Travels in Western Africa, vol. 2, by John Duncan

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Travels in Western Africa, vol. II (of 2), by John Duncan

Produced by: The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)

From a Sketch by Duncan. Hullmandel & Walton Lithographers.
MODE OF EXECUTION AT DAHOMY. THE BLOOD DRINKER WAITING WITH HIS CALABASH TO DRINK THE BLOOD.

	PAGE
CHAPTER I.
The Zafidah Mountains—Zoogah—Reception by the Caboceer—Bamay—Its Market—Curiosity of the People—Population—The Davity Mountains—Daragow—Qualifications for a Caboceer—The River Zoa, or Lagos—Its wooded Banks—Ferry—Superstition—Water-lilies—The Plain set on fire to destroy the Shea-butter Tree, &c.—Valley of Dimodicea-takoo—Kootokpway—Gbowelley Mountain—Romantic Scenery—Hospitable Reception—The Mahees—Their total Defeat by the Dahomans—Ascent of the Mountain—Ruins of a Town—Skeletons of the Slain—Soil—Twisted Rock—Mineral Springs—Agbowa—Herds of Cattle—Paweea, its healthy Situation—Palaver with the Caboceer—Description of him—His Hospitality—The Markets—Guinea Corn—Natives good Farmers—Cloth Manufacture—Native Loom—Hardware—Hyæna Trap—Admiration of my Sword—Review of native Soldiers—Population.	1
CHAPTER II.
The Caboceer’s Kindness to my Servant—Presents—Names of Caboceer, &c.—Granite Mountains—Tanks—The Adita—Soil—The Tawee—Mountains—Grain and Vegetables—The Zoglogbo Mountain—Reception by the Caboceer of Zoglogbo—Ascent[Pg iv] of the Mountain—Cotton-trees—Mountain-pass—Singular Situation of the Town—Houses—Dahoman Political Agent—Probable Origin of the Mountain—Kpaloko Mountain—Ignorance, assumed or real, of the neighbouring Country by the Natives—The Dabadab Mountains—Superstition—Singular Method of conveying Cattle—Cruelty to the Brute Creation—Difficult Descent—Agriculture and Manufactures—Height of the Mountains—Death of Three Kings at Zoglogbo—Names of the Caboceer, &c.—Reception at Baffo—Costume of Caboceer and his Wife—His Principal Wives—Beautiful Birds—Gigantic Trees—Parasitical Plants—Singular Tree—Soil—Grain, Fruits, &c.—Cattle—Market-day, and Bustle of the Caboceer—Goods exposed for Sale—Rival Caboceers—Game—Pigeon-trap—Trial of Skill—Dog poisoned—Increasing Illness of my Servant—The Caboceer’s principal Cook	27
CHAPTER III.
The River Loto—Jokao Mountain—Jetta—Reception by the Caboceer—Ruins of the old Town of Kpaloko—Its curious Formation—Its former Importance on account of its Manufactures—Desolating Effects of War—Attachment of the Natives to particular Spots—Natural Tanks in the Mountains—Mount Koliko—Precipitous Granite Rock—Similarity to Scottish Scenery—The Nanamie—Laow, and the Laow Mountain—Kossieklanan Cascade—Tamargee Mountains—Mineral Spring—Mount Koglo—Insulting Conduct of the Caboceer—Whagba—Caboceer’s Hospitality—the Town—Inhabitants—Kindness of Athrimy, the Caboceer of Teo—War-Dance—Drunkenness—Names of the Caboceer, &c.—Game—Curious Pigeons—An Incident—Absurd Notion—Departure from Whagba—Names of the Caboceer, &c.—Hospitality of the Caboceers of Laow and Massey—Beautiful Valley—Impregnable Position—The Caboceer of Kpaloko—Grandeur of the Scene—Jeka Houssoo—The Dabadab Mountains—Difficulty in obtaining Information—Resolve to leave my Attendants—My Scheme—Departure—Zafoora—Soil, Grain, Trees, Plants, &c.—Shea-butter used for Lamps	55[Pg v]
CHAPTER IV.
