Reich are solved: 1. Development of the war situation. 2. The enforcement of the German claim to leadership in the East after the war.

When the call for labor in Germany was increased in January, 1942 among the occupied Eastern territories, this set up a situation among those classes of Russian and Ukrainian civilians concerned which had by all means the appearance of a risk. Even if one group (the volunteers) set excessive hopes on the journey into the Reich under the impression of irresponsible promises while the other (forced laborers) left their homes reluctantly or at least with misgivings because of memories of former Bolshevist deportations as well as planted anti-German rumors, the fact remains that the trip to Germany had to be felt as journey into the unknown not only by the two concerned but also by those relatives who remained behind because of the isolation of the USSR from Europe for decades. The public judgment of the Reich and its leadership would be dependent upon the outcome of this measure taken by the German military and civilian authorities in the occupied Eastern territories. The employment in Germany offered an unusual opportunity to learn to know by personal experience, which no propaganda could replace. The greater German Reich was much slandered by the Soviet press, and the National Socialistic position to the working class and thus to gain a basis of comparison to the corresponding Communistic doctrines and methods. This meant no more nor less, than that the draft of Eastern laborers would be of importance in the development of political opinions among the Eastern nationals towards the power which was presently occupying the region which would aid measures taken to accomplish the recruitment, the housing etc., in the Reich, which should have been taken into consideration from the start, since in view of the necessity to keep the aid of the native inhabitants in the huge areas behind the front, factors which cannot be controlled by regulations or orders, namely the frame of mind, which is of war potential value, must be considered.

Instead of taking consideration of this, the drafting and the employment as well as the housing, treatment etc. of the so-called Eastern laborers has so far been taken care of exclusively according to labor, technical and the security police points of view, with the result that the headquarters responsible for this were able to report the due numerical fulfilment of the program as well as the security of the German nationality and of the businesses. At the time, however, facts had to be hushed which could have been avoided not only in the interests of German prestige and to the satisfaction of the occupied Eastern territories but which even today cost the lives of thousands of German soldiers by their efforts. The facts which up to the fall of 1942, have undergone only part or incomplete changes, among others, the following.

1. The concept of the workers from the occupied territories of the USSR was narrowed down to the labor- and social-legal term "Eastern Laborers". A labor condition among "Foreigners" was hereby created in a segregated "Employment under Special Conditions" which had to be looked upon by those affected, as degrading.

2. The drafting of Eastern workers and women workers often occurred without the necessary examination of the capabilities of those concerned, so that 5-10 out of a hundred, sick and children, were transported along. On the other hand, in those places where no volunteers were obtained, instead of using the lawful employment obligations, coercive measures were used by the police (imprisonment, penal expedition, and similar measures.)

3. The employment in businesses was not undertaken by considering the occupation and previous training but according to the chance assignment of the individual to the respective transports or transient camps.

4. The billeting did not follow the policies according to which the other foreigners are governed, but just as for civilian prisoners in camps which were fenced in with barbed wire and were heavily guarded, from which no exit was permitted.

5. The treatment by the guards was on the average without intelligence and cruel so that the Russian and Ukrainian workers, in enterprises with foreign laborers of different nationalities, were exposed to the scorn of the Poles and the Czechs among other things.

6. The food and care was so bad and insufficient in the camps for the Eastern Laborers being employed in the industry and in the mines that the good average capability of the camp members dropped down shortly and many sicknesses and deaths took place.

7. Payment was carried out in the form of a ruling in which the industrial worker would keep on the average 2 or 3 RM each week and the farm laborers even less, so that the transfer of pay to their homes became illusory, not to mention the fact there had been no satisfactory procedure developed for this.

8. The postal service with their families was not feasible for months because of the lack of a precautionary ruling; so that instead of factual reports, wild rumors arrived in their countries,—among other means by means of emigration.

9. The promises which had been made time and time again in the areas of enlistment stood in contradiction with those facts mentioned under 3-8.

Apart from the natural impairment of the frame of mind and capabilities which these measures, as well as conditions, brought with them, the result was that the Soviet propaganda took over the matter and evaluated it carefully. Not only the actual conditions and the letters which reached the country, in spite of the initial blockade, as well as the stories of fugitives and such, but also the clumsy publications in the German press of the legal rulings relative to the matter gave them enough to manipulate with. Commissar for Foreign Affairs Molotov in his note to the enemy powers referred already in April 1942 to this, especially in para. III of this document in which among others it is stated:

Further, there are even today announcements in the Soviet newspapers as well as radio about the treatment of Eastern laborers which might have as an effect a strengthening of the moral power to resist in the Red Army. Further, there is mentioned the text of a letter which arrived in Ordshonikidsegrad from a Russian girl and which was published in a "Proclamation" of the police administration of the North-Western Front of the Red army under the heading of "A Russian Girl in Cologne", attaching in connection with it an effective propaganda viewpoint about the "Fascist Forced Laborers" in Germany.

The effects of this large scale documentary proven radio-press-and leaflet propaganda, operating even into German administered territories, must be considered as one of the main reasons for this year's stiffening of the Soviet resistance as well as the threatening increase of guerilla bands up to the borders of the General Government.

In the meantime, after a betterment of the condition of the Eastern laborers had been insisted upon, not only by the main office for politics in the Reichs ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories, which has been able to find support in the repeated requests by the High Command of the Armed Forces, but also by the gentleman charged with the responsibility for all labor employment as well as the Department of Labor Employment in the German Labor Movement, which has the supervision of the Eastern Laborers—those previously existing legal and police rulings have been mitigated and the conditions in the 8-10,000 camps in the Reich have, on the whole, been improved. Thus those fixed wages, which have been determined by the tables of compensation in a ruling of the Council of Ministers, upon which deductions were made up to 75%, have been replaced by new tariffs. The Eastern Laborers were left free of duty according to it, and the taxes were paid in a form of an Eastern Laborer Tax by the owner of the enterprise (Ruling of Council of Ministers for the Defense of the Reich of 30/6/42). Thus after many months of negotiations, with the cooperation of the Central Economic Bank in Rowno, a salary transfer, in the form of a savings stamp procedure, was regulated. Thus, the ruling of the Reichs Chief of the SS of 20/2/42 prescribing barbed wire has been dropped by a supplementary ruling of 9/4/42 and at the same time, in exceptional cases, groups were permitted to go out under German guards, of late, it has even been permitted under their own supervision. The food supply was adjusted by a special delivery letter of the Reichs Food minister dated 17/4/42, to a degree where the "Soviet Civilian Laborer", as well as the prisoners of war received a uniform ration. This was still not enough compared to the normal amount of food given to those employed in the industry and in the mines, besides it was still much less and worse than that for the Poles, but it was an improvement compared to former conditions. Furthermore the postal communication has been adjusted for those Eastern Laborers who come from the civilian administered as well as those who are from the regions directly to the rear of the army,—at least theoretically—. On account of the burden placed on the censorship office for foreign countries the High Command of the Armed Forces has recently asked again for a reduction of this measure.

In spite of the improvements mentioned as well as others, which in many cases can be traced back to the personal intervention of the Deputy General of Labor Employment, the total situation of the Eastern Laborer (sampling date: 1 October 1942) must still be considered unsatisfactory, namely, not only in respect to the differences in the treatment of industrial workers and farm laborers but in the differences found in the different States and enterprises. On the average there are still about 40% of the lodgings for Eastern laborers which would not meet the requirements even if all the wartime restrictions were considered. Among these are a frightening number of camps whose conditions are such as to destroy the success of the attempt of improving relationship and the corresponding radiating uplift of the morale within the Eastern territories. Not even to mention the fact that the marking OST (East), an identification ordered by the police, is being felt as degrading there remains such a quantity of grievances and problems that it would be impossible to relate them now. Only the following points are to be mentioned:

1. The Enlisting and Employing of persons of German Parentage, as Eastern laborers. Several observations made by the commission from the central office to inspect camps, as well as petitions which have reached them, show that persons of German parentage were enlisted,—against regulations,—as Eastern Laborers. Even if they are not recognized people of German parentage according to the "RKFestigung", they are, however persons of German descent and with German names, as Mr. Middelhauve could establish in a camp near Berlin. It is to be doubted that the branch offices of the sub-office for Germans living in foreign countries had enough qualified help who could separate these persons capable of becoming Germans again.

2. Enlisting and Employing as Eastern Laborers of Tartars from the Crimea. To increase the fighting numbers of the Tartar legions it would be indispensable to return all those Tartars, who have been employed in the Reich as Eastern Laborers, to their homes before the coming of winter; a similar report to the "GBA" is being prepared. Besides climatic reasons, the necessity for this return is to intensify the wine and tobacco growths in the Crimea by experienced help and at the same time, to prevent the invasion of Greek and Bulgarian planters and traders. To prepare this return as well as to deal with other Tartan problems a commissioner, namely a Crimean Tartar, has been installed by the "ZO". In the meantime, difficulties have arisen because of the effect of the furloughing of Tartan Eastern Laborers for participation in the Mohammedan festival during the 4th and 5/10/42 as well as the procurement of the meat and millet supply needed for this occasion. The authority in these and similar matters will have to be voiced, at the time of their return, by those White Ruthanian Tartars who have been selected for resettlement.

3. Enlisting and Employing as Eastern Laborers of Ukrainians from Transnistrian. During an inspection of the camps for munition workers at Topchin (Kreteltow) into which the Central Office was induced because of an escape which became known to them, it was found that the Eastern Laborers employed there were enlisted January 1942 in Odessa. They do not come according to para. I of the Rulings of the Council of Ministers dated 30/6/42, under the category of Eastern Laborers. But will have to be termed, because of the fact that the State of "Transnistrian" was placed in the Fall of 1941 under Rumanian sovereignty, as stateless members of the Kingdom of Rumania. To clarify this point for all times, negotiations have been made with the GBA and the Foreign Office as well as the Feldzeuginspektion of the Office for General Affairs in the High-Command of the Army.

4. Employment of Skilled Laborers in Occupations foreign to their skills. Up until recently petitions have continually come to the publishers of camp newspapers to the Reichs Ministry for the occupied Eastern territories, to the German Workers Front and in error also to the bureau for foreign nationals in the Reich from Eastern laborers, men and women who are in occupations foreign to their skills or inferior to their skills, without the transfer proposals, which were approved by the central office as well as by other offices, having led to success—except in rare cases. Gauleiter Sauckel, who has repeatedly disclosed—the last time at the conference in Weimar on the 10 and 11/9/42—that the "inner arrangement" of the occupational employment would be his next point on the program, does not seem to be informed about the real conditions in which doctors, engineers, teachers, qualified skilled laborers and such are employed as unskilled workers, mechanics as farmers, and farmers as industrial workers. In any case, one of his close associates, the Gauamtsleiter Orr Escher received the information about this which was given him by Dr. Thiell, in accordance with instructions of the Central Office, with unusual interest.

5. Separation in employment of members of one Family. The repeated separation of family members who have come to the Reich as Eastern Laborers and Eastern Women Workers (married couples, parents, brothers and sisters, and children) seems utterly contrary to the usual customs governing other employments of foreigners. The bringing together of those relatives who have been mistakenly separated during the transport is principally desired just as much as is the employment of family members in the same location. It does however, in practice, encounter some difficulties. In order to make possible at least the transfer of information from both parties, the Reichs Ministry for the occupied Eastern territories in August 1942, in conjunction with the Reich Main office and Reich Security Service has allowed the limited publication of encoded advertisements seeking information. Besides this an agreement has been made in September 1942 between the Central Office and the German Red Cross in accordance with which this organization will take over the communication between these Eastern Laborers separated in the Reich, keeping the place of employment secret however.

6. Disregarding the Nationality in Employment and Billeting. The plan of the Herr Reichsmarshall to create special "Enterprises for the Russians" could not be accomplished as yet on account of reasons of wartime economy. The demands for a joint employment by the members of Eastern nationalities, according to their racial background could not be carried out in practice to any great degree. In addition to the reasons of business, the usual variegated composition of the transports coming from the great realms of the Reichs Commissariate Ukraine opposed it. Basically, a regrouping to racial membership might be possible after completion of an examination of this membership which would have to be made in conjunction with the issuance of employment permits for Eastern Laborers, especially when a group of foremen has been found among the Eastern Laborers based on partial pre-training independently of the solution to this question, the commissions from the Central Office will be striving to effect a rough sifting of the camps according to racial membership, and to house them accordingly in special barracks. The supplying of experienced interpreters for this job and then systematic instruction has been begun.

7. Distinctive, Mostly Insufficient Food Rations. The inadequate food ration for Eastern Laborers is important not only in the matter of performance but also politically, since the majority of the help coming from the occupied Eastern territories were previously accustomed to better rations. After using up all the food supplies which had been brought along, a general lowering of the ability to work and of the morale was noticeable. The written request to the Herr Reichs Food-Minister on the matter, to examine the food quotas in respect to the fact that the Eastern Laborer was in a worse position in the matter of nourishment than the Poles, was answered by a telephone communication from the respective Chief of Section, that to his knowledge the Russians were better off than the Poles. With this ignorance of the condition decisive measures could hardly be expected on the part of the Reichs Food Ministry. Nevertheless Gauleiter Sauckel has declared, in Weimar as a part of his program, that the feeding of the German as well as the foreign laborer inside of Germany would be shortly adapted to the requirements in accordance with their performance—here he supported his program on an utterance of the Fuehrer—. In connection with this a conference took place in the Reichs Food Ministry on 29/9/42 in which an improved food quota of the Eastern Laborer was decided upon. The decree which is being co-signed by the High Command of the Armed Forces and the GBA, [?] upon which the "Special Delivery Letter" of the 17/4/42 will be nullified, provides for laborers of all types an additional 1750 grams of potatoes, for workers in heavy industry and additional 200 grams, and for the group, to be newly instituted, of "overtime" and "night" workers a weekly 2600 grams of bread, 300 of meat, and 150 of fat. Besides this, instead of the tasteless bread made of turnips the usual kind will be delivered in the future. Even though a complete equality of food rationing with the other foreigners should be aspired to, this new measure, whose enforcement is imminent, will counteract the intestinal diseases and swelling of the stomach, as well as the sending of bread from relatives in the Ukraine, which can not be hindered on political grounds.

8. Partly insufficient, and Unjust Payment of Wages. The wage adjustments for Eastern laborers and Eastern women workers must still be considered unsatisfactory even after the new wage scales, by the ruling of the Council of Ministers dated 30/6/42, as well as the lower evaluation of those agricultural workers who are quartered and fed free. The determining factor in keeping the net salary down is the necessity even today of maintaining the natural lower social level as compared to the German laborer, and to protect the German produce market as well as—in the case of transfer accounts—the enterprises in the domain of the Reichs Commissariat from an accumulation of surplus purchasing power. The Central Office took the viewpoint, in the conferences concerned with this matter, that it is far better to keep the wage level, as such, down than later to lower a nominally higher net salary to about half by means of the forced savings plan, reportedly proposed by the Reichs Finance Minister. The change of the hourly pay scale, as well as pay on contracts and pay by means of premiums is therefore closely connected with the success of the voluntary stamp savings plan, which was installed in September 1942. This on the other hand will depend upon the fact that the saved amount, which has been sent to the respective home banks of the relatives in the form of savings books—a system which has finally been introduced by the Herr Reichs Commissar for the Ukraine—will at least be redeemable in cash to half of the amount shown, even if no interest is paid on it at the time. A change in the question of wages, considering that this is the first time in bank technological procedure that savings and transfer accounts have been joined together, would have prospects only if an eventual rearrangement does not materially raise the total wage increase of Eastern Laborers. A throttling measure would otherwise be necessary eventually which would shatter the trust in the honesty of the German social methods and would give irresponsible material to the Soviet propaganda. A way to correctness in the matter of pay within the limitations determined by this viewpoint, could be seen in the proposal of the Reichs Trustee Dr. Kimmich, who expounded it in a short report in Weimar on 11/9/42. In accordance with this a plan for arranging salaries should be carried out by the industries by inserting increasing measures for part time, apprenticeship, and instructional work, to bring into prominence the principle of pay according to performance even in the occupied territories. The foundation for the pay scale based on this will be the evaluation according to eight categories of difficulty in the performance of work, the use of which would exclude the evaluation of previous preparatory training (in the judging of differences) in favor of the success in performance. The complete stoppage of wages would thereby be abolished with finality and the offering of work premiums be made possible to foreign laborers. This,—as Dr. Kimmich characterizes it,—"Re-establishment of a just salary and contract" will have as an effect a general increase in performance which will be advertised as "The thanks of the German laborer to the combat soldier." Should these principles shortly be made obligatory in all the states, this would also bring, in connection with the measures of the project of occupational instruction, an improvement to the former Soviet specialist without having impaired the pre-eminence of the German specialist. The safeguarding of the superiority of the latter is in spite of the wartime needs among other things thereby guaranteed by the fact that the Herr Reichs Minister for armament and ammunition has been able to carry out through the High Command of the Armed Forces on September 1942, that these 500,000 German war industrial workers, who are going to be inducted during the winter half year, will only receive an eight week training, after that they will, however, be returned to their key-positions in the plants. How far the coming change of wage structure will affect not only the leading position of the German specialist as opposed to the Eastern Laborer but also the relationship between these and the Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian workers is not to be seen in advance without further information. First of all, the Herr Reichs Minister of Finance will examine at the instigation of the Reichs Minister for the occupied Eastern Territories, if and in how far the increase of the so-called "Salary Equalizing Tax" as an addition to the Income Tax on the Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian in the Reich in spite of the low rate of 15% will in many cases place them worse off than comparable Eastern Laborers. This would be all the less tolerable as the employment of Eastern Laborers in the General Territory of Estonia leads up to the opposite problems.

9. Insufficient Equipping of clothes and shoes. The clothing of almost all Eastern Laborers, men and women, must be considered as insufficient. Transports were arriving even in the last days of the month of September whose occupants did not carry any winter clothing with them. The recruiting agents seem to leave the workers in the opinion that there is no winter in Germany and moreover, that the Eastern Laborers would receive everything they need. In view of the coming cold months and of the inadequacy of many quarters a catastrophe must arise on account of the existing lack of clothing and shoes, if a successful remedy is not found immediately. The main difficulties in the supplying of missing equipment, which has already led in our large industrial plant to the loss of 10% of its employees,—lies in the fact that the clothing set aside from the collection of textile goods, does not even come close to covering the demand and that the available booty as well as confiscated goods in occupied territories will not be handed out by the competent management without the delivery of the existing ration cards. Since the Eastern Laborer does not possess the latter this could then only be carried out if the enterprises would requisition the needed clothing for the German workers and would offer those to the Eastern Laborers,—unfortunately however, deducting it from their wages from time to time. The sending of clothing, coats and shoes by the families of Eastern laborers by means of individual shipment can not be carried out without further directives on account of the necessity of delousing the garments at the border, wherefore a measure was proposed after previous negotiations of the Central office with the deputy of the Generalarbeitsfuehrer Kretschman at the GBA under the direction of the Reichs Ministry for the occupied Eastern territories; in accordance with this measure collective addresses will be sent to the occupied territories by the enterprises in collaboration with the censorship office and special collection offices set up there. The success of this action must remain in doubt at present. During the meeting in Weimar it was then announced that from January 1943 on, uniform work clothes will be made of cellulose material which, however, will not be of very good quality and would look baggy after a short wear. Independently of this creation of work clothes, which naturally can not be considered a costume or uniform, the Central Office has made it one of its tasks to help with the action to provide clothes to help decrease to a minimum the expected lowering of performance, loss of morale, increased escapes, and cases of freezing.

10. Insufficient Supervision of the Eastern Laborers Employed in Agriculture. According to ruling No. 4 of the Deputy General for Labor of 7 May 1942, the supervision of those Eastern workers and women workers employed in agriculture is delegated to the Reichs Food Administration. Practical supervision in the rural areas by the state, regional and local authorities of the Reichs Peasant Leader must be considered as illusory with respect to the lack of knowledge and to the insufficient knowledge of these people as well as to the fact that the seizing of Eastern Laborers in the midst of all the foreign workers in the rural areas can only be carried out with difficulty. To inform at least the rural superintendent of the principles which govern the treatment of the Eastern laborers, the publication department of the Reichs Food Administration has, in accord with the Reichs Minister for occupied Eastern territories sent out guiding instructions for the present enlightenment campaign during the fall quarter. No objections can so far be made against a strict observance of these guiding instructions since, on account of the shortage of labor in the rural areas during the past months, a pampering of the Eastern workers and women workers was noticed, which was not only a threat towards the temporary transfer of 200,000 agricultural workers into industry but also in respect to the damage of a lack of migration into other areas. To intensify the supervision in the rural enterprises, a policy forming meeting took place in August 1942 with the representatives of the Reichs Food Administration during which among other things the sending of interpreters by the Reichs Ministry for the occupied Eastern Territory to the Reichs Peasant leader was taken into consideration. Since the Reichs Food Administration was only willing to approve in the latter part of September, the taking over of the payment of special supervision with a knowledge of the language, in spite of exemption from payment of contributions on the part of Eastern laborers, and since there is still at the present time no clear settlement of the number and conditions for this it will be necessary to balance the lack of activity of the Reichs Food Administration with an appropriate initiative action on the part of the Central Office of the Reichs Ministry for the occupied Eastern territories.

11. Insufficient Recreation. In spite of repeated efforts for a satisfactory and meaningful organization of the recreation period for the Eastern laborer the German Arbeitsfront has still not been able to create and carry out a satisfactory recreational program. While the enterprises have organized excursions in groups because of necessity, the recreational program in the camps have so far lacked a uniform outline. The showing of moving pictures often runs into difficulties since the theaters, which have been created for this purpose, are only accessible to German workers and the Eastern laborer could not enter because of the danger of contamination of lice. The daily radio program in Russian and Ukrainian language which in the beginning was proposed by the Reichsminister of Enlightenment and Propaganda has still not been carried out because of several reasons. The performance of several artists is only possible in exceptional cases among the Eastern races because of the existing travel difficulties. What drawbacks and difficulties are connected with this can be shown in the circumstances under which a Ukrainian group of artists, who are now stationed in the Reich after an agreement was made between Gauleiter Sauckel and the Commissioner General of Kiew, are performing. After this group was barely sufficiently housed in an Eastern Labor Camp near Halle for a period of two weeks, a meeting took place in the RAM in which it was decided upon a suggestion by the representative of the Reichs Ministry, for the occupied Eastern territories, that the National Socialistic Organization should send three organizational trustees, the Reichs Ministry for Enlightenment and Propaganda three propaganda trustees, and the Reichs Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories three political trustees, to Halle. By the combined efforts of these trustees it was finally possible to employ the group of artists, who were made up of three separate groups, in several of the central German States [Gaue], during which the management, even in organizational matters, soon went to the member of the Eastern office who was sent by the Central Office of the Reichs Minister for the Occupied Eastern territory. Until 30/9/42, on which day the Central office in Berlin sponsored an afternoon reception for the 38 Ukrainian artists, the Reichs Minister for Enlightenment and Propaganda had still not decided upon the amount of wages, which had accrued because of the performances, still less who was to pay for it, so that a temporary solution by using an agent who would carry out the bare essential down payment had to be found. Because of this lack of clarity, the wish of the Deputy General for the Arbeitseinsatz to retain the group in the Reich during the winter months can not be supported.

12. Return under Unworthy Conditions of Eastern laborers and women laborers who are not fit for work. The carelessness during the enlistment and reception of millions of Eastern laborers and women laborers has resulted in the fact that,—according to a careful estimate,—about five percent of the persons transported into the Reich have proved not to be capable of work. That means nothing less than that about 80 to 100,000 returnees will stream into the occupied Eastern territories in the coming days. The dangers included in this returning process can be seen in the fact that this deals with sick, crippled, mothers-to-be, as well as such persons whom the enterprises are glad to reject and who because of that are not being taken care of. The mood of these returnees is temporarily forced to be anti-German, and nothing has been done, in spite of repeated suggestions in the Reichs Labor Ministry to reconcile the returnees with at least a few favorable impressions of Germany. During the latter part of September 1942, a collecting camp in Berlin-Blankenfelde, which was quartered with Eastern laborers who were destined for return, was inspected upon the instigation of the Central Office by a commission consisting of different authorities, at which time revolting conditions were met. Among other things a shot was fired by the guard at an Eastern laborer who was caring for his natural needs, without the President of the States Employment Office who was present making any protest against it. All of the camp inmates gave an impression of neglect. Since the returning of these 1600 persons as well as a further 4400 returnees from other camps, could not be reconciled politically with respect to the danger of contaminating their native districts with reports of horror, and since the postponement of a necessary re-quartering of the collecting camps could no longer be provided (in the meantime) the chief of the branch offices of the Central Police-Vice-counsel in retirement Miller—Dr. of Law Boywidt and Mrs. Miller were sent at the same time to Brest-Litowsk, to stop the transport at least at this point and to carry out according to the situation a quarantining of the people or, belatedly to take care of them. How necessary this interference was is shown by the fact that this train with returning laborers had stopped at the same place where a train with newly recruited Eastern laborers had stopped. Because of the corpses in the trainload of returning laborers, a catastrophe might have been precipitated had it not been for the mediation of Mrs. Miller. In this train women gave birth to babies who were thrown out of the windows during the journey, people having tuberculosis and venereal diseases rode in the same car, dying people lay in freight cars without straw, and one of the dead was thrown on the railway embankment. The same must have occurred in other returning transports. To end these terrible conditions, it is intended to create special transient camps in the Reich area for returning workers where those who contracted diseases in the Reich will be separated from the chronically sick. They will be sent to an organization caring for the sick. Those finally chosen to return would receive medical and psychological treatment for at least a week. The chief of the Reich health program and his chief of liaison with the GBA, resp., have approved this central office plan of giving aid to returning workers, which aid should also be extended during transport. The directorate of the German Red Cross wants to share in the execution of this plan by making available trained personnel, among other things. The first of these transient camps for returnees could be established at Bad Frankenhausen in Thuringia where, according to the statement of the local mayor, suitable area is available.

To solve these and numerous other problems, as well as the removal of the described difficulties and abuses, two things are advised.

I. Consultation of the Reich minister with the Fuehrer with the purpose of asking him for personal energetic intervention; this conference will have to include among others the following requests as laid down in the note 1 f 5 of 6/7/42:

1. Treatment by the police. The Fuehrer should beseech the Reichs Leader of the SS in a personal consultation, to repeal the General Regulations of 20/2/42 including the supplementary Decree of 9/4/42. that is Section A of the General Regulations.

Laborers from the former Soviet Russian territory and to replace them and among other things with new regulations which are to be voted upon in conjunction with the GBA (2) and the Reichs Ministry for the occupied Eastern territory.

2. Direction of people. The Fuehrer should direct the Chancellor of the party as well as the Reich propaganda office of NSDAP to adjust suitable urgent measures in agreement with the Reich Ministry M.G.A.B. and respectively with the Z.O. to enlighten those party members who are handling the supervision of the relations between Germans and foreigners about the scope of the employment of the Eastern laborers and furthermore to inform the entire German population of the political mission which history has bestowed upon them by the taking in of millions of former Soviet citizens.

3. The competences of the R.M.fdBO. The Fuehrer should inform the supreme authorities of the Reich, if possible through the Reich Minister and the chief of the Reichs chancellory that not only those measures of theirs, which concern themselves with occupied Eastern territories but also those that affect the labor from these territories employed in the Reich may only be decided in every action with the Reich ministry for the occupied Eastern territories.

II. Further expansion of the General Office for member Races, so that an extended arm of the R.M.fdBO in the Reich and as a representative of the foreign people from the occupied Eastern territories living here it can quickly perceive its instructed interests. The following would be essential for this.

(1) Commitment of a special Commissioner. The appointment of a special commissioner for the Reich ministries provided with specific authority to take care of the interests of the central office, should serve especially two purposes; to take an active influence upon the handling of enlistments inside the occupied eastern territories.

(2) To carry out definite aims of the central Office by cultivating a personal contact with Gauleiter Sauckel.

(3) Reinforcing of the Branch Officers. The commissions which serve under the chief of the branch officer and which are employed to inspect the camps, urgently need reinforcements; to be able to work successfully in thousands of camps for this purpose about 50 interpreters are needed besides liaison agents to the country employment offices and those trustees of the Gau who worked in an honorary capacity, the chief of the commissions need a uniform.

(4) Reinforcing the Sections. The four sections of the Central Office, (Matters of organization, legal and information service, supervision aid, and psychological training) need to be immediately filled by at least six representatives. On account of the avalanche of problems brought to the Central Office, urgent questions remain otherwise unsolved and hundreds of transactions unsettled in spite of the twelve hour day and sometimes several hours of night work, as well. Of what far reaching importance it is to see to it that a political use is made of the stay of several million Eastern laborers in the Reich. That on 8/9/42 their members already amounted to 1,737,000 is lower as from many other reasons by a glance at the present condition of the German censored figures. In spite of all measures to Germanize and re-Germanize people who are unfortunately confronted by increased war casualties the future of the German people when measured against the breadth of age levels placed on top of each other as characterized by a population pyramid whose outlines deviate from the biologically normal picture of a bell, if one compares the present curve of the future professionals with the similar curves of the Eastern peoples it will be frighteningly apparent that especially during the decisive decades after this war the number of German people of the Harz areas in the East which will be required for a normal administrative development will not be on hand, the willingness and cooperation of members of the Eastern peoples is herewith an unavoidable necessity, wherefore the years commiting an army of millions of Eastern laborers in the Reich are not only seen from the view-point of overcoming the problems concerned but actively must be used to create a reliable propaganda army which after its return home will perhaps one day will be just as decisive for the German fate in the East as the victory of our weapons.

signed: DR. GUTKELCH.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 089-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff
Munich 33, Brown House, at present Berlin w8
Wilhelmstr. 64, March 8, 1940
III-DR Kl/Gf

Personal

Chancellory Rosenberg
Receipt Nr 705. 14 Mar 40
To Mr. Reichsleiter Rosenberg
Berlin w 35, Margaretenstr. 17

Concerns: Confessional writing

In the enclosure I am sending you a carbon copy of my letter of today to Reichsleiter Amann for recognition.

signed: M BORMANN

Enclosure

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff
Munich 33, Brown House, at present Berlin w8
Wilhelmstr. 64, March 8, 1940
III-DR Kl/Gf

Personal

To Mr. Reichsleiter Amann
Munich, Thierschstr. 11

Concerns: Confessional writing.

I am referring to the discussion of my expert, party member Dr. Klopfer, with party member Dr. Rienhardt, and inform you once more of the fact that according to a report I have received, only 10% of the over 3000 Protestant periodicals in Germany, such as Sunday papers etc. have ceased publication for reason of paper saving. Party member Dr. Rienhardt has already informed my expert that at present the distribution of any paper whatsoever for such periodicals was barred.

I urge you to see to it in any redistribution of paper to be considered later that the confessional writing, which according to experiences so far gathered, possesses very doubtful value for strengthening the power of resistance of the people toward the external foe, receives still sharper restrictions in favor of literature, politically and ideologically more valuable.

Without doubt the draft of an order "for fulfillment of the organizational duty by the production of writings", presented upon your request, will be a suitable means for this purpose.

signed: M BORMANN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 090-PS

18 September 1940
2474-R/Dt.

SECRET

To the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP
Reich Director F.X. Schwarz,
Munich 33.

Dear Party Member Schwarz,

Thanks for your helpfulness in regard to the safeguarding of scientific materials in the occupied territories. I deduce from this that you are interested in this work and would therefore like to inform you about several matters.

It took some time until we found by and by the several treasures, and until we could ascertain that a lot had been abducted from Paris into other towns. Thus the treasures of the Rothschilds, robbed together from all parts of the world, are being secured by us not only in Paris but also in the various castles of the Rothschilds (Bordeaux, Deauville and so on). Legal doubts arose and I have discussed them with the Fuehrer. Subsequently he caused a new order to be issued by the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces which I enclose in duplicate. Thus the Seminary (Hohe Schule) will still receive a Polish library of 130,000 volumes. This will include the complete history of the East, probably a large Slavic library and many other items. Together with a lot of scientific material many extremely valuable objects of art have been found in cases at the residence of the Rothschilds. This has been secured and the Fuehrer will decide at a later date as to the final disposal.

In Brussels and Amsterdam we are on the track of valuable objects too. I believe that we shall be able to bring quite some material from there to Germany.

You see that we are industrially endeavoring to exploit the present moment. Such an opportunity will hardly present itself again. I am trying to keep the Staff for Special Purposes down to a minimum. Nevertheless it is unavoidable that a number of experts have to work at various places. And the work takes longer than was anticipated in the beginning.

Once more many thanks. If I should come to Munich in the near future I hope to meet you.

Heil Hitler!

28 January 1941

3581/R/dt
[initials] Sch

To: The Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP
Reich Director F.X. Schwarz

Munich 33

Subject: Staff for Special Purposes in Paris

Dear Party Member Schwarz,

About the work of my Staff for Special Purposes in France, Holland and Belgium I can inform you that the major part of the work in France will be finished by the end of February. Then only a few men have to remain in Paris.—However, in Belgium and Holland extensive research work has still to be carried out. I hope nevertheless to wind up the main part of the work there within a measurable space of time. The arrangement and registration of the large art treasures claimed a lot of special work. I had these treasures confiscated simultaneously with the scientific material. The Fuehrer is going to decide what to do with them shortly. As I informed you previously the values involved will come close to a billion dollars according to expert estimates.

I told you already verbally that the largest Jewish library of the world, consisting of 350,000 volumes, will be placed in the institution which is going to be opened at Frankfurt on the Main within a short time. Another 200,000 volumes will be added from Holland.

The library of the IInd International about the history of the social movements cannot be transferred for the moment to Germany due to lack of space. Two will have to take charge of it in Amsterdam where scientific work can start immediately. This library consists of 130,000 volumes.

The account of the expenditures up till now will be submitted to your deputy by the administrative branch of my office. However, I have to request that you put another amount of 100,000 Reichsmark at my disposal so that I can complete the work satisfactorily. At the same time I propose once more that you have parts of those sums reimbursed—be it from the Reich Marshal or from the Fuehrer's funds for cultural purposes. There is no doubt that I also have collected treasures which will not benefit the Seminary directly.

Once more I want to express my deepest thanks for letting us have the Schrenck-Notzing-Palais in Munich for our institution. Prof. Harder, the future director of this institution, is extremely pleased with it and will soon get in touch with your deputy.

A depiction of the situation regarding the branch offices of the Seminary in the various cities is just being completed and will be submitted to you within a short time.

Once more many thanks for your generous support.

Heil Hitler
Yours
[in pencil] Sch

[SYNOPSIS]
Letter of 22 May 1941, 4592/4863/R/Ma
To the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP, Reich Director Schwarz,
Munich 33.
Written by Rosenberg

11 June 1942
R./K. 1035/42

To the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP,
Reich Director Franz Xavier Schwarz
Munich 33

Dear Party Member Schwarz,

The work of my staff for special purposes has been hampered through lack of personnel. Nevertheless, the tabulating of the cultural objects secured from France has progressed so far that an exhibition of selected paintings can be arranged in the castle Neuschwanstein. The overall catalogue will be ready for type-setting in a few weeks. I would enjoy it tremendously if the two of us could be the first ones to visit this exhibition. We could then decide which objects and tapestries to suggest to the Fuehrer to be used for the furnishing of the Seminary [Hohe Schule] respectively of my office. The Fuehrer will hardly be able to visit the exhibition due to the fact that he is presently overburdened with work. However I shall ask him to visit it later and shall inform you when the Fuehrer will be able to come.

Once more I thank you for your generous support extended to my staff for special purposes. I am convinced that a large number of most valuable cultural objects have been secured for the German people.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 091-PS

11 Sept 1944 R/U/K 2500/44

To the Reich's commissar for the Netherlands
Reich's minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart

Dear esteemed Party Member Dr. Seyss-Inquart!

The development of the military situation in the West has caused me to instruct my special purpose staff in Amsterdam, to remove the library of the social institute there, to the Reich by the quickest way. However, great difficulties have arisen to that effect due to the proximity of the front lines. I have therefore put at the disposal of the Chief of my main work division Netherlands, SS Major Schmidt-Staehler, the special purpose chief Gummert with full powers for the execution of this task. Since this library is mainly composed of a unique collection of the writings of the European Marxism, it is therefore irreplaceable for our ideological-political struggles.

I request therefore sincerely from you to be of assistance to my deputies Schmidt-Staehler and Gummert, with your authority as Reich's commissar for the Netherlands, in case the difficulties arising by the removal of the library cannot be surmounted by them.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 098-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN LABOR PARTY

Munich, 33, Brown house
at present Berlin, 22 Feb 40

Deputy of the Fuehrer
Staff Leader

Mr. Reich leader Alfred Rosenberg
Berlin W 35
Margareten Str. 17

Chancellery Rosenbery, 24 Feb 40
rec. No. 555 copy AR and Urban St

Dear Party Member Rosenberg:

The deputy of the Fuehrer has heard from different sources, that Reich Bishop Mueller tells everywhere, that he received a commission from you to work out directions for formulating the teaching of religion for the schools.

I have not been able to examine the statements of Reich Bishop Mueller as to their correctness. The question, having come up for discussion again by the statements of Reich Bishop Mueller, is however in my mind of such fundamental importance for the future ideological position of the party, that I find it necessary, already now to point out to you the serious objections I have in regard to such a commission.

The ministry for education of the Reich has repeatedly indicated its desire in the course of the past few years for new directions for formulating the teaching of religion, which would also be acceptable to the NSDAP.

With your agreement, this request has repeatedly been refused by the Fuehrer's deputy. Just as your ministry did, so the deputy of the Fuehrer took the position based on the assumption, that it could not be the task of the party to give directions for the instruction of the teachings of Christian religions.

Christianity and National Socialism are phenomena which originated from entirely different basic causes. Both differ fundamentally so strongly, that it will not be possible to construct a Christian teaching which would be completely compatible with the point of view of the national socialist ideology; just as the communities of Christian faith would never be able to stand by the ideology of national socialism in its entirety. The issuing of national socialist directions for the teaching of religious classes would however be based on a synthesis of national socialism and Christianity which I find impossible.

If the directions should really be permeated by the spirit of national socialism, some very fundamental articles of faith of the Christian teachings could not be recognized. I am referring here only to the position of the Christian churches to the race question, to the question of hindrance or destruction of life not valuable, its position to marriage, which speaks for the celibacy of priests and the toleration and furtherance of orders for monks and nuns, the teaching, contradictory to German feeling, of the immaculate conception of Mary, etc.

No matter how these directions may be formulated, in no case will they ever simultaneously find the approval of the church and the party.