Zafoora—Terror of the Natives—Cold Reception by the King—My Disappointment—Exorbitant Charge—Unpleasant Position—Palaver with the King—Scene of the Defeat of the Dahomans—Inhospitality—The Shea-butter, and other Trees—The Gwbasso—Prevalent Diseases—Soil—The Velvet Tamarind—Wearisome Journey—Akwaba—Cold Reception by the Caboceer—His Disappointment—Slave Trade—Hard Bargain—Manufacture of Indigo—Hardware—The Ziffa—King Chosee and his Cavalry—Their Hostile Attitude—Moment of Danger—Result of a Firm Demeanour—Respect shown by the King and Natives—Enter Koma with a Band of Music—Kind Reception—Introduction to the King’s Wives—Palaver with the King—The Niger known here as the Joleeba—Presents to the King—Babakanda—Exorbitant Charges for Provisions—Manufactures—Ginger, Rice, &c.—Seka—Bustle of the Caboceer—Slave Market—Trade Monopolized by the Caboceer—The Kolla-nut—Honey—Peto—Palaver with the Caboceer—Soil—Assofoodah—Hostile Reception—Palaver—Ridiculous Confusion—Inhospitality	80
CHAPTER V.
Inhospitality—Good Fortune—Soil—Mahomedan Town—Hymn of Welcome—The Natives, their Curiosity, &c.—Manufactures, &c.—The Crown-bird domesticated—Quampanissa—Market Day—Curiosity of the Natives—A Cranery—Market Constables, their Functions—Singular Musical Instrument—A Palaver with the Caboceer—Bidassoa—Mishap—A Bivouac—Reception by the Caboceer—Palm Wine freely taken by Mahomedans—Superstition of the Natives—Grain Stores—Manufactures—Buffaloes—Fruit Trees—Horses, their market price here—Cattle—Elephants—Manufactures—Game—Method of Drying Venison—Trees, Shrubs, Grasses, &c.—Kosow—Terror of the Native Females—Appearance of the Caboceer—Palaver—Presents to the Caboceer—His Harem—Swim across the River Ofo—Its Width, &c.—The Town of Kasso-Kano—Slave-Market—The Women—Neighbouring Hills—Iron—Antimony—Native System of smelting Ore—Native Furnace and Bellows—Roguery—Bivouac	108[Pg vi]
CHAPTER VI.
Peculiar Breed of Dogs—The Town of Zabakano—Market Day—Native Manufactures—Domestic Slaves—Palm Oil—Joleeba, or Niger—Horses make part of the Family—Pelican Nest—Pigeons—Kindness of the Gadadoo—Pigeon Shooting—Palaver with the Gadadoo—Population—Mounted Soldiers—Character of the Scenery—Grooba—Manufactures—The Town of Sagbo—Drilling System general here—Two sorts of Rice—Received by the Gadadoo with great Pomp—Palaver—Dromedary and Elephant—Prevalent Diseases—The Town of Jakee—Reception—Ancient Custom—Breakfast of the Natives—Manufactures—Terror of the Natives—Chalybeate Springs—The River Jenoo—The Land Tortoise—Interesting Panorama—The Town of Kallakandi—Reception by the Sheik—Palaver—Band of Musicians—Peculiar Instruments—Manufactures, &c.—Slave Market—Horses—Laws—Cruel Punishment—Population—Attack on a Boa-Constrictor—Manufactures—Deer—Method of Preserving Meat and Fish—Trap for Wild Animals—Town of Ongo—Reception by the Caboceer—Interesting Aspect of the Country	136
CHAPTER VII.
Ongo—Weariness of my Attendants—Bivouac—Alarm of my Horse at the Neighbourhood of Wild Beasts—Terror of the Natives—Their Kindness—Establishment for Mahomedan Converts—Singular Custom—My Anxiety to find Terrasso-weea, who had been present at the Death of Mungo Park—Loss of my Sand-glass—Its Construction—Adofoodia—The Market-Place—Reception by the King—Interview with Terrasso-weea—Ceremony of welcoming me—His Stores—Discovery of an Old Acquaintance—Narrative of his Adventures—Terrasso-weea’s House—His Wives—Inquire of him Particulars of the Fate of Mungo Park—His Relation of the Death of that Intrepid Traveller—Terrasso-weea an Eye Witness of it—Park’s Property seized by the King—His Despotic Character—Flight of Terrasso-weea—My Palaver with the King—Hospitality of the Merchant—Information obtained respecting Timbuctoo—Market of Adofoodia	163[Pg vii]
CHAPTER VIII.
Return to Baffo—Anxiety of my Caboceer—Rejoicings for my Return—Our March—Fine Plain—Plants—Neutral Ground—Natives of the Dassa Mountains—Agriculture—The Annagoos, dangerous Enemies—Poisoned Arrows—Poisonous Plants—Alarm of my Attendants on my plucking it—Fatal Effects of this Plant and Dread of it by the Natives—Number of the Natives Blind, supposed to be the result of it—Unsuccessful Attack on them by the Dahomans—Spiral Rocks—Hostile Demeanour of the Natives—They follow us with Menaces—Some Account of these Mountaineers and of the Dassa Mountains—The Blue Eagle—Cataracts—Beautiful Plain—One of my Cases of Rum broken by a Carrier—Twisted Marble of Variegated Colours—Path covered with Pepper-trees—Monkeys—Logazohy—Mayho’s Town—The Caboceer—The Merchants—Their Names—Carelessness with respect to Fire—Visit of the Caboceer	190