In addition to this, the religions themselves cannot agree on the contents of the Christian teachings; as far as the Protestants themselves are concerned, there are not only the followers of the confessional church in the Reich and the German Christians, but also the adherents of a teaching, which is endeavoring to create a new Lutheran Christendom of a particular kind approximately in the shape which seems desirable to the Reich Minister of churches, party member Kerrl. The party thus would have to decide first which of these directions of faith it would give preference, or if it should even decide for a fourth. I do not think it entirely impossible that the Reich Bishop may take this latter road, since according to his last publication he himself has already turned sharply away from conceptions which up to now have been part of the faith of the German Christians.

But if directions for the instruction of religion should ever be worked out, it will not be enough, to my mind, to make them for Protestants only; respective directions should also be worked out for Catholics. To work out directions for instructions of Catholic faith, the Reich Bishop is hardly the suitable person, and one would probably have to choose a Catholic. Of course the directions for both faiths would differ in fundamental questions, each, however would lay claim to the fact that it really contained the truly authentic interpretation of article 24 of the party program.

By issuing directions nothing would therefore be improved in the present situation in the field of the churches. The fight between the faiths would be carried on in the old form and spread into the lines of the party. Yes, all faiths and Christian groups would attack state and party, because they had assumed to encroach upon their own territory, that of teaching the Christian faith and to try to reform it.

The churches cannot be conquered by a compromise between national socialism and Christian teachings, but only through a new ideology, whose coming you yourself have announced in your writings. Because of this conviction we have always been careful, not to exert a reforming influence on the Christian dogma in any shape nor to exert any influence on the church directives for religious teachings. In complete mutual agreement we have rejected the intention of the Reich Minister for churches who, against the objection of the party, always tried anew to renew the church life in the frame of national socialist spirit, in searching for a compromise between Christian teachings and the ideology of national socialism.

Should, however, any one personality emanating from the life of the church, be charged now to work out directions for the teaching of the Christian religion, the party would thereby basically approve and accept for itself the position of the Reich Minister for the churches previously opposed by it as there is no basic difference between a position which wants to reform and reorganize the church life in its entirety, and one which aims at this goal solely in the realm of the education of youth.

So far we have always been in accord, that by taking such a step the party would leave the soil on which it is firmly planted and would step on the swaying ground of the controversial Christian doctrines. It would enter into the domain of the interpretation of the teachings of Jesus, and there would doubtless be subordinate to those who for centuries have done nothing but interpret and rewrite the words and deeds of Jesus of Nazareth as written in the old books about the actual wording of which the scientists fight even today. When in later decades and centuries the German people's soul liberated by national socialism should once again be choked and crippled by Christian doctrines, it could be possible that it may have been caused by today's attempt to effect a synthesis between national socialism and Christianity.

On the other hand, of course I am also of the opinion that it is not possible to eliminate the religious instruction in schools without replacing it with something better for the moral education of youth.

Religious instruction as given in schools today does not only comprise the instruction in the Christian doctrines of faith, the teachings of the creation of the world and of the life thereafter; besides, the children receive also instructions in the ten commandments, which for most comrades of the people to this day still are the only directives for their moral behavior and for an orderly collective life in the people's community. If this instruction is taken from the children without replacing it with something better, the objection can be made—in my estimation not without reason, that, as many contend, the present degradation of youth is in part caused by the lack of religious instruction in schools.

What, in my opinion, is therefore necessary is the preparation of a short directive about a national socialist life formulation. We need for the work of education in the party, especially also in the Hitler Youth a short resume in which the ethical principles are documented, to respect which each German boy and girl, who at one time will be representatives of the national socialistic Germany, must be educated. In such a directive for instance belongs the law of bravery, the law against cowardness, the commandment of love for the soulful nature in which God makes himself apparent also in the animal and the plant, a commandment to keep the blood pure; many principles also belong here which are for instance also contained in the decalogue of the Old Testament, as far as they can be regarded as moral principles of all people's life.

The publication of such a directive can and must only come out of our national socialist conduct of life. Its commandments of customs need to be explained by reference to any doctrines of faith about the creation of life and about life of the soul after death.

They can and must originate beyond any confessional discussions.

I take the publication of such a directive to be of utmost importance, because the German boys and girls must once be told what they can and must do, and what is forbidden for them to do. I don't even think it necessary to introduce this directive immediately into the schools as a text; it would be sufficient if for the time being it would be introduced into the party and its affiliations. Later it could also be taken over by the schools just as the little Catechism also was not created by the school boards, but first taught by the Church and later taken over by the schools.

As far as the religious instructions in the schools is concerned, I do not think that anything has to be changed in the present situation. No fault can be found with any national socialist teacher, who after the unmistakenly clear instructions of the Fuehrer's deputy, is ready to give school instructions in the Christian religion. For the contents of this instruction, however, the directives should still be binding which have in former years been made by the churches themselves. In the circular of the Fuehrer's deputy No. 3/39 of 4 Jan 1939 it is stated explicitly that the teachers charged with religious instruction are not to choose from the material on biblical history at their own discretion, but have the obligation to teach the entire biblical instruction material. Interpretations, explanations and separations in the sense of several attempts of particular church directions have to be omitted. The pupils must be given the entire picture of the biblical instruction material.

However, the teachers have the right to present this material as property of biblical thought and not as that of Germany or national socialism. If thus in some cases comparison will be drawn, this, according to the circular, corresponds only to the duties of the educator. Against such instruction of religion the churches cannot have any objections.

When, sometime later, the proposed directive for a new German conduct of life first to be used in the educational work of the party, will have found entry into the schools, it shall in no way supplant classes in religion. It may perhaps be used as a foundation for some classes in German and must have validity for all pupils, without consideration of their religious affiliations. Against such educational procedure the churches could not object, either because it would really be a matter of additional education, which would take place next to the religious instruction and without any connection with it. On the contrary, the churches would have reason to be thankful to the state because it is not satisfied with the religious instruction according to the very insufficient moral education based on the ten commandments, but that it is giving youth an additional Education, which makes much higher demands on its moral conduct.

Parallel to that the desire of the parents for the instruction in the doctrines of faith may thus well go on. The stronger and more fertile our positive educational work in the schools will be formulated, however the more certain it is that instruction of religions will be losing in importance.

If the youth which is now being educated according to our moral laws will later have to decide if it is still willing to have its children brought up in the far inferior Christian doctrines, the decision will in most cases be negative.

I would think that today, seven years after taking over the power, it should be possible to set up principles for a national socialist conduct of life. They have long been apparent to the people from the numerous early fighters for the national socialist idea.

As long as we do not master this task, however, it will always be pointed out from various sides, and rightly so, that children, not taking part in religious instruction, are no longer taught even the most simple moral laws which are a standard for the communal life of all nations.

The Fuehrer's deputy finds it necessary that all these questions should be thoroughly discussed in the near future in the presence of the Reich leaders, who are especially affected by them. I would appreciate it very much if you would let me know your position in this matter before the discussion.

Heil Hitler!

/s/ M. Bormann

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 099-PS

National Socialist German Workers Party.
The Fuehrer's Deputy
Staff leader

Munich 33, Brown House,
at present Berlin W 8, 9 Jan., 1940. Wilhelmstr. 64 III
Dr. Kl/Gf.

To Reichsleiter Party Comrade Alfred Rosenberg
Berlin W 35
Margareten Strasse 17

Subject: Raising of a War Fund from the Churches.

Enclosed, I forward to you the copy of a letter, sent today to the Reichsminister for Finance, for cognizance.

Heil Hitler

/s/ M. Bormann
(M. Bormann)

Enclosure.

Berlin 19 Jan 1940
Dr. Kl/Gf.

To the Reichsminister for Finance
Berlin W 8
Wilhelmplatz 1-2

Subject: Raising of a War Fund from the Churches.

As it has been reported to me, the war fund of the churches has been specified from the 1 November 1939 on, at first for the duration of three months at RM 1,800,000.—per month, of which Rm 1,000,000.—are to be paid by the Protestant church and RM 800,000.—by the Catholic church per month.

The establishment of such a low amount has surprised me. I construe from numerous reports, that the political communities have to raise such a large war fund, that the execution of their tasks, partially very important for example in the field of public welfare, is endangered. In consideration of that, a larger quota from the churches appears to be absolutely appropriate.

In my opinion, the determination of the amount cannot be affected by the argument that the fund could only have as a consequence a decrease of the material expenses, but not of the personnel expenses of the churches. I consider it absolutely bearable, to decrease also the personnel expenses, especially for the Catholic clergymen. In contrast to all other German men, obliged to serve, not one Catholic clergyman is in the field as the soldier; also none of the Catholic clergymen takes obligations unto himself voluntarily, like the ones which must be borne by every German family head.

As far as the technical handling of the war fund to be determined for the Catholic Church is concerned, in my opinion, the state does not have to bother to figure out the individual partial contributions, which must be raised by the various Orders and religious associations. I would rather consider it correct if the amount is determined in one for the entire Catholic Church, and if one then leaves it to the Church to divide up this amount according to its own best knowledge. However, the state must be free to call upon the property and funds of the various individual parts and groups of the church arbitrarily to make its demands valid.

As far as the Evangelical Church is concerned, for years the efforts of the Reichminister for Church Affairs have been in the direction to organize all the State Churches [Landeskirchen] of the Evangelical Church into one unified organization with a unified leadership for the spiritual as well as for the financial affairs. Despite the objections, raised by the party, these plans were more and more elaborated upon; even during the war, they were followed up without interruption. Therefore it is not unjust, to determine in one for the Evangelical Church the war fund to be raised according to the same principles, which have been developed for the Catholic Church.

It should be left up to the State Churches [Landeskirchen] and religious associations, who consider such treatment unjust, to demonstrate in an easily perceptible manner, that they are not in any dependent relationship to the leadership of the German Evangelical Church, and do not desire to come under the latter's dominion.

I would be thankful to you, if you could inform us very soon, how high the amount of the war fund of the churches has been set at. The sum, calculated for the duration of the first three months, of which, as I understand, the churches have not paid one penny, may not correspond in any way to the capability, as figured from the entire fortune and from the contribution and/or tax income of the Churches.

Heil Hitler

By order

M B (M. Bormann)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 100-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Munich 33 Brown House
at present Berlin, 18 Jan 40 Bo/Si

The Deputy of the Fuehrer, Chief of Staff

Berlin W 35
Margaretenstr. 17

Office Rosenberg No of entry 196. 20 Jan 40
submitted to RL Rosbg 1/20 Copies AR and Urban

Dear Party Member Rosenberg:

A few days ago you expressed to the Fuehrer at the Reich Chancellory that Reich Bishop Mueller had written an excellent book for the German soldier. I am of different opinion. This book familiarizes a new soldier who has already given up Christianity with partly camouflaged trains of thought.

As I have written to you already, I consider it the most essential demand of the hour that NS publications worth reading for the German soldier should be written immediately by your Office and other qualified National Socialists. This opinion has been confirmed by many regional Party leaders. Thus we set against the sale of Christian pamphlets the highly increased sale of national socialist publications which are popular.

Heil Hitler:

Yours
Signed: BORMANN
(M. Bormann)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 101-PS

National Socialist German Workers' Party

Munich 33, the Brown House
At Present, Berlin W 8,
17 Jan. 1940

Wilhelmstrasse 64 III—Dr. Kl/Gf
Rosenberg Chancellory

Entry No. 187—[? ?] 18 Jan. 40
Reich Director Rosenberg

—Shown 189
—Copy [? ?]

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Staff Director
To Reich Director Party Member Rosenberg
Berlin W 35 Margaretenstr. 17

Nearly all the districts report to me regularly, that the Churches of both confessions are administering spiritually to members of the Armed Forces. This administering finds its expression especially in the fact that soldiers are being sent religious publications by the spiritual leaders of the home congregations. These publications are in part very cleverly composed. I have repeated reports that these publications are being read by the troops and thereby exercise a certain influence on the morale.

I have in the past sought by sounding out the General Field Marshall, the High Command of the Armed Forces and Party Member Reich Director Amann, to restrict considerably the production and shipment of publications of this type. The result of these efforts remain unsatisfactory. As Reich Director [Reichsleiter] Amann has repeatedly informed me, the restriction of these pamphlets by means of the printing paper rationing has not been achieved because the paper used for the production of these writings is being purchased on the open market. Publications can only be confiscated by special police measures because they are designed to weaken the morale of the troops. Such police measures are really unsatisfactory and in their final execution very much disputed.

Likewise, the prior censorship of all writings by the High Command of the Armed Forces which takes place at the distribution points of the Armed Forces service bureau, is not sufficient in my opinion, to guarantee that the soldiers are not given an undesired influence by the Churches. A publication, the contents of which are clearly tied to the Christian dogma and which do not contain attacks against Party, State or the Armed Forces, can not in general be refused permission by this examining commission.

If the influencing of the soldiers by the Church is to be effectively combatted, this will only be accomplished, in my opinion, by producing many good publications in the shortest time possible under the supervision of the Party. These publications should be so composed that the soldiers will really prefer to read them, and at the same time, indoctrinate the soldiers with a National Socialist World philosophy, not the Christian viewpoint.

Thus at the last meeting of the deputy Gauleiters complaints were uttered on this matter to the effect that a considerable quantity of such publications are not available. This is the reason I believe, that the publication by your expert, Office Director [Amtsleiter] Party Member Ziegler, "Soldier Belief—Soldier Honor" [Soldatenglaube—Soldatenehre] has had so great a sale in a short time.

I maintain that it is necessary that in the near future we transmit to the Party Service Offices down to local group directors [Ortsgruppenleitern] a list of additional publications of this sort which should be sent to our soldiers by the local groups, Party military units [Sturme] or their adherents and friends in the field. I should not regard it as necessary or even good if the majority of these publications should have a spiritual or philosophical character. Rather I should regard it as much preferable if these publications in their finished form were styled in as varied a manner as possible, thus having an appeal to all members of the Armed Forces, regardless of their occupational or professional achievements, regardless of their interests and their background.

I should be very appreciative if you would devote your very special attention to this task, in the near future. My expert, Party Member Dr. Klopfer, is available to you for consultation about the material on hand here which is at your disposal at any time upon your call.

As the production of these publications (which at the moment are not in existence) will take a certain amount of time, and as, on the other hand, I believe that the supplying of the troops with good publications ought not to be delayed a day, I should be indebted to you if you would transmit to me a list of the already existing publications which the deputy of the Fuehrer can recommend to the Party Service Offices as suitable for dispatch to the Armed Forces.

Heil Hitler!
[Signed] M. BORMANN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 107-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Munich 17 June 1938 The Brown House

Deputy of the Fuehrer Staff Leader

CIRCULAR LETTER NR. 72/38

To all Reichsleiter and Regional Directors [Gauleiter]

Enclosed please find, for your information, a copy directions for participation of the Reichsarbeitsdienstes in religious celebrations.

Signed: M. BORMANN

Rosenberg Chancellory In Nr. 226601 on 21 June 38
Certified true copy
M
1 inclosure

Copy

Directions for the participation of the Reichsarbeitsdienstes in religious celebrations.

The Reichsarbeitsdienst is a training school in which the German youth should be educated to national unity in the spirit of National Socialism.

This problem can only be solved, if all the ideas which at one time were directed to the breaking up of national unity, are subdued in Reichsarbeitsdienst. Therefore it is forbidden to have any class, professional and religious barriers in the Reichsarbeitsdienst.

What religious beliefs a person has is not a decisive factor, but it is decisive that he first of all feels himself a German.

Every religious practice is forbidden in the Reichsarbeitsdienst because it disturbs the comrade-like harmony of all working men and women.

On this basis every participation of the Reichsarbeitsdienst in churchly, that is religious, arrangements and celebrations is not possible.

A religious creed will strive within the German people for predominance. The Reichsarbeitsdienst in all its male and female leaders, working men and women strive for the indissoluble binding of the whole people.

Therefore not only allowing the members of the Reichsarbeitsdienst to attend church in a body, but also participation by the members of the Reichsarbeitsdienst in religious celebrations for example, weddings or funerals, violates the educational task which is facing the organization.

As little as it is the affair of the Reichsarbeitsdienst to forbid its individual members to have a church wedding or funeral, so definitely must the Reichsarbeitsdienst avoid taking part as an organization in a festival which is strictly religious, that is, which excludes Germans of other beliefs.

It is therefore, in any case, necessary to execute a clear temporal separation between the churchly celebration and the debut of the Reichsarbeitsdienst.

The Reichsarbeitsdienst does not participate in religious celebrations, but rather turns her support to the marriage or burial of a member before or after the churchly celebration.

The participation of the musical band of the Reichsarbeitsdienst in classical churchly concerts (for example, production of the "Schoepfung" by Haydn) is not to be regarded as a partaking in a religious celebration, and is always to be decided according to the local conditions.

Signed: HIERL

Authenticated:
REISMEIR

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 113-PS

Rosenberg
[in pencil]

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff
Munich, Brown House, 27 July 1938

III Entered 11 Aug 38 6691
[Stamped]

Rosenberg Chancellery
[Stamped] Entry No. 2896k 3 Aug 38

[in pencil]

With regard to the constantly emphasized neutrality of the party with the churches, it is pertinent to eliminate, as far as possible, the existing frictions. Since pastors, as political and subordinate leaders have shown in the past that they were not able to make decisions when the job of trusteeship was added to the danger of having them drawn into church conflicts, the Deputy of the Fuehrer has decreed the following:

1. Pastors are to be released immediately from their party function as standard bearers [Hoheitstraeger].

2. Pastors are to be interchanged little by little according to replacements at hand as political or subordinate leaders of the congregations.

3. As of now, it is forbidden to continue appointments of pastors to positions in the Party, to their congregations, and to groups associated with church activities.

Signed: M. BORMANN

Certified true copy:
Friedrichs
Distributor: II b

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 116-PS

SECRET

Copy Dt.

National Socialist German Workers Party

The deputy of the Fuehrer Staff Director.

Munich, 24 January 1939.

III D—Es 3230/0/15—4278 g.
Rosenberg Chancellery
Receipt Nr. 6007-31 Jan 3

Berlin W. 35. Margarethenstr. 17

Concerning: Theological Faculties.

My dear Party Member Rosenberg:

I am transmitting to you by the attached enclosure a copy of a letter I have written today to the Reich Minister for Knowledge, Education and Popular Education. I request that you take cognizance of the same.

Heil Hitler.

Your very devoted,
(signed) M. BORMANN.

I Attachment.

SECRET

Copy Dt.

National Socialist German Workers Party
The Deputy of the Fuehrer

Munich, 24 January 1939
III D-Fs 3230/0/15-4278 g

Concerning: Theological Faculties.

In regard to your letter of 28 Nov 38—(Office Chief W)—and the conference between Mr. State Minister Dr. Wacker and my expert party member Wemmer, I would like to again inform you of the stand the Party is taking.

Fundamentally, theological inquiry cannot be placed on the same footing as the general fields of knowledge in the Universities as it represents less a free field of knowledge than a confessional (i.e. religious) aim of research. No doubts exist on this ground if the theological faculties in the German High schools are appreciably restricted.

In this case, as you have likewise pointed out in your letter, the clause of the Concordat and the Church Treaties are to be taken into consideration. In the case of certain faculties, which are not mentioned by a specific clause in the Concordat and Church Treaties, as for example Munich and a few others, a suppression can be begun without further to do. This is equally true of the theological faculties in Austria, Vienna and Graz.

But also, in the case of the faculties which are specifically mentioned in the Concordat or Church Treaties, there now exists a special legal situation which has been created by the general change in circumstances. Particularly, the introduction of military service and the execution of the Four Year Plan must be considered. By virtue of these measures, and in addition by virtue of the fact of an extraordinary lack of replacement men in contrast to the earlier numerous replacement men available, it will be necessary to execute a certain reorganization of the German High Schools. Thus economics and simplifications are necessary. I should like to refer particularly once more to these questions on the basis of the oral discussion between Mr. State Minister Dr. Wacker and my expert. Because of this I would appreciate it very much if you would restrict the theological faculties insofar as they cannot be wholly suppressed in accordance with the above statement. In this event the matter concerns not only the theological faculties in the universities, but also the various state establishments which still exist in many places as institutes of high learning exclusively devoted to theology and without connection with a university.

I request in this instance the omission of any express declaration to the churches or to other places as well as the avoiding of a public announcement of these measures. Complaints and the like must be answered (if they are to be replied to) in the fashion that these measures are being executed in the course of the economic plan of reorganization and that similar things are happening to other faculties.

I would appreciate it very much if professorial chairs, thus vacated, can be then turned over to the newly created fields of inquiry of these last years, such as racial research, archaeology studies, etc.

Heil Hitler!

as representative
Signed: M. BORMANN

Certified true copy
Signed: Engel

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 117-PS

National Socialist German Workers' Party
The delegate of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff

Munich 28 Jan. 1939
III D—Es 2240/0/21 3400 g.

Personal

Secret

Reichsleiter Rosenberg.
Berlin W 35 Margarethenstr. 17.

Chancellery Rosenberg
In: Nr. 6231—10 Feb. 39.

Subject: Armed Forces and Church

Dear Esteemed Party Member Rosenberg,

I sent to you in the annex for your reference a copy of my letter of to-day to the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces.

Heil Hitler

Your very devoted,
Signed: BORMANN.

1 Enclosure.

SECRET

National Socialist German Workers' Party

Carbon copy

28 January 1939
III D Es 2240/0/21—34 g.

The Fuehrer's Deputy.
To: The Supreme Command of the Armed Forces.
To: Captain Thomee or his representative.
Berlin W 35 Tirpitzufer 72-76

Subject: Armed Forces and Church

In reference to the conference between Brigadier General Reinecke and my expert party member, Chief Councillor to the Government Wemmer, of Wednesday the 11th of this month, I want to explain to you once more in order to confirm the arrangements made by my expert, the attitude of the party with regard to these questions.

In the last years, the party had to announce its position, time and time again, to the plan of establishing a State Church, or of a closer connection between the State and the Church. The party has repudiated these plans with all its force and for the following reasons. In the first place it would not be compatible for the doctrinal demands of National Socialism to unite the State with the churches as the outer organization of the religious communions which do not have as aim in all their fields the carrying out of the National Socialist principles. In the second place, considerations of a political nature oppose such an outer unity. At present, the churches, the Protestant as well as the Catholic one, are disunited internally, and partly externally too, seen from an organizational point of view, they do not form a unity any longer. A union of these churches with a State built on a strong close leadership and on any National Socialist principles is bound to fail. Such a union, furthermore, would result in constant arguing between Church and State. Furthermore, competence quarrels would arise constantly there, where measures have to be taken concerning either the State or the Church; in this case also one must always count with the difficulty that the Churches would refuse such decisions out of dogmatic reasons. Numerous examples of such an attitude can be found there, where out of historical reasons, there still is a union between State and Church, such as for instance in the case of the School. But even there where the State has recently tried to bring order in the affairs of the Church by making decisions such as for instance the setting up of a State's finance committee for the Church administration, experience has been made that one portion of the churches thought these decisions were necessary, but another portion thought, for dogmatic reasons, that this was an intolerable meddling with the church life. With such unfortunate circumstances, there is always a danger for the State that it has to execute its decisions forcibly if these are not being carried out; this particular condition must be prevented for several reasons.

For these reasons of doctrinal and political nature, the deputy of the Fuehrer has opposed the setting up of a State Church; he has also rejected the attempts to make use of the authority of the State for a different kind of union between the State and Church and to settle outer organizational matters which should be the task of the Church. The party, therefore, would regret very much if contrary to this attitude, the Armed Forces would continue with their plans to set up a private consistory for the Armed Forces, that is to say to create a private church for the Armed Forces. The Armed Forces Church would indeed be nothing else but a State Church within the Armed Forces. To supplement this I would like to bring out the following points:

1. A great portion of the ministers of both churches stand, in accordance with the attitude of the churches, in concealed and also open opposition to National Socialism and the State led by it. In these questions a different judgment of the case is presented as it would have been before or during the World War when the churches were in a more positive relationship to the State. Today, however, the churches and the ministers, should a crisis arise for this National Socialist State, would pass from concealed to open opposition. They will not in times of crisis support or help this state but at best leave it to its own fate. That they will even fight this State in these times in order to regain lost fields is clearly demonstrated by the Protestant beseeching prayer in reference to the Sudetenland crisis; I want to bring this incident to your attention once more. This high treasonlike beseeching prayer proves that the churches have only been waiting till the National Socialist State found itself, at least in their opinion, in a moment of uneasiness, to take up the fight against the State with their whole psychological influential means. In my opinion this fact deserves special attention, because this beseeching prayer clearly demonstrates in which spiritually extraordinary successful way these churches try to influence the individuals. I do not think that the ministers of these churches will be a support to the fighting troops, but that on the contrary, they will be to a great extent dangerous destroyers of the spiritual fighting strength in the decisive moment.

I want to emphasize that at that time this beseeching prayer was approved by most of the country's churches and that it was only later on, once these trying days were put to a good end, and often drawn out negotiations from the part of the Reich's church ministry had been ended, that some of the country's churches announced their disapproval; this disapproval, however, in the meantime was in part repudiated. A separate church from the Armed Forces even though it might free itself, as to its organization, from the other country's churches, will not be spared from this danger. The Armed Forces church would have to get its recruits from the other churches. Even if one would go as far, and this in my opinion is practically impossible, as to how the Armed Forces form their own ministery from youth on, this separation of an Armed Forces church from the rest of the churches will not be possible because their church faith ideas will remain the same because they are all based on dogmatic principles.

2. It is known to me that certain disputes arose when the Armed Forces tried to bring about a union between the Protestant and Catholic churches; furthermore, that certain organizational measures such as for instance the combining of the Church song book, the creation of a unified Church service etc. would be appropriate. But according to experiences which the party and the State encountered in these questions, the difficulties, instead of decreasing, on the contrary increase when these matters are taken in hand by authorities other than the church. But the party, by its logical attitude towards these matters, wanted to spare the State from these difficulties and arguments within the churches, that are always led back on dogmatic principles. It should remain up to the church if they can, want or do not, to accomplish these desirable organizational measures and unifications. The State or the party would furthermore oppose an inevitable development in this field by meddling in church matters; namely a development which would lead to leaving these affairs to forces which still want to be in connection with the Church.

The Fuehrer's Deputy has therefore considered it as his duty, after the basic decision to reject a union between State and Church had been made, to see to it that the basic ideological freedom of faith and conscience be also practically realized in all the State's decrees, decisions etc. Everywhere the church matters have been left up to the church, but also every religious constraint, wherever present, was removed. At the same time, those who wanted to busy themselves, with Church and religious matters in a correct carrying out of the basic faith and conscience freedom were given the possibility to do so.

The Fuehrer's Deputy would welcome it if the Armed Forces would act in these essential ideological decisions, after the same principles as the party and also now the State have laid out for themselves, instead of pursuing the plans for a creation of an Armed Forces Church or any other closer union between the Armed Forces and the church. I am convinced that in a short time there will be no more difficulties for the Armed Forces either, which difficulties had been brought about by the plan to create a separate Armed Forces Church. In fact the Armed Forces have already taken a position to these questions and basically also in the sense of accomplishing freedom of faith and conscience. It should be decisive, however, in this respect to note that these instructions are in many cases not always completely carried out. To assure a right execution of this principle of freedom of faith and conscience it would be in my opinion necessary to observe the following points:

(1) The orders stating that no constraint can be exercised in the attendance of church services during the free evening hours in army camps would really have to be complied with. The carrying out of these orders should not, as in reality it sometimes is, be left up to the discretion of some higher or lower ranking superiors. In most cases, no direct constraint is exercised but in some cases the non-assistance of church services is punished by extra duty etc. Such incidents should lead in the future to disciplinary action.

(2) The duty of Army Chaplains, if they are available in the Armed Forces, should be to give an opportunity to those members of the Armed Forces who have a need to talk things over with them. They could hold religious services if there is a need for it and if the members of the Armed Forces cannot attend the regular services. But the attendance would have to be on a voluntary basis for everybody.

It is evident that in the Armed Forces which grasp all German men, there will be a need to a certain extent for attendance of Church services. These members of the Armed Forces should be given an opportunity, provided it does not interfere with the service, to visit churches and ministers on their own. But further than that, Army chaplains should not be used to hold church services, to arrange evening hours etc. and to exercise any constraint to that effect. They should only be available in order to be present there where a need arises for them.

(3) Special officer ranks of the church service and similar institutions should be abolished.

(4) The building of own Armed Forces Churches should also be discontinued. I hardly think that there will be many cases where the members of the Armed Forces will not have the possibility to visit a church, outside of the Army, just like everybody else.

(5) No formation Church attendance should take place.

(6) Church organizations should have nothing to do with the Armed Forces. Everything should be left up to the individual in his field.

In conclusion, I think I can say that with these and other measures, namely with the complete and exact accomplishment of the principle of freedom of faith and conscience, in a short time the technical difficulties which might have arisen here and there could be overcome. I want to point once more to the order dated 13.12.1938, issued by the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. According to this order, military celebrations are not to be connected any more with a religious benediction at the time the recruits are being sworn in. The attendance of Church services of the soldiers, which takes place possibly right after they are sworn in, is voluntary. The church services are to be held separately from the swearing in ceremonies.

It would, in my opinion be very necessary, it would also be in accordance with the basic attitude of the Fuehrer's deputy that these principles contained in this order would be applied wherever the question of the relationship between the Armed Forces and the church arises. Such a correct and exact accomplishment of the principle of freedom of faith and conscience would present the proof that the Armed Forces cannot be accused of being anti-Church or anti-Christian; on the other hand, it would also prove that the Armed Forces are not based on different ideological principles than the ones represented and executed by the State, the National Socialist Workers' Party and its affiliation. In this way it would be made certain that the same educational principles exist in all the organizations as well as the teaching institutions of our German people, namely the Armed Forces, the Hitler Youth, School labor service and affiliations of the party. I think that this fact would do much more for the spiritual integrity of the German soldier than if the young German would find himself confronted, during the various stages of his education, with various attitudes toward these questions.

Heil Hitler

1 Enclosure.          Signed: M. BORMANN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 122-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff

Munich, 17 April 1939 Brown House
[Rubber stamp]:
Receipt Rosenberg Chancellory 24 Apr 39

III/16—Tho 3230/0/15 270 g

Attention of office director Kerksiek or his deputy in the office.

Berlin W 35 Margaretenstrasse 17.

[Rubber stamp]

SECRET

[handwritten note: submitted to Pg Bradmann for comment—R]

Subject: Theological faculties.

I send you the enclosed photostatic copy of a plan suggested by the Reichs Minister for Science, Education and training, for the combining of theological faculties with a request for your cognizance and prompt action.

Heil Hitler!
Signed: M. BORMANN

1 enclosure

[SYNOPSIS OF DOCUMENT]

Berlin W 8, 6 April 1939

Letterhead of Reichs Minister of Science, Education and Training

The plan which I expect to put into operation at the beginning of the winter semester 1939/40 presents the following picture.

In the East the following faculties will be maintained: Koenigsberg (Evangelic), Braunsberg (Catholic), Breslau (Evangelic and Catholic), Vienna (Evangelic and Catholic). I have already ordered the combination of the Catholic faculty in Graz with the one in Vienna which will remain the only place in Austria with both faculties.

In Bavaria after closing the Munich faculty there will remain the Catholic faculty at Wurzburg and the Evangelic faculty at Erlangen. The continuation of these is important but the five state theological institutes of Bavaria should be reduced to three. I ask you to suggest the two to be closed.

In the Southwest regions I suggest the removal of the Evangelical faculty in Heidelberg to Tubingen and of the Catholic faculty in Tubingen to Freiberg. That will provide an exchange between Wurttemberg and Baden based on the Catholic predominance in Baden and Evangelic predominance in Wurttemberg.

In West Germany a similar exchange between Bonn and Munster is proposed but which shall be designated Catholic or Evangelic is a difficult question. A decision I should like to postpone a little time.

A similar question arises with the proposed transfer of the faculty from Giessen to Marburg. Since the closing of the forestry faculty at Giessen this university has not many students. The reversal of transfer is perhaps the solution but that is not feasible at this time because of the newly organized Institute for Religious Science. Professor Frick who is to head this institute has pointed out that his transfer from religious to philosophical endeavors may be viewed as a tendency against religion. I have suggested a gradual transfer of activity and consider the final time of transfer to be the propitious moment for such a transfer of the Evangelic faculty of the University of Marburg to that of the University of Bonn. Until that time it will be best to maintain the faculty at Gottingen since its influence in the Anglican world is great.

In the central German regions I propose a transfer of the Leipzig faculty to the University of Halle. The small faculty at Jena I should like to maintain because of its German-Christian stand.

In north German regions a combination of the Evangelic faculties of Rostock and Kiel at Kiel is planned.

Finally I should like to combine the faculties of Berlin and Greifswald in Greifswald. A double purpose would be achieved. Greifswald's weak enrollment would be improved and the Berlin faculty would not have to be included in the new university city of Berlin. I am sure this proposal will rouse the Berlin faculty but believe I can handle that problem.

To recapitulate this plan would include the complete closing of theological faculties at Innsbruck, Salzburg and Munich, the transfer of the faculty of Graz to Vienna and the vanishing of four Catholic faculties.

a. Closing of three Catholic theological faculties or Higher Schools and of four Evangelic faculties in the winter semester 1939/40.

b. Closing of one further Catholic and of three further Evangelic faculties in the near future.

I ask your comments at your earliest opportunity. I propose then to give the Ministry of Churches this information.

By direction:
ZSCHINTZSCH
(Authenticated).

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 123-PS

Copy

NSDAP
The Deputy Fuehrer, Chief of Staff

Munich, 23 June 1939, Brown House
III D-ES 3230/0/15 2131 g.A.E 50/39

SECRET

Attention: Verwaltungsleiter Kerksiek or deputy

Berlin W. 35, Margarethen St. 17

Chancery Rosenberg Receipt No. 29 June 39 8487

Subject: Theological Faculties

With regard to the Conference of Specialists on the Liaison Staff of the NSDAP please find enclosed a copy of my letter of today to the Reich Minister for Science, Education and National Education for your information.

I would like to request you to inform me in due time as to your further wishes regarding the point of view cited in my letter. I will also arrange that conferences on this subject take place in an inter-party form in order to put the wishes of the party offices before the Reichs Ministry of Education as soon as possible.

Heil Hitler!
Signed: M. Bormann

1. Enclosure

Copy

NSDAP
The Deputy Fuehrer

Transcript
Munich 23 June 1939
III D-ES 3230/0/15 2131 g.A.

CONFIDENTIAL

Attention: Regierungsrat Jaehnert or Deputy

Berlin Unter den Linden 69

Subject: Theological Faculties.

I have noted statements regarding the combining of the theological faculties at the German Universities, in your letter of the 6 April 1939—W.A. No. 76/39g. Concerning this subject a conference has taken place between all the party offices concerned, in which the principal points of view for the party as well as your statement were discussed. I would therefore like to inform you in detail of the Party's decisions as a result of this comprehensive discussion:

1. The Evangelical faculty of the Koenigsberg University must remain for the time being as it is, since it is the only one of this type for East Prussia as well as for the whole northeast area.

2. In future there will no longer exist any necessity for the preservation of the state Catholic educational institution in Braunsberg. I request you, therefore, to combine this institution with the Catholic faculty of the University of Breslau.

3. Regarding Breslau, the Protestant as well as the Catholic faculties must be retained for the time being.

4. Similarly both faculties of the University of Prag must remain for the present as at this time it would not be advisable to reduce the University of Prag in any manner. Although in regard to a dispersal of the theological faculty in Prag there would be no difficulties with the Concordat, I do not deem it advisable at the moment to initiate measures of this sort there. Action regarding the University of Prag must still be retarded for a time.

5. The situation at the University of Vienna is very similar. Vienna is the only university of the Ostmark, at which the theological faculty is still in existence. I request, therefore, that you reserve any decisions in this matter a little longer, until the situation in regard to the University of Prag has been further cleared up. Nevertheless I would like to emphasize now that at a later date the dissolution of the theological faculties of the Universities of Wien and Prag will also be necessary in my opinion.

6. I request you to combine the Protestant theological faculty in Rostock with the Protestant theological faculty in Kiel, in conformance with both the arrangements described in your message and the proposal that I have already put forward.

7. In regard to the theological faculty in Berlin I am in complete agreement with you in that under no circumstances should this faculty be included in the new University Town [Hochschulstadt]. The theological faculty of Berlin must disappear in the near future. I do not deem it advisable, as you suggest should next be done to transfer this faculty to Greifswald. Fundamentally it is inadvisable to shift the theological faculty of a large city to a small town. The possibility must not be allowed to arise of such a large number of theological students, as would come to a small university city as a result of such a transfer, giving this character to this city, and even perhaps to the whole region. Since this danger does not exist in a large city, I request you to leave the theological faculty in Berlin for the time being. I do not deem it necessary to determine the future of this faculty today, since the new university town will presumably not be completed for several years.

8. Since three theological faculties in the German Baltic area are not necessary, I request you to transfer the theological faculty of the University of Greifswald as well as that of Rostock to Kiel. The theological faculties in Koenigsberg and Kiel should be quite sufficient. I do not believe special consideration for Greifswald in regard to the northern states to be necessary since the university of Kiel has made the furthering of ties with the north its particular mission.

9. For Bavaria I request that more extensive measures be carried out than were provided for in your communication of the 6.4.1939. In the future the preservation of the five state philosophic-theological universities in Bavaria will no longer be necessary. In so far as these are to be theological faculties in the future, the training of theologians is to be carried out by them and not by any state universities serving the church exclusively. I would ask you therefore not only to reduce these institutions to three, but also to break them up completely in the shortest possible time, if it is not possible to do so immediately. Above all, I request you to dissolve the universities in Passau, Regensburg and Bamberg in the aforementioned order, because they are the cores of extremely strong confessional activity against National Socialism.

10. In addition there is also in Bavaria the Church's own Institution in Eichstadt for training bishops which receives considerable state subsidies. Even though there is no question of dissolving this church institution, nevertheless, I would like you to ensure that the State subsidies to this institution cease immediately.

11. I request that the Catholic faculty of the university of Wuerzburg be retained until further notice.

12. In the same manner the Protestant faculty of the University of Erlangen will have to be retained.

13. Regarding the south German area, I do not agree with your plan to transfer the Protestant faculty in Heidelberg to Tuebingen. Tuebingen has already become a confirmed Protestant-theological center. It is feared that the transferring of the Heidelberg Protestant faculty to Tuebingen would only still further emphasize this characteristic of the university town. I wish, therefore, that the Protestant faculty of Tuebingen be combined with that in Heidelberg.

14. May I give you my decision later regarding your plan to transfer the Catholic faculty from Tuebingen to Freiburg, since the necessity has arisen to reconsider this matter.

15. In western Germany, I do not deem your projected exchange between Bonn and Muenster expedient. I wish you to combine both theological faculties in Bonn.

16. Furthermore, I would request you to transfer the Protestant faculty of the University of Marburg to Giessen. I do not consider that the ideas which you asserted regarding working with foreign Forscher (odd sects) at the institute for Religious Science which will be established in Marburg, solve the problem.

17. In addition, I wish you to transfer the theological faculty of Goettingen to Giessen.

18. The theological faculty of Jena would probably have to be retained until further notice.

19. Also the theological faculty in Leipzig should be combined with that in Halle.

In the above I have informed you of the Party's wishes after thorough investigation of the matter with all party offices. I would be grateful if you would initiate the necessary measures as quickly as possible, in regard to the great political significance for the Gau concerned, which will be the result in every single case of such a combination.

I would like you to always keep in contact with me when instituting these measures, in particular with regard to the arranging of the actual time, since I am in touch with the competent Gau administrations. Furthermore, I would like you to take into consideration the following in connection with the mergers which we have planned:

1. As a result of these mergers a rather large number of professional chairs will become vacant. I believe it of the utmost importance that these positions should not remain unfilled, but that they should be occupied again or at least the greater portion of them. When doing this, those branches of science must be primarily considered which have been able to prove that they formerly had too few professional chairs. I would like to reserve the opportunity of getting in touch with you again regarding details.

2. Furthermore, as a result of these mergers a large number of institutes, libraries, buildings, etc. will be vacated. I do not deem it wise to place all these accommodations at the disposal of the new theological faculties connected with these mergers. The necessity will probably arise of dealing specially with each separate case according to the circumstances. Here I would also like to request that you consult me when making decisions.

3. Above all, I request that you keep me continually informed regarding the individual arrangements to be carried out by you in order that I be able to inform the party offices interested and especially the appropriate Gau administration, which is mainly concerned, in time.

Heil Hitler!

I.V. Signed: M. Bormann

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 129-PS

Reich Minister Kerrl

Berlin W 8, 6 September 1939

CONFIDENTIAL

Dear Mr. Stapel!

I have received your letter of 31 August and in no wise neglected your memorandum on the situation of the Evangelical Church in Germany, but read it through immediately. I must tell you that I agree with the portrayal of the situation down to the last word, although I must assume that the "inflation of principles" is also aimed at me. However that did not annoy me, I understand your idea rather completely. So that you understand me too, I want to continue your memorandum with my reasons. You close with the absolutely correct conclusion:

The State should neither combat existing religion nor introduce a new religion. It should allow Christianity to prove by itself that it still has vital force. It should confine itself to spiritual affairs and only exercise compulsion in the production of a legal and administrative unity of the Evangelical Church.

Correct!

My action is determined however by the following situation:

As you know from the speech of the Fuehrer in the Reichstag on 30 January 1939, every power in exercising compulsion in the production of a legal and administrative unity of the Evangelical Church was completely withdrawn from me. The Fuehrer considers his efforts to bring the Evangelical Church to reason, unsuccessful and the Evangelical Church with respect to its condition rightfully a useless pile of sects. As you emphasize the Party has previously carried on not only a fight against the political element of the Christianity of the Church, but also a fight against membership of Party Members in a Christian confession.

I am of the opinion that in this situation it can very easily eventuate that the "Organization of German Understanding of the Christian Religion Through Luther" will collapse of its own accord, if, as in Austria and in the Sudetan Gau, the privileges, namely of collecting taxes and state subsidies are entirely removed from the Evangelical Church. If it comes to that then from the collapse of the organization of the Evangelical Church the advantage will redound not to the State but to the Catholic Church which cannot receive a mortal blow through such measures in its well-aimed unified, basically political organization.

The Catholic Church will and must, according to the law under which it is set up, remain a thorn in the flesh of a Racial State. An effective combatting of it cannot ensue from a State which thanks to its secure ideological basis desires and must refrain from every intervention into religious things. The National Socialistic State can therefore put nothing positive or new in the place of that which it must perhaps destroy and from the collapsing Evangelical Church the people somewhat deceived about their religion would in large numbers stream into the Catholic Church, and this Church would then divide the people into two mutually hostile groups in a much more regrettable manner than has happened through the confessions.

In addition every negative struggle, which cannot in a positive manner replace that which has been destroyed, is anyhow condemned to failure.

In this factual situation I see an unheard of danger for the religious peace of the German people approaching and, all my efforts—you will understand that—have previously been only directed at eliminating this danger. But that is only possible if the Party learns to distinguish in the clearest manner between religion and ideology and thus, as Luther established and Kant scientifically proved, realizes, that ideology must limit itself to the area of experience, where alone reason can become knowledge. It must further realize that knowledge based on reason alone cannot satisfy the human being here on earth, but, that he (the human being) according to the structure of the "world of freedom within himself", or let us say, according to "the Kingdom of God within himself" cannot overcome the compelling moral necessity to attain certainty concerning the essence of God. The human being is now no "purely moral being", but the torture and the happiness of his earthly life consists in moving about in flesh and blood. Therefore however we have power over the inevitable weakness of not always being able to harmonize moral thought and deed. To be sure we do not need to be ashamed of original sin or to find our body despicable, for it, and thereby original sin is from God and we are no gods, but human beings. But how could we, who must believe in the moral importance of our life and the world, get along, because we without being sure of our immortality would not be able to yield our bodily life in fulfillment of our duty itself, without a religion going beyond the boundaries of reason? How could we who ourselves are righteous, doubt the fact that God must be just, and how could we demand of him the all-knowing, who knows our thoughts, that he confer on us immortality, if our righteousness condemns the one whom it recognizes as acting against his better moral conviction. Our life here on earth would be senseless, if we could find out nothing about the true essence of God, if we were not in some way certain that it is not righteousness but divine love. But we cannot find it out through knowledge based on reason, but only by the power of faith which we can get for ourselves through the personality of Christ, therefore from the true Christian religion, for which in no wise is the presentation of the priests standard, but only Christ himself.

The "Foundation of the Religion of Christ" rests in our own inner being. The Evangelical Church of today has not been able to lead us to this real "Religion of Christ". This Religion of Christ is only to be grasped if not only the genius of a Luther, but everybody has learned to distinguish the domains of reason and faith. It depends neither on sacred orders nor on sacraments, but one finds the way to it only if one has learned to doubt reason, as this reason has most accurately become acquainted with its magnitude and its narrow boundaries, and only Priests who have grasped that with reason and heart, can penetrate from pseudo-priesthood to the true priesthood and thus fill the hearts of the people with true faith.

Therefore for 15 years I have been working on a book which explains to everybody the scientific basis of National Socialism in such a way that one learns to recognize the extent and the boundaries of reason as well as of ideology and the necessity of the religion of Christ, and comprehends, that in this area Party and State can do only one thing: to completely take one's own position and to renounce any claim to a decision.

I believe I can finish this work at this time; its publication however will not be possible until the return of peace.

However, in order that meanwhile these conclusions mentioned above which would lead to the destruction of the organization of the Evangelical Church, might not occur, it was my most important job to see to it that today's pile of sects in the Evangelical Church would consolidate of their own accord into an organ at least filled with a desire for unity.

Therefore, as I was no longer allowed to issue orders under the State I tried again and again to exercise influence on the district church leaders even though they seemed to be powerless according to your statements approved by me in your memorandum, at least to create this condition for the possibility of preserving the organization of the Lutheran Church. These efforts have at least reached a certain conclusion and become fruitful to such an extent that it was possible to aim at a unity among them over three men, who as a confidential council of the church chancellery now possess the possibility of finding by positive work confidence of the people who feel united in the Evangelical Church.

If these men, Bishop Mardahrens, Bishop Schultz of Mecklenburg and Oberkonsistorialrat Hymmen apprehend the commandment of the hour, then by positive work they can line up the direction of the Evangelical Church with the goals desired by me into a complete legal and administrative unity. If they do not understand how to direct this positive work correctly, then both of us will have to bury the hope of a preservation of the organization of the Lutheran Church, because only the success of such a work can give the Fuehrer the justification of giving us full power in the direction desired by us.

You can imagine that I would much prefer to see you among these three men, because I would then know that the work was being actively and successfully lined up with the goal jointly desired by both of us. However I shall pursue this aim with all the energy in my power as long as I am in my job and the decision of the Fuehrer gives me approval or disapproval.

These are difficult times into which our people are now entering, but I believe that Providence even here has correctly guided everything. It has through the Fuehrer created for conditions for the inevitable battle, as they cannot be found more favorable. If the German people maintain themselves—and what justifies us in doubting it—everything must come to a good and victorious end, and thereby would be created just the proper condition for the extension of the Third Reich externally in tranquil safety and in well-aimed work at home, but then would be created just the right soil for the possibility of nationalistic church work in the congregations, which you rightfully consider the most important thing.

Please be convinced that I am always happy to think of you and rejoice at every communication from you.

I know that you are a man who has already accomplished extraordinary things for the spiritual enlightenment of the German people and I am convinced that you will still accomplish in the future fruitful things in this work.

I need not emphasize to you that this letter is confidential. However, I shall make accessible to the Confidential Council copies of your splendid memorandum as well as copies of this letter for confidential cognizance. I would be especially glad if in the near future I found the opportunity to discuss orally with Reich Minister Hess your memorandum and my answer.

With hearty greetings and with

Heil Hitler!
Yours
[Signed] Kerrl

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 131-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKER'S PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff

Munich, 12 December 1939 Brown House
III—So./Eis. 3230/0

Berlin W 35 Margareten Strasse 17

Ministerial-Director Mentzel has recently informed us verbally that you intend to take over the seven existing professorships of the former catholic-theological faculty at the University of Munich. These are to serve as a fundament for the Seminary (Hohe Schule) for National-Socialism. Gauleiter Adolf Wagner is supposed to have agreed to this.

I would appreciate it if you would confirm the correctness of the information given by Ministerial-Director Mentzel.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: M. BORMANN
(M. Bormann)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 136-PS

Copy

Information to all Sections of Party and State.

The "Hohe Schule" is supposed to become the center for national socialistic ideological and educational research. It will be established after the conclusion of the war. I order that the already initiated preparations be continued by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, especially in the way of research and the setting up of the library.

All sections of party and State are requested to cooperate with him in this task.

(Signed) ADOLF HITLER

Berlin, 29 January 1940
Certified a true copy
Berlin 15 Dec 1943
Dr. Zeiss
Stabseinsatzfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 137-PS

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76 5 July 1940

Telephone: Local 218191
Long distance 218091

Reichsleiter Rosenberg has requested from the Fuehrer to have:

1. The State libraries and archives searched for documents which are valuable for Germany.

2. The chanceries of the high church authorities and lodges searched for political activities which are directed against us, and to have the material in question confiscated.

The Fuehrer has ordered that this plan should be complied with and that the Secret State police—supported by the keepers of the archives of Reichsleiter Rosenberg—should be entrusted with the search. The Chief of the Security Police, SS Lt. General Heydrich, has been notified; he will get in touch with the responsible military commanders to carry out this order.

This measure should be carried out in all the territories of Holland, Belgium, Luxembourg and France which are occupied by us.

It is requested that the subordinate agencies should be notified.

The Chief of the Supreme Command
of the Armed Forces.

(Signed) KEITEL

To Reich leader Rosenberg
Copy for information
(Signed) [Illegible]
Captain [Rittmeister] and executive officer.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 138-PS

Copy

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76, 17 Sept 1940
Tel: 21 81 91

2 f 28.14 W.Z. No. 3812/40 g

In supplement to the order of the Fuehrer transmitted at the time to Reichsleiter Rosenberg to search lodges, libraries and archives in the occupied territories of the west for material valuable to Germany, and to safeguard the latter through the Gestapo, the Fuehrer has decided:

The ownership status before the war in France, prior to the declaration of war on 1 September 1939, shall be the criterion.

Ownership transfers to the French state or similar transfers completed after this date are irrelevant and legally invalid (for example, Polish and Slovak libraries in Paris, possessions of the Palais Rothschild or other ownerless Jewish possessions). Reservations regarding search, seizure and transportation to Germany on the basis of the above reasons will not be recognized.

Reichsleiter Rosenberg and/or his deputy Reichshauptsellenleiter Ebert has received clear instructions from the Fuehrer personally governing the right of seizure; he is entitled to transport to Germany cultural goods which appear valuable to him and to safeguard them there. The Fuehrer has reserved for himself the decision as to their use.

It is requested that the services in question be informed correspondingly.

Signed: KEITEL

For information:
Attention: Reichsleiter Rosenberg

certified true copy
Berlin 15 December 43
(Dr. Zeiss)

[Rosenberg special purpose staff seal]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 139-PS

Copy

SUPREME COMMAND OF THE ARMED FORCES

Berlin W 35 Tirpitzufer 72-75 10 October 1940.

Tel: Local Service 21 81 91
Long Distance 21 80 91

Az 2 f 28 J (Ia).
No. 1838/40 g.
Reference: Chief Supreme Command Armed Forces
No. 3812/40 g WZ of 17 September 1940.

To: Supreme Army High Commander.

As supplement to the above-mentioned letter, addressed to the Military Administration of Occupied France, it is requested that corresponding directions be given also to the Military Administration in Belgium.

Chief of the Supreme Command
of the Armed Forces

By Order

Signed: REINECKE

For Information:
Attention Reichsleiter ROSENBERG's Adjutant.
Reference: 2606/ a.

Rosenberg's special purpose staff seal.

Certified true copy
Berlin 15 December 1943
(Dr. Zeiss)
Chief special purpose Staff.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 140-PS

SECRET

Copy

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
Az.Zf.285 (G-3) Nr. 1838/40

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76 30 Oct. 1940
Tel. local 218191, long distance 218091

To: The Armed Forces Commander in the Netherlands

In supplement to the order of the Fuehrer transmitted, under Nr 2850/40 secret Adj. Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, of 5.7.1940, to Reichsleiter Rosenberg, to search lodges, libraries and archives of the occupied territories of the West, for material valuable to Germany, and to safeguard the latter through the Gestapo, the Fuehrer has decided:

The ownership status before the war in France, prior to the declaration of war on 1 Sept. 1939, shall be the criterion.

Ownership transfers to the French state or similar transfers completed after this date are irrelevant and legally invalid (for example, Polish and Slovak libraries in Paris, possessions of the Palais Rothschild or other ownerless Jewish possessions). Reservations regarding search, seizure and transportation to Germany on the basis of the above reasons will not be recognized.

Reichsleiter Rosenberg and/or his deputy Reichshauptstellenleiter Ebert has received clear instructions from the Fuehrer personally governing the right of seizure, he is entitled to transport to Germany cultural goods which appear valuable to him and to safeguard them there. The Fuehrer has reserved for himself the decision as to their use.

It is requested that the services in question be informed correspondingly.

The Chief of the Supreme Command
of the Armed Forces

By order

Signed: REINECKE

Certified a true copy
Berlin 15 Dec 1943
(Dr. Zeiss)
Chief of special purpose staff

For information:

Attention Adj. of Reichleiter Rosenberg
Re Nr 2606/Ma

signed Reinecke

[Rosenberg's Special Purpose Staff SEAL]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 141-PS

In conveying the measures taken until now, for the securing of Jewish art property by the Chief of the Military administration Paris and the special service staff Rosenberg (The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces 2 f 28.14.W.Z.Nr 3812/40 g), the art objects brought to the Louvre will be disposed of in the following way:

1. Those art objects about which the Fuehrer has reserved for himself the decision as to their use.

2. Those art objects which serve to the completion of the Reichs Marshal's collection.

3. Those art objects and library stocks the use of which seem useful to the establishing of the higher institutes of learning and which come within the jurisdiction of Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

4. Those art objects that are suited to be sent to German museums, of all these art objects, a systematic inventory will be made by the special purpose staff Rosenberg; they will then be packed and shipped to Germany with the assistance of the Luftwaffe.

5. Those art objects that are suited to be given to French museums or might be of use for the German-French art trade, will be auctioned off at a date yet to be fixed; the profit of this auction will be given to the French State for the benefit of those bereaved by the war.

6. The further securing of Jewish art property in France will be continued by the special purpose staff Rosenberg in the same way as heretofore in connection with the Chief of the military administration Paris.

Paris, 5 November 1940

I will submit this proposal to the Fuehrer. Those instructions are in effect until he has reached a decision.

Signed: GOERING

Certified true copy:
Berlin 15 Dec. 1943
(Dr. Zeiss)
Chief of special purpose staff

[Rosenberg's special purpose staff seal]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 145-PS

The Reichs Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories

Berlin W 35, Rauch Street 17/18, 20 Aug 1941
Tel: 21 95 15 and 39 50 46
Cable address: Reichminister East

Na 369/R/H

Berlin

I have instructed the Reichs Commissioner for the Eastland and his subordinate general and district commissioners to secure all cultural goods in the Reichs Commissariat of the East which are appropriate in general for national-socialistic research as well as research of the activities of the opponents of National-Socialism. I delegate you to carry out with an "Einsatzstab" to be formed for this purpose this work of the Reichs Commissioner, the General, Main and Regional Commissioners, for their support. During the execution of this mission you will remain directly subordinate to Main Division II of my ministry whose directors will provide you with additional instructions. The orders issued by the Fuehrer for the "Einsatzstab" in the West remain also the same for the East.

The execution of your job will be financed, as in the occupied western territories, through the Reichs treasurer of the NSDAP. A later accounting between him and the ministry for the occupied eastern territories, respectively with the Reichs Commissariats is held in reserve.

I am including a letter of mine to the Reich Commissioner of the Eastland.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: ROSENBERG

1 inclosure

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 149-PS

FUEHRER DECREE

Jews, freemasons and the ideological enemies of National Socialism who are allied with them are the originators of the present war against the Reich. Spiritual struggle according to plan against these powers is a measure necessitated by war.

I have therefore ordered Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg to accomplish this task in cooperation with the chief of the High Command of the armed forces. To accomplish this task, his Einsatzstab for the right occupation territories has the right to explore libraries, archives, lodges, and other ideological and cultural establishments of all kinds for suitable material and to confiscate such material and for the ideological tasks of the NSDAP and for scientific research work by the university [Hoch Schule]. The same rule applies to cultural goods which are in the possession or are the property of Jews, which are abandoned or whose origin cannot be clearly established. The regulations for the execution of this task with the cooperation will be issued by the Chief of the High Command of the armed forces in agreement with Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

In necessary measures for the eastern territories under German administration will be taken by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity as Reich Minister for occupied eastern territories.

(Signed) A. HITLER

Fuehrers Headquarters, March 1942
To all Bureaus of the Armed Forces, the Party and the State.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 151-PS

The Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territory

Berlin W 35, Kurfuerstenstrasse 134 7 April 1942
Tel. 21 99 51

N. I/1/13/42

To: Reich Commissioner for the Ostland, Riga
Reich Commissioner for the Ukraine, Rowno

I

I have assigned Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab for the Occupied Territories with the seizure and uniform handling of cultural goods, research material and scientific apparatus from libraries, archives, scientific institutions, museums, etc., which are found in public, religious or private buildings. The Einsatzstab begins its work, as newly directed by the Fuehrer's decree of 1 March 1942, immediately after occupation of the territories by the combat troops, in agreement with the Quartermaster General of the Army, and completes it in agreement with the competent Reich Commissioners after civil administration has been established. I request all authorities of my administration to support as far as possible the members of the Einsatzstab in carrying out all measures and in giving all necessary information, especially in regard to objects which may have been already seized from the occupied Eastern territories and removed from their previous location, and information as to where this material is located at the present time.

Any activity for the purpose of safeguarding cultural goods can be permitted only if it is carried out in agreement with Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab. The Einsatzstab will be constantly informed concerning the method and extent of investigations, work projects and measures.

All authorities of my administration are hereby instructed that objects of the afore-mentioned type will be seized only by Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab, and to abstain from arbitrary handling as a matter of principle.

Insofar as seizures or transports have already taken place contrary to these provisions, Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab, Berlin-Charlottenburg 2, Bismarckstrasse 1, telephone: 34 00 18, will be informed without delay, with an exact list of the objects as well as indication of the current storage place and persons entitled to dispose of them.

II

In exceptional cases immediate measures may be taken to safeguard or transport objects to a safe place in order to avoid threatened danger (for example, danger of collapse of buildings, enemy action, damage by weather, etc.). In all cases a written report will be submitted immediately to my Einsatzstab.

Decision regarding exceptions lies with the Reich or General Commissioners in agreement with the commissioners of the staff.

III

I have sent copies of this order directly to the General Commissioners.

By order

Signed/t/ Dr. LEIBBRANDT

OFFICIAL:
/s/ [Illegible]
Office Employee

Authenticated copy
Berlin Dec 15, 1943
signed: ZEISS
(Dr. Zeiss)
Leader of Stabseinsatz

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 153-PS

Copy /B

Reich Ministry for the Occupied Territories of the East

Enclosure 1
Berlin 27 April 1942

To—

a. Commissar of the Reich for the East Riga
b. Commissar of the Reich for the Ukraine Rowno

There has been established in the Reich Ministry for the occupied eastern territories a "central bureau for the seizure and securing of objects of cultural value in the occupied eastern territories" to last for a limited period as a special reference department within department I (Political). As head of the central bureau I designate the chief of staff of the "Einsatzstab of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for occupied territories", Party member Utikal. He is directly under the authority of Department I and will carry on this task in addition to his other duties.

On the central bureau devolves the general planning of all projects connected with the seizure and securing of objects of cultural value in the occupied eastern territories and also the supervision of the measures already taken.

Apart from exceptional cases in which the securing of objects of cultural value is exceptionally urgent, the bureau does not concern itself primarily with the securing of objects of cultural value, but rather makes use for the execution of measures of seizure and securing of the "Einsatzstab" of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories; the Einsatzstab will carry on its activities as before in close contact with the competent authorities of the civil administration that come under my jurisdiction.

With the commissars of the Reich a special department within Department II (political) has been set up for a limited time for the seizure and securing of objects of cultural value. This office is under the control of the head of the main work group [Hauptarbeitgruppe] of "Einsatzstab" of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories. The head of this special department is directly responsible to the chief of Department II.

Signed: ROSENBERG

Certified true copy
Berlin 13 Dec. 1943
(Dr. Zeiss)
Chief of Staff

[Seal of "Einsatzstab" of RL Rosenberg]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 154-PS

The Reichminister and Chief of Chancellery.

Berlin W 8, Voss-strasse 6, 5 July 1942
Present Headquarters of the Fuehrer

To: The Highest Reich Authorities and
The Services directly subordinate to the Fuehrer.

The Fuehrer has delegated Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity of commissioner of the Fuehrer to supervise the total spiritual and philosophical indoctrination and education of the NSDAP in the spiritual battle against Jews and Free-Masons as well as against the affiliated philosophical opponents of National Socialism, who are the cause of the present war. For this purpose, the Fuehrer has ordered that Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Staff should be authorized, in the occupied territories under military administration and in the occupied Eastern territories under civil administration (exclusive of the General Gouvernement), to search libraries, archives, lodges and other philosophical and cultural institutions of all types for relevant material for the execution of his task and to request the competent Wehrmacht and police services to seize the material found in order to support the NSDAP in fulfillment of its spiritual task and for the later scientific research work of the "Hohe Schule", whereby police files concerning political activities will remain with the police, and all others be transferred to Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Staff. The staff is authorized to make the same request with regard to cultural goods that are ownerless goods or the ownership of which cannot be readily determined. The Chief of the Army High Command, in agreement with Reichsleiter Rosenberg, will issue regulations governing the cooperation with the Wehrmacht. The necessary measures within the Eastern territories under German administration will be taken by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity as Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories.

I inform you of this order of the Fuehrer and request you to support Reichsleiter Rosenberg in the fulfillment of his task.

/s/ Dr. Lammers

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 155-PS

Army High Command, General Staff of the General Headquarters
Headquarters Army High Command 30/9/1942.

Az. Dept. War Administration
No. II/11564/42

I. Tasks:

The Fuehrer, in his decree of 1/3/1942, has delegated Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity as "Commissioner for the supervision of the entire spiritual and philosophical indoctrination and education of that NSDAP", with the spiritual battle against Jews, Free-Masons and the affiliated philosophical opponents of National Socialism, who are the cause of the present war. The planned spiritual battle against these powers was declared essential to the war effort by the Fuehrer. For this purpose, the Fuehrer has ordered, among other things, that the "Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied areas" should be authorized in the occupied areas under military administration and in the occupied Eastern territories under civil administration—exclusive of the General Government—to

a. Search libraries, archives, lodges, and other philosophical and cultural institutions of all kinds, for material suitable to the accomplishment of his task, and to have this material seized.

b. To cause the seizure of cultural goods which are owned by Jews, or without ownership, or the owner of which cannot readily be determined.

c. The Reich minister of the occupied Eastern territories has established on 12/6/1942 a "Central Office for the seizure and safe-keeping of cultural goods in the occupied Eastern Territories." Disregarding exceptional cases, in which the safeguarding of endangered cultural goods is urgent, it is desired to keep these goods in place for the present. This has been agreed upon, according to the agreement reached between Armed Forces High Command General Staff of the General Headquarters, and the Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

d. In the Eastern Theatre of operations, also such cultural goods as do not fall under §b—especially museum pieces—are to be concealed, respectively safeguarded, to save them from damage or destruction.

For the accomplishment of the missions named in Ia, b and c, the "Special Purpose Staff Reichsleiter Rosenberg" employs special units. With the consent of Reichsleiter Rosenberg, the deployment of these special units is regulated as follows:

1. For the central steering of the Special Units, according to need, a delegate of the Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter is employed, who is director of the Special Units in the Army Group area, respectively the Army area. This man is obligated to inform the Supreme Commander of the Army Group respectively Army in time, of the directives he has received from Reichsleiter Rosenberg or from the staff leader. The Supreme Commander is authorized to give the delegate directives which are necessary to avoid disturbing the operations. These directives supersede all others. The delegates depend upon steady and close co-operation with the G-2 (Intelligence Officer). The Special Unit authorities can demand the furnishing of a liaison man by the delegate to the G-2. The G-2 has to coordinate, the missions of the Special Purpose Units with the military intelligence [Abwehr] and the secret field police. For the cooperation with the defense officers, respectively defense offices, the decisions reached in the talks between Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg and Armed Forces High Command/Foreign intelligence, will apply.

2. The Special Units of Reichsleiter Rosenberg carry out their work in their own responsibility and according to the directives given by Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

3. For the accomplishment of the missions described in Ia, b, c, the Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg have the right to search buildings in the theater of operations for relevant material and confiscate it. The secret field police is to be informed of the confiscations. The secret field police furnishes official aid to the Special Units if necessary.

4. The demarcation line between the working territory of the Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg and the Special Units of the Chief of the Security Police and the security service is regulated by direct agreement between both service offices.

5. a. The Special Units belong to the Armed Forces. They wear brown uniforms with the swastika insignia.

b. The Special Units have a strength of 20-25 men, their clothes and equipment, together with a corresponding number of vehicles, is secured by the Special Purpose Staff, Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

c. The Special Units are always subordinated, to the service branches to which they are attached for the execution of their mission, with respect to care, march, accommodation and rations.

d. The members of the Special Units are identified by a "service-book" of the Special Purpose Staff Reichsleiter Rosenberg, which corresponds to the pay-book. This service-book is to contain always the rank of the owner. It is further noted there, how the owner is to be treated in comparison (E.M., NCO, Officer). The service branch, which receives a Special Purpose Unit, has to certify on a special sheet, provided for this purpose by the service office, the fact and duration of the deployment with this branch as members of the Armed Forces. The service-book counts as identity card.

e. The Special Units are eligible for medical care. They are to be vaccinated according to the orders given to the Army.

f. Distribution of a fuel contingent is always to be arranged with the chief quartermaster of the Army with which a special unit is placed. Vehicles are to be cared for by the H.K.P.

g. Field postal service of the Special Units during movement, is carried by way of the field post number of the service branch which has a Special Unit attached. By transformation to long, permanent work, application for their own field post number can be made with the army field postmaster concerned.

h. Under priority of military necessity the Special Units have the right to use Armed Forces telephone and telegraph lines forward, and, when possible also to the rear. Within the area of the military administrations, connection with the Armed Forces telephone net is to be made possible.

i. With regard to the use of means of transportation, the rules decreed for the army also apply to the Special Units. Armed Forces driving licenses are to be furnished by the service branch, to which a Special Unit is attached.

It is to be made certain, that the above regulations are always made known to the commanding authorities, which receive Special Units for deployment.

The Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg are to be supported in every way in the execution of their mission. Particularly, insofar as operations permit, deployment directly with the fighting troops is to be made possible.

IV. Independent of the missions of the Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg, in accordance with paragraph Ia, b, c, the troops and all military service offices employed in the theater of operations, are directed to save valuable art monuments whenever possible, and safeguard them from destructions or damages.

The preliminary safeguarding of cultural goods, museums etc. by the troops and military service units under subsequent agreement, respectively yield to Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg, wins particular significance in the occupied Eastern territories where, in contrast to the West and South East no organizations for the protection of art have been designated by Armed Forces High Command/General Staff of the Army/Generals' Quarters.

By direction

/s/ Wagner

8/10/1942

Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg for the occupied territories.
Berlin-Charlottenburg 2, Bismarckstr. 1.

High Command of the Armed Forces
3 a 54 Armed Forces Command Staff/Org. (III)

SUBJECT: Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg.

In carrying out the relevant order, it has been determined:

The material from libraries, archives, lodges and similar things, safeguarded by the Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg in the execution of its mission, is to be treated like Armed Forces goods.

All other goods are expressly excluded from this.

The Chief of the High Command
of the Armed Forces

By direction,

/s/ MUENCH

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 158-PS

Berlin W 35, Margaretenstr. 17, 1 June 1944
22 95 51 St—U/Sz

MESSAGE

The Einsatzstab of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories has dispatched a Sonderkommando under the direction of Stabseinsatzfuehrer Dr. Zeiss, who is identified by means of his Service Book Number 187, for the accomplishment of the missions of the Einsatzstab in Hungary described in the Fuehrer's Decree of 1 March 1942.

According to the Fuehrer's Decree of 1 March 1942 (transmitted to the Supreme Reichs authorities by means of a letter of the Reichs Minister and Chief of the Reichs Chancellory RK 9495 B) in connection with the Army High Command Order #II 11564/42 General Army Staff (Gen d H)/General Quartermaster-Az (Gen Qu-Az) Section K Administration (Administration) of 30 Sept 42, all offices are requested to support and help the Sonderkommando.

initial: U [Utikal]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 159-PS

Berlin 6 June 1944

Movement Order

Colonel-Einsatzfuehrer H.W. Ebeling is traveling to Denmark and Norway in order to carry out a special mission of Reichsleiter Rosenberg in harmony with the person authorized by the Reich in Denmark and the Reichs Commissar in Norway in conjunction with the Fuehrer's decree of 1 March 1942 (distributed to the highest Reich authorities through correspondence of the Reichs Minister and the Chief of the Reich Chancellery RK 9495 B) and the Supreme Army Command order Nr. II/11564/42, General Staff of the Army/General Quartermaster Az. Section K Administration of the 30th Sept. 42.

As long as it is necessary for him to stay, all the offices of the State and the Army are directed to support the activities of the person mentioned on the basis of the Fuehrer decree of the 1 March 1942, the Supreme Army Command order of the 30 September 1942, and the Einsatz directive of the Head of the Security Police and Security Service of the 1st July 1942.

initialled: U [Utikal]
Chief of the Einsatzstab

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 171-PS

Library for Exploration of the Jewish Question "Hohe Schule", District Office, Frankfurt/Main.

Institute for Exploration of the Jewish question

On 26 March 1941 Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg inaugurated as the first district office of the "Hohe Schule" in Frankfurt/Main the Institute for Exploration of the Jewish Question (Frankfurt/Main Bockenheimer Landstrasse 68).

According to the order of the Fuehrer from 29 Jan 1940 the "Hohe Schule" is supposed to represent "the center of the national-socialist doctrine and education." At the same time Reichsleiter Rosenberg was authorized to make all necessary preparations for the foundation of the "Hohe Schule" in the realm of research and organization of libraries.

The district office in Frankfurt/Main, activated under those preparatory measures, competent for the domain of the Jewish question, contains besides a research-department and archives, a voluminous library whose stock shall be the subject of this article.

The basis for the library for exploration of the Jewish question is made up of the libraries from occupied territories, confiscated by the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg, in accordance with the orders of the Fuehrer from 5 July 1940, 17 Sept 1940 and 1 March 1942. This material is derived from Jewish property, now centrally collected to serve the research, doctrine and education of the German people.

The most significant book-collections today belonging to the stock of the "Library for exploration of the Jewish question", are the following:

1. The library of the Alliance Israelite Universelle. Among the approximately 40,000 volumes of this library from Paris (mainly Judaica and Hebraica) are numerous volumes of magazines, voluminous pamphlet material, a very detailed literature and collection of clippings from newspapers regarding the affair Dreyfus, about 200 Hebrew manuscripts and 30 manuscripts in other languages, about 20 incunabula.

2. The stock of the Ecole Rabbinique consists mostly of Judaica and Hebraica, altogether about 10,000 volumes. The Jewish texts of this Rabbi-school in Paris offers valuable Talmud-material and complete magazine series.

3. The library of the Federation de Societe des Juifs de France (about 4000 volumes) contains besides general literature about Jewry mostly Russian literature about the Jewish question.

4. The stock of the Jewish bookstore in Paris Lipschuetz (about 20,000 volumes) contains in its most valuable part bibliographical works, Hebraica and so on.

5. The various collections from former property of the Rothschilds of Paris generally are of no more than common interest, but they also show that the various members of the Rothschild family collected Jewish literature for their own orientation. The collections in question are the following:

These Rothschild collections contain, besides the valuable book stock, important archive material which gives information on connections between Jews and non-Jews in France and abroad. In this connection it should be mentioned that the district office Frankfurt/Main also is in possession of the archives of the last 100 years of the Parisian bank of Rothchild (760 boxes).

6. The Rosenthaliana from Amsterdam with 20,000 volumes (mostly German language literature on the Jewish question).

7. The library of the Sefardic Jewish community in Amsterdam with about 25,000 volumes (mostly Hebraica).

8. The large amount of books secured in the occupied eastern territories (prevalent Soviet-Jewish and Polish-Jewish literature, voluminous Talmud literature) are from collecting points in Riga, Kauen, Wilna, Minsk and Kiev (about 280,000 volumes).

9. Book collections from Jewish communities in Greece (about 10,000 volumes).

10. Book material from a "Sonderaktion" in the Rhineland (collecting point Neuwied) with about 5,000 volumes.

11. The book collections mentioned under 1-10 were turned over to the Library for Exploration of the Jewish Question by the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg and are constantly being filled up by new shipments from the Einsatzstab. Besides that, some 100,000 volumes which were obtained from other sources (finance offices and so on) by the district office, belong to the library for exploration of the Jewish question. Therefore, the library for exploration of the Jewish questions contains as of 1 April 1943:

Approximately 550,000 volumes (about 3,300 book boxes) including 325 boxes (approx. 24,000 volumes) earmarked for the district office but still kept in Berlin with the Staff, and including approx. 220,000 volumes (about 650 boxes) prepared for shipment to Frankfurt/Main at the various collecting points of the Einsatzstab and partly packed.

In detail, these stocks deposited in Berlin cover the material of the above under Nos. 3, 5b, d and e mentioned libraries (about 17,000 volumes), furthermore parts of the collections mentioned under Nos. 5a and c (about 7,000 volumes); all the books at the collecting points ready for shipment to Frankfurt/Main cover the whole stock as the collections mentioned under Nos. 6 and 7 (about 50,000 volumes), part of that material secured in the East (compare No. 8 above; there are in Minsk about 20,000 volumes, in Wilno about 50,000 volumes and in Kiev about 100,000 volumes). The stocks mentioned here which are still in Berlin or at the collecting points, make up approximately another 240,000 volumes. The district office in Frankfurt/Main has received so far approximately 300,000 volumes (about 2,325 boxes).

Of these, approximately 2,325 book boxes which arrived at the library for exploration of the Jewish question, were so far unpacked and put on bookshelves:

Thus 1,048 book boxes (about 150,000 volumes) were unpacked that is half of the book boxes, so far received in Frankfurt Main.

27,848 volumes were catalogued in Frankfurt Main from 1 May 1941 (beginning of cataloguing) to 31 March 1943 (catalogued according to authors and subjects). According to the same principle the new publication which were put into the library for the exploration of the Jewish question since 1941, were catalogued—9,325 volumes.

Apart from the actual importance of the Jewish question, the library for the research of the Jewish question assumes a high position in the realm of German libraries with its present collection of about 550,000 volumes because this Frankfurt library could be brought to such a degree of completeness as regards the literature on the Jewish question as never before in Europe or elsewhere. In the New Order of Europe Organization the library for the Jewish question not only for Europe but for the world will arise in Frankfurt am Main.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 176-PS

REPORT

On the activities of the Einsatzstab of the Bureau of the Reichsleiter Rosenberg in the occupied Western Territories and The Netherlands. Working Group Netherland

The Working Group Netherland of the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg began its work in agreement with the competent representative of the Reichskommissar during the first days of September, 1940. The execution of the past, conforming with the Fuehrer's orders, coordinated itself with the liquidation, that is confiscation, according to civil law, of the various subversive institutions—as set forth in the circulars of the OKW (A2 Nr. 2850/40g Adj. Chief OKW), dated 5 July 1940, and of the Chief of the OKW to the Commander in Chief of the Wehrmacht in France (2 f 28.14WZ Nr. 3812/40g) dated 17 September 1940, as well as to the Commander in Chief of the OKW in the Netherlands. (Az 2 f 28 J (IA) Nr. 1338 40g) dated 30 October 1940. The screening of the material of the various Masonic lodges was taken care of primarily, and the library and the archives of the following lodges were sifted and all useful material was packed.

Droit Humain:

Groot Oosten der Nederlande

I.O.O.F.

Rotary Club

All together 470 cases combining material from the here mentioned lodges and from organizations of a similar status were packed and transported to Germany. Furthermore, everything the temple of the lodge in Nijmegen and the temple of the I.O. O.F. in Haarlem contained, was sent to Germany. Also, steel-shelves for about 30,000 books were taken from the building belonging to the Grooten Oosten in Den Haag where they have so far been used for the Bibliotheka Klossiana, containing parts of one library of the Grooten Oosten, and the library of the Vrijmetselar-Stichting, Amsterdam, are of great value. And so are the archives of the Grooten Oosten in Den Haag, containing all the historical documents of the lodges affiliated with the Grooten Oosten.

To estimate the value of the Bibliotheka Klossiana, containing many rare pieces, it is to be remembered that in 1930 the Grooten Oosten der Nederlande was offered $5,000,000 for the Bibliotheka Klossiana by Freemasons in the U.S.

A particularly valuable discovery was made by the working group searching the altars in the building of the Grooten Oosten in Den Haag. The Master-Hammer of the Grooten Oosten, made of pure gold, with which some of its members had presented to the Grooten Oosten on its 60th Anniversary, fell into our hands. It is a piece of high quality whose money-value alone is estimated to be 3,000 Reichsmark.