CHAPTER IX.
Enter Logazohy in Regimentals—Received by the Caboceer, attended by his Soldiers—Singular Mode of Dancing—Native Jester—Description of the Town—Corn Mills—Presents from Fetish-women—Agriculture—Prevalent Diseases—A disgusting Case of Leprosy—Quarrel among my Carriers—My Illness—The Damadomy—Trees, Shrubs—The Agbado—Rapid Construction of a Suspension Bridge by my Dahoman Guards—Savalu—Reception by the Caboceer—Picturesque Situation of the Town—Caboceer’s House—His Wives—His Jester—My Illness	210
CHAPTER X.
Importance of the Caboceer of Savalu—Curiosity of the natives—State Constables—Military Dance—Introduction to the Fetish-women—Manufactures—Crane-shooting—Present by Fetish-women—Hospitality of the Caboceer—His Name and those of[Pg viii] his Head Men—Wild Grapes—The Zoka—Shrubs—Swim across the Zoka—Mode of Transporting my Luggage—Difficulty in getting my Horse across—Fearlessness of the Dahoman Female Carriers—Bad Roads—Jallakoo—Reception by the Caboceer—My Illness—Appear in Regimentals before the Caboceer—Concern evinced on account of my Illness—Description of the Town—Agriculture—Caboceer’s Name and those of his Head Men—Presents to the Caboceer	229
CHAPTER XI.
My continued Illness—The Koffo—The Langhbo—Bivouac—Keep Sentinel—Shea-butter Trees—Springs impregnated with Iron—Gijah—Poverty of the Caboceer—Hospitality of Atihoh, the Merchant—Doko—Met by the Avoga of Whydah—Etiquette with regard to the Time of entering a Town—Enter Abomey—My Servant Maurice takes to his Bed—Sudden Change in the Temperature—Visit to the King—His Gratification at my safe Return—My Conversation with his Majesty—His Views with regard to the Slave Trade—His Desire to cede Whydah to the English Government—Dictates a Letter to me to that effect—His costly Tobes—Singular Piece of Patch-Work	253
CHAPTER XII.
Conversation with the King of Dahomey continued—Visit Coomassie, another Palace of the King—Great Number of Human Skulls—Skulls of Kings taken in Battle—Death-drums—Peculiarity of Skulls—Craniums of the Fellattahs—Skulls of Rival Kings—Criminal Case heard by the King, and his Award—Death of my Servant Maurice—Regret of the King—Christian Burial of my Servant—The King’s Kindness to me—My increasing Illness and Depression of Spirits—Method of Procuring Food in the Bush by the Dahoman Soldiers—My Alarm at the Dangerous State of my Wound—Make Preparations to amputate my Limb—My Recovery—My Last Conversation with the King—The King’s Presents to the Queen of England—Present from him to her Majesty of a Native Girl—Escorted[Pg ix] out of Abomey, and Departure for Whydah—Absurd Custom—Canamina—Ahgrimah—My Pigeons from the Kong Mountains—Non-Arrival of some of my Carriers—Punishment awarded them for their Roguery on their Arrival	273
CHAPTER XIII.
Akpway—Superstition of the Natives—Singular proceeding of my Bullock-Drivers—Arrival at Whydah—Kind Reception by Don Francisco de Suza—Kindness of all the Merchants—Parting Interview with M. de Suza—Sail for Cape Coast—Terror of the Mahee Girl (presented to the Queen) at the Roughness of the Sea—Arrival at Cape Coast—Kindness of Mr. Hutton—Dr. Lilley—Recover from my Fever—Kindness of the Wesleyan Missionaries—General Character of Africans—Hints with regard to Educating them—Observations on the Manners and Customs of the Dahoman, Mahee, and Fellattah Countries—Enlightened Conduct of the King of Dahomey—The Dahomans—Trade of Dahomey—Paganism—The Mahees—The Kong Mountains—Sail for England	293