The Working Group took over the International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam with its library and archives, boxes of extraordinary value. It seems that this institute was founded in 1934 with the intention of creating a center of intellectual resistance against National Socialism. Its employees were mainly Jewish refugees from Germany. The contents of its library and its archives with many very valuable items were brought together from all over the world. In the library, there are about 160,000 volumes, though most of them will have to be catalogued. Of particular interest is the German, French and Russian Department. According to the decision made by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, the Institute was taken over in its entirety. A member of the Dienstelle was nominated as director of the Institute—he, together with his collaborators will arrange the books, catalogue the scientific material and get the Institute ready for the work of the Party. What may be said already is that the scientific value of the library and the archives is that they contain a complete collection of material on the social and socialist movements in certain countries.

The libraries of the Societas Spinozana in Den Haag and of the Spinoza-House in Rijnsburg also were packed. Packed in 18 cases, they, too, contain extremely valuable early works of great importance for the exploration of the Spinoza problem. Not without reason did the Director of the Societas Spinozana try, under false pretenses which we uncovered, to withhold the library from us.

Then the library of the Alliance Francaise, Den Haag, was packed (6 cases) as well as the German publication of the refugee-publishers Aller de Lange, Querido, Fischer-Beerman, Forum-Zeek, of the Kultura Bookshop and the publications of the Pegasus-Verlag, all in Amsterdam, a total of 17 cases. After that, the Working Group concentrated on packing the newspaper and magazine stocks of the International Institute for Social History. The very exclusive racks which had been brought together from all over the world were kept at the Institute in complete disorder and left to self-destruction; they were properly packed into 776 cases and stored, for the time being, in the Working Group's store-houses. It is very strongly suggested that these newspapers and magazines be bound and the volumes be put up in proper libraries as fast as possible; otherwise, an irreparable loss will be the result since these newspapers and magazines are from all over the world.

A large unknown amount of material classified as "Enemy Goods" and coming from the so-called "Overseas-Gifts", that is, household goods of Jewish refugees, is falling into our hands daily. These gifts are being kept at the so-called "House in Holland", and so far 43 cases were packed there, including the private library of the former Minister of the Eisner-Government, Neurath.

In agreement with the Commander-in-Chief of the Wehrmacht in the Netherlands, all libraries in houses of Jewish refugees and confiscated by the Wehrmacht, are being turned over to the Working Group. So far, the library of the Jew De Cat in Haarlem was packed into 4 cases.

An extremely valuable library, containing inestimable works in Sanskrit, was confiscated when the Theosophic Society in Amsterdam was dissolved, and packed into 96 cases.

A number of smaller libraries belonging to the Spiritists, Esperanto Movement, the Bellamy Movement, the International Biblical Research and various other minor international organizations were packed into 7 cases; texts belonging to various minor Jewish organizations were packed into 4 cases, and a library of the Anthroposophic Society in Amsterdam into three.

It is safe to say that the racks of books confiscated, packed and so far sent to Germany by the Working Group are of extraordinary scientific value and shall contribute an integral part of the library of the "Hohe Schule." The money-value of these libraries, as shown in the case of the "Klossiana", can only be estimated, but surely amount to 30-40,000,000 Reichsmark.

For the coming months, action is planned on the following, enumerated here in chronological order:

1. The libraries of the Theosophic Society and similar organizations in Den Haag, Rotterdam and several other places.

2. Continuous sifting of objects confiscated in the "House in Holland" and other buildings.

3. Screening of several archives with Press-photos, consisting altogether of 2.6 million pictures which shall be turned over to us by the Reichskommissariat.

4. The Jewish private libraries in Amsterdam, particularly:

A. The Israelite Library Beth-Hamidrasch Etz Chaim, Amsterdam, Rapenburgerstraat 109. This library, founded in 1740, contains about 4,000 volumes, particularly Jewish theology.

B. Library of the Netherland Israelite Seminar, Amsterdam, Rapenburgerstraat 177. It contains 4,300 volumes of Hebraica and 2,000 volumes Judaica. At the time, it took over the library of the Jewish Society for Literature, Thoelet (1830-1837) and valuable Jewish private collections. Amongst other things, it contains precious old prints from the years 1480 to 1560 and some manuscripts.

C. The Portuguese-Israelite Seminar, Amsterdam, Jonas Daniel Meyerplein 5. There are 25,000 volumes, 450 manuscripts, 600 prints [Inkunablen] and numerous Exlibris, coins and the like and the famous material on Talmud Literature.

D. The so-called Rosentaliana, primarily a foundation by the Jew Rosenthal from Hannover. From there, it was at the time transferred and affiliated with the local university library. In the meantime, it has on account of donations, grown considerably. Technically, it belongs to the Municipality of Amsterdam, but in the Catalogue of Libraries in the Netherlands of 1931, it is designated as "Private". According to the catalogue, it contains 25,000 volumes and 300 manuscripts. However, the amount of volumes reaches 100,000 indeed.

The libraries mentioned under 4. ought to be of particular interest for the history of Western Europe. It is very likely that hitherto unknown facts may be brought into the open, on the era of Cromwell and that of the glorious Revolution of 1688 and the resulting personal union between England and the Netherlands. In particular, light may be thrown on Cromwell's attitude towards the Jews, possibly even on the Jewish influence on the development of the Secret Service.

The temple and the museum of the Grooten Oosten der Nederlande. At present, both are needed for exhibitions on behalf of the Dienststelle of the Reichskommissar. With the end of the exhibition temple furnishings and museum shall be turned over to us.

A very conservative estimate of the value of the objects enumerated in 1. to 5. may be about three times as much as that of the libraries already packed. Therefore, it is safe to say that the library of the Hohe Schule shall, with very little effort, receive an extraordinary amount of treasures which shall give it a unique position in the realm of questions regarding Judaism and Free-Masonism.

The Working Group, in executing the afore-mentioned tasks is bound strictly to the pace set by the Reichskommissar for the handling of the Jewish questions and that of the international organizations. This pace again is determined by the political evolution which is taking shape according to decisions made on a higher level, and which must not be hampered by individual acts. Work that has been authorized to be done by the Working Group, but has not yet been accomplished should now, with twice as much personnel as before, be finished within 2 to 3 months. It may be mentioned that the Working Group has been working overtime for weeks now, and also is working, as is done on the battlefield, on Sundays.

The leader of the Working Group Netherland.

Schimmer
Oberbereichsleiter.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 197-PS

Berlin, 27 August 1941.

Notes

On 25.8.1941, a conference took place in headquarters OKH/ Quartermaster General regarding preparation for the transfer of the Reich Commissary of the Ukraine to the civil administration scheduled to take place on 1.9.41.

Besides myself and the expert of the Q.M. General, the following took part in the conference:

Major i. G. Altenstadt      Chairman

Ministerialdirigent Dr.    Chief of the Administrative
Danckwarts                  Branch within the Army Administrative
Group.

Colonel i. G. von Krosigk  Chief of the General Staff of
the commander of the southern
Army Zone Rear.

Chief of Staff of the
Commander of the Office
of the Armed Forces.

Regierungspraesident
Dargs                      Representative of Reich Commissar
Koch.

Oberregierungsrat Dr.
Labs

Captain Dr. Braeutigam....  Representative of the Ministry
for the East.

Major Wagner.

The letter first explained the boundaries of the Reich Commissariat Ukraine as of the 1.9.41. In Bessarabia and Bukovinia Rumania is in accord with the O.K.W. and has already set up the civil administration, although until now there has been no official surrender of the area to Rumania. The official assignment to the Rumanian administration is expected in the next few days. The area around Brest is still at present, under the military commander of the General Government; the remainder of the Reich Commissariat Ukraine is under the commander of the Southern Army Zone Rear. At the time that a civil administration was inaugurated on the 1.9.1941, these areas (which apply to the military sector) were transferred to the jurisdiction of the commander of the Wehrmacht in the Ukraine.

The area to be transferred is for the most part pacified. Only in the region of the Pripet Marshes is there still unrest produced by Partisan groups. The rather strong forces there at present of the Southern Army Zone Rear have been concentrated and recently destroyed 8 out of 10 Partisan battalions (strength of each battalion approximately 100 men). Should the Partisans not be wholly liquidated by the 1.9.1941, forces of the above mentioned commander will remain in the area for this purpose.

The security of the part of the Reich Commissary Ukraine to be set up on the 1.9.1941, will be carried out in the south by a Hungarian Division (2 brigades), connected in the north with a Slovakian security division besides 4 battalions of militia. All units, including the Hungarian and Slovakians are under the command of the commander of the Wehrmacht. In the area are two district commands and five town commands, and the district commands are in Luck and Kamenez-Podolsk. The units of the transport and intelligence services remain directly under the command of the O.K.W. Furthermore the economic inspection of the south remains with the commander of the Army Zone Rear. The economic command in Kiev placed under this inspection has its seat for the time being in Shitomir. This command is responsible for the civil administration in the whole area to be transferred.

Near Kamenez-Podolsk, the Hungarians have pushed about 11,000 Jews over the border. In the negotiations up to the present it has not been possible to arrive at any measures for the return of these Jews. The higher SS and Police leader (SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Jeckeln) hopes, however, to have completed the liquidation of these Jews by the 1.9.1941.

Ministerialdirigent Dr. Danckwarts asserts that both district commands have confined themselves to the fulfilment of all the most necessary projects in the administrative field. In the communities for the most part Volksdeutsche or Ukrainians have been placed in office as Burgermeister. According to experiences up to date these people are scarcely in a position to administer to their communities independently, but require in every single case instruction and guidance from the German units.

Colonel von Krosigk states that the military units in many towns of the region have set up a Ukrainian militia, which it is agreed would now be taken over by the higher SS and Police leader as auxiliary police.

In this militia strong efforts for independence have been noticed since this militia is in part composed of active elements (members of the Bandera National independentist movement). The populace is in general obliging but wholly intimidated and uneasy. They have made themselves deserving by their searching for Russian paratroopers who were dropped almost every night by the Russians, especially around the main railroad lines. These paratroops are harmless, since they are badly armed and instructed. They are for the most part in civilian clothes. From the directive for the treatment of the collective question great success in the field of propaganda is promised in military circles.

In many Ukrainian districts the Ukrainians themselves have put their burgermeisters in office. These men had with them quantities of written messages and statements from national Ukrainian parties. The Wehrmacht has not recognized such people, but took the statements from them and sent them home again.

The administrative officials of the two district commands remains until the 15.9.1941 at the district commands in order to assist the units by their familiarity with the civil administration, without their being engaged in the actual work of administration themselves. Particularly, Kriegsverwaltungsrat Schwarz, one of the two administrative officials of the commander of the southern Army Zone Rear still remained in the area and would go to Rowno in case the civil administration should desire it. The 454th division becomes the security division in the area of the Reich Commissariat insofar as the security was not taken over by the Rumanians.

In a private conference between (Ministerialdirigent) Dr. Danckwarts, (Regierungspraesident) Darge, Captain Dr. Braeutigam and the undersigned, a few more administrative questions were briefly discussed. On this occasion (Ministerialdirigent) Dr. Danckwarts stated that the Rumanians in the southern part of the Ukraine would take over as far as civil administration was concerned, the old borders of Bessarabia, forming a zone as far as the Bug, including Odessa, without being promised the eventual possession of this zone.

Furthermore, with 15 divisions they would take over the security of a larger portion of the Ukraine, which in this zone would be under the control of the German civil administration.

Captain Dr. Braeutigam was requested by telephone by Dr. Koeppen at the Fuehrer's Headquarters to be careful that the Rumanians should not form a Ukrainian group under a former military attache in Berlin in the zone taken over by their civil administration. This question was discussed with Major Altenstadt in my presence. He explained that the Wehrmacht has no administrative control in influencing the Rumanians in the zone under their civil administration; this could only be done through the Foreign Office.

In discussion with several officers who had recently been in the Ukraine, I learned that the prohibiting of army chaplains from conducting religious services for the civilian population and also the Ethnic Germans [Volksdeutsche] has led to depression and disturbance among the Volksdeutsche. One should not fail to realize that the church has been the common connecting-link of the Volksdeutsche in the Ukraine. Although not many Ukrainian clergy are present a few still hold religious services for the Ukrainians. The Volksdeutsche fail to understand why the only possibility of their caring for their souls, namely through the agency of Army Chaplains, is denied to them.

LABS
Oberregierungsrat
[illegible]
Ministerialdirektor.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 199-PS

COPY

Reichs Ministry for the Occupied East

Berlin 11 July 1944

Correspondence

I just learned that refugee camps for the White Russians in Bialystok, Krajewo and Olitai were closed for the recruiting for the war Einsatz Command middle. I call your attention to the following:

1. That the war employment command [Kriegseinsatzkommando] formerly stationed in Minsk must continue under all circumstances the calling in of young white Ruthenian and Russian manpower for military employment in the Reich. In addition, the command has the mission to bring young boys of 10-14 years of age to the Reich.

2. It deals here with a military employment approved by the Fuehrer, the measures of which will be increased in a newly released directive by the Fuehrer. Such military missions must forego all others.

3. Nothing changes these relative missions by the evacuation of these provinces in which the recruiting originally took place. The recruiting order does not pertain to certain territories but to the people living in these territories.

4. I must reject every responsibility for the consequences arising from the closing of the Refugee Camp and am compelled, upon further closing of camps, to request immediately a Fuehrer decision.

The same principle must prevail in the recruiting of Air Corps helpers in Estonia and Lithuania. I carefully point to this fact should similar situations occur there.

For.
Signed: Alfred MEYER

Copies to:

Gauleiter bureau
Chief group leader Berger
Dr. Braeutigam
Chief bannfuehrer Nickel
Ministry director Beil.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 200-PS

Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories
P 719a/44g [ink note]

Special Train, Gotenland 8.7.1944

CONFIDENTIAL

TELEGRAM

The HJ Kriegseinsatzkommando center, which until now has been stationed in Minsk, must under all circumstances continue its duties, as regards the enrollment of young White Ruthenians and Russians for a military reserve in the Reich. The Command is further charged with the transferring of worth-while Russian youth between 10-14 years of age, to the Reich. The authority is not affected by the changes connected with the evacuation and transportation to the reception camps of Bialystok, Krajewo, and Olitei. The Fuehrer wishes that this activity be increased even more.

I request that the Command of Bialystok be assisted in the execution of its duties in every possible way. Should difficulties arise contrary to expectations, I request that I be informed immediately by wire.

Ministry for the East
[signed] Berger
Chief of the Command Staff for Politics

4. Copies to:

Office of the Gauleiter
Ministerialdirigent Dr. Braeutigam
Hauptbannfuehrer Nickel

initialled B 11/7

PARTIAL SYNOPSIS AND TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 204-PS

The City Commissioner in Kauen

Kauen, 18 February 1944

Release of Indigenous Labor for Purposes of the Reich

[Translator's Synopsis]

After entry into Lithuania thousands of workers were recruited to work for a period of 6 months in Gau Ost Prussen. Contrary to all promises these laborers were not released even after twelve months, and their various connections at home received no compensations. They did not even get a short furlough home for a long time. Now it is intended to put them in the munitions industry against their will.

In the early part of 1942 another recruiting was made by the Wehrmacht for 7000 male transport-aides. They forced the Lithuanians to register at an office and then locked them up in barracks as they came in. Naturally they dislike the Germans almost as much as the Russians.

Recently the recruiting drives for new volunteers for the army, police and labor service, and for laborers in the munitions industry within the Reich have been started. However the Russians removed 40,000 professional personnel in 1941, and more than 100,000 were removed from work, so many positions cannot be filled now.

After the recruiting campaigns the populace did not trust any further proclamations or measures as far as working within Germany was concerned. Furthermore the Lithuanians do not feel that they have in their state a political unit. Because of previous unsettled political conditions, the Lithuanian does not think much about politics. Since he pays little attention to his own laws, he heeds ours even less. They do not attend the musterings and must be brought by the police.

Although the civilian administration promised to produce the labor, they were not too successful, as the following will show:

1. Seizure of the age classes of 1919/24

This was ordered by the Reichs Commissar for the East, but due to the inefficiency of the officials, it was only partially successful.

The actual seizure was done by members of the Wehrmacht, police, local administration and the labor office. Energetic propaganda campaigns were initiated to induce the male members of the age groups to register at the designated offices.

Soon however opposition arose on the part of the Lithuanian intelligentia. To counteract this the following measures were taken.

[Translation]

Renunciation of the formation of a Lithuanian legion, closing of the native universities, and arresting of a number of members of the Lithuanian intelligentia.

[Translator's Synopsis]

These measures were not practicable; consequently the General Commissar ordered another registering, with severe penalties for non-appearance. Although every effort was made, the results were still unsatisfactory. From an expected total enrolment of 5800 men, only 47% appeared, and among this percentage were many of no use to us for various reasons.

[Translation]

2. The completely unsatisfactory experience of the previous action made a further seizure of the age group 1912/18 and also of the female age group 1914/22 necessary. These two further actions also brought no satisfactory result. In a lecture which the Plenipotentiary for the Arbeitseinsatz Gauleiter Sauckel made on 18 July 1943 in Kauen, and in an official conference following it, between Gauleiter Sauckel and the General Commissar, the pool of labor in the Reich was again brought up urgently; Gauleiter Sauckel again demanded that Lithuanian labor be furnished in greater volume for the purposes of the Reich. As the minutes of this conference show, the General Commissar described very forcibly the very great difficulties opposing the preparation of indigenous labor forces, and asked urgently for the preparation of a larger number of German police forces. SS-Obergruppenfuehrer von dem Bach promised explicitly at that time "a real strengthening of the police force in Lithuania". This real strengthening of the police force in Lithuania meanwhile was not carried out in the course of further actions.

[Translator's Synopsis]

3. Sauckel wanted 30,000 workers. Although the civilian administration did their best, conditions were in confusion and only 8200 of the 30,000 were on hand.

4. Then Sauckel made a new requisition, this time for 100,000 workers. Although fulfillment of this requisition would vacate many positions in the country, the General Commissar promised to fill the order. However, many difficulties will arise. In the country it is easier to recruit labor because it is possible to study the labor situation in more detail than in a large city like Kauen. In the country the administration has a closer tie with the populace for one thing.

To fulfill the requisition of labor made on Lithuania, assistance from the German Civil Administration is a necessity. The police force will have to be increased temporarily, severe treatment in case of sabotage, a temporary increase in the allotment of motor fuel, and the use of the quartermaster facilities of the Wehrmacht; all these measures will be necessary if the required amount of labor is to be supplied.

This new action of Sauckel's will probably not work. The only way of gaining any successes in this matter is to have at our disposal large numbers of German police.

[signature illegible]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 205-PS

National Socialist Labor Party

Party Chancellory

Fuehrer's Headquarters 5 May 1943

The Chief of the Party Chancellory
Chancery Rosenberg
Admit. No. 931 K
24 May 1943.
Circular No. 70/43

The Reich Propaganda Ministry and the RSHA have together issued a memorandum concerning the treatment of foreign laborers employees within the Reich.

I request in the attached copy that the necessity for a firm but just treatment of the foreign workers be made clear to members of the Party and the People.

A publication of this memorandum is not to be made.

Signed: M. Bormann.

Distribution:

Reichsleiter
Gauleiter
Verbaendefuehrer
Kreisleiter
Ortsgruppenleiter

Index File Card: Foreign Laborers—Treatment—Behavior

The struggle of the Reich against the destructive forces of Bolshevism becomes more and more a European affair. There is an apparent practical result in the employment within the Reich of millions of foreign workers from almost all the European countries on the continent, in addition to a large number of members of the conquered forces of hostile nations. From this fact arise special obligations for the German people, which are submitted first of all in the following principles:

1. Of primary importance is the security of the Reich. The Reichsfuehrer of the SS and his units settle all questions on measures of the security police for the protection of the Reich and the German people.

2. The humane, production-increasing treatment of the foreign workers and the facilities granted them can obviously lead to the effacement of the clear lines of demarcation between the workers of foreign peoples and members of the German race. It is demanded of members of the German race that they observe the difference between themselves and foreign nationals as a patriotic duty. By disregarding the fundamental principles of the National Socialist conception of blood [Blutauffassung] a member of the German race must be aware of being liable to the severest penalties. The knowledge, that the outcome will be either victory or a Bolshevist chaos, must cause every German to draw the necessary conclusions in dealings with workers of foreign nationalities.

Everything is subordinated to the mission of ending the war victoriously. The foreign workers employed within the Reich are to be treated in such a manner that their reliability is retained and expedited; that consequences unfavorable to the Reich be limited to a minimum in their home countries and that full labor be retained at a future date for the German war economy, yes, so that even a rise in production ensues. The following is to be regarded here as decided:

1. Everyone even the primitive man, has a fine perception for justice! Consequently every unjust treatment must have a very bad effect. Injustices, insults, trickery, mistreatment etc. must be discontinued. Punishment by beating is forbidden. The workers of foreign nationality are to be correspondingly informed concerning the severe measures for insubordinate and seditious elements.

2. Winning someone to active cooperation for a new idea is impossible, if his innate consciousness of value is insulted at the same time. From people who are described as beasts, barbarians and sub-humans, no great accomplishment can be demanded: In contrast to all opportunities that arise, positive characteristics such as the will to fight against Bolshevism, security of their own existence and of their country, readiness to enlist and the willingness to work, all are to be spurred on and expedited.

3. Moreover everything must be done in order to further the necessary cooperation of the European peoples in the struggle against Bolshevism. The foreign worker is not to be convinced by words alone that a German victory is also favorable for him and his people. Supposition is a suitable treatment.

Digressing from these view-points, the responsible plenipotentiaries for Arbeitseinsatz responsible for the recruiting and the working conditions of the foreign laborers as well as the other bureaus concerned, have issued the necessary directives for the employment of foreign laborers within the Reich. From these instructions the following are especially to be stressed:

a. If possible every foreign worker will receive a position for which he has the greatest ability according to his training and former employment.

b. The quartering of foreign labor personnel is to be, as a rule, in camps. The accommodations must be provided with all the necessities in respect to orderliness, cleanliness and sanitation. Measures of imprisonment such as confinement and barbwire are forbidden. It is especially emphasized that in this quartering, the national customs of the foreign workers, (male and female) are to be given the utmost consideration in conformation with the possibilities conditioned by war. The foreigners are as much as possible divided into national groups, and are to be quartered together. The assistance of the foreign workers in the administration of the camp and the maintenance of order within the camp is to be secured. For all camps there are camp directives which outline in particular the duties and right of the camp and the leaders.

c. At the time of enlistment the foreign workers are to be urged to bring clothing and foot gear with them to Germany. So far as this is not possible and so far as it has become necessary to replace articles of clothing that have become unusable, they are to be provided with clothing and footgear, considering limitations imposed by war, so that the necessary protection for the preservation of health against weather is guaranteed.

d. The foreign workers are to receive, in reference to diet, the same ration allowance as the German workers from the Reich Minister for nutrition and agriculture. In this matter the usual cost will be considered. Care will be taken that supplies are issued to the foreign workers in accordance with the numbers placed at their disposal. Embezzlements, usurious prices etc. by supervisory bureaus or administrative officers will be punished as if the act were committed against Germans.

e. Every foreign worker has claim to efficient sanitation measures. The regulations for prevention of epidemics and contagious diseases are not to be deviated from. Medical attention according to local conditions is to be assured by the doctors of the camp district or insurance [Kasse]. For permanent treatment in districts or hospitals the number of beds necessary are to be kept ready in a suitable manner. For nursing and maintenance nursing personnel of the same nationality are if possible to be called up, and if circumstances permit doctors and army-surgeons of the same nationality. For pregnant workers obstetrical necessities are to be provided; also peaceful accommodations and nurseries of suitable size are to be supplied. Female members of the nationality concerned are to be used for care of patients. The return home [Rueckbefoerderungen] of pregnant workers is to take place only in extremely exceptional cases on the request of the party concerned.

f. Recreation for the foreign workers is of the greatest importance for the conservation of working power and morale. Entertaining organizations, periods of free time, sports, etc. are of prime importance in the camp itself and are to be carried on by camp personnel. In addition, special performers and national groups of the various nationalities are to be used for the further development of this recreation. In addition insofar as possible their own moving picture films will be presented. Furthermore books, periodicals and newspapers translated into the various foreign languages are to be available in every camp. Language courses are to promote understanding in the place of work. For the various nationalities special dictionaries are to be published.

In addition the workers from the East have at least the possibility of going out on their free day.

g. For all foreign workers recreation is possible, insofar as it is desired. For members of the Occupied Eastern Territories care only from lay-priests is considered. Care from Russian and Ukrainian emigrants is forbidden.

In case of death all foreigners will be buried in the public cemeteries.

h. The political influence is directed mainly against Bolshevism and ought to be molded accordingly.

The above-mentioned principles are considered binding as policies of conduct for all organizations, bureaus and personnel, since they have been published as directives by the respective bureaus. All units which are concerned with the employment and care of foreign workers and particularly factory and camp leaders, are responsible for these principles being put into practice and being adhered to. They must understand quite clearly that violations of the forgiving fundamentals damage the German war economy and indirectly, the Front. Therefore they are not only punishable from the point of view of the non-political crime (for example, assault, embezzlement, usury) but also can be punished for treasonable crimes. Not only the author of such an act can be held responsible but also the responsible office chief. Also defective instruction or supervision of subordinate offices can lead to an official punishment.

All existing directives and instructions for the treatment of foreign workers will be tested by the bureaus concerned as to whether they conform to the principles set forth here. Where this is not the case, they will be immediately revised by suitable measures.

Berlin, 16 April 1943

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 212-PS

COPY

Directions for the handling of the Jewish question

1. In General. The competency of the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service, who is charged with the mission of solving the European Jewish question, extends even to the occupied eastern provinces. Accordingly, the offices under the Security Police for the purpose of handling the Jewish question in the occupied eastern provinces are qualified for their present sphere of activity.

In the individual Reichs commissariats, and within these, in the General commissariats, Jewry represents a portion of the population which is very varied in strength. For example, millions of Jews live in White Russia and in the Ukraine who have lived here for generations. In the central province of the USSR however, the Jews have moved in, for by far the greatest part, during Bolshevistic times. Those Russian Jews who followed in the wake of the invading Red Army of 1939 and 1940 to East Poland, West Ukraine, West White Russia, the Baltic lands, Bessarabia, and Buchenland are one particular group.

All measures for the Jewish question in the occupied eastern provinces must be met with the point of view that the whole Jewish question will be solved in general for all of Europe after the war at the latest. They are therefore to be instituted as preparatory partial measures and must be in agreement with those decisions which may otherwise be met in this field. This is especially true for the preparation of at least temporary reception centers for Jews from the Reich province.

An eventual act by the civilian population against the Jews is not to be prevented as long as this is compatible with the maintenance of order and security in the rear of the fighting troops. Namely retaliatory measures are to be allowed against the Jews who come into the provinces which were newly occupied by the Red Army in the last few years. However, strict measures are to be taken against street mobs and other evil elements for whom it concerns only plunder of Jewish stores and stealing Jewish property for their own personal gain.

2. Definition of the term "Jew". The peaceful settlement of the Jewish question requires the previous determining as to who is to be considered a Jew in the occupied Eastern provinces. In reference to the solving of the European Jewish question and to the strong influence which Jewry had upon the remaining Russian population until the invasion of German troops, and which it still exercises at present, it appears necessary from a political, as well as from a popular point of view, for the purpose of avoiding a later regaining of strength of the Jews, to grasp the term "Jew" in the most far-reaching sense.

Therefore, he is a Jew, who belongs to the Jewish religion, or has been recognized as Jewish by other circumstances; he who has a parent who is a Jew in accordance with the above sentence is also a Jew.

3. Comprehension, mark of recognition, suspension of the rights of freedom and segregation. The first main goal of the German measures must be strict segregation of Jewry from the rest of the population. In the execution of this, first of all is the seizing of the Jewish populace by the introduction of a registration order and similar appropriate measures. Soviet Jewry has, constantly, attempted, since the Bolshevistic Revolution, to disguise itself in order to unobtrusively move into leading positions, especially in the grain regions of the USSR. For this purpose many Jews have dropped their Jewish names and have taken Russian family names and Russian surnames. It is to be decreed, that the person who must register must report all changes of name by Jews during his lifetime, or as far as he knows during the time of his forefathers, to his superior and to make them retrogressive. The same goes for previous departure from the religious congregation and acceptance of other faiths (other manifold). The erasure of the Jewish deception will be easier in the Reich commissariat Eastland and Ukraine, where the larger part of the Jews have been living for generations than in the other Reichs commissariats. The Soviet archive material, in so far as it is preserved, is to be brought to use for this.

Then immediately, the wearing of the recognition sign consisting of a yellow Jewish star is to be brought about and all rights of freedom for Jews are to be withdrawn. They are to be placed in Ghettos and at the same time are to be separated according to sexes. The presence of many more or less closed Jewish settlements in White Ruthenia and in the Ukraine makes this mission easier. Moreover, places are to be chosen which make possible the full use of the Jewish manpower in case labor needs are present. These Ghettos can be placed under the supervision of a Jewish self-government with Jewish officials. The guarding of the boundaries between the Ghettos and the outer world is, however, the duty of the police.

Also in the cases in which a Ghetto could not yet be established, care is to be taken through strict prohibitions and similar suitable measures that a further intermingling of blood of the Jews and the rest of the populace does not continue.

4. Removal of the Jewish influence in political, economical, cultural and social fields. Relative with the measures to segregate the Jews physically from the rest of the populace, everything necessary is to be used in order to eliminate every influence of the Jewry upon the Russian people. This is to happen immediately in political and cultural fields, whereas in all other cases consideration is to be taken that the common interests are not impaired. This is especially true for the economic missions which are important due to the demands of the war and those which concern the national economy.

An entire reconversion of Jewish professional life must be brought about insofar as it does not deal with manual laborers. The group of State employees in the Russian government along with the strongest Jewish professional groups shall vanish entirely. Likewise, similar professional groups are to be divorced from the public life, whereby, however, the tempo of these measures must correspond with the general economical and social need.

The entire Jewish property is to be seized and confiscated with exception of that which is necessary for a bare existence. As far as the economical situation permits, the power of disposal of their property is to be taken from the Jews as soon as possible through orders and other measures given by the commissariat, so that the moving of property will quickly cease.

Any cultural activity will be completely forbidden to the Jew. This includes the outlawing of the Jewish press, the Jewish theatres and schools.

The slaughtering of animals according to Jewish rites is also to be prohibited.

5. Forced Labor. The present manpower shortage in the occupied eastern territories as well as ideological-political considerations make the demand appear of basic significance to introduce forced labor commitment in the strictest form. This will have to take place move by move by the elimination of the Jews from their professional life although they are to be permitted to work in their own occupations if they fall within the scope of the labor commitment. Moreover, the Jewish manpower is to be used for heavy manual labor.

The standing rule for the Jewish labor employment is the complete and unyielding use of Jewish manpower regardless of age in the reconstruction of the occupied eastern territories. The missions, which are to be given to the Jews in their labor employment, are especially the highway, railroad and canal construction, as far as the ameliorations, etc. are considered. Also, it seems that agricultural employment above all, will be brought about under strict supervision. Nothing is to be done against the employment of the Jews in cutting of wood, production of straw shoes, brooms and brushes within the Ghettos.

In the employment of the Jews, care is to be taken that Jewish labor is only so used in those productions which will later suffer no noticeable interruption in case of a rapid withdrawal of these labor forces, and which excludes a specialization of Jewish workers. It is to be avoided in every case that Jewish workers become indispensable in essential production.

6. Violations. Violations against German measures, especially against the forced labor regulations, are to be punishable by death to the Jews. All violations are to be dealt with by courts-martial.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 228-PS

Circular No. 163/43

(Not for Publication)

Subject: Treatment of PWs

Individual Gau-administrations often refer in reports to a too indulgent treatment of PWs on the part of the guard personnel. In many places, according to these reports, the guarding authorities have even developed into protectors and caretakers of the PWs.

I informed the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces of these reports with the comment that the productive German population absolutely cannot understand it, if, in a time in which the German people is fighting for existence or non-existence, PWs—hence our enemies—are leading a better life than the German working-man, and that it is an urgent duty of every German who has to do with PWs, to bring about a complete utilization of their manpower.

The Chief of PW affairs in the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces has now given out the unequivocal order, attached hereto in copy form, to the commanders of PWs in the military districts. I request that this order be brought orally to the attention of all party office holders in an appropriate manner.

In case that in the future complaints about unsuitable treatment of PWs still come to light, they are to be immediately communicated to the commanders of the PWs with a reference to the attached order.

Fuehrer—HQ, 25 November 1943

(Signed): M. Bormann

Distribution: Distribution A and B
File reference: Treatment—PWs—Guard personnel.

Chief of PW affairs in the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
Az. 2f24, 74f Kriegsgef. Allg. (Ia) No. 11082143

Berlin, Badenschestr. 51, 26 October 1943

Subject: Treatment of PWs.

I. The intention of treating non-Soviet PWs strictly according to the Convention of 29 and the Soviet PWs according to the special directions of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, has in many cases led to forms, which are not in harmony with the total war forced upon us.

The PW must according to the convention "be treated humanely and especially be protected against acts of violence, insults, and public curiosity". This does not mean, however, that a similar care must be granted him, as is required for German soldiers.

In the case of the Soviet PWs, insofar as their diet is brought into harmony with the work output expected of them and they have recovered from the unavoidable rigors of the Eastern war, the sharp health supervision originally necessary, in part consisting of continuous weight check-ups is as a rule no longer required. Weight check-ups may only have the aim of determining undernourishment; they are only to be utilized in individual cases.

The aerial terrorism of the enemy forces great parts of the German people into a way of life similar to that prevailing in the operational area. As a result of this, the treatment and conduct of PWs, who enjoy the protection of the convention of 29 and who are, moreover, through the receipt of packages, in many ways better nourished than their countrymen on the enemy side, are regarded critically. Especially, a too mild treatment of Soviet PWs will not be understood anywhere, as it is known what frightful sufferings German soldiers must endure, who have fallen into Soviet hands.

The leaders of the labor detachments and the guard personnel must, moreover, receive unequivocal orders and it must continually be pointed out to them through teaching and instruction that their primary duty consists in keeping the PWs to the full output of their working energy, and in insuring that the lazy be apprehended most rapidly through such measures as are permitted to the entrepreneurs or by the punishments reserved to the military superiors and that intractable elements be recognized and segregated.

Leaders of labor detachments and guard personnel must be conscious of the fact that, in a time when unconditional and extreme effort is demanded from every member of the German nation, inferior production on the part of the PWs, which are traceable to malevolence or carelessness can in no case be tolerated. The great labor battle of the homeland depends upon the work output of every individual and thereby also of every PW.

The thought that PWs through their work primarily fill the wallet of the entrepreneur, and hence must be protected from him is erroneous. Entrepreneurs are now agents of the German people. They have exclusively to deliver things of importance to the war effort usually in a very limited time and for this to utilize completely all manpower at their disposal according to its best occupational suitability. The entrepreneurs know that manpower cannot be replaced and must therefore for this reason too, have the greatest interest in the preservation of this power.

Labor detachment leaders, guard personnel, entrepreneurs and German workers form one front and have a common goal: the attainment of victory! To this end they must, by putting aside all personal wishes, and in closest and most unified cooperation make use of the manpower of the PWs put at their disposal by the Reich. Whoever does not work for this goal or interferes with its attainment is harmful to the nation and injures our comrades at the front.

Hence, the treatment of the PWs employed at labor is to be arranged solely to raise the labor output to the highest possible degree and immediately to take sharp action if the PWs are careless, lazy, or recalcitrant. The PWs are not to be "cared for" but are to be handled in such a manner that the required highest degree of work output be attained. With this, needless to say, goes, besides just treatment of the PWs, the supplying of the PWs with the rations, clothing, etc., due them according to existing directives.

II. The development of the situation and the increasing requirements for PW labor power force us to bring more and more PWs into the Reich. Despite this it cannot be counted upon that the guard forces will be correspondingly increased, also the quality of the guard personnel will not on the average be able to be improved.

In addition the problem becomes more difficult because the PWs erroneously believe that they can discern an advantage to themselves in the situation. Hence they become arrogant in many cases and attempt to escape to a greater extent. These symptoms can only be countered by immediately taking sharp measures against the PWs in case of recalcitrance or escape.

Weaklings, who should express themselves to the effect that in the present situation one must assure oneself of "friends" among the PWs by means of mild treatment, are defeatists and are to be prosecuted on the charge of subversion of national defense.

The PWs must not be in doubt for an instant that weapons will be ruthlessly employed against them, if they give any sort of passive resistance or should try to mutiny.

The commanding officers must take care that this policy concerning the treatment of PWs becomes the common property of all officers, officials, non-commissioned officers and enlisted men subordinated to them. This is not to be attained through written directives and pamphlets alone, but primarily by the spoken word and by a persistent and conscientious education of subordinates in the spirit of these statements.

I request that the local agencies of the National Socialist Party be, in a suitable manner, orally informed of this policy and that it be reported to the Commanders.

I request that no reproduction of this document be made.

[signed] v. Graevenitz

Reprinting, even in part, forbidden.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 232-PS

National Socialist German Workers Party

Party Chancellery

The Chief of the Party Chancellery

Fuehrer Headquarters, 13 Sep 1944

Proclamation

Chancellery Rosenberg, Rec'd No. 2594 K/ 19 Sep 44
Presented to the Reichsleiter on the 20 Sept. Rdsdir.
For the Information of:

The regulations, valid until now, on the treatment of Prisoners of War, and the tasks of the guard units are no longer justified in view of the demands of the total war effort. Therefore, the Supreme Command (OKW) of the Armed Forces, on my suggestion, issued the regulation, a copy of which is enclosed.

The following is cited for its contents:

1. The understanding exists between the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces (OKW) and myself, that the cooperation of the party in the commitment of prisoners of war is inevitable. Therefore, the officers, assigned to the prisoner of war system, have been instructed, to cooperate most closely with the bearers of sovereignty [Hoheitstraeger]; the commandants of the prisoner of war camps have to detail immediately liaison officers to the Kreisleiters.

Thus the opportunity will be afforded the Hoheitstraeger, to alleviate existing difficulties locally, to exercise influence on the behavior of the guard units and to better assimilate the commitment of the prisoners of war to the political and economic demands.

2. The increase of performance [Leistungssteigerung] of the prisoners of war depends decisively on how the guard and auxiliary units understand their task, and what position they take toward the prisoners of war. From this knowledge the necessity is derived, to orient them again and again politically and ideologically, to put the meaning of their mission constantly before their eyes. For that, in all base camps [Stalags] National Socialist leaders from headquarters [hauptamtliche NS-Fuehrungsoffiziere] are being assigned.