July 11th.—We marched from Setta at 8 A.M., the first high land bearing from the north side of the town N. 25° E., and named the Zafidah mountains,[Pg 2] distant about twelve miles. These mountains form the western extremity of a range, running as far to the eastward as the eye can reach. The path led directly to these mountains, and the surrounding country was of a beautiful champaign character, studded at considerable intervals with trees of various descriptions.

About half a mile from Setta, and journeying N.E., we crossed a fine brook with a waterfall. The bed of the brook was of granite or quartz, in immense detached blocks, the brook running eastward. Close to this ford is a small kroom, called Zoogah; and although we had come so short a distance the old patriarch or caboceer had provided plenty of provisions for myself and private servants, with water and peto. The poor man also presented me with several fowls. He told me that the people of his small town had made a subscription and purchased these fowls to offer to me, but were ashamed to make so trifling a present, although they were anxious to show their good feeling towards the King’s white stranger. He had told them what I had said at Setta to the old woman (for he was present on that occasion) who presented me with the two eggs. The kindness shown towards me now formed a perfect[Pg 3] contrast to that which I had experienced on the coast, where the character and disposition of the people are vile. I gave the caboceer some needles and thimbles, with directions to distribute them amongst his people.

At four miles from this place we arrived at a small kroom of about three hundred inhabitants, called Bamay. Here is a good market, which is held weekly: it happened to be held on this day. The caboceer was waiting in the market-place to receive us, in all his grandeur. Here we had plenty of good water and provisions. The caboceer seemed highly delighted at receiving a visit from a white man, and introduced me to all his head men and principal wives. The people assembled in the market-place all came running, pushing each other aside, with eager curiosity to obtain a sight of me. In the market, which is shaded with large trees, called by Europeans the umbrella-tree, they were selling cloth of the country, of various colours in stripe; kao (saltpetre in its original state) which is found in the mountains; different sorts of grain produced in the country; tobacco, and pipes made at Badagry, much resembling the head of the German pipe, but of red clay; shalots and vegetables[Pg 4] of various sorts for soups, and also manioc or cassada-root ready cooked; with yams, plantains, and bananas, oranges, limes, pine-apples, cashu nuts, kolla or goora nuts, indigo and pepper; snuff is also sold here. Butcher’s meat is exposed for sale early in the morning, but if it be not sold quickly it is cooked in the market-place, to prevent putrefaction. Sheep and goats are sold in the market, but, singular enough, I never saw a live bullock in the market in any part of Africa, except at Tangiers. Fowls and eggs, and agricultural implements of various descriptions, are also sold in all the markets of any magnitude in this part of the country. Here the land is well cultivated, and the crops are very good.

This kroom contains about six hundred inhabitants, who are evidently of a different tribe to the people of Whydah. They are much better formed and more nimble, and apparently more capable of enduring fatigue than the natives on the coast. After distributing some small presents and some rum to the caboceer, we resumed our journey.

At ten miles distant, and bearing (magnetic) E.S.E. the Davity mountains are seen. These mountains form a range extending from east to[Pg 5] west, for a distance of about twelve miles, and are separated by a narrow plain from another range of mountains, distant about two miles. Both ranges are of conical or hogback character. At the distance of four miles and a half we reached Daragow, a small kroom of about three hundred inhabitants. Here we were welcomed by the caboceer, whose name was Badykpwa, a fine stout old man of about fifty-five years of age.

The necessary qualifications for a caboceer in nearly all the kingdoms and petty states of Western and Central Africa, are, that he should be tall and stout; a beard is also indispensable. In many African kingdoms, indeed, rank is estimated by the length and thickness of the beard.

At six miles we reached the banks of the river Zoa, here forty yards wide and seven feet deep. It is very muddy, for it is now the rainy season. Large blocks of granite rise above the surface; the bed of the river consists of a drab-coloured sand. The current is about two miles per hour, running (magnetic) E.S.E. The banks are thirty feet deep, and wooded on each bank with trees of gigantic size, whose enormous roots extend in all directions. The greater number of these roots run along the surface, in most cases crossing[Pg 6] and re-crossing each other, presenting the appearance of network. Their trunks are buttressed all round, somewhat like the cotton-tree. At about eight feet from the ground the buttresses, which so far are straight, break off in different directions, crossing each other around the trunk, like a number of large serpents wattled across each other. I did not observe any trees of the same description at a distance from the rivers.

At this ferry we found a large canoe, which is left here for the use of passengers. By order of the king of Dahomey, all traders carrying goods are exempt from paying fees for crossing. Here we were detained for some time, the canoe not being capable of conveying more than ten persons without luggage at a time. I remained till all the party had been ferried over, except the caboceer, or captain, and the other principal officers of my suite. When we embarked, the captain begged me to sit in the bottom of the canoe with my face towards the stern, so that in crossing I was conveyed backwards. When I remonstrated with him on the absurdity of doing so, he declared it to be “bad fetish” for any great man in crossing water to look in the direction he is proceeding, assuring me also that he was answerable[Pg 7] for my safety, and that should anything of an unpleasant nature happen to me he should be severely punished, or if any thing should occur to my personal injury he should lose his head. When I found the poor fellow, who was under these restrictions, felt distressed at the observations I had made, I readily assented to all his instructions and directions. My little horse swam across, tied to the canoe, which materially assisted us in getting it across.