I request the Hoheitstraeger to support the commandants of the prisoners of war in the selection of capable officers. Above that, the Hoheitstraeger are to furnish the commandants of the prisoner of war camps with capable speakers for the orientation of the guard and auxiliary units. Collaborators of the offices for national questions [Volkstumfragen] are to be called upon especially for that.

Furthermore, a constant political orientation of the plant owner, who is invested now with special rights toward the prisoners of war and toward the guard units, must take place in cooperation with the German Labor Front (DAF).

/s/ M. Bormann.

1 Enclosure!
Distribution:

Reichsleiter
Gauleiter
Verbaendefuehrer
Kreisleiter,

Authenticated: [illegible] Cross index file: Prisoners of war—Treatment—Guard units File No. 8810.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 254-PS

Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories.
II Pers c—1—Raab      Berlin, June 29th 1944.

SECRET

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of the point of view of Nachwuchsfuehrer Paul Raab.

I don't see any reasons for taking measures of any kind against Raab.

By order:

Signed: Jennes
Certified Schrader
Adm employee.

SECRET

Grambusch 7.6.44

Copy

According to a charge by the supreme command of the armed forces I burned down a few houses in the territory of Wassilkow/Ukr. belonging to insubordinate people ordered for work-duty [Arbeitseinsatzpflichtigen]. This accusation is true.

I was committed as district commissioner in the information service in the territory of Wassilkow from May 5th 1942 up to December 28th 1944. Besides many work districts, I was made fully responsible by district commissioner Doehrer to completely fill the district quota of workers to be delivered to Germany. Although the task wasn't agreeable to me, I carried it out conscientiously, with skill, and where it was necessary with sternness. Up until the penetration of the Soviet Armies, this territory delivered more than 31,000 workers to Germany.

During the year of 1942 the conscription of workers was accomplished by way of propaganda. Only very rarely was force necessary. Only in August 1942, measures had to be taken against 2 families in the villages Glewenka and Salisny-Chutter, each of which were to supply one person for labor. Both were requested in June for the first time, but didn't obey although requested repeatedly. They had to be brought up by force, but succeeded twice to escape from the collecting camp, or when being on transport. Before the second arrest, the fathers of both of the men were taken into custody, to be kept as hostages and to be released only when their sons would show up. When, after the second escape, rearrest of both the fathers and boys was ordered, the police patrols ordered to do so, found the houses to be empty.

That time I decided to take measures to show the increasingly rebellious Ukrainian youth that our orders have to be followed. I ordered the burning down of the houses of the fugitives. The result was, that in the future people obeyed willingly, orders concerning labor obligations. However, the measure of burning houses has not become known, for the first time by my actions, but was suggested in a secret letter from the commissioner for the commitment of labor as a forced measure, in case other measures should fail. This hard punishment was accepted by the population with satisfaction, previous to the measures, because both families ridiculed all the other duty anxious families, which sent their children partly voluntarily to the labor commitment.

The year 1943 brought about a new regulation concerning the commitment of labor, by way of regular yearly conscription. Previous to the coming of the conscription, I trained the staff for this task. I had the collecting camp in the territory of Wassilkow fixed to the best of possibilities with clean, light bedrooms, clean sanitary installations, good food, and entertainment. First of all, everything was done away with, which could have caused the Ukrainian to feel that he is being departed by force. A well meaning propaganda was put to work on all workers, right after their arrival into the camp and didn't allow a low feeling to arise. I had reserved for myself the right of exemption on the basis of labor, political, and social reasons; it was handled as big heartedly as the task permitted. Mostly after the start of the first conscription period, the districts of Wassilkow received a local commander in the person of Count Griese. This officer, who caused already great quarrels in the district of Lodwiza and Gadjatsch on account of his arrogant behaviour, also created difficulties in Wassilkow between the armed forces and the civil administration, up to then unknown. First of all he took care of the labor commitment and not only criticized measures taken by me, but received also at any time every complaining Ukrainian, and promised them help against the office of the district commissioner. Up to then I didn't have to take serious measures, because the population was fairly willing. Only a few fugitives had to pay families, and until the money came in, I had secured more or less of their property according to the security of the case. The punished paid their penalties without exception and had their property returned to them. But before they got around to do so, one part complained to the local commander, who didn't by any chance reproach these people, but on the contrary, took care of all the interests of those people, in front of me, and sometimes ordered me with a commanding voice, to nullify my measures. I didn't let it scare me, but carried out the task, for which I was responsible, according to my judgment. But the job was unbearably hard now, since it became known to the population, that the local commander accepts complaints against the district commissioner. After the initial successes, a passive resistance of the population started, which finally forced me to start again on making arrests, confiscations, and transfers to labor camps. After a while a transport of people, obliged to work, overran the police in the railroad station in Wassilkow and escaped. I saw again the necessity for strict measures. A few ring leaders, which of course escaped before they were found in Plissezkoje and in Mitnitza. After repeated attempts to get a hold of them, their houses were burned down. Thereupon, military police were sent to the villages by the local commander and extensive interrogations concerning this affair were made by him. Besides that he hired young Ukrainians as voluntary helpers, which were fugitives from the transient camp. Therefore, every work was made impossible for me, in this sector.

It is not possible for me to give the exact dates of the mentioned happenings above, because after I was last committed in the district of Gaissin, I got into a Soviet ambush in March 1944 near Stanislau. I could only hide my weapons and had to burn my whole baggage including my diary.

In conclusion, I want to point out the following:

1. I had the responsibility within the territory of Wassilkow for the conscripting of the local workers for the Reich. The choice of means, which were used to execute my task, was to be left to me.

2. I worked with the utmost patience and only reverted to stricter punishments, when the success accomplished was in no comparison to the time used.

3. Strict measures, like the burning down of houses, were only used in a few cases. By this means, it was accomplished—at least in 1942—that the recruiting of workers didn't tie down too many police forces, who because of other functions, couldn't be used for that purpose all the time.

4. I was entitled to use such measures by the secret labor-directive for labor commitment staff in the district of Kiew. They, therefor, don't display by any means, any individual actions.

5. The delivery of 31,000 workers to the Reich is definitely important to the war effort. Stern measures are definitely justified in order to prevent a failure of this action.

6. My measures were thought to be just by the biggest part of the population. They only caused displeasure with the Germans, who had only small tasks to perform in the Ukraine, and therefore had too much time for philosophy.

7. My actions against fugitive people obliged to work [Arbeitseinsatz-pflichtige], were always reported to district commissioner Doehrer, in office in Wassilkow, and to the general-commissioner [General kommissar] in Kiew. Both of them know the circumstances and agreed with my measures, because of their success.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: Paul Raab.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 265-PS

SECRET

Shitomir, 30 June 1943

Oral report on the situation in the general district Shitomir, by Commissioner General Leyser, delivered at an official conference, with Reichs Minister Rosenberg, in Winniza on 17 June 1943.

Mr. Reichs Minister

The employees of the civil administration in the General District of Shitomir have, aside from their administrative work, been charged with the following special tasks:

The above-mentioned tasks became virtually a problem due to the fact that the general district of Shitomir is particularly "blessed" with bands. Regarding the agriculture, it should be primarily interesting to note that, in the year of 1942, altogether 289 establishments were declared as agricultural cooperatives. In 1943 altogether 501 establishments were, respectively will be, proclaimed agricultural cooperatives. The allotment of farm-land amounted in 1942 to 18%, in 1943, so far, to 10.4% and an additional 10% are expected in the fall.

As a consequence of the strong activity of bands, only about 40% of the acreage of the general district remain, at present, for the regular production and collection; approximately 60% are under the control of the bands. These actually supply the population, in part, with seed and have the fields cultivated by their order and naturally have the intention to take possession of the crop in the fall.

In consequence of the activity of the bands we have access to only 36% of the cattle, 41% of the pigs and 28% of the sheep out of the total stock. As we have to supply particularly the front with meat, we are therefore forced to a certain waste of our cattle stocks. Due to the strong drainage on the substance, there can be no more regular breeding. And too, only 42% of the milk total and 51% of the eggs could be salvaged. The spring cultivation has been performed thoroughly. It was amazing, nonetheless, that in spite of the strong drainage of labor forces into the Reich the tilling was executed with a rapidity which could not have been taken for granted. To judge by the present condition and the weather, an average crop can be expected. However, the securing and salvage of the crop gives much reason to worry. It must be avoided under all circumstances, that the bands get hold of considerable parts of the crop, respectively destroy the farm products which have been brought to collecting points. Sufficient protection for the various collecting points is not provided, the previous experiences do not promise favorable results.

The leaders of agriculture deserve particular praise for their self-sacrificing and dangerous work. In many cases they are only able to fulfill their duties by risking their lives daily. They made numerous sacrifices in blood, in particular lately. Nonetheless, they refuse to be prevented from fulfilling their duty. The present situation is best illuminated by the fact that at this time the agricultural leaders can only work at full, or approximately full, capacity in 5 out of 18 local areas. In all the other areas, we have been forced to withdraw the leaders of the strong points, and rally them at the local or district farmers. From there, they are in most cases only able to perform their work under strong protection of the police or army.

The symptoms created by the recruiting of workers are, no doubt, well known to the Reichs Minister through reports and his own observations. Therefore, I shall not report them. It is certain that a recruitment of labor, in the sense of the word, can hardly be spoken of. In most cases, it is nowadays a matter of actual conscription by force. The population has been stirred up to a large extent and views the transports to the Reich as a measure which does in no way differ from the former exile to Siberia, during the Czarist and Bolshevist systems.

In the foreground stands, at the moment, the mobilization of the young classes of 1923 and 1925. To accomplish this, the active propaganda on our part was used to an extent previously unknown. Therefore, it can be stated that the action had been particularly well prepared and consolidated. In spite of that it did not lead to the desired success. It has to be added that, in the course of the action, the desired contingents had been raised by the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor. I could not confine myself therefore to the classes of 1923 and 1925 alone, but also called up the class of 1922. Beyond that, even other sections of the population which originally should have been spared had to be included. With this our propaganda became for the greater part illusory. But as the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor explained to us the gravity of the situation, we had no other device. I consequently have authorized the commissioners of the areas to apply the severest measures in order to achieve the imposed quota. The deterioration of morale in conjunction with this does not necessitate any further proof. It is nevertheless essential, to win the war on this front too! The problem of labor mobilization cannot be handled with gloves.

Up-to-date, almost 170,000 male and female workers have been sent to the Reich from the general district Shitomir. It can be taken for granted that, during the month of June, this number is going to rise to approximately 200,000.

Management of forests and timber is also one of the principal worries. The general district of Shitomir is very rich in woods. As an average, the wooded area amounts to 26% of the total acreage. In the north, large sections of the country are covered 100% with woods. But this great abundance in woods is also the cause of the many bands. About 1,400,000 hectare of wood, that is 80% of the total, are controlled by bands. Like in the agricultural sector, only a relatively small part of the wood remains for use. Our yearly production potential in timber amounts to 1,300,000 cubic meter. Presumably 1,000,000 cubic meter can be cut. The yearly potential in firewood amounts to 900,000 cubic meter. We hope to achieve this. I may point out that the supply of wood for mines, RR ties, construction and heating purposes is especially important. The activity of the bands permits us at present to cut, on a larger scale, only in the more southern scantily wooded regions. Consequently, the old stock of wood there is being consumed rapidly. The final result, if no change in the condition occurs, will be the careless cutting down of woods, which is going to result in extensive waste land. The fact that we are cutting down wood on a larger scale only in the south, brought strong impetus to the timber industry in the region of Winniza. The time can be foreseen when this period of prosperity will end, and the timber industry in the south will succumb. Whether then a removal of the timber industry into the northern part will be possible depends on the circumstances which at present cannot completely be foreseen.

Regarding the activity of the bands I would like to refer to the numerous reports laid before the Reichs Minister. There can be said hardly anything else on this subject except that the situation is becoming more unfavorable day by day. The situation can be judged best by the fact that at present only one of the larger roads in the general district, the one leading from Shitomir to Winniza, can be used without convoy. Because the activity of the bands is now also growing daily in the south, it is not sure that we shall not be obliged to introduce, sooner or later, the convoy system here too. All other roads of the country are at present passable in convoy only when rifles or machine pistols are held ready to shoot. The sacrifices brought to date in battle with bandits are very great. In about one year's time, the losses through fighting with them in the general district of Shitomir on the German and allied side, including the natives in German service, amount up to now to 2,568 persons. The number of missing could not be ascertained exactly, because among them are also people who have joined the bands voluntarily or have been recruited forcibly. Their number amounts to an estimated 2,000 persons. Experience shows that these missing persons all die miserably, so the total number of deaths in battle with the bands in the course of the year can be given as about 4,500. Opposing this is the following two demands: (1) Constant transfer of army units into those areas threatened respectively occupied by the bands; (2) Unity of command. The demand to transfer units of the armed forces into the areas controlled by the bands, is supported by special instructions of the OKW [High Command of the Armed Forces] in order to fight the bands. It is regrettable that too frequently the opinion from the respective branches of the armed forces is that this demand cannot be executed on account of technical reasons concerning training. That this objection is always and everywhere true, does not seem credible to me. Frequent violations against the unity of command have been committed. The need for prestige, the quest for power, vanity, etc. have not become extinct as yet. I have to say with regret that so far I found the least understanding for the necessity of our common struggle in the armed forces. At any rate, I have the impression that under the pressure of conditions they arrived at the conclusion, that one cannot take the responsibility anymore to lead an existence alone, but that the collection of all forces alone could only bring us victory.

The struggle which has to be carried on, is hard and full of sacrifices. But it will and must be carried through. Vast psychic forces have been awakened in the members of the civil administration anew daily. The successes, which they were able to achieve so far are impressive particularly with regard to the resistance. May I therefore be permitted at the conclusion of this report to thank all my co-workers for their excellent work. They know that they are practically on the front. I can promise your excellency, that we all shall do our duty now, and in the future, as our Fuehrer has ordered—.

Signed: LEYSER

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 285-PS

In Nr 4459 3 Nov 38 Shown to RL 3/11

Reichenberg 31 Oct 1938

Berlin W 35 Margaretenstrasse 17

Unfortunately it was not possible for me to thank you for your friendly letter of the 15th of this month, because your news was forwarded to Asch. The technical transportation difficulties under which we had to suffer in the first days of the liberation of the Sudetenland have caused the late deliveries.

I thank you very much for your invitation to visit you in Berlin at the next occasion. Thanking you, I accept your invitation. The important tasks before the elections and the supervision of the reconstruction work keep me very busy. As soon as possible I will give you the date of my arrival in Berlin.

For securing the Marxist, Jewish and confessional literature for your educational and instructional work, my co-worker Dr. Suchy is instructed. He will report to your competent deputy.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: KONRAD HENLEIN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 286-PS

15 October 1938
4149/R
1b

Since the incorporation of Sudeten Germany into the Greater German Reich has finally been executed, I would like to heartily congratulate you on this success in your work.

It is my wish that, in my capacity as Deputy of the Fuehrer for the supervision of the entire education and schooling of the NSDAP, both mentally and ideologically, I shall be able to establish contact between your department and mine as soon as possible. I assume that you will be in Berlin in the not too distant future and would appreciate your information about the date of your visit in order to ask you for the pleasure to be my guest; then we could discuss personally some elementary questions.

However, the following matter has to be taken care of primarily:

I ask of you to appoint one of your co-workers with whom my representative can get in touch immediately about this particular question.

Heil Hitler.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 290-PS

Berlin 12 Nov 1943

Secret
[pencilled note illegible]

SECRET

Chief of Leadership staff politics
Journal No. P1755/43 g Rel. 15. II 1943
Inclosure

In connection with my letter of 27 Sep. 1943—II Pers, Journal No. 322—I am sending you enclosed a copy of the teletype of RKU of 29 Oct. 1943—I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh, for your information.

According to the explanations of RKU, the conduct of government Councillor Mueller is no cause for disciplinary action against him, I therefore consider the case as closed.

Your files are herewith returned.

By order

Await report.

Signed: Jonnes
[Rubber stamp]
Ministry for occupied eastern territories

Official Kreis Employees

Copy

SECRET

RKU Rowno 13-929 29 Oct. 1943—1700—
Ministry of Eastern affairs      Berlin

For various reasons which I will report later, it is contemplated to replace government councillor Mueller as district commissioner in Kremianez in the near future.

The case on hand is by no means fit to be used for official actions against District Commissioner Mueller. First of all, in my opinion Mueller is not to be considered guilty in this case. It cannot be established, either by the letter from the village Biloserka, which letter caused this investigation, nor by the conduct of district commissioner Mueller, himself, that he was present at the happenings in Biloserka. He therefore cannot be held personally responsible. But even if Mueller had been present at the burning of houses in connection with the national conscription in Biloserka, this should by no means lend to the relief of Mueller from office. It is mentioned specifically in a directive of the Commissioner General in Lusk of 21 Sep 1942, referring to the extreme urgency of the national conscription.

"Estates of those who refuse to work are to be burned, their relatives are to be arrested as hostages and to be brought to forced labor camps." It is obvious that this decree was merely directive in nature and was not a binding order of the individual commissioner to decide according to his own discretion, when the interest of the conscription, such severe measures were to be applied.

I request therefore to consider the case closed.

Reich Commissioner Rowno I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh.

My order                                  signed: Paltzo
to P i 755/439                                    [in pencil]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 294-PS

Copy

TOP SECRET

Handwritten:
II 1 1161/44/ g

Memorandum

In the East, Germany is carrying on a threefold war: a war for the destruction of Bolshevism, a war for the destruction of the greater Russian Empire, and finally a war for the acquisition of colonial territory for colonizing purposes and economic exploitation.

This threefold mission of the Eastern campaign has brought about the enormous resistance of the Eastern peoples. Were the war being conducted only for the smashing of Bolshevism, then it would have been decided long ago in our favor, for, as all experiences of this war have confirmed, Bolshevism is hated to the utmost by the Eastern peoples, above all by the great mass of peasants. Also the dissolution of the greater Russian Empire into its national components would not have provoked the resistance which we meet now. As the numerous prisoner interrogations and other experiences show the shrewd Russians have a complete understanding that this war will end in territorial losses for them and the non-Russian peoples will break out from the confinement within which Russia has forced them. The reduction of the power of resistance of the Red Army is the major portion of the third goal of our campaign. With the inherent instinct of the Eastern peoples the primitive man soon found out also that for Germany the slogan: "Liberation from Bolshevism" was only a pretext to enslave the Eastern peoples according to her own methods. In order that there exist no doubt at all on the German war aim, however, German publicity refers openly to this intention in increasing measure. The conquered territory is claimed publicly not only for Germany as a colonization area, but even for Germany's embittered enemies, the Dutch, Norwegians, and others. The economic exploitation is proclaimed verbally and in print, and carried out with almost elimination of the demands of the indigenous population, even with the greatest lack of consideration.

The populace has more of an understanding of the measures and duties necessitated by war than the conquered peoples of the West. But the laborer and peasant, who were educated to the highest degree of self-consciousness by Bolshevism, soon perceived that Germany did not regard them as partners of equal rights, but considered them only as the objective of her political and economic aims. That disillusioned them unspeakably, all the more since they had placed colossal hopes on Germany.

The main department for politics of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern territories claims that it has been quite aware of this situation from the beginning. It was soon apparent that the war could not be decided in a short time by arms alone, because of the vast areas and the enemy's inexhaustible reserves of manpower and material, but that as in all great wars of recent times a spiritual disintegration would have to come and the war would have to be changed at the final conclusion to a civil war, all the more since the German Wehrmacht does not intend to occupy completely the territory of the Soviet Union. The Russian collapse of 1917 and the German break-down of 1918 were actually not brought about by weapons alone, but primarily by political disintegration. What Lenin achieved in Russia, the 14 points of Wilson and the undermining effect of Marxism accomplished in Germany. In the Soviet Union we found on our arrival a population weary of Bolshevism, which waited longingly for new slogans, holding out the prospect of a better future to them. It was Germany's duty to find such slogans, but they remained unuttered. The population greeted us with joy as liberators, and placed themselves at our disposal willingly and freely with body and life. Wherever Ukrainians, Russians, White Ruthenians and members of the Baltic peoples were enlisted in the German Wehrmacht or in the police they have proved themselves and fought excellently almost without exception. The Main Department for Politics tried every means of keeping this vast capital that had fallen into our lap, and of utilizing it for our purposes. To this purpose it was necessary that National Socialism separate itself from Bolshevism with a sharp line of distinction and open to the populace prospects of a new better life. All measures which the Main Department for Politics suggested were directed toward this one goal of preserving this capital. They have been many times attacked as the expression of a weak sentimental humanitarian attitude, of a form of German sentimentalism, and they were in reality only the expression of completely coarse material politics. For nothing else was contemplated than to preserve the mass millions of the Eastern area in the adjustment to us which was encountered with, in order to draw from it the greatest possible use for Germany both militaristically, politically and economically. Should this political policy succeed, the greatest reactions on the enemy troops were to be expected. For years the masses of the S.U. (Soviet Union) were stirred up against the surrounding world by the most efficient propaganda machine that has ever existed. Until 1939 National Socialism had been the target of the most spiteful attacks. Day after day it was hammered into the laborers and peasants that the active masses in Germany were a sacrifice to the most terrible exploitation. With extreme tension workers and peasants looked forward to the German administration. To be sure they had not completely trusted the Bolshevist propaganda, but in spite of that they met the new masters with a certain feeling of doubt.

As we all know, the peoples of the S.U. (Soviet Union) have gone through the hardest times. Consequently, they are of a simplicity inconceivable to us, even in the political sphere. A form of government which was not intent only on plundering and exploitation and which put aside the Bolshevist methods would have kindled the greatest enthusiasm and put at our disposal a mass of millions. And the enthusiasm in the occupied Eastern territories would have had its reaction on the force of resistance of the Red Army. It would have been easily attainable to have the Red Army man say to himself: "I fight for a system that is throughout worse than that which awaits me in the case of a defeat. I will be better off in every respect among the Germans than I have been until now". If the Red Army man had become convinced of his general well-being, the war would have been at an end very soon.

Knowing this the Main Department for Politics believed it to be its primary duty to assist our combat troops with all their power by a propaganda campaign aimed at crippling the power of resistance of the Red Army and to shorten the war in this way. For the attainment of this goal there are, among the measures proposed, two of the utmost importance: The Agrarian Law and Religious Freedom, which is essentially distinct from that of the Bolshevists.

Considering the exceptionally great significance which approaches the agrarian question in the Soviet Union, the Main Department for Politics was demanding even before the beginning of the Eastern campaign, that the Kolchos be dissolved and an individual agrarian economy be introduced again. This proposal was turned down by the Four Year Plan with the remark that organic changes were not to be considered during the war. Not until August of 1st year was an increase of the farmland successfully put through.

Before the realization could be carried out, however, the Four Year Plan had recognized that the impetuous pressure of the whole peasant population for the dissolution of the collective would have to be reckoned with in some way in the interest of production itself. The proposal of the Main Department for Politics for the dissolution of the collective found its defeat in the new agrarian decree. A few months had been sufficient to make clear, not only to all Wehrmacht units down to the youngest lieutenant in the line farthest forward, but also to the units in the home country and the civil administration in the occupied Eastern territories, the need of reform in the Kolchos constitution. The only exceptions in this knowledge were the two Reich Commissars, whose disagreement unfortunately caused a delay of several weeks. The new Agrarian Decree came out shortly before the spring planting and was greatly played up in the territories by the Press and Propaganda Dept. of Main Department I. Its direct success was a hitherto inconceivable piece of work of the populace in the spring planting, which was able to be carried out in spite of unfavorable preliminary conditions. In spite of this no lasting effect on the enemy has appeared so far. Naturally, the enemy propaganda countered our Agrarian Decree with every means. Their main argument was that in this it was only a matter of a promise which had as its purpose a momentary tactical success, that moreover Germany intended to make use of the land later for her own purposes. This argument found support in the very slow execution of the Agrarian Decree, which is to be attributed in part to objective reasons (lack of surveyors, land registration, surveying instruments and so forth).

It has been foreseen that in 1942 in the Ukraine 20% of the general economy was to be changed to agriculture cooperatives. The increasing of the farmland, which forms the main criterion of the general economy and is carried through everywhere immediately, has still not been achieved to the extent of 10% of the general economy, although it was decreed, as has been mentioned, in August 1941. The transformation to agricultural cooperatives has generally begun only a short time ago, and according to the directives of the farmer's leader Koerner is not to reach more than 10% by the end of August of this year. In this state of affairs it is understandable that great sections of the Ukrainian peasantry are under the control of enemy propaganda and have lost belief in the earnestness of our intentions.

The religious freedom was likewise to call forth a great propaganda effect. After months long negotiations, it was eventually decided not to announce the freedom of religion ceremoniously, but to let it come into existence as quietly as possible. The propaganda effect consequently slipped from the picture.

When the Main Department for Politics noticed the hesitation of decision in the church question, it searched for a substitute in another means of propaganda, in the question of returning property rights of the individual. In this the whole world could be clearly shown that National Socialism contrasts distinctly with the Bolshevist expropriation measures and a new property law would be ushered in. The first display of this slogan for propaganda use would have been the immediate raising of the expropriation measures in the Baltic states, which Bolshevism had not yet controlled for a year, and consequently it would have been possible to resume the former property situation without further ado. To the unbounded astonishment of the populace, however, the German administration marched forward to play the role of receiver of the goods stolen by the Bolshevists. The necessity for the restoration of private ownership for the psychological treatment of the populace was referred to by all the General Commissioners in the Baltic states; this population, as everybody knows, ought to be won for German patriotism. Even after the Four Year Plan gave up its old ideas in recognition that a further protraction of the restoration of private ownership would damage even the German economic interests. The fundamental profession of the reinstallation of the pre-Bolshevist property law did not follow, though it was against every political judgment and based only on the unfounded opposition of the Reichs Commissar.

Again a real weapon for the disintegration of the enemy front had been twisted out of our hand, a weapon whose effect may not be undervalued. For the unrecompensed expropriation of private property by the Bolshevists had aroused at the time not only the terror of Russian bourgeois circles including the more prosperous peasants, but also of the entire civilized world. The world, including the laborers and peasants in the Soviet Union who were disillusioned by Bolshevism, awaited now a clear policy in this question on the part of Germany. This silence on the part of Germany obviously made itself of use to the enemy propaganda, which could reliably persuade the Soviet masses that Germany plans no restoration of individual ownership.

The Main Department for Politics furthermore has always emphasized that the Eastern peoples must be told something concrete about their future. The Department refers to the fact that in case we should not oppose the propaganda of Stalin, the peoples would have to succumb to this propaganda, that is to say, they would believe in their own enslavement by Germany. The Main Department for Politics has accordingly often directed the attention of Wehrmacht units to the expediency of having the Slavic Eastern peoples receive calming assurances regarding their future from the authoritative German quarters. As the best means, the establishment of a sort of counter-regime to Stalin with a captured Red general was indicated; or, if the word government should be avoided, then just a rebellious general somewhat after the model of de Gaulle, who should become the point of crystallization for all the Red soldiers who are dissatisfied with Stalin. The correctness of this conception has been confirmed in the time following its inception by countless statements of prisoners of war, who have all stated independently that the silence of Germany regarding the future of Russia allows the worst to be feared. Many would like to desert, but they did not know to whom they should go. Under the banner of a recognized counter-revolutionary leader they would gladly and bravely fight against the Bolshevist regime.

All the suggestions concerning this were rejected in their essentials. Permission for front-line duty was effected only for groups of Turkish and Caucasian peoples and finally after several refusals also for the Estonians. Because of the difficulty of recruiting troops, the unit generally came to the point of impressing civilians and prisoners of war into their ranks, in the first line of rear-echelon services. But even in the foremost line they found employment and fought well. Only in the last few weeks under the pressure of danger from the partisans was the formation of native units allowed and that only for combat with the bandits. But even this measure will remain ineffective as far as propaganda is concerned if a combat unit is not activated and a personality with a resounding name is not put at its head.

The Main Department for Politics was compelled, for the sake of attaining the above-outlined goal, to rescind or at least greatly change measures from German quarters which would strengthen the enemy's power of resistance.

Of primary importance, the treatment of prisoners of war should be named. It is no longer a secret from friend or foe that hundreds of thousands of them literally have died of hunger or cold in our camps. Allegedly there were not enough food supplies on hand for them. It is especially peculiar that the food supplies are deficient only for prisoners of war from the Soviet Unions, while complaints about the treatment of other prisoners of war, Polish, Serbian, French and English, have not become loud. It is obvious that nothing is so suitable for strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army as the knowledge that in German captivity a slow miserable death is to be met. To be sure the Main Department for Politics has succeeded here by unceasing efforts in bringing about a material improvement of the fate of the prisoners of war. However this improvement is not to be ascribed to political acumen, but to the sudden realization that our labor market must be supplied with laborers at once. We now experienced the grotesque picture of having to recruit millions of laborers from the occupied Eastern territories, after prisoners of war have died of hunger like flies, in order to fill the gaps that have formed within Germany. Now the food question no longer existed. In the prevailing limitless abuse of the Slavic humanity, "recruiting" methods were used which probably have their origin only in the blackest periods of the slave trade. A regular manhunt was inaugurated. Without consideration of health or age the people were shipped to Germany, where it turned out immediately that far more than 100,000 had to be sent back because of serious illnesses and other incapabilities for work. This system in no way considered that these methods would of necessity have their effect on the power of resistance of the Red Army, since these methods were used only in the Soviet Union of course, and in no way remotely resembling this form in enemy countries like Holland or Norway. Actually we have made it quite easy for Soviet propaganda to augment the hate for Germany and the National Socialist system. The Soviet soldier fights more and more bravely in spite of the efforts of our politicians to find another name for this bravery. Valuable German blood must flow more and more, in order to break the resistance of the Red Army. Obviously the Main Department for Politics has struggled unceasingly to place the methods of acquiring workers and their treatment within Germany on a rational foundation. Originally it was thought in all earnestness to demand the utmost efforts at a minimum cost of the biological knowledge has led to an improvement. Now 400,000 female household workers from the Ukraine are to come to Germany, and already the German press announces publicly that these people have no right to free time and may not visit theaters, movies, restaurants, etc. and may leave the house at the most three hours a week apart from exception concerning duty.

In addition there is the treatment of the Ukrainians in the Reichs Commissariat itself. With a presumption unequalled we put aside all political knowledge and to the glad surprise of all the colored world treat the peoples of the occupied Eastern territories as whites of Class 2, who apparently have only the task of serving as slaves for Germany and Europe. Only the most limited education is suitable for them, no solicitude can be given them. Their sustenance interests us only insofar as they are still capable of labor, and in every respect they are given to understand that we regard them as of the most minute value.

In these circumstances the following can be determined:

1. The resistance power of the Red Army and the strength of the partisan movement has mounted in the same degree as the population realized our true enlistment for them. The feats of arms of our noble army have been neutralized exactly as in 1918 by an inadequate political policy. Our political policy has forced both Bolshevists and Russian nationals into a common front against us. The Russian fights today with exceptional bravery and self-sacrifice for nothing more or less than recognition of his human dignity.

2. Our political policy of utilizing the Ukraine as a counter-weight against mighty Russia, against Poland and the Balkans, and as a bridge to the Caucasus, has suffered complete ship-wreck. The 40 million Ukrainians who joyfully greeted us as liberators, are today indifferent to us and already begin to swing into the enemy camp. Should we not succeed in checking this situation in the last moment, then we run the danger from day to day of having a partisan movement in the Ukraine, which not only eliminates the Ukraine as a furnisher of food, but also ties up the reinforcements of the German army, endangers its existence and accordingly involves the danger of a German defeat.

If this danger which threatens the German people is to be prevented in the last moment, then the following is necessary.

1. For the Ukraine an absolutely positive political policy must be carried out in every respect. The Ukraine must not be merely an objective of exploitation to us, but the populace must sincerely feel that Germany is its friend and liberator. The German economic agencies must be responsible for assuring the populace a minimum on which they can exist. A compulsory conscription of labor in the occupied Eastern territories must be restrained immediately. The treatment of Ukrainians and other Eastern peoples within the Reich must be fair and human. In publicity, both oral and written, everything must be avoided that is in any way cognizant of the fact that we regard this territory as an objective of exploitation. The Russian people must be told something concrete about their future, particularly because Germany does not have the intention nor the power to occupy the whole Russian area.

2. The policy of the officials of the Reichs Commissar for the Ukraine is in general the exponent for the above described policy, which has not recognized the role of the Ukraine in world politics, and has succeeded in throwing away the friendship of 40 million people; and which is guilty in this way of strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army and prolonging the war with all its consequences. These officials see their only mission as the economic exploitation of the country. The longer the war lasts, however, the more political forces must be interposed. Therefore it would be opportune to place at the head of the Reich Commissariat a personality who also possesses sufficient political ability.

If we do not accomplish this change of course at once, then one can say with certainty that the power of resistance of the Red Army and of the whole Russian people will mount still more, and Germany must continue to sacrifice her best blood. Yes, it must be openly stated that the possibility of a German defeat approaches in a tangible proximity, all the more so if the partisan movement for which Stalin is striving with every means, should spread over a greater part of the Ukraine. One should protest that in the South Ukraine such a danger does not exist because of the lack of swamps and forests. The bandit leader Machino needs to be remembered, he who for about 2 years terrorized the Ukraine and knew how to avoid all persecutions. One should also not place his hopes on the economic collapse of the Soviet Union. Certainly the losses in fertile land, raw materials and industrial projects are very significant. On the other hand the Soviet Union still has the Ural territory, fabulously rich in raw materials of all kinds, which for fourteen years has been industrially developed with all power, as well as rich Siberia. Finally we know that the Soviets have systematically carried on an economic policy of hoarding reserves, and we cannot completely tie up the English-American reserves.

However, if we accomplish the proposed change in policy, then it can be believed certain that the decomposition of the Red Army will also succeed. For the power of resistance of the Red Army man is broken the moment that he becomes convinced that Germany brings him a better life than he has led under the Soviets, and that Germany has a small bit of consideration for his national qualities, in other words does not intend to rob him of his soul.

The problem is too serious to be allowed to remain undecided. Here it is a question of the future of the German race, under circumstances concerning even its existence or non-existence. The permanent thesis of the Main Department for Politics has proved itself true, that a quick victory cannot be attained entirely by the aid of arms, but only in conjunction with the application of a great political offensive. That the administration of the occupied Eastern territories is composed almost entirely of personnel not acquainted with Russia is probably one of the reasons why this thesis has not been carried out. The gentlemen slowly grope their way into the problem, for which the majority still require interpreters. Nevertheless it is today already confirmed that wide circles of the lower administrative chiefs in the Ukraine are plainly frightened of the policy commanded by the higher echelon. However, they are not in a position to have their way. So much the more reason one should trust the interpretation of the Main Department for Politics based on the best technical and social knowledge; the Department is even today convinced of a speedy victorious conclusion of the war, insofar as its political directives are followed.

Berlin, 25 October 1942
Signed: BRAEUTIGAM

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 315-PS

Copy

Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstr. 72, 12 March 1943
Reich Ministry for Food and Agriculture
Current No... IV/1a - 907

Note

In his introductory remarks, State Secretary Gutterer said that at the suggestion of Reich Minister Dr. Goebbels the Fuehrer has decided that out of political considerations a uniform treatment of the problems concerning foreigners will have to be secured immediately in all agencies and a corresponding education of the German people will have to be instituted.

The consolidation of the new Europe and the increased anti-communist trend which have been played up by the foreign propaganda office demand that in the treatment of foreign workers in the Reich immediately every material which would be an incentive for a hostile attitude on the part of the foreign workers should be eliminated. This is particularly necessary in the treatment of the workers from the East. In this instance the hitherto prevailing treatment of the Eastern workers has led not only to a diminished production, but has most disadvantageously influenced the political orientation of the people in the conquered Eastern territories and has resulted in the well-known difficulties for our troops. In order to facilitate military operations the morale has to be improved by a better treatment of the Eastern workers in the Reich.

In a decree issued 15 February to all district leaders [Gauleiter] and Reich directors [Reichsleiter], Reich Ministry Dr. Goebbels has given corresponding directives to party agencies. In order to instruct all other agencies, managers and trade union members who are concerned with Arbeitseinsatz, the Reich Minister for Enlightenment and Propaganda has planned directives; these directives, issued in a draft (see enclosure), served as a working basis for discussion.

In general the following is to be said about these directives:

The treatment of foreigners which until now was markedly different for subjects of Western and Eastern countries will be put on a uniform basis as much as possible, particularly the living standards of the Eastern workers will be raised. The change introduced herewith in the treatment of the foreigners will mainly affect the hitherto prevailing Security Police measures of the Reichsfuehrer SS and of the Main Security Office. The measures introduced by the management will be less influenced. In general, the decrees which have been issued by the GBA already and which, among others, are dealt with in the note for the managers will be less affected. However, an increased repudiation of mistreatment and beatings will come into effect. Accordingly, a more severe punishment is planned for those supervisors and under officials who commit such offenses. During the meeting considerable doubts were voiced by the representatives of the Main Security Office of the Reich and of the Party Chancellery. The former expounded the necessity for the strict security police measures for the protection of the German population and for the security of the Reich. The representative of the party chancellery particularly pointed out the controversies which already are appearing and which would result for the German population if more freedom were granted to the foreigners.

The Reich Food Ministry is particularly interested in the following points of the directives:

Under Point 5 it is declared that it is desired to accommodate the various nationalities separately in factories and camps. It was pointed out by representatives of the GBA and Reichsnaehrstand that in the future this cannot be carried out fully in agriculture too, because of reasons of the Arbeitseinsatz. However, with the warning that this measure is to be "striven for" in the future, permission has been given to avoid changes in personnel beyond those hitherto exercised and that this principle will be considered by the GBA in cases of new draftees, just as it was done before.

Point 7: In principle, the foreign workers should receive the same food rations. To this, the undersigned remarks that the rations are varied according to nationalities (Eastern workers, Poles, other foreigners) in order to account for the home customs. Also the rations are varied according to the types of work performed (camp rations, agricultural workers who provide their own food and special rations for individual employees of the factory). The rations of the foreign agricultural migrant labor differ insofar that on the basis of state contracts various allowances in kind are given to them for a part of their pay. A uniformity is being striven for. For the above mentioned reasons, however, a complete uniformity on the basis of the German allowances is impossible. The validity of these arguments was recognized and the passage was deleted. Instead, clauses were added to the effect that "full rations, as laid down in the regulations, should be distributed" and that "the rations for those performing heavy and extremely heavy work should be handed out only if the production is accordingly great". Against these additional clauses no opposition was voiced, final decision however was withheld.

Point 8: The demanded new basis for wages of the Eastern workers has been discussed already by the departments. A corresponding draft of the GBA, equalizing the wages of Eastern and Polish workers, will reach the departments in the near future. This new regulation would fulfill an old wish of the Reich Food Ministry to equalize the wages of the Polish and Eastern workers in order to increase production and simplify the pay procedure.

Point 9: Sick and pregnant female workers will not be returned anymore since they usually spread negative propaganda in their country. Erection of dispensaries will meet with less difficulty in the industry than in agriculture. However, they will be required in agriculture too in order to free the farms from the care of foreign workers. For the same reason, collective accommodations are necessary for foreign children who were born in the Reich. Appropriate negotiations are now in progress in the GBA.

On page 7 of the draft, all the above directives for all organizations, agencies and individuals are declared as binding; the agencies will be held responsible for the execution of these directives in an orderly fashion. The latter seems to be an extremely far-reaching demand, since the execution of a great part of these directives does not depend on the wish of the agencies but on the limited possibilities during the 4th year of the war, such as providing adequate clothing, erection of barracks for the sick and for the foreign children born in the Reich.

Also the suggested stricter punishment of infringements against these directives seems to be objectionable. The arrogant and recalcitrant attitude of some of the foreigners frequently forces the managers and their representatives to use sharp measures in order to keep up the production of the foreign workers. Insofar as certain abuses will emerge in this process and these are punished not only as unpolitical criminal actions but as acts of sabotage and in some cases as high treason, the positions of the managers and their representatives will be considerably weakened before the foreigners, and uncertainties will result in regard to the treatment of the foreigners. These will lead to a marked lack of discipline on the part of the foreigners. It would be desirable that the final decision should be against this clause.

State Secretary Gutterer asked for comments on the draft by 16 March at the latest. The Reich peasant leader [Dr. Hatesaul] agreed to deliver to us the comments of the Reichsnaehrstand immediately.

Dead line matter, 15 March 1943!

Herewith I forward above copy of notes on a meeting held 10 March and a copy of the draft with the request for comment. I ask for a prompt reply in view of the deadline set by the Ministry for Enlightenment and Propaganda.

Referat IV I a
Signed: DR. BRENDLER
certified
Signed: ROTZOW

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 318-PS

Main Bureau for Science
Chief of the Main Bureau
Ha/Sch. 2370
Berlin, the 5th December 1941
To Record Office for Cultural Policy
Attention Party Member Dr. Killer!
Inter-office Communication

After long negotiations we succeeded in reorganizing and fixing the relations of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers to one bureau. All details are in the enclosed photostatic copy.

Heil Hitler!
Haertle
1 Enclosure      Entrusted with the leadership

Principles concerning relations of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers to the Fuehrer's Commissioner for the supervision of the whole intellectual and ideological training and education of the NSDAP as well as to the Chief of the Seminary [Hohe Schule].

1. The Chief of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is bound by orders and directives of Reichsleiter Rosenberg in all questions concerning intellectual and ideological training, research and education.

2. The main task of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is to present the university lecturers a picture of the history, the formation and the tasks of the National Socialist movement, and to coordinate them in accordance with our ideology with the great political aims of the Reich. The training has to correspond with the requirements of the body of university lecturers.

3. Insofar as beyond this general education a supplementary training, through working communities, university camps, etc. is required—these training measures may be carried out with the provision that the tasks mentioned in Art. 6 are not encroached upon.

4. The National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is obliged to submit to the Reichsleiter all plans for working communities, conferences, camps, etc., with designation of topics and names of the participants, always in time enough that the possibility of his changing them in accordance with his duty as a leader is assured. His objections and directives resulting from this are binding and authoritative for the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers. This applies accordingly to the work of the Association done abroad also.

5. Publications will be limited to the above mentioned tasks and are to be submitted to the Main Bureau for Science 14 days before publication. All publications have to bear a remark that the scientific responsibility for the individual contributions lies exclusively upon the author,—in order to avoid the impression of an official party opinion. Reichsleiter Rosenberg will make the decision as to whether the publications of the National Socialist German University Lecturers Association are to be published by the Hoheneichen press.

6. When Reichsleiter Rosenberg plans for his mission, especially for the seminary [Hohe Schule], the collection of professional groups in the different fields of science, or the organization of scientific meetings of university lecturers—the organizational measures will be carried out by the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers.

7. Judgments and opinions of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers concerning the appointments, assignments and transfers of university lecturers are to be submitted to the Main Bureau for Science and, at the same time, to the party chancery.

8. The appointment of the educational director of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers will take place with the approval of Reichsleiter Rosenberg. He will be called into the Reich working community as a member for the education of the whole NS movement.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 327-PS

DRMfdbO.
II 1 c 1183/44g.

Copies for the Political Main Staff Str. 19/10
Q 19/x: 20/10 Dr. Wetzelz.k W 21/10
P₁ P₂
with request for acknowledgment, Dr. Kinkelein n.r.
Z.d. A. Str. 31/10
Pencilled Notes
Berlin, 17 October 1944

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SECRET

[Stamp]
Political Main Staff
Journal No. P1011 a/44g
Received 18 Oct. 1944
encl.

In order to prevent difficulties and delay—which is of course not desired by you—in the liquidation of the companies under my supervision, I have today dispatched the following telegram to the Gau Leaders because of the particular urgency:

In order not to delay the liquidation of companies under my supervision, I beg to point out that the companies concerned are not private firms but business enterprises of the Reich so that also actions with regard to them just as with regard to government offices are reserved to the highest authorities of the Reich. I supervise the following companies:

The following banks under my supervision are also not private firms:

The liquidation of these companies and banks has been discussed with the Reich Plenipotentiary for total war effort and will be brought to a close not later than by the end of this year. Assets suitable for restitution of the companies have already been earmarked for the armed forces and war economy. Therefore, any intervention with regard to stocks and personnel does not only impede the liquidation of business which is inevitably necessary but also delays the supply of goods to the armed forces and war industry. For this reason I beg, to refrain from any intervention.

The Chief of the Party Chancellory has a copy hereof.

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of my letter of today to the Reich Plenipotentiary for total war effort from which you will note that the liquidation of the companies under my supervision has been agreed upon with the Reich Plenipotentiary and will be concluded at a relatively close date considering the vast operations which are indispensable for the liquidation in the interest of an orderly war economy. Restored property not yet surrendered has already been earmarked for the armed forces and war economy, so that any delay of the liquidation or perhaps even independent confiscation of the property by the Gau Leaders would impair or destroy an organized plan, something that should not be done without a compelling reason in the interest of war economy. In order to give you an idea of the past and present problems of these companies, I am attaching enclosed a corresponding survey.

I beg you to acknowledge receipt of the telegram to the Gau Leaders.

Finally, I want to point out also that in my mind it is not correct to simply order the Gau Leaders under the heading "actions against civilians in rear echelons" to press the speeding up of the liquidation of offices and establishments which have been brought back from the occupied territories. Without doubt cases have occurred where such pressure was warranted by all means. On the other hand, it has been proven that, for instance, thousands of decent men and women as well as firms, who have done their duty under the most difficult conditions there, have been brought back from the occupied territories and have recognized the need of the hour immediately, but can simply not complete their work still necessary for the liquidation at present from one day to the other. As far as the Eastern territories are concerned, the above applies to the majority of the people assigned, so that I am obliged to regret that you also associate these people with the most ill-reputed term of rear-echelon.

Heil Hitler
Yours
Signed: A Rosenberg

SECRET

(1). Zentralhandelsgessellschaft Ost fuer landwirtschaftlichen Absatz und Bodarf m.b.H. (Z.O.). (Central Trading Company East for Agricultural Marketing and Requirements Limited).

The following has been the mission of the Z.O. as a monopoly company for the Eastern Territories:

The following is the present mission of the Z.O.:

The actual significance of the Z.O. and the volume of its transactions can be seen from the following:

The following was required for transportation:

1,418,000 railroad box cars and 472,000 tons of boat shipping space.

While the utilization of the evacuated agricultural products has been completed in the main part in spite of all difficulties by means of transfer to the Reich Agencies, it has not been possible to effect the utilization of the remaining goods (machines, furniture, supply goods etc.) in the same time and with as little friction. The utilization of these goods is being effected with the cooperation of the Commissioner for utilization of goods, Dr. Kemna, for the Reich Minister of Economy and the Reich Minister for Armament and War Production. Moreover, part of these goods which are composed of thousands of types of different goods must first be overhauled and repaired.

The number of personnel of the Z.O. and its subsidiary companies has already been reduced from 7,000 to 681 employees, exclusive of 50 workers who are still working in the Eastern Territories.

(2). Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ukraine. (Agricultural Development Company, Ukraine)

The Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ukraine (LBGU) had the following missions (Figures according to status of 1st July 1943):

The LBGU maintained 1 central business office, 6 district offices (with 5 branch offices), 114 regional offices, 431 county offices, 2,870 base offices and 400 supervisory bodies.

The LBGU has already completed the liquidation of the following affairs:

At present the LBGU still attends to the following matters:

The number of personnel employed by the LBGU has been reduced from 4,500 German and Dutch workers as of 30 June 1943 to 410 as of 1st Oct. 1944.

Of these latter 248 were made available for other important war jobs, especially in the general government, by way of orders and leaves from present jobs. 28 employees are assigned to supervise 50,000 Ukrainian workers in key-positions and skilled laborers of the LBGU. Another 90, as mentioned, are employed for the problems of utilizing agricultural machines and for the repair thereof (see above cc). Consequently, only 44 persons are employed to wind up the remaining affairs.

(3). Beschaffungsgesellschaft Ost m.b.H. (BGO). (Supply Company East Limited)

The BGO has been founded with the purpose to procure machines and other investment goods for the economy of the Eastern Territories as well as to perform special assignments.

Today, it has the following assignments:

To (a): According to orders by the Reich Minister for Armament and War production the machines which are being delivered in agreement with current business contracts are being transferred particularly to German industries damaged by bombing. The other deliveries are being disposed of in accordance with orders of the OKH/Chief H Ruest u.BdH. (Supreme Command Army) as well as of the economic administrative agencies and of the Planning Commissioners.

To (b): This procurement is also done for the German industry.

To (c): The execution of these assignments is in full swing, and the work connected with it is steadily increasing. So far the BGO has collected about 1,000 carloads of evacuated goods. One part of these is directed by the B.G.O. to agencies charged with their utilization which operate under its management. Another part—particularly machines and investment goods—are stored in own depots, repaired, catalogued and catalogue submitted to the Office of Armament Supplies as well as to Special Agencies [Sonderringe—Committees set up by Speer to organize the production of component parts of the armament industry] and apportioned according to their directions to the Armament Industry.

The number of personnel employed at present by the BGO is 118 employees of whom 55 are male employees.

(4). Pharm-Ost G.m.b.H. (Pharmaceutics—East Company Limited).

The company had the assignment to supply the Eastern Territories with medicines and other drugs within the range of human and veterinary medicines as well as with all equipment for medical and veterinary requirements, hospital requirements, etc.

Apart from supplying the remainder of the Eastern Territories, the company's main assignment at present is essentially to direct the evacuated goods to other consumers, the armed forces in particular, its stocks and those goods which are to be delivered according to business contracts already concluded, while observing the necessary financial liquidation procedure.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 342-PS

Par. 1

The total, movable and immovable properties of the Jewish population in the territories governed by the Reich's Commissioner for Eastern areas are placed under confiscation by the administration for the commission and the seizure according to the following regulations.

Par. 2

Property is defined as movable and immovable objects along with all accessories, claims, commissions, rights and interests of all types.

Par. 3

1. The confiscation will be carried out by the Reich's commissioner for the East or those officers who have been authorized by him. It can be carried out by directives to individual persons or in general by a proclamation and can be limited to individual objects of wealth.

2. The following shall be excluded from confiscation:

a. That part of the household furniture which will take care of the base essentials of life.

b. Cash, bank and savings credit, as well as bonds, up to a total value of one hundred Reichsmarks.

Par. 4

1. With the confiscation the previous owner loses all rights to dispose of the confiscated property.

2. Whoever has confiscated property in possession or custody, will administer it until further notice. The changing or disposal of the property or of its profits will only be allowed inside the bounds of orderly management. All other measures taken beyond this will need the approval of the Reichs commissioner for the East or those agencies authorized by him.

Par. 5

1. The property that is placed under confiscation can be brought under the administration of the commission, so far as it is necessary for orderly management.

2. The assuming of control by the administrative commission will at the same time be looked upon as confiscation.

3. The Reichs commission for the East will issue directives about the arrangement and management of this administration.

Par. 6

1. Confiscated property can be called in by the Reichs commissioner for the East or by the agencies authorized by him.

2. The disposal of the confiscated property will be left to the authorized agencies.

3. These agencies will decide with finality, using administrative means, on the debts which belong to the confiscated property. The responsibility will be limited to the sales value of the confiscated property.

Par. 7

Bids for the purchase of the property which comes under confiscation can be publicly advertised.

Par. 8

The responsible authorities can demand information from everyone to carry out their task.

Par. 9

1. The following will be punished with a prison sentence and monetary fine or one of those punishments.

a. Those who will undertake to withdraw an object of value from the offices of the civil authorities or those installed with the authority for disposal, or in any other manner to thwart, to evade, or to impair the action of confiscation.

b. Those who intentionally or carelessly do not fulfill in due time or completely one of those directives imposed upon him such as an order of execution or other directive of execution, and the report and information obligations concerning it.

2. In severe cases the punishment is penal servitude. If the accused is charged with willful disobedience or should it be any other especially severe case the death sentence is authorized.

Par. 10

The Reichs commissioner for the East will issue the necessary measures to carry out those directives.

Par. 11

The directive will go into effect on the day of its publication.

Riga, the 13 October 1941
The Reichs Commissioner for the East
Signed: LOHSE

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 343-PS

Field Marshal Milch

Berlin,—W 8, Leipzigerstrasse 7, 31 Aug 1942

Dear Mr. Himmler!

I thank you very much for your letter of the 25 Aug. I have read with great interest the reports of Dr. Rascher and Dr. Romberg. I am informed about the current experiments. I shall ask the two gentlemen to give a lecture combined with the showing of motion pictures to my men in the near future.

Hoping that it will be possible for me to see you at the occasion of my next visit to Headquarters I remain with best regards and

Heil Hitler!
yours
[signed] E. Milch

SECRET

Field Marshal Milch

Berlin W 8, Leipzigerstrasse 7, 20 May 1942

Dear Wolffy!

In reference to your telegram of 12 May our sanitary inspector reports to me that the altitude experiments carried out by the SS and Air Force at Dachau have been finished. Any continuation of these experiments seems essentially unreasonable. However the carrying out of experiments of some other kind, in regard to perils at high seas, would be important. These have been prepared in immediate agreement with the proper offices; Major (M.C.) Weltz will be charged with the execution and Capt (M.C.) Rascher will be made available until further orders in addition to his duties within the Medical Corps of the Air Corps. A change of these measures does not appear necessary, and an enlargement of the task is not considered pressing at this time.

The low-pressure chamber would not be needed for these low-temperature experiments. It is urgently needed at another place and therefore can no longer remain in Dachau.

I convey the special thanks from the supreme commander of the Air Corps to the SS for their extensive cooperation.

I remain with best wishes for you in good comradeship and with

Heil Hitler!
Always yours
[Signed] E. Milch

Mr. SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff
Berlin SW 11

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 347-PS

Copy of a Copy

I Ju 3 D 9 Tgb No 783/449

18 April 44 [in pencil]

To the Reich Youth Leader Artur Axmann
Berlin-Charlottenburg 9
Kaiserdamm 45/46

Dear Party Member Axmann:

My chief of the department youth, Obergebietsfuehrer Lueer has proposed to me the plan to let the youth of the Latvian and Estonian peoples participate in complete age groups in the military education camps of the Hitler Youth.

I thank you, party member Axmann, for the generous invitation of the Hitler Youth to the Youth organization of the Baltic districts [General Bezirken]. I agree with you in the expectations, which we connect with the enlargements of the camps, begun with such success in East-Prussia.

The experience of Germany is best able to liberate the youth from thinking about small states and to explain to them the understanding for the European obligation. Furthermore, I expect especially through the conscription of entire age groups, that the military education will make itself felt in the military aspect. Only the education of an entire age group has influence on the reserve situation. The reserve situation of the Estonian and Latvian Legion is marked especially by the lack of noncommissioned officers and instructors. If we can eliminate this lack by the universal military education of the growing age groups, that will mean for the future a considerable inner strengthening of not small parts of our Northern front.

The first General directors as well as state directors in Estonia and Latvia in the meantime have been instructed, to create the legal basis, which are necessary for the execution of required military education. Obergebietsfuehrer Lueer could assure me that the inner readiness exists on the part of the youth. Also the organization and leaders of the youth will never close their ears to this commitment. However, I must draw your attention to the doubts, which are in the way of the military education of the Latvian and Estonian youth on German soil; I have consciously refrained from issuing the necessary orders on my own competence, but have asked Commissioner General to cause the countries own administration to publish the appropriate orders. Because of their own orders, these agencies will also have to issue the specific orders for the individual commitments. This is according to our policy, to relieve the German authorities from all the more technical and administrative problems, which touch little on our leadership and educational mission, and to leave to the countries own administration freedom of action.

However, according to the conferences which have taken place so far, it cannot be expected that General Dankers or Dr. Mae will order their youth organizations on their own, to conduct the military education not in Latvia or Estonia, but in East-Prussia or in Warthegau. This viewpoint is partly caused by the more or less expressed fear, to be suspected by reactionary circles to favor a so called Germanization. General Dankers and Dr. Mae can also point out, that the transfer of the Latvian and Estonian pre-military education of the youth contradicts the above-mentioned principles, which we customarily observe in the realm of the remaining administration. I cannot include a camp education, which primarily is to alleviate the most dire needs of an inadequate recruit training as a matter of our basic German educational mission. In the military education camps, the young Latvians are trained under Latvian leaders in the Latvian language,—not because this is our ideal, but because absolute military necessity demands this. If General Dankers or Dr. Mae express the wish, and they have done so, to conduct such camps on Latvian or Estonian soil, I am not able to oppose them with any serious reasons.

I consider the arrangement of the most necessary suppositions for the future military service an immediate and simply practical mission of the countries own youth activity. The permission, that the countries own youth organizations, even if only in part and under German leadership, can carry out the military education in the country, gives them a considerable power toward those circles, still opposing, and is also able to increase the enthusiasm, especially of the youth. Our policy must adapt itself in the necessary extent toward this immediate goal, to rouse the Baltic peoples to the highest war effort of all forces. I am sure that the adaptability and educational capacity of the youth demand other measures from us, than those which can be advocated by us in our policies toward the adult parts of the population. However, politics and the education of the youth must perform in common according to the necessities of war, which gives us the problem to mobilize all available forces for victory. Even under these conditions, there are enough possibilities for Germany to exercise influence. The universal execution of the military education based on compulsory service with regard to the location of the camp gives us the possibility to increase the share of the German camps. Two or three camps in Estonia and Latvia therefore act as advertising for the camps within Germany; for in contrast to the Germanic peoples of the West, the military education is no longer to be carried out through voluntary enlistments, but through legal conscription. The camps in Estonia and Latvia as well, will have to be under German leadership, and as military education camps of the Hitler youth, they must be a symbol of our educational mission beyond Germany's borders.

I consider the execution of the military education of the Estonian and Latvian youth not only a military necessity, but also a war mission of the Hitler youth especially. I would be thankful to you, party member Axmann, if the Hitler youth would put itself at our disposal with the same readiness, with which they have so far supported our work in the Baltic Area.

Heil Hitler!
[signed] Lohse

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 351-PS

LIST OF THE MEMBERS OF THE REICH CABINET SINCE 30 JANUARY 1933

Reichs Chancellor Adolf Hitler, appointed 30 January 1933

Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor since 2 August 1934

Present at the First Session of the Cabinet of Adolf Hitler on 30 January 1933 at 5:00 p.m.

Subject: The Political Situation.

The Reichs Chancellor opens the session and explains that millions of people within Germany would joyfully greet this day on which a Reich Cabinet under his leadership had been appointed by the Reich President. He asked the members of the Cabinet to give him their confidence as he himself had confidence in each member of the Cabinet.

Then the Chancellor stated that he intended to suggest to the Reich President the appointment of the Counsellor in the Ministry, Dr. Lammers, to the post of State Secretary in the Reich Chancellor in place of the retired State Secretary Planck, and the appointment of the member of the Reichstag, Walter Funk, to the post of Director in the Ministry and Director of the Press Office in place of the retired Director in the Ministry, Marcks.

The Reich Cabinet took note of this. There were no objections against his proposal.

The Reich Chancellor then opened a discussion about the political situation.

Reich Minister Goering stated that he had contacted the Center Party. The Center Party felt offended because they had not been informed about the development of the situation. As he had been informed Reich Chancellor von Papen had not contacted the representatives of the Center Party. He, Reich Minister Goering, was under the impression that the Center Party expected certain concessions from the present Reich Cabinet.

The Reich Minister for Economy and Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture stated that it would be wise to avoid any brusque actions toward the Center Party. However, the representation of the Center Party in the Reich Cabinet was to be avoided since, in his opinion, it would endanger the unity of decisions of that body.

The Reich Chancellor pointed out that adjournment of the Reichstag would be impossible without the collaboration of the Center Party. One might, however, consider suppressing the Communist Party to eliminate its votes in the Reichstag and by this measure achieve a majority in the Reichstag. Based on his experiences, however, such suppressions of parties were of no avail. He was afraid that heavy political fights and possibly a general strike might be the result of this contemplated suppression of the Communist Party of Germany. Surely the economy of the count needed settled conditions. If, however, one discussed the question of the greater danger for the national economy, the uncertainty and unrest connected with new elections or a general strike, then one had to arrive at the conclusion that a general strike would be far more dangerous for the national economy.

It appeared flatly impossible to suppress the 6,000,000 people who stood behind the Communist Party of Germany. It might be possible, however, to achieve a majority for the new Reich Cabinet after dissolving the Reichstag and the new elections which had to fall soon. The best thing, however, would be if the Reichstag should adjourn itself voluntarily.

The Reich Minister for Economy and the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture explained that he certainly has no longing for a general strike. In his opinion, however, it was impossible to avoid the suppression of the Communist Party of Germany. If that were not done one could not achieve a majority in the Reichstag, certainly not a majority of two-thirds.

After the suppression of the KPD the passage of an enabling law through the Reichstag would be possible. He doubted that there would be a general strike after the suppression of the KPD. He preferred the suppression of the KPD to new elections.

Reich Minister Goering stated that the Communists had planned a demonstration for this evening (30 January), which he had prohibited. On the basis of his investigations the KPD would not be prepared for a general strike at the present. The social democrats were pressing for a discussion in Reichstag.

In his opinion it would be best to dissolve the Reichstag as soon as possible and to hold new elections. The Reich Chancellor had given his word that the present constellation of the Reich Cabinet would not be altered even after new elections.

The Reich Chancellor confirmed the correctness of this statement.

The Reich Minister for Labor declared that there was great joy in the ranks of the Steel Helmet [Stahlhelm] about the forming of the present Reich Cabinet. There was no more friction between the Steel Helmet and the SA.

In his opinion it would not be wise to let the first act of the present Reich Cabinet consist in the suppression of the KPD which might result in a general strike.

The Deputy of the Reich Chancellor and the Reich Commissar for Prussia pointed out that the German nation needed a rest. In his opinion it would be best initially to request an Enabling Law from the Reichstag. If such a law would not be passed the situation could be tackled anew. The Reich Chancellor declared that the general strike was not to be taken lightly. To suppress a possible general strike the Reichswehr should not be committed, if possible.

The Reich Minister for Defense thanked the Reich Chancellor for this attitude and emphasized that the soldier is only used to thinking of his opponent as an enemy from outside.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs discussed the question of whether a suppression of the KPD with the possible consequence of a general strike were to be preferred to new elections for the Reichstag under foreign political consideration. He came to the conclusion that a suppression of the KPD with the possible consequence of a general strike would be, by far, the more serious outlook.

The Reich Minister for Finance pointed out that the financial status of the Reich, the States, and the Counties could only be adjusted through a slow improvement of the economic situation. He regarded the suppression of the KPD as a last political means. State Secretary Dr. Meissner proposed for the discussion whether an Enabling Law was to be proposed which would contain provisions for measures to be taken by the Reich Cabinet in the interest of combating unemployment. Such an Enabling Law would only require a simple majority in the Reichstag.

Reich Commissar Dr. Gereke stated that the Center Party would not tolerate the Cabinet. Speedy new elections to the Reichstag would become necessary. The Deputy of the Reich Chancellor and the Reich Commissar for the State of Prussia suggested that the Reich Chancellor, in an interview, would state at the earliest opportunity that the rumors about the danger of inflation and the rumors about the danger of the rights of civil servants are untrue. The Reich Chancellor agreed to this. He further informed the meeting that he would contact representatives of the Center Party in the morning of 31 January.

A new meeting of the Ministers is to take place on 31 January at 4:00 p.m.

The Reich Cabinet took note of this.

Signed: Wienstein 31.1.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 352-PS

Copy

Rk. 8008D

Berlin, 14 June 1942
Fuehrer's Headquarters

Your letter of 3 June 1942—CBV Nr. 493/42/2882—. Recently the Fuehrer announced in accord with the opinions of the Reich Marshal of the Greater German Reich as shown in my letter of 20 Feb. 1940-RK. 624B- that he believes it practical to reserve certain legislative missions for the Reich Cabinet. With this he has not limited the competency of the Council of Ministers for the defense of the Reich but given a directive as to how legislation should be handled under the point of view of practicability. I have no doubt that the Fuehrer, as well as the Reich Marshal, have not changed their point of view, in particular regarding the fact that at the present there should be only legislation important in the cause of war, and that they will stress the fact that the Fuehrer himself and the Reich Cabinet should not be eliminated from the powers of legislation. It will have to be tested from time to time what measures will be reserved for the Reich Cabinet. My letter of 20 February 1940, and the opinions of the Fuehrer therein expressed may serve as a directive even if the limitations indicated by me are no longer applicable in their full meaning. I would therefore suggest not basing the discussions with the Reich Minister of Finance on the question of competency of the Reich Cabinet or the Council of Ministers for the defense of the Reich, but on the question of whether it would be practical to achieve settlement through either Reich law or a Decree from the Council of Ministers for the defense of the Reich in the sense of the opinions voiced by the Fuehrer.

Signed: Dr. Lammers

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 374-PS

Berlin Nr 234404 9.11.2355

1. Actions against the Jews and in particular against their synagogues will occur in a short time, in all of Germany. They are not to be hindered. However, it is to be made certain, in agreement with the ordinary police, that plundering and similar law breaking will be held to a minimum.

2. Insofar as important archive material is present in the synagogues, it is to be secured by immediate measures.

3. The seizure of some 20 to 30 thousand Jews in the Reich is to be prepared. Wealthy Jews above all are to be chosen. More detailed directives will appear in the course of this night.

4. If, in the course of this action, Jews are found in possession of arms then the sharpest measures are to be employed. Special troops of the SS as well as the general SS can be drawn into the total action. In any case the direction of the actions through the State police is to be assured by proper measures.

In the synagogue of Cologne there is especially important material. This is to be made safe, immediately, by the quickest measures in agreement with the Security Services.

Gestapo I Mueller

This teletype is secret

SECRET

Blitz Munich 47767 10,11.38 0120

To all State police administrative offices and State police offices.

To all Security Service O.A. and W.S.

Subject: Tonight's measures against Jews.

On the basis of the attack upon Legation Secretary v. Rath in Paris demonstrations against the Jews are to be expected in the entire Reich tonight 9 to 10 November 38. The following orders are issued for the treatment of these incidents.

1. The directors of the administrative offices of the State police or their deputies have to take up, by long-distance phone, negotiations with the proper political directorates of their regions —Gauleitung or Kreisleitung—immediately upon the receipt of this telegram and to unify a discussion of the carrying out of the demonstrations to which the proper inspector or commander of the regular police is to be drawn. In this conference the political direction is to be informed that the German police has received from the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the Police the following orders to which the measures of the political directorate should comply.

2. Only such measures are to be taken, which do not entail a danger to German life and property (for example: burning of synagogues only if no fire hazard is present in the neighborhood).

3. As soon as the course of events tonight permits the use of the appointed officials for this purpose, as many Jews are to be seized, especially wealthy ones, in all regions as can be accommodated in the prisons at hand. Moreover, only healthy, male Jews of not too great an age are to be seized. After carrying out the seizure, negotiations are to be taken up at once with the proper concentration camps for the quickest accommodation of the Jews.

Signed: HEYDRICH
SS Gruppenfuehrer

Police radio service—Radio Hannover
Urgent—Secret
SSD Berlin 133 10; 11 2110
To all political authorities

As soon as notices of the ending of the action arrive from the Gau administration take action that destroyed shops are so shut up with boards, etc., that the destruction is as little visible as possible. Have owners directed in certain cases to work under police orders to carry this out. Have the ruins of synagogues, etc., removed as quickly as possible.

Chief of the regular police
Special command staff of the High Command g. a. Nr 224/38

Appendix

National Socialist German Workers Party

Gau Coblenz—Trier

Coblenz June 7, 1933

Propaganda Department

To all Kreis directorates
Subject: List M. 18, Jew baiting Nr 2

You will receive in the next few days a list of the communities of your districts in which you will find the Jewish firms and businesses of your district. You will immediately check in your whole district whether the addresses given are correct or whether some have been forgotten. The highest importance is to be placed on accuracy since the list is to be printed.

Subject: Jew baiting

The district directorate will set up a committee which has the task of directing and supervising the communities in the whole district. The strength of this committee will be determined by the district directed. You are to inform the Gau-propaganda directorate at once of the committees named. The Gau propaganda directorate will then set itself in coordinating with these committees through you.

Present tasks of the committees.

The committee will form in all the local groups and support localities such committees whose names shall be known only to the district committee. The members of the sub-committees shall report to the district committee the names of those Party members and other Germans who buy from Jews. The district committee will publish articles whose content is such that it will point out to the miscreant members of the nation the shamefulness of their deed, and will make them aware of the shame to which they would be subjected if they were proceeded against publicly. This article must be arranged so that only the addresses of those involved, the business and the time in which he made the purchase will be given. The article should bear no signature and will be posted on various posting spots. Further the committees have to secure female clerks from Jewish stores, who can then very easily name those who purchase in Jewish shops. This demands some caution and has to be done with the greatest secrecy. The names of these clerks shall in no case be mentioned. Negotiations are to be undertaken with the association for the employed middle class so that it will prepare the means for this action and will assume the responsibility of finding a new job in another shop of equal importance in case the clerk loses her job. Her name must not be given, only the number.

The district directorate will point out in all gatherings of members or in all public gatherings that the Jew in all countries is again carrying on a low attack which is greatly harmful to Germany. It must be made clear to the masses that no German may buy from a Jew. It is also to be demanded of the Party membership that it constantly bring this to the attention of its friends and acquaintances. The Party membership must go so far in the interest of the nation that it cease friendship with best acquaintances if the latter continue to purchase from Jews. It must go so far that no German will speak to a Jew if it is not absolutely necessary, and this must be particularly pointed out.

German girls who go with Jews are to be made cognizant of the shamefulness of their actions. A member of our party must, in no way, have anything to do with such a person.

Heil Hitler
Signed: Bang
Gau-Propagandaleiter

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 375-PS

TOP SECRET

Berlin, 25 August 1938
General Staff of the 5th Section (German Air Force)
(Genstb. 5. Abteilung)
No. 28/38. TOP SECRET (G-2)
For Commanders only [CHEF-SACHE]
THROUGH OFFICER COURIER ONLY

1. The basic assumption is that France will declare war during the Case Green.

It is presumed that France will only decide upon war if active military assistance by Great Britain is definitely assured.

2. The Soviet Union will probably side immediately with the Western Powers.

3. It is not expected for the moment that other states will intervene against Germany.

The Dutch-Belgian area assumes in this connection much more importance for the prevention of the war in Western Europe than during the World War. This mainly as an advanced base for the air war.

4. The United States of America will immediately support the fight of the Western Powers with strong ideological and economic means.

5. Italy, Nationalistic-Spain, Hungary and Japan are regarded as benevolent neutrals.

1. The French-Czechoslovakian treaty provides for military assistance only in the case of an unprovoked attack. At least an agreement of the French and British views as to the legal aspect has to be achieved. If only for political reasons we have to consider the 2nd day as the earliest possible day of war on a European scale. In cast of a 24 hour ultimatum it would be the 3rd day.

2. It is further assumed that the actual commencement of hostilities will only take place after the French armed forces have been tactically deployed. That means within the fourth to eighteenth day. This to

3. The war aim of the Entente Powers is to be considered as the overcoming of Germany through attacking its war economy. With other words through a long war.

4. The following are possible methods of operation for the French army:

All suppositions support the first alternative.

5. The French Air Force will probably attack both economic and German Air Force targets as well as military and communication objectives. Thus no concentrated effect will be achieved at any one place.

6. The French Navy will probably cooperate through operations with the British sea power to supplant the North Sea blockade. The aim will be the maintenance of naval predominance in the Atlantic and the Western Mediterranean.

7. The British Air Force is assumed to be committed from English bases against the Rhine-Westphalia industrial area and the North Sea ports. Sooner or later the Belgium-Dutch neutrality will be violated.

A camouflaged aircraft reporting network in Belgium and the Netherlands has to be taken into account from the first day of the war. No transfer to France on the part of the British Air Force need be expected at the beginning of the war. Equally it is held to be out of the question for any large parts of the British armed forces to be transferred to France.

8. Provision seems to have been made for the use of North French ground organizations during the course of the war at least by part of the attacking British Air Forces.

The existence of a relatively large number of civilian airfields in Belgium and the Netherlands seem to indicate the intention of moving advanced elements of the air defenses of London (light fighters and reconnaissance aircraft) into this area after a while.

9. Thanks to the expected neutrality of Poland, the active participation of Soviet Russia will be largely restricted to the prosecution of the war in the Baltic.

Furthermore, air attacks against East Prussia and the Baltic coast are to be anticipated and occasional raids on Berlin are regarded as possible.

10. The basic assumption in respect to our own prosecution of the war is that two war plane air forces will be available in the West at the beginning of hostilities. There will be five war plane air forces in all after three to four weeks. The aim will be to bring about a decision by the defeat of the Western powers.

The German Air Force has at present not all the forces necessary to seek a decision by attacking the enemy's war economy with the aid of the navy. The prime responsibility of the German Air Force in the present situation must be to help the armed forces immobilized opposite a fortified front to achieve operational freedom.

1. The French Air Force will have on the 1st October some 640 war planes in the front line units on French home territory of which not more than 120 to 150 attain a modern standard of performance. Available reserves total about 320 obsolete war planes.

There are another 150 obsolete war planes in North Africa for use in colonial war or against Southern Italy.

It is assumed that the French home war plane units will be deployed for the most part in the known areas of Eastern France at the beginning of the war. They will be employed against various targets (air force targets, industrial and communications targets, military installations, Army targets) in the operational area as well as in depth according to the capabilities of their personnel and equipment.

Any transfer of more than insignificant forces to Czechoslovakia is regarded as outside the range of practical possibilities, as is the concentrated commitment of large formations against the armies fighting in Czechoslovakia.

2. The British war plane force will consist of some 850 war planes on October 1st of which 300 to 350 can be regarded as modern. The majority of the front line aircraft as well as some 200 to 300 reserve aircraft can be described as only conditionally serviceable in the face of modern defences.

Due to their inadequate range the present British war plane formations are not in a position to carry on a vigorous air war from their home bases only without violating sovereign Dutch or Belgian territory.

Even if Dutch and Belgian neutrality is ignored only the modern war planes need to be taken into account as a serious threat to the Ruhr.

A transfer of British Air Forces to Northern France is to be expected at the earliest, after several weeks of war.

If the French Army Command decides to march through Belgium and the Netherlands the immediate influx of British fighters into this area becomes probable.

Heavy attacks against the North Sea ports by carrier based aircraft need not be reckoned with:

On the other hand occasional attacks by coastal aircraft forces against targets on the North Sea coast are feasible and probable.

1. The first aircraft put into mass production as a result of the expansion of French military aircraft industry during the years 1934 to 1938 are at present rolling off the assembly lines. At the moment the aero-engine factories are lagging behind with deliveries.

In August 1938 forty single-engined and thirty twin-engined military aircraft were delivered to the French Air Forces. It must be assumed that these figures will be increased during the coming months to 100 aircraft a month, 50 single-engined and 50 twin-engined.

A further moderate increase in production is possible and to be expected from spring 1939 on.

2. In Great Britain existing plants have been extended since 1936 with the aid of State funds and the effect on the armament situation will begin to make itself felt increasingly from 1939 on. If the present plans will be observed the program will be completely carried out by 1941.

Present production (August 1938) is estimated at some 200 aircraft of all types (commercial and military aircraft) a month. It must be noted that the import of training aircraft and long-range reconnaissance aircraft from the United States and Canada is intended.

3. North American aircraft industry (United States and Canada) is at the moment fully occupied. No notable expansion has yet taken place but is possible. A possible expansion would have no practical effects in 1939.

250 aircraft of all types (commercial and military) a month for the home and foreign market may be stated as the present production rate. Appreciably more aircraft engines are manufactured.

1. It is proposed to supply units on or before 5th October with the following target data for France:

2. Basic target maps of British ground organization (airfields) are approximately 90% ready. They have been passed on to Air Force Group 2 for printing and for the adding of sectional excerpts of maps. They have been ordered to be ready by 15 September.

As far as essential industrial targets are concerned, work has been carried out on the food and crude oil supply systems and docks in the London and Hull areas (basic target maps, sector maps, partially covered also by aerial and ground panoramas).

These will be reproduced after the ground organization targets have been printed. They cannot be expected to be ready before 20 October.

Tactical maps and target maps of London and Hull will be issued to the command authorities prior to the end of September.

3. The basic target maps of the Air Force objectives for Belgium and the Netherlands are ready for printing. Reproduction and distribution (including sector maps) will probably be possible only during October.

4. In general it must be emphasized that, unlike Czechoslovakia, there are relatively very few aerial photographs of Western European targets available.

1. A negative answer must be given to the question as to whether it is appropriate to postpone the massed commitment of our striking power until the spring. The balance of force would probably have altered by that time to our disadvantage due to further progress of French and British aircraft industry and imports from North America.

2. From a climatological point of view the autumn offers our forces greater prospect of success than the enemy, due to our relatively good training in instrument flying.

3. As our forces must be regarded as small, even if we accept the figure of 5 air forces as a basis, the task can only be fulfilled by concentrated blows directed against the enemy's weakest points.

For this purpose choice of targets must be made with the greatest care and must be restricted to the decisive points.