This river is the same as the river Lagos at Badagry on the coast, although here called the Zoa; but the same thing occurs all over Africa where I have yet been. I am also informed that this same river has two other distinct names, between this place and the place where it takes the name of Lagos, which fully accounts for many supposed errors of our travellers, as well as many errors in fact.

Our party having now all safely crossed the river, we immediately resumed our journey amongst thickets of underwood scarcely passable, the bushes having closed in and across the path, and joined over the narrow sheep-track for such it really was. After travelling half a mile, the path became more open, and we suddenly came upon a small lake or pond, apparently[Pg 8] of stagnant water, with the delicate water-lily sprinkled over its surface. The sight of these beautiful flowers, coming upon us so unexpectedly, created a very pleasing sensation, for they were exactly the same as the water-lily of England.

The country now opened, and the path, clear of bush, became less irksome to the traveller. I observed here that the grass had been recently burnt, and inquiring of my guide the reason of it, was informed that the whole surface was set on fire twice annually, to the extent of many square miles. This is done for the double purpose of destroying the reptiles and insects, as well as the decayed vegetable, and also to annihilate the vegetative powers of the shea butter-tree, which grows here in great abundance. At seven miles the path changed its direction to the eastward. The land was level, but exhibited no cultivation, nor any appearance of human habitation. At eight miles and a half a valley opened upon us on a gentle slope, with a brook running to the eastward.

At ten miles we crossed another valley of greater depth, called by my guide, Dimodicea-takoo. On each side of the path were numerous aloes of various descriptions. The aloes which have a mark on the leaves like a partridge’s wing, were[Pg 9] at this time in seed. My servant Maurice now begun to complain very much of pain in his head and loins, and seemed quite exhausted, although he had ridden my horse ever since I had crossed the Zoa.

At twelve miles and a half we crossed another valley and brook, running eastward, named Kootokpway. At thirteen miles and a half we reached a stupendous mountain, called Gbowelley. Here the path suddenly changed to NN.W., passing near to the base of the mountain, which forms the western extremity of a range of less magnitude than this. At its foot, and at its western extremity, is a small kroom, of about two hundred inhabitants. It is very pleasantly situated on the plain or division between Gbowelley and another chain, or rather crescent of mountains, at a few miles farther to the westward, commanding a view of high mountains to the northward. This sudden and delightful change seemed to inspire all of us with fresh animation and spirits; for though we had passed over several tracts of country partaking somewhat of the character of hills, we were now almost on a sudden directly amidst a number of stupendous mountains of great magnitude and singularity of character, at once romantic and pleasing. The old caboceer was warned of our[Pg 10] approach by the noise of our drums, and was close to the path awaiting our arrival with plenty of kankie, water, and peto for our refreshment, which were very acceptable to all of us: for my own part, I felt quite prepared for a hearty meal, without scrutinizing it. Here the air felt refreshing and pure, and rushed in a current between the mountains.

The old caboceer was of commanding figure, about five feet ten inches in height, of pleasing countenance, and of quick and intelligent manner. He was a native of Dahomey, and in great confidence with the King. He took pleasure in boasting that he had seen me at Dahomey during the custom or holiday, having been invited to the latter place purposely to receive orders from his Majesty respecting my treatment when I should arrive in the Mahee country. He had despatched orderlies to every town occupied by a caboceer, to deliver the King’s orders respecting me. It was now that my suppositions were realized respecting the kindness shown me on my journey, viz. that the King had given orders as to every particular, however trifling, respecting my treatment and the presents I was to receive. The caboceer is named Hah, and the old man was sent here from Dahomey at the time of its surrender to the Dahomans.

The inhabitants of these mountains are called Mahees, and occupy part of the country of that name. They made a determined resistance against the Dahomans, and held out for seven moons, or months, having possession of the mountains, and concealing themselves in the fissures and caves, advancing and retreating in turn according to circumstances. Though their numbers were great, yet the caution and skill of their besiegers prevailed; for they had the advantage of good firearms, and were able to avail themselves of the crops and cattle on the plains at the base of the mountains. The Dahomans always choose the harvest season for besieging a mountain; and although the steepness of these mountains renders the ascent of a besieging army impossible, they can so entirely blockade the occupants from all communication with the plain, as soon either to starve them to death, or compel them to surrender to their enemies, at discretion.