4. As long as only 2 air forces are available prosecution of the war on the basis of gaining time is advisable. This is seen in attacks against the enemy air forces in the airfields where they are deployed in Eastern France, with a view to prevent complete aerial predominance by the enemy.

Attacks on Paris should only be carried out as a reprisal, especially as the air defences in and around Paris are strong. Such attacks must however be possible at all times.

Direct cooperation with the Army is only considered desirable if the enemy deploys or advances in such strength as to endanger the Western German fortifications by a break through or out-flanking.

Support for the Army will be supplied in this case by attacks:

Should there be danger of a penetration of the Western fortifications, a further measure would be to concentrate fighter forces scattered in the West on the decisive ground front.

Attacks against objectives in the British Isles are to be regarded as unjustifiable in view of the small numbers of our combat forces.

Should the enemy remain on the defensive in the ground war and withdraw with his war plane forces to the West there will be no urgent reason for us to commit our own forces. In this case it would seem better to save our forces until reinforcements arrive.

5. As soon as strong forces are freed for the prosecution of the war in the West, operations in the air must be directed without delay at reaching a decision.

It would seem possible to achieve this end by attacking:

Thus the enemy's fuel and ammunition supply system for his ground and air forces would be paralyzed or at least curtailed to an intolerable degree.

Assuming that the individual groups of targets are one after the other successively attacked until eliminated it would appear that by the use of 5 air forces a sufficient measure of success could be achieved to enable the Army to break through the enemy's fortified front.

No large-scale operations against targets in the British Isles could be carried out in addition to this task.

Everything should however be prepared to make reprisal attacks against London possible at any time.

Considering the strength of the air defences in and around London success in such attacks is only likely if strong forces are committed.

In addition occasional harassing attacks against targets in South and Southeast England may be worthy of consideration, particularly if the weather enforces a lull in France. A secondary aim of such attacks would be to pin down strong defence forces in Great Britain.

6. Should still stronger war plane forces—at least 3 air forces—be available after the French targets had been successfully attacked, they might be committed to advantage in attacks against the food supply of Great Britain, notably of London. It must however be emphasized that it is only regarded as possible to achieve decisive successes if considerably stronger forces are committed and if the western ports are also subjected to air attacks.

1. The use of the Condor Legion against the refineries in Bordeaux and possibly against those in Marseilles would valuably supplement our attacks of the French fuel supply system.

2. The ammunition situation has to be rendered precarious for the enemy as soon as possible. Therefore the armed forces should accompany the air attacks against the ammunition supplies with synchronized offensive thrusts. Special attention should be directed towards the ammunition supplies stored in the Maginot Line itself and accessible to air attack.

3. The Navy should hamper imports through the French Atlantic ports to as great an extent as is compatible with its other tasks and the forces available. Especially for some 2-3 months at the beginning of the attack against the fuel supply of France.

4. Belgium and the Netherlands would, in German hands, represent an extraordinary advantage in the prosecution of the air war against Great Britain as well as against France. Therefore it is held to be essential to obtain the opinion of the Army as to the conditions under which an occupation of this area could be carried out and how long it would take. In this case it would be necessary to reassess the commitment against Great Britain.

Signed: For: WOLTER

1 inclosure
Distribution:
Chief of German Air Force Operations Staff
General Staff/5th Section (Draft)
1. copy with 1 inclosure
2. copy with 1 inclosure

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 376-PS

SECRET

FUEHRER'S H.Q.
29/10/40

Major (General Staff) Freiherr von Falkenstein
[Addressed to an unspecified General] "Chefsache"

In order to supplement today's telephone conversation of 10:00 A.M. I take the liberty of submitting to you a brief resume of the military questions current here for your personal information before I go on leave. Major Queisner, my deputy, is informed of the questions touched on here and can supply further information if necessary.

The exception is Gibraltar, General Warlimont having requested that all inquiries be made to him, as this territory is regarded as a particularly ticklish business.

1. At the moment no intervention in Greece is intended. Nor for the moment is anything to be undertaken with regard to Crete.

2. The question of beginning preparation in Libya in conjunction with Italy is to be examined in the light of a report by General Ritter von Thoma, which will be received during the next few days.

In the light of this report a proposal is to be submitted to the Fuehrer by Field Marshal Keitel with regard to strength required, date of offensive, etc. Field Marshal Keitel and Marshal Badoglio will then meet in mid-November and will settle details. Large-scale preparations should not be expected before then.

The Quartermaster-General (Colonel Langemeyer) has been informed by us of the necessity for timely disposal of special war material, equipment and clothing.

3. No orders respecting Case East [Fall Ost] have been given and no orders are to be expected at the moment.

At the moment the Russian action against Rumania is dismissed as a trifling matter.

Transports to Rumania are proceeding according to plan as ordered by the Fuehrer and are not to be speeded up.

4. No activity should be expected at present on the part of Spain. The conversation between the Fuehrer and Franco therefore covered only economic collaboration and long-term developments.

The Gibraltar affair should not however be lost to mind though it will have to be treated with extreme care.

The Army will shortly send a small reconnaissance staff [Erkundungsstab] to Spain where it will cooperate with Admiral Canaris: this has been authorized by the Fuehrer. The GAF will request permission to participate on its own account.

There will be further orders from the Armed Forces Supreme Command; the details requested in tele-printer message 00 926/40 are required for this purpose.

5. The Fuehrer is at present occupied with the question of the occupation of the Atlantic Islands with a view to the prosecution of war against America at a later date. Deliberations on this subject are being embarked upon here. Essential conditions are at the present:—

A brief assessment of the possibility of seizing and holding air bases and of the question of supply is needed from the GAF.

Major Queisner will fetch the documents for himself from Ic Kurferst (C. in C. GAF Rear Hq.). I would like to ask Colonel Schmidt to arrange that he be supplied with the information he desires.

6. C. in C. Armed Forces Norway has expressed fears that as a result of the Order: Armed Forces Supreme Command, Armed Forces Operations Staff/Abteilung L. No. 35 331/40 top secret and Chefsache dated 22/10/40 greater activity on the part of the British will develop against Norway, and has requested naval and air force reinforcements. The question of moving Stuka Staffeln was touched upon. I expressed my opinion that Stuka units had at present to prepare for other tasks, but would however request that the matter be further examined.

7. General von Boetticher has made repeated reference, especially in his telegram 2314 dated 26/10, to the fact that in his opinion too many details of our knowledge of American aircraft industry are being published in the German press. The matter has been discussed at Armed Forces Supreme Command. I pointed out that the matter was a specifically GAF one, but have taken the liberty of referring the matter to you on its own merits.

[Signed] Falkenstein.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 382-PS

WRITTEN STATEMENT BY
KORVETTENKAPITAN MOEHLE
DATED 19th JULY, 1945

A. Order of September, 1942

In September 1942 (I can no longer recollect the exact date), the following W/T message was given to all U-boats and operational flotillas by the Commander in Chief U-boats in officers' cypher, i.e. Top Secret:—

This W/T message was without any doubt sent out at the instigation of the Commander in Chief U-boats himself, i.e. Grand Admiral Doenitz. In view of my knowledge of the way in which the Staff of the Chief Command U-boats worked, I consider it quite impossible that an order of such importance could have been given without his knowledge.

I do not know whether the order was given with the concurrence or at the instigation of the Supreme Command, i.e. the Fuehrer's headquarters, or at the instigation of the Fuehrer himself after one of his many conferences with Grand Admiral Doenitz.

As Senior Officer of the 5th U-boat Flotilla, it was my duty to pass on these instructions of Commander in Chief U-boats to Commanding Officers of U-boats which were leaving on their war patrols.

So far as concerns the order itself, it undoubtedly states, and in particular for those who know the manner in which Commander in Chief U-boats is wont to give his orders, that the High Command regard it as desirable that not only ships but also their crews should be regarded as objects of attack, i.e. that they should be destroyed; at that time German propaganda was continually stressing the shortage of crews for enemy merchant ships and the consequent difficulties. I too understood this order in that way.

Had the point of view of the High Command been otherwise the order would undoubtedly have been expressed in different words. It would then only have stated that for reasons of security rescue measures were to cease and this order would have been passed as a normal secret W/T message. It was perhaps even the intention that this order could be interpreted in two ways and the reason may be that in the first place, it contravenes international laws of warfare and secondly, that it was an order which must give rise to serious conflicts of conscience in commanding officers.

It was very difficult for me as senior officer of the Flotilla to ask for clarification of this order from the Commander in Chief U-boats since while I was senior officer (15.6.41-5.5.45) I could only, owing to lack of time, visit the Commander in Chief U-boats four or five times. I could not discuss this order with officers on my staff as all messages in officers' cypher might only be received by me. I was moreover of the opinion that commanding officers who were uncertain as to the meaning of this particular point always had the opportunity (an opportunity which they often took on other points) to obtain a clear understanding of this point when they went for their instructions to the staff of Commander in Chief U-boats itself; these instructions by the staff of the Commander in Chief U-boats were for the great part given by very young officers with much more recent operational experience than I had—the officers on Commander in Chief U-boats' staff changed frequently. Generally speaking, with very few exceptions, commanding officers received their instruction from the staff of Commander in Chief U-boats after I myself had given them their instructions. Commanding officers were generally speaking in much closer personal contact with these young staff officers than they were with myself as senior officer of a purely transit flotilla. There were many commanding officers whom I only saw and got to know for a few days in Kiel while they were fitting their boats out for operations.

Having given considerable thought to the whole of this matter I now remember that during one of my visits to Commander in Chief U-boats' staff in the winter of 1942/3 or the summer '43, one of the staff officers, Korvettenkapitaen Hessler or perhaps more likely Korvettenkapitaen Kuppisch, with whom because of very close ties of friendship I used to converse intimately as long as he was Commander in Chief U-boats' staff, told me of the following occurrence (whether I broached the subject or how the matter came up I can no longer remember).

A type VII boat (500-tonner) reported in her war log that when outward bound from a base in France, she met far out in the Bay of Biscay a raft with five enemy airmen, but was not able to take them on board owing to shortage of room (she had a complement of 54 and carried full provisions for 14 weeks). The boat therefore proceeded without taking any notice of the survivors.

This action of the U-boat was vehemently denounced by the Commander in Chief U-boats' staff. It was stated that she would have acted more correctly in destroying this raft since it was highly probable that the enemy air crew would be rescued by the enemy and in the meantime might once more have destroyed a German U-boat.

This occurrence made the views of the Commander in Chief U-boats clear to me.

As concerns making the order known to commanding officers: the order was always passed on during a commanding officers' conference while their boats were having their final overhaul or while they were being fitted out in Kiel for operational patrols; during these conferences I passed on to commanding officers once again all important orders about the equipping of their boats, procedure on departure, in home waters and while in convoy to Norway. Operational orders were not given by the flotilla; they were always given by the Commander in Chief U-boats himself or by Captain U-boats West on his behalf.

I was wont to pass on this controversial and serious order with more or less the following words:—"I have now to inform you of a High Command order concerning conduct towards survivors. It is a very ticklish matter. Commander in Chief U-boats in September 1942 gave the following order in an 'officers only' signal ( ... the exact words of the order were then read out)."

Since I am myself in my innermost conscience in disagreement with this order, I was very glad that in most cases commanding officers raised no queries and I was therefore relieved of any further discussion on this point.

Sometimes however queries were raised and I was wont to answer somewhat as follows:—

"I will explain the viewpoint of the High Command, which gave this order, by reference to the following event": I then mentioned the example of the Type VII boat in the Bay of Biscay together with the explanation and viewpoint expressed to me by Commander in Chief U-boats' staff. I then went on to say, "Gentlemen, you must yourselves decide what is compatible with own consciences. The safety of your own boat must always remain your prime consideration."

Since the introduction of total underwater war ("Schnorchel"), I have in this connection in various ways further stated that commanding officers were in a much easier position in this respect since they had no occasion to surface and that the order was therefore illusory for them. They had to keep clear of everything which was not worth the firing of a torpedo.

I also remember that many commanding officers after the order of September 1942 had been read said, "That is quite clear and unequivocal however hard it may be". Had this order been given to me as a commanding officer I would have taken note of it in silence but in practice would always have been able with a clear conscience not to carry it out since I consider I would endanger my own boat by acting in this way, (i.e., by shooting at life-boats).

If therefore U-boat commanding officers state that they had received from me the order to destroy life-boats, this does not correspond with the facts, but they received from me quite insufficiently clearly expressed instructions from the High Command together with my personal views thereon.

Before the order of September 1942 was issued I never discussed this difficult question at a commanding officers' conference and the subject of conduct towards survivors was never broached.

B. Conduct Towards Neutral and Hospital Ships

On this matter, which I treated together with what has gone before, I gave commanding officers the following directions:

There was an express order of the High Command, and Commander in Chief U-boats was adamant on this point and would relentlessly pursue the breach of it by court martial (i.e., he insisted on the order being strictly obeyed), that no neutral or Red Cross ship might be molested even if the enemy misused neutral flags or the Red Cross.

The political results of sinking a neutral were much more serious than would have been the usefulness of the tonnage sunk.

I told commanding officers for their guidance in doubtful cases—in bad visibility, when neutral markings were not distinct, etc.—that it was better to allow five enemy vessels to go free than to sink one neutral.

So far as concerns the stopping and examination of neutrals, an order was made in January 1944 that in particular Spanish and Portuguese steamers in the North and Central Atlantic were to be stopped and examined for contraband and members of enemy nations of military age. I told commanding officers "Don't touch them. Stay underwater. You are endangering yourselves too much by that because you will certainly be reported by wireless and we know from experience that when such examinations are made watchfulness is liable to suffer. You are only exposing yourself to the danger of being surprised. If a ship carries neutral markings let it go by unscathed."

Objection was often made that German hospital ships had often been destroyed by the enemy, as German propaganda had stressed for years. My answer was: That does not matter, however unpleasant it may be. The order of the High Command is decisive and binding. Politics come before warfare.

C. Rendering of Reports

There was an order—I do not remember whether it was in the form of a written or verbal instruction—that no events during a war patrol which contravened established international agreements should be entered in the war log. I believe that the reason for this order was that eight copies were made of war logs and were available to many authorities; there was always the danger therefore that events of this nature would become known and it was undoubtedly undesirable for reasons of propaganda that this should be so.

Events of this nature were only to be reported if asked for when commanding officers made their personal reports; these were invariably made after every patrol to Commander in Chief U-boats or later in certain instances to Captain U-boats.

I also gave the commanding officers instructions on this point.

To conclude, I can only stress that the order of September 1942 appeared to me personally to go too far and I am in total disagreement with it at heart. As a serving officer I had however to carry out the command to pass on this order to commanding officers for their instruction.

During the long time that I was senior officer of the Flotilla no single commanding officer mentioned to me that he could not reconcile obedience to this order with his conscience and that he was therefore unable to carry it out.

An order of this nature was never given by me, i.e. on my own initiative, and could not be given by me since, had I exceeded my authority in so serious a way, I would immediately and without question have been relieved.

[signed] MOEHLE
Korvettenkapitaen

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 386-PS

Berlin, 10 Nov 1937

NOTES on the Conference in the Reichskanzlei
on 5 Nov 37 from 1615-2030 hours

The Fuehrer stated initially that the subject matter of today's conference was of such high importance, that its further detailed discussion would probably take place in Cabinet sessions. However, he, the Fuehrer, had decided NOT to discuss this matter in the larger circle of the Reich Cabinet, because of its importance. His subsequent statements were the result of detailed deliberations and of the experiences of his 4-1/2 years in Government; he desired to explain to those present his fundamental ideas on the possibilities and necessities of expanding our foreign policy and in the interests of a far-sighted policy he requested that his statements be looked upon in the case of his death as his last will and testament.

The Fuehrer then stated:

The aim of German policy is the security and the preservation of the nation, and its propagation. This is, consequently, a problem of space.

The German nation is composed of 85 million people, which, because of the number of individuals and the compactness of habitation, form a homogeneous European racial body which cannot be found in any other country. On the other hand, it justifies the demand for larger living space more than for any other nation. If no political body exists in space, corresponding to the German racial body, then that is the consequence of several centuries of historical development, and should this political condition continue to exist, it will represent the greatest danger to the preservation of the German nation [Volkstum] at its present high level. An arrest of the deterioration of the German element in Austria and Czechoslovakia is just as little possible as the preservation of the present state in Germany itself. Instead of growth, sterility will be introduced, and as a consequence, tensions of a social nature will appear after a number of years, because political and philosophical ideas are of a permanent nature only as long as they are able to produce the basis for the realization of the actual claim of existence of a nation. The German future is therefore dependent exclusively on the solution of the need for living space. Such a solution can be sought naturally only for a limited period, about 1-3 generations.

Before touching upon the question of solving the need for living space, it must be decided whether a solution of the German position with a good future can be attained, either by way of an autarchy or by way of an increased share in universal commerce and industry.

Autarchy: Execution will be possible only with strict National-Socialist State policy, which is the basis; assuming this can be achieved the results are as follows:

A. In the sphere of raw materials, only limited, but NOT total autarchy can be attained:

1. Wherever coal can be used for the extraction of raw materials autarchy is feasible.

2. In the case of ores the position is much more difficult. Requirements in iron and light metals can be covered by ourselves. Copper and tin, however, can NOT.

3. Cellular materials can be covered by ourselves as long as sufficient wood supplies exist. A permanent solution is not possible.

4. Edible fats—possible.

B. In the case of foods, the question of an autarchy must be answered with a definite "NO".

The general increase of living standards, compared with 30-40 years ago, brought about a simultaneous increase of the demand for an increase of personal consumption even among the producers, the farmers, themselves. The proceeds from the production increase in agriculture have been used for covering the increase in demands, therefore they represent no absolute increase in production. A further increase in production by making greater demands on the soil is not possible because it already shows signs of deterioration due to the use of artificial fertilizers, and it is therefore certain that, even with the greatest possible increase in production, participation in the world market could NOT be avoided.

The considerable expenditure of foreign currency to secure food by import, even in periods when harvests are good, increases catastrophically when the harvest is really poor. The possibility of this catastrophe increases correspondingly to the increase in population, and the annual 560,000 excess in births would bring about an increased consumption in bread, because the child is a greater bread eater than the adult.

Permanently to counter the difficulties of food supplies by lowering the standard of living and by rationalization is impossible in a continent which had developed an approximately equivalent standard of living. As the solving of the unemployment problem has brought into effect the complete power of consumption, some small corrections in our agricultural home production will be possible, but NOT a wholesale alteration of the standard of food consumption. Consequently autarchy becomes impossible, specifically in the sphere of food supplies as well as generally.

Participation in World Economy. There are limits to this which we are unable to transgress. The market fluctuations would be an obstacle to a secure foundation of the German position; international commercial agreements do NOT offer any guarantee for practical execution. It must be considered on principle that since the World War (1914-18) an industrialization has taken place in countries which formerly exported food. We live in a period of economic empires, in which the tendency to colonize again approaches the condition which originally motivated colonization; in Japan and Italy economic motives are the basis of their will to expand, the economic need will also drive Germany to it. Countries outside the great economic empires have special difficulties in expanding economically.

The upward tendency, which has been caused in world economy, due to armament competition, can never form a permanent basis for an economic settlement, and this latter is also hampered by the economic disruption caused by Bolshevism. It is a pronounced military weakness of those States who base their existence on export. As our exports and imports are carried out over those sea lanes which are ruled by Britain, it is more a question of security of transport rather than one of foreign currency, and this explains the great weakness in our food situation in wartime. The only way out, and one which may appear imaginary, is the securing of greater living space, an endeavor which at all times has been the cause of the formation of states and of movements of nations. It is explicable that this tendency finds no interest in Geneva and in satisfied States. Should the security of our food position be our foremost thought, then the space required for this can only be sought in Europe, but we will not copy liberal capitalist policies which rely on exploiting colonies. It is NOT a case of conquering people, but of conquering agriculturally useful space. It would also be more to the purpose to seek raw material producing territory in Europe directly adjoining the Reich and not overseas, and this solution would have to be brought into effect in one or two generations. What would be required at a later date over and above this must be left to subsequent generations. The development of great world-wide national bodies is naturally a slow process and the German people, with its strong racial root, has for this purpose the most favorable foundations in the heart of the European Continent. The history of all times—Roman Empire, British Empire—has proved that every space expansion can only be effected by breaking resistance and taking risks. Even setbacks are unavoidable; neither formerly nor today has space been found without an owner; the attacker always comes up against the proprietor.

The question for Germany is where the greatest possible conquest could be made at lowest cost.

German politics must reckon with its two hateful enemies, England and France, to whom a strong German colossus in the center of Europe would be intolerable. Both these states would oppose a further reinforcement of Germany, both in Europe and overseas, and in this opposition they would have the support of all parties. Both countries would view the building of German military strongpoints overseas as a threat to their overseas communications, as a security measure for German commerce, and retrospectively a strengthening of the German position in Europe.

England is NOT in a position to cede any of her colonial possessions to us owing to the resistance which she experiences in the Dominions. After the loss of prestige which England has suffered owing to the transfer of Abyssinia to Italian ownership, a return of East Africa can no longer be expected. Any resistance on England's part would at best consist in the readiness to satisfy our colonial claims by taking away colonies which at the present moment are NOT in British hands, e.g. Angola. French favors would probably be of the same nature.

A serious discussion regarding the return of colonies to us could be considered only at a time when England is in a state of emergency and the German Reich is strong and well-armed. The Fuehrer does not share the opinion that the Empire is unshakable. Resistance against the Empire is to be found less in conquered territories than amongst its competitors. The British Empire and the Roman Empire cannot be compared with one another in regard to durability; since the Punic Wars the latter did not have a serious political enemy. Only the dissolving effects which originated in Christendom, and the signs of age which creep into all states, made it possible for the Ancient Germans to subjugate Ancient Rome.

Alongside the British Empire today a number of States exist which are stronger than it. The British Mother Country is able to defend its colonial possessions only allied with other States and NOT by its own power. How could England alone, for example, defend Canada against an attack by America or its Far Eastern interests against an attack by Japan.

The singling out of the British Crown as the bearer of Empire unity is in itself an admission that the universal empire cannot be maintained permanently by power politics. The following are significant pointers in this respect.

a. Ireland's tendency for independence.

b. Constitutional disputes in India where England, by her half-measures, left the door open for Indians at a later date to utilize the nonfulfillment of constitutional promises as a weapon against Britain.

c. The weakening of the British position in the Far East by Japan.

d. The opposition in the Mediterranean to Italy which—by virtue of its history, driven by necessity and led by a genius—expands its power position and must consequently infringe British interests to an increasing extent. The outcome of the Abyssinian War is a loss of prestige for Britain which Italy is endeavoring to increase by stirring up discontent in the Mohammedan world.

It must be established in conclusion that the Empire cannot be held permanently by power politics by 45 million Britons, in spite of all the solidity of her ideals. The proportion of the populations in the Empire, compared with that of the Motherland is 9:1, and it should act as a warning to us that if we expand in space, we must NOT allow the level of our population to become too low.

France's position is more favorable than that of England. The French Empire is better placed geographically, the population of its colonial possessions represents a potential military increase. But France is faced with difficulties of internal politics. At the present time only 10 per cent approximately of the nations have parliamentary governments whereas 90 per cent of them have totalitarian governments. Nevertheless we have to take the following into our political considerations as power factors:

Britain, France, Russia and the adjoining smaller States.

The German question can be solved only by way of force, and this is never without risk. The battles of Frederick the Great for Silesia, and Bismarck's wars against Austria and France had been a tremendous risk and the speed of Prussian action in 1870 had prevented Austria from participating in the war. If we place the decision to apply force with risk at the head of the following expositions, then we are left to reply to the questions "when" and "how". In this regard we have to decide upon three different cases.

Case 1. Period 1943-45. After this we can only expect a change for the worse. The re-arming of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force, as well as the formation of the Officers' Corps, are practically concluded. Our material equipment and armaments are modern, with further delay the danger of their becoming out-of-date will increase. In particular the secrecy of "special weapons" cannot always be safeguarded. Enlistment of reserves would be limited to the current recruiting age groups and an addition from older untrained groups would be no longer available.

In comparison with the re-armament, which will have been carried out at that time by the other nations, we shall decrease in relative power. Should we not act until 1943/45, then, dependent on the absence of reserves, any year could bring about the food crisis, for the countering of which we do NOT possess the necessary foreign currency. This must be considered as a "point of weakness in the regime". Over and above that, the world will anticipate our action and will increase counter-measures yearly. Whilst other nations isolate themselves we should be forced on the offensive.

What the actual position would be in the years 1943-1945 no one knows today. It is certain, however, that we can wait no longer.

On the one side the large armed forces, with the necessity for securing their upkeep, the aging of the Nazi movement and of its leaders, and on the other side the prospect of a lowering of the standard of living and a drop in the birth rate, leaves us no other choice than to act. If the Fuehrer is still living, then it will be his irrevocable decision to solve the German space problem no later than 1943-45. The necessity for action before 1943-45 will come under consideration in cases 2 and 3.

Case 2. Should the social tensions in France lead to an internal political crisis of such dimensions that it absorbs the French Army and thus renders it incapable for employment in war against Germany, then the time for action against Czechoslovakia has come.

Case 3. It would be equally possible to act against Czechoslovakia if France should be so tied up by a war against another State, that it cannot "proceed" against Germany.

For the improvement of our military political position it must be our first aim, in every case of entanglement by war, to conquer Czechoslovakia and Austria simultaneously, in order to remove any threat from the flanks in case of a possible advance Westwards. In the case of a conflict with France it would hardly be necessary to assume that Czechoslovakia would declare war on the same day as France. However, Czechoslovakia's desire to participate in the war will increase proportionally to the degree to which we are being weakened. Its actual participation could make itself felt by an attack on Silesia, either towards the North or the West.

Once Czechoslovakia is conquered—and a mutual frontier, Germany-Hungary is obtained—then a neutral attitude by Poland in a German-French conflict could more easily be relied upon. Our agreements with Poland remain valid only as long as Germany's strength remains unshakeable; should Germany have any setbacks then an attack by Poland against East Prussia, perhaps also against Pomerania, and Silesia, must be taken into account.

Assuming a development of the situation, which would lead to a planned attack on our part in the years 1943-45, then the behavior of France, Poland and Russia would probably have to be judged in the following manner:

The Fuehrer believes personally that in all probability England and perhaps also France have already silently written off Czechoslovakia, and that they have got used to the idea that this question would one day be cleaned up by Germany. The difficulties in the British Empire and the prospect of being entangled in another long-drawn-out European War, were decisive factors in the non-participation of England in a war against Germany. The British attitude would certainly NOT remain without influence on France's attitude. An attack by France without British support is hardly probable assuming that its offensive would stagnate along our Western fortifications. Without England's support, it would also NOT be necessary to take into consideration a march by France through Belgium and Holland, and this would also not have to be reckoned with by us in case of a conflict with France, as in every case it would have as consequence the enmity of Great Britain. Naturally, we should in every case have to bar our frontier during the operation of our attacks against Czechoslovakia and Austria. It must be taken into consideration here that Czechoslovakia's defence measures will increase in strength from year to year, and that a consolidation of the inside values of the Austrian army will also be effected in the course of years. Although the population of Czechoslovakia in the first place is not a thin one, the embodiment of Czechoslovakia and Austria would nevertheless constitute the conquest of food for 5-6 million people, on the basis that a compulsory emigration of 2 million from Czechoslovakia and of 1 million from Austria could be carried out. The annexation of the two States to Germany militarily and politically would constitute a considerable relief, owing to shorter and better frontiers, the freeing of fighting personnel for other purposes and the possibility of re-constituting new armies up to a strength of about 12 Divisions, representing a new division per 1 million population.

No opposition to the removal of Czechoslovakia is expected on the part of Italy; however, it cannot be judged today what would be her attitude in the Austrian question since it would depend largely on whether the Duce were alive at the time or not.

The measure and speed of our action would decide Poland's attitude. Poland will have little inclination to enter the war against a victorious Germany, with Russia in its rear.

Military participation by Russia must be countered by the speed of our operations; it is a question whether this need be taken into consideration at all in view of Japan's attitude.

Should Case 2 occur—paralyzation of France by a Civil War—then the situation should be utilized at any time for operations against Czechoslovakia, as Germany's most dangerous enemy would be eliminated.

The Fuehrer sees Case 3 looming nearer; it could develop from the existing tensions in the Mediterranean, and should it occur he has firmly decided to make use of it any time, perhaps even as early as 1938.

Following recent experiences in the course of the events of the war in Spain, the Fuehrer does NOT see an early end to hostilities there. Taking into consideration the time required for past offensives by Franco, a further three years duration of war is within the bounds of possibility. On the other hand, from the German point of view a 100 per cent victory by Franco is not desirable; we are more interested in a continuation of the war and preservation of the tensions in the Mediterranean. Should Franco be in sole possession of the Spanish Peninsula it would mean the end of Italian intervention and the presence of Italy on the Balearic Isles. As our interests are directed towards continuing the war in Spain, it must be the task of our future policy to strengthen Italy in her fight to hold on to the Balearic Isles. However, a solidification of Italian positions on the Balearic Isles can NOT be tolerated either by France or by England and could lead to a war by France and England against Italy, in which case Spain, if entirely in white (i.e. Franco's) hands, could participate on the side of Italy's enemies. A subjugation of Italy in such a war appears very unlikely. Additional raw materials could be brought to Italy via Germany. The Fuehrer believes that Italy's military strategy would be to remain on the defensive against France on the Western frontier and carry out operations against France from Libya against North African French colonial possessions.

As a landing of French-British troops on the Italian coast can be discounted, and as a French offensive via the Alps to Upper Italy would be extremely difficult and would probably stagnate before the strong Italian fortifications, French lines of communication by the Italian fleet will to a great extent paralyze the transport of fighting personnel from North Africa to France, so that at its frontiers with Italy and Germany France will have at its disposal solely the metropolitan fighting forces.

If Germany profits from this war by disposing of the Czechoslovakian and the Austrian questions, the probability must be assumed that England—being at war with Italy—would not decide to commence operations against Germany. Without British support a warlike action by France against Germany is not to be anticipated.

The date of our attack on Czechoslovakia and Austria must be made dependent on the course of the Italian-English-French war and would not be simultaneous with the commencement of military agreements with Italy, but of full independence and, by exploiting this unique favorable opportunity he wishes to begin to carry out operations against Czechoslovakia. The attack on Czechoslovakia would have to take place with the "speed of lightning" [blitzartig schnell].

Feldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch in giving their estimate on the situation, repeatedly pointed out that England and France must not appear as our enemies, and they stated that the war with Italy would NOT bind the French army to such an extent that it would NOT be in a position to commence operations on our Western frontier with superior forces. Generaloberst von Fritsch estimated the French forces which would presumably be employed on the Alpine frontier against Italy to be in the region of 20 divisions, so that a strong French superiority would still remain on our Western frontier. The French would, according to German reasoning, attempt to advance into the Rhineland. We should consider the lead which France has got in mobilization, and quite apart from the very small value of our then existing fortifications—which was pointed out particularly by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg—the four motorized divisions which had been laid down for the West would be more or less incapable of movement. With regard to our offensive in a South-Easterly direction, Feldmarschall von Blomberg draws special attention to the strength of the Czechoslovakian fortifications, the building of which had assumed the character of a Maginot line and which would present extreme difficulties to our attack.

Generaloberst von Fritsch mentioned that it was the purpose of a study which he had laid on for this winter to investigate the possibilities of carrying out operations against Czechoslovakia with special consideration of the conquest of the Czechoslovakian system of fortifications; the Generaloberst also stated that owing to the prevailing conditions he would have to relinquish his leave abroad, which was to begin on 10 November. This intention was countermanded by the Fuehrer who gave as a reason that the possibility of the conflict was not to be regarded as being so imminent. In reply to the remark by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that an Italian-English-French conflict be not as near as the Fuehrer appeared to assume, the Fuehrer stated that the date which appeared to him to be a possibility was summer 1938. In reply to statements by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch regarding England and France's attitude, the Fuehrer repeated his previous statements and said that he was convinced of Britain's non-participation and that consequently he did not believe in military action by France against Germany. Should the Mediterranean conflict already mentioned lead to a general mobilization in Europe, then we should have to commence operations against Czechoslovakia immediately. If, however, the powers who are not participating in the war should declare their disinterestedness, then Germany would, for the time being, have to side with this attitude.

In view of the information given by the Fuehrer, Generaloberst Goering considered it imperative to think of a reduction or abandonment of our military undertaking in Spain. The Fuehrer agreed to this in so far as he believed this decision should be postponed for a suitable date.

The second part of the discussion concerned material armament questions.

(Signed) HOSSBACH

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 388-PS

APPERTAINING TO WAR HISTORY

[pencil note]

S.O. Only

"FALL GRUEN"

CZECHOSLOVAKIA

[ITEM 1] [Handwritten notes]
* * * of the Fuehrer: [semi-illegible]

1. Does Mussolini regard his work as completed or not.

a. if so, close future boundary of Czechoslovakia, West; then wait and see. "Return with the bag empty."

b. if not, then the "Empire" of Africa. Impossible without German help. Czechoslovakia is a preliminary condition. "Return with Czechoslovakia in the bag."

2. Mussolini, who is no illusionist, can definitely assess Germany's military potentialities. Therefore he will suit timing of his aims with that.

3. Against France and England problem of Czechoslovakia can be settled only if still allied with Italy. France and England will not intervene. (Only to overcome the four-week re-grouping period.)

4. Living under a common fate. (Example, 1805 and 1806)

5. State of Armament: comparisons relative but in our favor:

a. Deliveries of ores: France—600,000 tons; Germany—2 million tons.

b. Britain has been arming for 9 months. Launchings not for 2 years.

c. Out of date air force equipment.

6. No general staff conferences of the various branches of the Armed Forces. Would have to retract permission to the Army. Only through Supreme Command. Very important that actual intentions be kept secret.

7. Arming progressing too slowly: Guns not only for constituted units, but also in reserve for replacement. Fortifications. Range of guns.

8. Replacement of officers doubtful.

Schm
[Major Schmundt's writing and initialled by him]

[ITEM 2] [Typed notes]
S.O. Only
Berlin, 22 April 1938

BASES OF THE DISSERTATION ON "GRUEN"

A. Political Aspect

1. Strategic surprise attack out of a clear sky without any cause or possibility of justification has been turned down. As result would be: hostile world opinion which can lead to a critical situation. Such a measure is justified only for the elimination of the last opponent on the mainland.

2. Action after a time of diplomatic clashes, which gradually come to a crisis and lead to war.

3. Lightning-swift action as the result of an incident (e.g. assassination of German ambassador in connection with an anti-German demonstration).

B. Military Conclusions

1. The preparations are to be made for the political possibilities 2 and 3. Case 2 is the undesired one since "Gruen" will have taken security measures.

2. The loss of time caused by transporting the bulk of the divisions by rail—which is unavoidable but should be cut down as far as possible—must not impede a lightning-swift blow at the time of the action.

3. "Separate thrusts" are to be carried out immediately with a view to penetrating the enemy fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction. The thrusts are to be worked out to the smallest detail (knowledge of roads, of targets, composition of the columns according to their individual tasks). Simultaneous attacks by the Army and Air Force.

The Air Force is to support the individual columns, (e.g. dive-bombers: sealing off installations at penetration points, hampering the bringing up of reserves, destroying signal communications traffic, thereby isolating the garrisons.)

4. Politically, the first 4 days of military action are the decisive ones. If there are no effective military successes, a European crisis will certainly arise. Accomplished facts must prove the senselessness of foreign military intervention, draw Allies into the scheme (division of spoils!) and demoralize "Gruen".

Therefore: bridging the time gap between first penetration and employment of the forces to be brought up, by a determined and ruthless thrust by a motorized army. (e.g. via Pi past Pr) [Pilsen, Prague],

5. If possible, separation of transport movement "Rot" from "Gruen". A simultaneous strategic concentration "Rot" can lead "Rot" to undesired measures. On the other hand it must be possible to put "Fall Rot" into operation at any time.

C. Propaganda

1. Leaflets on the conduct of Germans in Czechoslovakia (Gruenland).

2. Leaflets with threats for intimidation of the Czechs (Gruenen).

Schm
[initialled by Schmundt]

Written by an officer
[The following are handwritten notes]

22 April

A. POLITICAL POSSIBILITIES

1. Sudden surprise attack out of clear sky not possible. World opinion can produce critical situation. Would be thinkable only for ultimate conflict without the threat of other opponents.

2. Action after a period of tension and constant aggravation of the situation.

3. Action as the result of an incident. (example)

B. MILITARY NECESSITIES

Cases 2 and 3 can be considered. In case 2 "security measures" will be taken. Duration of transporting by rail to be looked into.

1. Invasion by columns ready to march at points which lie in a direction, strategically important. (Permanent fortifications must be known, columns assembled to suit particular situations, roads reconnoitred.) Simultaneous attack by Luftwaffe, cooperation with Luftwaffe, isolation of garrisons of the fortifications, cutting of communications.

2. "Dead Space" in first 4 days prior to actual operation must be avoided under all circumstances. Must be bridged through motorized army. Penetrating via Pilsen. Hamper mobilization.

3. Separation of transport movement "Rot" and "Gruen",

Basic Principle: Create Accomplished Facts so that

Propaganda: Directions to Germans. Threats to others.

Submit:

[ITEM 3] [Four Telegrams]

SCHMUNDT
MOS 1 1930 MELDAU MBZ

[the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]

MOS No. 2 1115—
MBZ 02 16/5 1114—
Major Schmundt, Armed Forces Adjutant to the Fuehrer—
Most Secret to Question 1, 12 of them—in garrisons
to Question 2, Third day—Please state time of
receipt. Teleprint left my room at 1110—NN.
ZEITZLER Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

MOS 03 16/5 1155
OKW for Oberstleutnant Zeitzler—Most Secret
1. Teleprint received 1115
2. Please send the numbers of the divisions.
Schmundt
1159 MOS 03 Wagner (?)
[the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]

Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff.

[ITEM 4]      [Telegram]
MBZ 05 17/5 1505

ZEITZLER OBERSTLEUTNANT ON THE GENERAL STAFF

[ITEM 5] [Covering letter, with draft for Gruen attached]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 20 May 1938
Tirpitzufer 72.76

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
L Ia No. 38/38 S.O. Only

S.O. Only
access only through Officer

Schm [initialled by Schmundt]

My Fuehrer!

Effective 1 October 1938 (beginning of the new mobilization year for the army) new strategic directives must be issued, whose political bases and stipulations you, my Fuehrer, yourself intend to make.

For the meantime, however, it is necessary that the "Gruen" section of the strategic directives be replaced by a new version that takes into account the situation which has arisen as a result of the incorporation of Austria into the Reich and the newly-suspected intentions of the Czech General Staff.

A draft of this kind is attached. It has not yet been discussed with the Commanders in Chief. I intend to do this only after this draft in its fundamental ideas has been approved by you my Fuehrer, so that it can then be resubmitted to be signed.