These mountaineers never think of reserving any of their corn or other produce as stores, so that they invariably become an easy prey, though in this country they can raise four crops in the year. The Mahees use the bow and arrow, the King of Dahomey forbidding the transport of firearms through his kingdom from the coast. The[Pg 12] old caboceer and my guide both informed me, that, during the seven months’ war in Gbowelley and the neighbouring mountains to the eastward, four hundred caboceers were killed, so that, allowing only a proportion of one hundred individuals to each caboceer, at least forty thousand men must have perished.

After a great deal of remonstrance and persuasion with the caboceer and my captain, a promise was given that I should be allowed to examine the mountain, but upon condition that I would take my shoes off, so that I should incur less risk in climbing up the steep fissures, which are not wide enough to admit of more than one man in width. The old caboceer took the lead in ascending, giving me his hand the whole of the way up; and my own caboceer kept close behind me, fearing lest I might slip. In our ascent I observed many very large cotton-trees in the fissures, with scarcely any soil to support them. Monkeys were very numerous amongst the branches.

After gaining the top, in a sort of hollow or basin, on one side of the dome-shaped summit, were the remains apparently of a large town. This place was truly the picture of desolation, and the ravages of war and famine presented themselves on all sides. Hundreds of human[Pg 13] skulls, of different sizes, were still to be seen; as also the skulls of sheep, goats, and oxen. No doubt the latter named animals had been used as food by the people whose remains we saw around us, the greater part of whom had been starved to death rather than surrender. Many of the soldiers of my guard had been on service during this siege, and described the scene on ascending as of the most awful description. The bodies of the dead in a putrid state were, it appears, mixed with those who were still alive, but unable to move; many were wounded with bullets, whose limbs were rotting off and covered with vermin;[1] and the air was so pestiferous, that many of the Dahomans died from its effects. The vultures tore the bodies of the poor wounded people, even while they were yet alive. In many of the small fissures I observed the remains of various domestic quadrupeds, together with human bones, very probably carried there by the vulture or eagle, also natives of this mountain, as well as the common fox, the panther, and large hyæna, or patakoo, the name given to it by the natives.

This mountain is formed by horizontal beds about forty feet deep, composed of gneiss or granite, each bed differing in quality from another in the proportions of feltspar and mica. It rises at an angle of 23°. All the mountains in this neighbourhood rise abruptly, and are very steep,—in fact, on some sides, they are nearly perpendicular, the plain in most cases being truly level to the very base of the mountains.

After descending, and returning to the place where I left my party refreshing themselves, I found many of them in a partial state of intoxication, from too freely indulging in the use of the peto. My poor man Maurice, induced by a high state of fever, had attempted to allay his thirst by copiously partaking of the same liquor. After giving some small presents to the caboceer and principal people, we resumed our journey. Just as we began our march, the rain descended in torrents. Fortunately, while at Whydah, I had made myself a waterproof cloak, which I now gave to my poor white man, who seemed a little revived after his rest and the stimulating effects of the peto. He proposed walking; but I knew that his revival was only temporary, and compelled him to ride.

The path was now very deeply worn with the[Pg 15] heavy rains, a stream pouring down and washing all the soil from amongst the stones, leaving only the iron stone or ore, which rendered walking very unpleasant. The country was level, with the exception of a gentle declivity in the direction in which we were now proceeding (NN.W.). The plain at intervals was studded with large and small blocks of granite, some round, others angular, but the foundation chiefly iron, which I have observed in many places, only covered with a thin surface of vegetable soil of a loamy nature. The surface of the iron is quite smooth, and resembles our pavement of asphalte in London. In some places the iron rock is entirely bare, and has every appearance of having run to its own level while in a state of fusion.

The soil now changed to a rich sand and clay, very productive. I observed some fine specimens of the twisted rock, but without any mica in its composition, being more compact and solid than the composition of the last-named mountain, and of a similar character to marble, of blue, black, and white mixture. Here we were again met by the caboceer and a number of his people, belonging to a small kroom at some considerable distance from the path. They brought us plenty of kankie and peto. We again stopped for some time,[Pg 16] and made inquiry respecting the neighbourhood, but I invariably found it impossible to obtain any information respecting any other locality than their own immediate vicinity, unless from some of the travelling merchants. After giving a small present, which is always necessary on such occasions, we resumed our journey. Close to the path were several mineral springs, powerfully impregnated with iron. These springs are permanent. This country is beautifully watered, having a great many springs of various qualities, and numerous small brooks.

The rains are more regular here than near the coast, and thunder is much less frequent. No doubt the extreme fertility of the soil in this locality is attributable to the good supply of water from the regular rains and springs, for four crops of corn I was told are obtained in one year.