Heil, my Fuehrer
[signed] Keitel

L Ia to No. 38/38 S.O. Only

written by an officer
MOST SECRET
S.O. Only
access only through officer

Berlin, 20 May 1938

DRAFT for THE NEW DIRECTIVE "GRUEN"

3 Copies
1st Copy
(Provisional)-[pencil note]

1. Political Prerequisites: It is not my intention to smash Czechoslovakia without provocation, in the near future through military action. Therefore inevitable political developments within Czechoslovakia must force the issue, or political events in Europe create an especially favorable opportunity and one which may never come again.

2. Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action: An invasion without suitable obvious cause and without sufficient political justification cannot be considered with reference to the possible consequences of such an action in the present situation.

Rather will the action be initiated either:

a. after a period of increasing diplomatic clashes and tension, which is coupled with military preparations and is made use of to push the war-guilt onto the enemy. Even such a period of tension preceding the war however will terminate in sudden military action on our part, which must come with all possible surprise as to time and extent, or

b. by lightning-swift action as a result of a serious incident, through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way and for which at least part of the world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.

"b" is militarily and politically the more favorable.

3. Conclusions for the Preparations of "Fall Gruen"; which must take into account the possibilities mentioned in 2 a and 2 b.

a. For Armed War it is essential to create—already in the first 4 days—a military situation which plainly proves to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation, and gives the nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to immediate intervention against Czechoslovakia. In such a case the intervention of Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia can be expected, especially if France, due to Italy's clearly pro-German attitude fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by her intervention against Germany.

It is very probable that attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved as a result of the ground operations during the first few days, a European crisis will certainly arise.

b. The Propaganda War must, on one hand, intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and reduce her power of resistance, on the other hand, give instructions to the national minorities for supporting the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking.

c. The Economic War has the task of employing all means at the disposal of economy to hasten the final collapse of Czechoslovakia.

The opening of the Economic and Propaganda war can precede the Armed war. I myself will determine the date.

Z
[initialled at end by Zeitzler]

[ITEM 6] [Typescript]

Questions on "Gruen"

1. Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness.

2. Strength of mobile divisions.

3. Composition of 2nd Armored Division in the case of mobilization.

4. Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) to be used for independent thrust.

5. When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars?

6. What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combating fortifications such as fortresses?

MOST SECRET

L Ia

Berlin, 23 May

Questionnaire of 23 May

1. Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness.

Strength of a peacetime division          14,000 men
Strength of a division made ready to march 14,000 men

2. Strength of mobile divisions.

Strength of a mobile division              17,000 men

3. Composition of the 2nd Armored Division in the case of Mobilization. In the case of mobilization the 2nd Armored Division is composed of 1 rifle brigade, one tank brigade and divisional troops.

The rifle brigade has one Infantry regiment motorized of 2 battalions and one motorcycle rifle battalion.

The tank brigade has two tank regiments of two battalions.

The Divisional Troops will include 1 Artillery Regiment motorized of 2 light Battalions, 1 Reconnaissance Battalion motorized, 1 Anti-Tank Battalion, 1 Engineer Battalion motorized, and 1 Signal Battalion motorized.

Altogether the 2nd Armored Division (mobile) has 807 light Machine guns, 250 heavy Machine guns, 18 light mortars, 12 heavy mortars, 8 light Infantry howitzers, 48 Anti-Tank guns, 122 2 cm. guns, 16 37 cm. guns, 16 7.5 cm. guns and 24 light field howitzers.

4. Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) for independent thrust. In the case of mobilization, C-in-C Army is in command of the motorized units. C-in-C Army must therefore be questioned as regards any new employment.

Altogether the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Armored Divisions (rapid march readiness is intended) 4 motorized divisions and the light division (for the moment not yet intended for rapid march readiness; presumably from 1 October).

5. When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars? Mobilization of the infantry guns (= 15 cm. mortars) planned only for the fall, as ammunition for them will only then be available. For training purposes nearly all corps except the 3 corps have the heavy infantry guns at the moment without live ammunition, however.

6. What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combatting fortifications such as fortresses? Only 21 cm. howitzers. Altogether 23 (of which 8 are in East Prussia) with 16,000 rounds (of which 4,000 in East Prussia).

Z
[Initialled by Zeitzler]

7. What do the individual types of Czechoslovakian permanent frontier fortifications look like? Profile?

8. Is cooperation between infantry and bombers assured for attacks against enemy strong points etc.?

9. Can the construction of fortifications in the West, in the form of MG strong points and road blocks, be hastened by the employment of work columns of the Inspector of Road Construction?

10. What progress has been made in the howitzer (Moerser) programme? What progress has been made in the conversion of heavy naval guns?

[ITEM 8] [Telegram]

1. INFORM GENERAL KEITEL: THE FUEHRER IS GOING INTO "GRUEN" IN DETAIL. BASIC IDEAS NOT CHANGED. SURPRISE ELEMENT TO BE EMPHASIZED MORE. CONFERENCE WITH PARTICIPANTS WILL TAKE PLACE AFTER RETURN, AT THE LATEST. CONFERENCE HERE NOT OUT OF THE QUESTION. RETURN PROBABLY BEGINNING NEXT WEEK.

2. INFORM COLONEL GENERAL VON BRAUCHITSCH AND GENERAL KEITEL:

A. THE FUEHRER, IN CONNECTION WITH HIS CONSIDERATIONS ON 1, HIMSELF SUGGESTED THE HOLDING OF MANEUVERS TO PRACTISE TAKING FORTIFICATIONS BY SURPRISE ATTACK. I THEN REPORTED THAT C-IN-C ARMY WAS PLANNING A CORRESPONDING TRAINING EXERCISE FOR SEPTEMBER. THE FUEHRER THINKS THAT MOMENT TOO LATE. HE HIMSELF WILL DISCUSS THIS WITH C-IN-C ARMY.

B. THE FUEHRER REPEATEDLY EMPHASIZED THE NECESSITY OF PRESSING FORWARD GREATLY THE FORTIFICATION WORK IN THE WEST.

[ITEM 9] [Telegram]
REICH WAR MINISTRY/NAVAL SIGNAL SERVICE

MOST SECRET

[ITEM 10] [Handwritten notes]

[ILLEGIBLE]

[ITEM 11] [Covering letter, with directive for Gruen attached]
Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces
OKW No. 42/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L I
Berlin, 30 May 1938

Copy of the 4th Copy
S.O. Only
Access only through Officer

3 Copies, 1st Copy
Written by an Officer

By order of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, Part 2, Section II of the directive on the unified preparations for war of the Armed Forces dated 24 June 1937 (Ob.d.W. No. 55/37 g.kdos Chefsache L Ia) ("Two-Front-War with main effort in the South-East—strategic concentration 'Gruen'") is to be replaced by the attached version. Its execution must be assured as from 1 October 38 at the latest.

Alterations in the other parts of the directive must be expected during the next few weeks.

By order

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
1 Appendix

sgd. Keitel

To: C-in-C Army—Copy 1
C-in-C Navy—Copy 2
C-in-C Air Force—Copy 3
OWK Section L—Copy 4-5

Certified a true copy
Zeitzler
Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

MOST SECRET

Copy of the 4th Copy

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

Written by an Officer      3 Copies, 1st Copy

II. Two front war with main effort in the South East
(strategic concentration "Gruen")

1. Political Prerequisites. It is my unalterable decision to smash Czechoslovakia by military action in the near future. It is the job of the political leaders to await or bring about the politically and militarily suitable moment.

An inevitable development of conditions inside Czechoslovakia or other political events in Europe creating a surprisingly favorable opportunity and one which may never come again may cause me to take early action.

The proper choice and determined and full utilization of a favorable moment is the surest guarantee of success. Accordingly the preparations are to be made at once.

2. Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action. The following are necessary prerequisites for the intended invasion:

a. suitable obvious cause and, with it

b. sufficient political justification,

c. action unexpected by the enemy, which will find him prepared to the least possible degree.

From a military as well as a political standpoint the most favorable course is a lightning-swift action as the result of an incident through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way for which at least part of world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.

But even a period of tension, more or less preceding a war, must terminate in sudden action on our part—which must have the elements of surprise as regards time and extent—before the enemy is so advanced in military preparedness that he cannot be surpassed.

3. Conclusions for the Preparation of "Fall Gruen".

a. For the Armed War it is essential that the surprise element as the most important factor contributing to success be made full use of by appropriate preparatory measures, already in peacetime and by an unexpectedly rapid course of the action. Thus it is essential to create a situation within the first four days which plainly demonstrates, to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation and which at the same time will give nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to intervene immediately against Czechoslovakia. In such a case, intervention by Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia may be expected, especially if France—due to the obvious pro-German attitude of Italy—fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by intervening against Germany. Attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia mainly by the Air Force are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved by the land operations within the first few days, a European crisis will certainly result. This knowledge must give commanders of all ranks the impetus to decided and bold action.

b. The Propaganda War must on the one hand intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and soften her power of resistance, on the other hand issue directions to national groups for support in the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking. I reserve further directions and determination of the date.

4. Tasks of the Armed Forces. Armed Forces Preparations are to be made on the following basis:

a. The mass of all forces must be employed against Czechoslovakia.

b. For the West, a minimum of forces are to be provided as rear cover which may be required, the other frontiers in the East against Poland and Lithuania are merely to be protected, the Southern frontiers to be watched.

c. The sections of the army which can be rapidly employed must force the frontier fortifications with speed and decision and must break into Czechoslovakia with the greatest daring in the certainty that the bulk of the mobile army will follow them with the utmost speed. Preparations for this are to be made and timed in such a way that the sections of the army which can be rapidly employed cross the frontier at the appointed time at the same time as the penetration by the Air Force *before the enemy can become aware of our mobilization.*

* For this, a timetable between Army and Air Force is to be worked out in conjunction with the OKW and submitted to me for approval.*

5. Missions for the branches of the Armed Forces.

a. Army. The basic principle of the surprise attack against Czechoslovakia must not be endangered by the inevitable time required for transporting the bulk of the field forces by rail nor the initiative of the Air Force be wasted. Therefore it is first of all essential to the army that as many assault columns as possible be employed at the same time as the surprise attack by the Air Force. These assault columns—the composition of each, according to their tasks at that time—must be formed with troops which can be employed rapidly owing to their proximity to the frontier or to motorization and to special measures of readiness. It must be the purpose of these thrusts to break into the Czechoslovakian fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction, to achieve a breakthrough or to break them down from the rear. For the success of this operation, cooperation with the Sudeten German frontier population, with deserters from the Czechoslovakian army, with parachutists or airborne troops and with units of the sabotage service will be of importance. The bulk of the army has the task of * frustrating the Czechoslovakian plan of defense, of preventing the Czechoslovakian army from escaping into Slovakia, of forcing a battle,* of beating the Czechoslovakian army and of occupying Bohemia and Moravia speedily. To this end a thrust into the heart of Czechoslovakia must be made with the strongest possible motorized and armored units using to the full the first successes of the Assault columns and the effects of the Air Force operations. The rear cover provided for the West must be limited in numbers and quality to the extent which suits the present state of fortifications. Whether the units assigned this will be transported to the Western frontier immediately or held back for the time being will be decided in my special order. Preparations must however, be made to enable security detachments to be brought up to the Western frontier even during the strategic concentration "Gruen". Independent of this, a first security garrison must be improvized from the engineers at present employed in constructing fortifications and from formations of the Labor Corps. The remaining frontiers, as well as East Prussia, are to be weakly protected. But, always depending on the political situation, the transfers by sea, of a part or even the bulk of the active forces of East Prussia, into the Reich must be taken into account.

[*—* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]

b. Air Force. While leaving a minimum of defensive forces in the West, the Air Force is to be employed in bulk in a surprise attack against Czechoslovakia. The frontier is to be flown over at the same time as it is crossed by the first section of the army. (see 5a) The most important task of the Air Force is the destruction of the Czechoslovakian Air Force and their supply bases within the shortest possible time, in order to eliminate the possibility of its employment as well as that of Russian and French air forces, should the occasion arise, against the strategic concentration and penetration of the German army and against the German "Lebensraum." Next to this the crippling of enemy mobilization, of the direction of the government and Armed Forces, as well as the delaying of the strategic concentration of the Czech Army by attacks on communication installations, mobilization and government centers can be of considerable importance to the initial success of the army. At points in the frontier area where stronger sections of the Czechoslovakian Army *or the depth of the defensive system* might make the success of the sudden breakthrough of the German Land-attack questionable, the employment of adequate bomber forces must be assured. Czechoslovakian industrial installations are to be spared as far as the course of operations permits. Retaliatory attacks against the population will be carried out only with my permission. Centers of air defense are to be created throughout Berlin, the central German industrial area and the Ruhr area *and gradually prepared even now in an inconspicuous fashion.*

c. Navy. The Navy will assist the army operations by employing the Danube-flotilla. For this purpose the flotilla will be under the orders of C-in-C Army. As regards the conduct of naval warfare at first only those measures are to be taken which appear to be necessary for the careful protection of the North Sea and the Baltic against a sudden intervention in the conflict by other states. These measures must be confined to the absolutely necessary extent. Their inconspicuousness must be guaranteed. It is of decisive importance that all actions, which might influence the political attitude of the European Great Powers unfavorably, be avoided.

6. Tasks of the War Economy. In the war economy it is essential that in the field of the armament industry a maximum deployment of forces is made possible through increased supplies. In the course of operations, it is of value to contribute to the reinforcement of the total war—economic strength—by rapidly reconnoitring and restarting important factories. For this reason the sparing of Czechoslovakian industrial and works installations—insofar as military operations permit—can be of decisive importance to us.

7. *All preparations for sabotage and insurrection will be made by OKW. They will be made, in agreement with and according to the requirement of the branches of the Armed Forces, so that their effects accord with the operations of the Army and Air Force.*

signed ADOLF HITLER
Certified copy
signed Zeitzler
Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

[*—* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]

[ITEM 12] [Typescript]      Berlin, 9 June 1938
L I a H

SHORT SURVEY OF ARMAMENT OF THE CZECH ARMY

1. SMALL ARMS

2. MACHINE GUNS

3. MORTARS

4. INFANTRY GUNS FOR ANTI-AIRCRAFT AND ANTI-TANK DEFENSE

5. ARTILLERY PIECES

a. Light and Mountain Artillery:

b. Heavy Artillery:

c. A A Artillery:

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

[ITEM 13] [Typescript]
L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

FUEHRER'S QUESTIONS ON 9 JUNE 1938

Berlin, 9 June 1938
2 copies
1st copy

MOST SECRET

Question 1: Armament of the Czech Army?

Answer:

Arming and equipping of the Army with new means of war is progressing, thanks to the excellent production capacity of the Czech armament industry.

The armament was built up from the weapons of the old Austrian Army. It is slowly and steadily being modernized.

In Detail:

Artillery: Light field artillery. At present the old armament from the Austrian Army predominates. Mountain Artillery: the same. Medium artillery. New armament predominates. Heavy artillery, old armament predominates.

Infantry Weapons: The following are available: a uniform new infantry rifle; a uniform new light MG; a uniform old improved heavy MG.

Equipment of heavy infantry weapons (AT-guns, Infantry Howitzers, Mortars) and tanks is modern, but still incomplete.

A new modern AA-gun has been introduced, but is not yet available in sufficient numbers.

Reserves of weapons and ammunition seem to be guaranteed.

Summary: The Czech Army must be considered up to date as far as armament and equipment are concerned.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies
1st copy

Question 2: How many battalions, etc., are employed in the West for the construction of emplacements?

Answer:

Up to now the following have been employed on fortifications:

The 36th Infantry Battalion

The 10th Infantry Howitzer Company

The 12th Anti-Tank Company

The 10th Battery

The 30th 1/3 Engineer Battalions

In addition:

The 78th German Labor Service Battalion, and later the 190th German Labor Corps Battalion.

In addition, the Commander of Army Group 2 (General Adam) has the authority to draw still further troops from his 4th Corps for the construction of emplacements if he deems it necessary.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

[Pencilled notes by Schmundt:]
Number of troops
Production possibilities

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies
1st copy

Question 3: Are the fortifications of Czechoslovakia still occupied in unreduced strength?

Answer:

The troops have been withdrawn to some extent from the fortifications and are housed in local billets. The fortifications themselves are guarded. The barriers at the frontiers are opened.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies
1st copy

Question 4: Frontier protection in the West?

Answer:

In the West as at the other frontiers, the first frontier protection is undertaken by the VGAD, then the Frontier Guard.

This protection by the Frontier Guard is directly at the frontier. At the same time as the Frontier Guard at the frontier, the fortification installations, which lie further back, receive security garrisons (reserve personnel).

Strength of the Frontier Guard on the Western Frontier:

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

[ITEM 14] [Typescript]
L I a

Berlin, 18 June 1938

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

1. DRAFT FOR THE NEW DIRECTIVE

(1st copy)

In three parts.

MOST SECRET

4 copies
1st copy

Written by an officer.

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

Part 1

GENERAL GUIDING PRINCIPLES

1. There is no danger of a preventive war by foreign states against Germany.

Germany has not committed herself to any military alliances which would automatically force Germany into a warlike conflict of foreign powers.

The immediate aim is a solution of the Czech problem by my own, free decision; this stands in the foreground of my political intentions. I am determined to use to the full every favorable political opportunity to realize this aim.

Thereby, friends, interested parties and enemies can be called upon to take part in this scheme and other powers can remain indifferent even though they could not be previously placed with absolute certainty in one of these categories.

However, I will decide to take action against Czechoslovakia only if I am firmly convinced as in the case of the occupation of the demilitarized zone and the entry into Austria that France will not march and therefore England will not intervene.

2. The preparations of the Armed Forces must cover:

3. If in the midst of peace, German territory is suddenly and abruptly violated with hostile intent by a foreign power, armed resistance will be offered without any special order.

Therefore, the branches of the Armed Forces must empower their competent Commanders on the frontier or on the coast to take on their own authority, all measures necessary to repulse the enemy attack should such a case occur. (See Reich Defense Law (RVG) para. 2).

In no event, however, may the German Reich frontier be crossed by troops or aircraft, nor any foreign territory violated, without my order.

It will not be considered a violation of German territory (see 1st sentence of this number) if single sentries or patrols cross the frontier unintentionally and accidentally or through the over-eagerness of a subordinate commander, or if aircraft fly over the frontier due to faulty navigation, or warships sail in our German territorial waters with obviously no hostile intentions.

4. This directive concerns the uniform preparation for war and the general strategic considerations applying to the outbreak of the war. It will be augmented as necessitated by the various strategic concentrations by regulations dealing with matters of Special Administration and War Economy.

The directives necessary for the prosecution of the war itself will be issued by me from time to time.

K [Initialled by Keitel]
Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

MOST SECRET

4 copies
1st copy

Written by an officer

S.O. Only

Access only through officer

Part 2

STRATEGIC CONCENTRATIONS

1. Action against Czecho-Slovakia ("Fall Gruen")

The directive, issued as OKW Nr 42/38 Most Secret S.O. only L I dated 30 May 1938, remains in force. Regulations dealing with special matters, Administration and War Economy relative to "Fall Gruen" are still to be issued.

2. Two Front War with the main effort in the West ("Fall Rot")

Since even a war against us started by the Western Nations must, in view of the situation today, begin with the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia, the preparation of strategic concentration for a war with the main effort by the Army and Air Force against the West, is no longer of primary importance.

The preparations made to date for the event ("Rot"), however, remain in effect. They contribute, as far as the Army is concerned, towards camouflaging and screening the other strategic concentration and serve, in the case of the Luftwaffe, as a preparation for the shifting of the main effort from the East to the West, which may, under certain circumstances, suddenly become necessary. They also serve as preliminary work for future possibilities of war in the West.

It is left to C in C Army to decide how far the Army strategic concentration "Rot", prepared by OKH for the beginning of the new mobilization year 38/39, will be issued to subordinates.

The tasks which arise for the Navy in "Fall Rot" will be the same as those should "Fall Gruen" be extended to include the Western European nations. The naval preparations are therefore to be continued with the previous objective.

J
K [Initialled by Keitel and Jodl]

Written by an officer

2. DRAFT

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 7 July 38
2 copies
1st copy

S.O. Only

Access only through officer

Part 3

CONSIDERATIONS

I. In connection with "Gruen".

How the political situation will develop during the execution or after the conclusion of "Gruen" cannot be predicted. Therefore the Armed Forces will confine themselves to the preparation of the measures given in Part I, Number 3, to "Fall Gruen" and "Fall Rot". However, it seems expedient to make at least theoretical considerations and calculations for several possible eventualities, to avoid being mentally unprepared. These considerations would have to cover:

a. What would have to be done if other nations intervened against us during the execution of "Gruen"—contrary to our expectations.

b. What should be done after the conclusion of "Gruen".

To a. If, during the execution of "Gruen", France intervenes against us, the measures provided in "Fall Gruen" come into force. The primary essential in this connection is to hold the Western fortifications, until the execution of the action "Gruen" permits forces to be freed. Should France be supported by England, in this it will have small effect at first on the land-war. It is the duty of the Air Force, the Navy, and the OKW (War Economy Staff, Defense, Armed Forces Communications), however, to carry out far-sighted deliberations in their sphere.

Among the Eastern powers, Russia is the most likely to intervene. This, in the beginning at any rate, will probably consist of reinforcement of the Czech Air Force and Armament. However, the decision must not be neglected concerning what measures are to be taken if Russia were to come to the point of starting a Naval and Air war against us or even wish to penetrate into East Prussia, through the border states.

In the case of a penetration by Poland, we must hold the Eastern fortifications and East Prussia, using the Frontier Guard and other formations, until the conclusion of the action "Gruen" once more gives us freedom of movement.

To b. If the action "Gruen" takes place still during this Mobilization year, we must be in the position after the conclusion of "Gruen" to put a provisional strategic concentration quickly into force.

In connection with the latter, further to what was said in part 1, number 3, it is of primary importance to safeguard the German frontiers, including the new addition by the Armed Forces, and still have the bulk of the Field Forces and the Air Force at our disposal. It would have to be possible to put such a future strategic concentration, "Frontier Protection," into force separately for the various frontiers.

II. Independent of "Fall Gruen"

Germany will not refrain from occupying the Memel-territory by a lightning blow in the case of a Polish-Lithuanian conflict occurring. The deliberations on this eventuality must cancel the directive issued 18 March 1938 (OKW Nr 472/38 g. Kdos L Ia).

III. General

The branches of the Armed Forces are still allowed to deliberate further on the matter contained in Section I) and II). These however, may be carried out only as theoretical studies within the Supreme Commands without the participation of subordinate authorities.

Z
K [Initialled by Keitel and Zeitzler]

[Item 15]

[Six pages of mobilization schedules, not translated]

[ITEM 16] [Covering memorandum, with report attached]
Berlin, 22 July 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
No. 1233/38 Most Secret L Ia

2 Copies
1st Copy

MOST SECRET

To: Major Schmundt or deputy

I enclose a conference report. Your attention is requested (e.g. the remark of Chief OKW).

Chief of the Supreme Command
of the Armed Forces

By order

[Signed] Zeitzler

Submitted to the Fuehrer on 1.8.
Schm [pencil note by Schmundt]

[Stamp]

Recd. 26 July 1938 App. 1
No. 82/38 Most Secret

[pencil note:] Maj. Schmundt
1 copy 3rd report to Fuehrer
Berlin, 12 July 1938

L Ia
to L No. 1233/38 Most Secret

2 copies 1st Copy

Conference Notes
K [Initialled by Keitel]
MOST SECRET

OKH issues new manoeuvre intentions for 1938. Reason for alteration: development of the western fortifications and spreading of the foot-and-mouth-disease.

1. Of the previously intended training manoeuvres, the following remain:

2. New training manoeuvres:

3. Training Manoeuvres for armored divisions:

4. Training Manoeuvres for motorized divisions ready to march:

Commencement of the exercises not before 12 September, the end 24 November.

5. Terrain exercises for units ready to march:

6. Training Manoeuvres for the mountain divisions composed as on mobilization:

7. Training Manoeuvres for Training Divisions (Reserve Divisions):

a. 15 August to 13 September:

b. 9 September to 24 November:

8. New dispositions:

9. Employment of Engineer Battalions on the Western fortifications:

10. Reich Party Rally and Harvest Festival:

11. Foreign Military Delegations:

Z [Initialled by ZEITZLER]

[Item 17]  [Typescript]
Chief Section L

Written by General Staff Officer
MOST SECRET

Berlin, 24 August 1938

S.O. Only
Access only through Officer

1 Copy

TIMING OF THE X-ORDER AND THE QUESTION OF ADVANCE MEASURES

The Luftwaffe's endeavor to take the enemy air forces by surprise at their peace-time airports justifiably leads them to oppose measures taken in advance of the X-order and to the demand that the X-order itself be given sufficiently late on X minus 1 to prevent the fact of Germany's mobilization becoming known to Czechoslovakia on that day.

The Army's efforts are tending in the opposite direction. It intends to let OKW initiate all advance measures between X minus 3 and X minus 1 which will contribute to the smooth and rapid working of the mobilization. With this in mind OKH also demands that the X order be given not later than 1400 on X minus 1.

To this the following must be said:

Operation (Aktion) Gruen will be set in motion by means of an "incident" in Czechoslovakia which will give Germany provocation for military intervention. The fixing of the exact time for this incident is of the utmost importance.

It must come at a time when weather conditions are favorable for our superior air forces to go into action and at an hour which will enable authentic news of it to reach us on the afternoon of X minus 1.

It can then be spontaneously answered by the giving of the X order at 1400 on X minus 1.

On X minus 2 the Navy, Army and Air Force will merely receive an advance warning.

If the Fuehrer intends to follow this plan of action, all further discussion is superfluous.

For then no advance measures may be taken before X minus 1 for which there is not an innocent explanation as we shall otherwise appear to have manufactured the incident. Orders for absolutely essential advance measures must be given in good time and camouflaged with the help of the numerous manoeuvres and exercises.

Also, the question raised by the Foreign Office as to whether all Germans should be called back in time from prospective enemy territories must in no way lead to the conspicuous departure from Czechoslovakia of any German subjects before the incident.

Even a warning of the diplomatic representatives in Prague is impossible before the first air attack, although the consequences could be very grave in the event of their becoming victims of such an attack (e.g. death of representatives of friendly or confirmed neutral powers).

If, for technical reasons, the evening hours should be considered desirable for the incident, then the following day cannot be X day, but it must be the day after that.

In any case we must act on the principle that nothing must be done before the incident which might point to mobilization, and that the swiftest possible action must be taken after the incident. (X-Fall).

It is the purpose of these notes to point out what a great interest the Wehrmacht has in the incident and that it must be informed of the Fuehrer's intentions in good time—insofar as the Abwehr Section is not also charged with the organization of the incident.

I request that the Fuehrer's decision be obtained on these points.

J 26/8
[Initialled by Jodl]

Notes: [in Schmundt's handwriting]
Submitted on 30.8
The Fuehrer will act on these lines.
On 31.8 Col. v. S. Jodl notified. Schm 31.8

[ITEM 18] [In Schmundt's handwriting]

CONFERENCE
on 3 September 38 at the BERGHOF

Present: The Fuehrer
Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch
General of Artillery Keitel
Major Schmundt

I.

Gen. Ob. v. Brauchitsch

Fuehrer

?

II.

The Fuehrer

v. Brauchitsch

The Fuehrer:

Certified.
SCHMUNDT, Major on the General Staff
BERGHOF, 4 Sept 1938

[In Schmundt's writing]
[ITEM 19] [In Schmundt's handwriting]

S.O. Only
MOST SECRET
DISCUSSION

Nurnberg, 9 Sept to 10 Sept, 2200 to 0330.

Present: Fuehrer
Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch
General Halder
General Keitel
Major Schmundt
Hauptmann Engel
Hauptmann v. Below [?]

General Halder states reasons for operational plan "Gruen". Mission: to prevent retreat of Cz. Army from Moravia-Bohemia area. To beat army. To bring about rapid decision. Mission can be accomplished by pincer attack in the direction of Olmutz and Brunn to be undertaken by 2nd and 14th Armies. Difficult transport situation in Austria. Therefore main effort in 2nd Army area. Cz. frontier can only be lightly held. Withdrawal certain on part of Cz. forces. Several defensive lines favorable but terrain will delay second thrusts and allow time to be gained for a Cz. retreat, and so retain a rear position. This is to be avoided. The Bohemian Moravian heights which will confront the attacker in the last phase will favor probable Cz. line of action. The pincer attack makes a "rear attack" from behind these heights possible. This operation will definitely succeed. Reserves at first mainly local. Further reserves near and south of Prague. Opponent won't have time to form further reserves. Opponent does not possess closed armoured forces. They are distributed and consist of light units.

2nd Army. Weaknesses opposite its sector recognized. Installations only partly completed. Mostly lack armd cupolas. There are great gaps. Olmutz will be reached on the second day. Oppa is no obstacle, can be crossed by tanks as well as Inf. No armd forces opposing. Freudenthal only 35 men garrison. So-called light motorized forces on right flank are no danger. Consist partly of mounted units and will be engaged by adjoining Army. Were the attack, against expectations, to fail, then under no circumstances "bleed to death" before the position. Strategic concentration to be flexible. Rear sections will then be brought up to the points where success has been achieved. Cz fears the Glaz mountain area. Only demonstrations to be staged in this area; there will be a tie up of Cz forces. To provide cover eastwards tanks will be valuable.

On the rest of the mountain front: 4th (9?) Corps, and in the frontier sector demonstrations must be staged to tie up forces.

12th and 14th Armies will work together. Their columns must necessarily support one another during the thrust and cause the front to collapse. Bohemia only weakly occupied at frontier: 1 Division to 120 kms. Operation therefore promising. After the thrust in a northerly direction 12 Army forces east and "races" for Brunn. The enemy will not be able to employ reserves according to plan.

10th Army faces Pilsen Riegel which is strongly fortified. Bad roads. Tanks must break through here and establish bridge-heads for following up forces. Forces of the next wave will be brought up by truck units. After the 3rd and 4th Mobilization day 6 further divisions will be brought up to the 2nd and 3rd line and can be employed where success is in the balance.

The Fuehrer: We should not plan the action on the operations as we desire them, but take into consideration the probable course of action pursued by the enemy. With regard to his course of action two factors are decisive: 1. At the time of our rearmament between 1934 and 1938 our opponent must have endeavoured to secure himself against a tearing of the East-West Communication, in his case probably between Trappau and Nikolsburg. Against us this would imply the building of fortifications on the Upper Silesian frontier. In the South an agreement with Austria would achieve a defense north of the Danube, or an advance to the Danube to protect the Southern flank.

2. The latter is no longer possible. Therefore, as a result of the situation created in March 1938, it is all the more probable that they have increased their fortifications opposite our 2nd army. The enemy must hold there—otherwise there is no sense in holding the remaining front. Hence here the best regiments and fortifications are to be expected. Holding of the front facing the 2nd Army will decide the "To be or Not to be" of Cz. There is no doubt that the planned pincer movement is the most desirable solution and should take place. But its success is nevertheless too uncertain for it to be depended on. Especially as a rapid success is necessary from a political point of view. The first 8 days are politically decisive; within that week a far-reaching territorial gain must be achieved. Our artillery (210cm Howitzers) not adequate against fortifications. Where an attack is expected the element of surprise is ruled out. Besides from experience it is difficult to refrain from an action that achieves only part-success. More and more units are thrown into breaks, and bleeding-to-death which one wanted to avoid sets in (Verdun!!). Tanks are used up and are not available for the subsequent territory-gaining operation. The consequence is that motorized divisions have to advance without tanks. ("Tables Turned")

Also the objectives of the motorized units are not too far-removed and can be gained without fighting, so that they could be equally well gained by infantry troops. The motorized divisions will not be able to influence a decision to any extent. It is the task of motorized forces to bridge areas free of the enemy. Where an attack opens up a large free space, the commitment of motorized forces is justified. Compare with the use of army cavalry at the beginning of the 1914 war. It is catastrophic for tanks to have to stop and wait for infantry. This contradicts all laws of logic. In the 14th army sector fortifications can only have been begun since March. Hence, thrust toward Brunn will be easier. 2nd Pz Div can therefore be left there. However, this division should operate with the 29th motorized division. Therefore the 29th must not arrive on the evening of the 2nd day. The 2nd Pz must constitute the advance column of the 29th Div (Mot.). Are the road conditions suitable for the 29th? The 13th Division, which has no prospects of success as a Mot. division with the 12th Army, is to be transferred to the Reichenau Army together with 2nd Motorized Div. Thus 2 chances for victory will be created.

If pincer movement has no success, 10th Army will open way for 12th Army, bringing strong forces into the heart of the country. If both operations are successful, this means the end of Cz. In place of the two motorized divisions it is preferable to mobilize two further divisions which are to be brought up in trucks and buses. For the 10th Army the turn Northeast toward Prague may become necessary.

General Oberst v. Brauchitsch: Employment of motorized divisions was based on the difficult rail situation in Austria and the difficulties in getting other divs. (ready to march) into the area at the right time. In the West vehicles will have to leave on the 20th of Sept., if X-Day remains as planned. Workers leave on the 23rd, by relays. Specialist workers remain according to decision by Army Command 2.

The Fuehrer: Doesn't see why workers have to return home as early as X-11. Other workers and people are also on the way on mobilization day. Also the RR cars, they will stand around unnecessarily later on.

General Keitel: Workers are not under the jurisdiction of district commands (Bezirks Kdos.) in the West. Trains must be assembled.

v. Brauchitsch: 235,000 men RAD [Labour Service] will be drafted. 96 Construction Bns will be distributed (also in the east). 40,000 trained laborers stay in the West.

Fuehrer: Trained men should be distributed among newly formed divisions on 2nd line.

Brauchitsch: Will be investigated. Implies change of mobilization orders if war orders already in the hands of the people.

General Construction Inspector Dr. Todt (late brought into the conference): Delays in unloading of material through slow changeover in timetable of RRs only from 15 September. Transports must be in their appointed positions by X minus 11. Air zone to take 2nd place to the Infantry zone. Build battery positions.

Certified
/s/ SCHMUNDT
Major on Gen. Staff

[ITEM 20] [Typescript]
Schm [initialled by Schmundt]
Nurnberg, 10 September 1938
[Stamp]

Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the
Fuehrer Reich Chancellor

Received 19 September 1938
The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces

TOP SECRET

[signed] ADOLF HITLER

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
No. 2038/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc
T 9.9

Distribution:

C-in-C of the Army
Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Force
C-in-C of the Navy
Reichsminister of the Interior
for the attention of Ministerial Director Dr. Danckwerts
Head of Reich Labor Service through Admin Office (VOA)

Distribution:

Adjutant to the Fuehrer—1st Copy
WZ, WH, WR—2nd to 4th Copies
Armed Forces Ops. Dept.—5th Copy
LIa, Ib, Ic, IV, VOA—6th to 10th Copies
WNV—11th Copy
Office for Ausl/Abwehr—12th to 14th Copies
General Armed Forces Office—15th to 17th Copies
Armed Forces Staff—18th to 20th Copies
Spare—21st to 25th Copies

25 Copies 1st Copy
A true copy:
Hofmann
Oberst (Reserve)

[ITEM 21] [Typescript]

Berlin, 14 September 1938
12 Copies

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
No. 2044/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc

[Stamp]

Office of the Adjutant of the Armed Forces attached
to the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor

Received 19 Sept. 1938
Reg. No. 198/35
Despatched Schm
Clerk [initialled by Schmundt]

Subject: Employment of Reich Labor Service for Manoeuvres with Wehrmacht.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By Order

Signed Keitel

Distribution:

C-in-C of the Army—1st to 3rd Copy
Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Forces—4th to 6th Copy
Head of Reich Labor Service—7th to 8th Copy
L Ia, II, IV—9th to 11th Copy
Draft (VOA)—12th Copy

Distribution 2: 25 Copies

Adjutant to the Fuehrer—1st Copy
WZ, WH, WR—2nd to 4th Copy
Armed Forces Ops Dept—5th Copy
Armed Forces Ops Dept/L Ib, Ic—6th Copy
Armed Forces Communications (WNV)—7th Copy
Office of Ausl/Abwehr—8th to 10th Copy
General Armed Forces Office—11th to 13th Copy
Armed Forces Staff—14th to 16th Copy
Draft—17th Copy
Spare—18th to 25th Copy

A true Copy:
HOFMANN
Oberst (Reserve)

[ITEM 22] [Typescript]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 16 September 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
WFA No. 194/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L Ia

S.O. Only
Access only through Officer

7 Copies 5th Copy
19.9.38
Schm

The Reichsbahn must provide trains of empty trucks in great numbers by September 28 for the carrying out of mobilization exercises. This task now takes precedence over all others.

Therefore the train-loads for the Limes-job will have to be cut down after September 17 and those goods loaded previous to this date unloaded by September 20.

The Supreme Command of the Army (5th Division of the Army General Staff) must issue further orders after consultation with the authorities concerned.

However, in accordance with the Fuehrer's directive, every effort should be made to continue to supply the materials in as large quantities as feasible even after 20th September 1938, and this for reasons of camouflage as well as in order to continue the important work on the Limes.

Reports should be submitted on what can be done in this direction.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
Signed Keitel

Distribution:

Supreme Command of the Army—1 (Copy 1)
C-in-C of the Air Force (Ketzinger's staff)—1 (Copy 2)
General Inspector for Roads—1 (Copy 3)

Certified
Zeitzler
Oberst on the General Staff

Major Schmundt
[There is no ITEM 23 in the file]

[ITEM 24] [Typescript]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, September 16, 1939
30 Copies 4th Copy
T 9.9

[Stamp]

Schm
[initialled by Schmundt]

Office of the Armed Forces
Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

Rec. 19th Sept. 1938,
Enclosures
Reg. No. 199138
Despatched
Clerk

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
No. 2120/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc

Subject: Employment of the Reich Labor Service (RAD)

1. The following RAD forces will receive military training; in accordance with the instructions of the C-in-C of the Army:

From the area of the—

For the time being these battalions are still part of the RAD in matters regarding personnel, administration, and discipline.

2. The C-in-C of the Army and Reich Labor Leader are requested to settle all details by direct agreement.

For the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By Order

Jodl

Distribution:

Supreme Command of the Army—1st Copy
Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Forces—2nd Copy
Head of Reich Labor Service—3rd Copy
WZ, WH, WR—5th-7th Copies
Armed Forces Ops Division—8th Copy
L Ia, Ib, Ic, IV, VOA—9th-13th Copies
Armed Forces Communications Dept.—14th Copy
Office of Ausl/Abwehr—15th-17th Copies
General Armed Force Office—18th-20th Copies
Armed Forces Staff—21st-23rd Copies
Spare—24th-30th Copies