At nineteen miles and a half, bearing or direction of the path, we changed to east, and crossed the brook Halee, which runs eastward, with water sufficient to propel machinery of any ordinary power. At twenty miles and a half, Mount Weesee, bearing west, and Lusee to the east. At twenty-one miles we came upon a brook called Agbowa, with abundance of water. Here the land is well cultivated. This is the first place in Africa where[Pg 17] I have observed the use of manure in agriculture. Some Guinea corn, which is planted in drill, measured ten feet in height, the maize about eight feet. Here are large herds of very fine cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs; the Guinea fowl and common domestic fowl, as well as partridges of great size, are also abundant. The turtle-dove abounds here, as in most other places in the vicinity of towns and villages.

At twenty-one miles and a half we arrived at Paweea, a very large town, composed chiefly of low square huts, very neat and clean, with several large markets. At the entrance of the town we were met by the caboceer and his soldiers, part of whom were armed with muskets, and accoutred in the same manner as my own guard; the rest were armed with the bow and arrow. Paweea is well situated, and commands a view of the surrounding country to a great distance. The atmosphere is much clearer here than on the coast, or even at Abomey, so that the surrounding mountains are very distinctly observable, and minor objects perfectly seen at a very considerable distance, in comparison with the coast.

The caboceer, and his principal attendants and men of office, led us into the principal market-place within the walls, which is held under several[Pg 18] large trees, covering about three quarters of an acre. Here we seated ourselves, and the usual complimentary palaver of welcoming the King’s stranger to the town of Paweea followed, and a large calabash of water was offered to me, after it had been tasted. Then the rum was passed round amongst all my people. After this indispensable ceremony was concluded, we were directed to my lodgings, which were not far distant.

The houses here are superior to those of many other towns, consequently I had comfortable quarters for myself and people. The caboceer was a fine, stout, square-built man, and very agreeable both in person and manner, but with a very singularly-formed head above the temples, narrowing acutely to the upper part of the skull. This gave his head the appearance of having been squeezed or pressed. He seemed, however, possessed of more than the ordinary sense of his countrymen, and appeared to be in every way anxious to accommodate and please us. Plenty of excellent provisions were soon brought to my apartments for myself and people.

After we had finished our meal, the caboceer and several of the principal members of his retinue came to spend an hour with us. Upon this occasion I ordered some rum to be unpacked and[Pg 19] distributed amongst them. I was much gratified to find the caboceer enter so fully into conversation, and make so many shrewd inquiries respecting England, our manufactures and laws. He also seemed very communicative, and willing to give me every information in his power respecting his own country. He had been in command during the late war, and had of course travelled a considerable distance beyond his own locality.

In this town peto is made entirely from the Guinea corn, not as on the coast, from the maize or Indian corn. It is a very agreeable liquor, and less sweet than that made from the Indian corn. After conversing about two hours, the caboceer withdrew, to allow me to repose, which was very agreeable to me, for I was very tired.

July 12th.—Early in the morning a messenger arrived from the caboceer with his cane, which he presented to me with his master’s compliments, desiring to know if I were quite well, and how I slept. Soon after the messenger had left me, the caboceer came, preceding his commissariat train, with an immense quantity of provision in large and small calabashes, containing beef, pork, mutton, fowl, kankie, dabadab, and a delicious dish made from a vegetable called occro, which when boiled forms a gelatinous substance, and is very[Pg 20] strengthening. This dish is seasoned with palm oil and pepper. The provisions in all amounted to twenty bushels. The good old caboceer of Gbowelley, whom we left yesterday, sent some of his people after us this morning with a present of one goat, three fowls, and a large calabash of kankie. This was an acknowledgment for some presents, which I had given to him when I left him. The carriers and messengers were quite delighted when I presented each of them with some needles and thimbles, and returned home rejoicing.

After breakfast, the caboceer wished me to walk round his town with him—seeming anxious to gratify his people with a glimpse or sight of the King’s stranger. This was just what I wished, as I was anxious to acquire as much information as possible during the short time I had to spare. Accordingly we visited the markets, which were well supplied with provisions and articles of manufacture. I noticed amongst other things some English chequered handkerchiefs. Native cloth, of various quality and colours, was exposed for sale. Kaom, or saltpetre, is very abundant in the Kong mountains, and is sold in the markets in all the towns in the vicinity. It is used as medicine, and, as in England, is much in requisition for cattle. Deer skins of various[Pg 21] species are sold in the market, also nuts of various sorts, as well as different kinds of beans and peas. Ginger is very abundant in this neighbourhood, and is sold at about eight-pence per Winchester bushel. The corn is now nearly ripe, and some of the Guinea corn is as much as ten feet high, so that the town is entirely concealed until the fence, which invariably encloses the African towns on the plain, is passed. The prickly bush at Abomey is planted like a double hedge round the town, and is about ten yards wide, so that to a European it would seem a matter of impossibility ever to break through it. The female soldiers of Dahomey, however, as I have already mentioned, are capable of taking one of these towns with apparently little trouble.

The owners of the numerous herds of cattle keep them in folds or pens in the town, and the dung is preserved for manure. They are excellent farmers, even in this remote part, where they never can have had intercourse with any civilized being. They also manufacture very good cloth, although their method is certainly tedious, the thread being spun by the distaff, and their loom being of a very simple construction, though upon the same principle as our linen looms in England. Their web is necessarily narrow, not[Pg 22] exceeding six inches. As they have not yet found out the use of the shuttle, they merely hand the reel through the shade from one side to the other in putting in the weft; and instead of treadles to set the foot upon, they use two loops, which are suspended from the treadles, into which they put their big toes, which act upon the same principle as the treadle. The warp is not rolled round a beam, as in our looms, but kept at its extreme length, and the farther end is made fast to a large stone or heavy substance, which is gradually drawn towards the weaver as he progresses in his work.

Iron is very good in this neighbourhood, and is worked with considerable skill. Their implements for agricultural purposes are much superior to those manufactured nearer the coast. Sweet potatoes, yams, and manioc or cassada, are cultivated here with great success.

The different articles sold in the market are nearly the same as I have already mentioned at Whydah. I was amused upon being shown a patakoo or large hyæna trap, from the simplicity of its construction. It is about twenty feet long and two feet broad. The walls are thick and strong. The trap is constructed upon the same principle as some of those used in England for catching various sorts of vermin without destroying or injuring[Pg 23] them. A goat or young kid is placed in a cage in the trap, at the farthest extremity from the entrance, and the hyæna, or panther, (whichever may happen to pass,) is attracted by the bleating of the kid. Upon entering the trap, it must step on a board with a string attached, the other end of which is connected with a trigger which suspends a sliding door. Upon the trigger being pulled, the sliding door immediately drops and incloses the animal. It is then sometimes maimed or baited with dogs.

Dinner-time had now arrived, and we returned to our quarters, when it was soon afterwards brought in, and consisted of one large hog, three goats, sixteen fowls, and a fine bullock, all which were served up in excellent style, with plenty of dabadab and kankie, and round balls of cakes made with meal and palm oil, baked or roasted together with abundance of peto.

After dinner, the caboceer expressed a desire to see me in uniform, and wished also that the ceremony of receiving me on entering his town should be repeated as the King’s stranger, similar to my reception on the previous evening. This requisition was not very agreeable to me, as my white man Maurice was still very ill and in low spirits. However, I prepared myself soon after dinner, and[Pg 24] mounted my little charger. The caboceer examined my horse and accoutrements very minutely, as also my appointments. My sword, large knife, as they called it, excited much admiration from its brightness, and above all, for its pliability in bending and again resuming its original form. Their short swords are made of iron, but have no spring in them. He next examined my double-barrelled gun, and seemed much astonished at the percussion caps, believing that the cap alone was also the charge, no doubt from its loud report. After explaining it to him, he seemed much gratified.

We then proceeded out of the town, one half of my guard in front, and the other in my rear, with the caboceer’s soldiers in rear of the whole, one half of whom were armed with bows and arrows. After proceeding about half a mile from the town into an open piece of ground not planted with corn, the soldiers commenced a review and sham fight, which, although it did not display any great complication of manœuvres, was interesting from the quickness of their motions, and significant gestures.

After the review was over, we returned to the market-place, when all my soldiers commenced dancing. This was kept up alternately by my[Pg 25] guard, and the soldiers belonging to the town. In this country each caboceer invariably keeps a clown or jester, many of whom are clever and amusing on account of their ready wit. After the dance, which lasted about two hours, I gave each of the party some rum, which is always expected on such occasions. I then retired to my quarters, accompanied by the caboceer, who seemed very anxious to maintain a friendly conversation, evidently with a view to obtain information on general topics. He remained till a late hour, when he retired to his home, leaving me once more to enjoy my own reflections upon what I had seen, and to take notes for my Journal.

The town of Paweea contains about sixteen thousand inhabitants. They seem rather an industrious race in comparison with those near the coast. Here, as well as in most other towns in the neighbourhood, the mechanic is very much esteemed on account of his craft, but especially the blacksmith, who in their own language is called a cunning man, ranking next to the fetish-man or priest. The soil round this place is a rich sandy loam, and the land well watered, consequently, the crops are abundant, and the people are in the enjoyment of plenty, with but little labour. They seem a very happy race, and[Pg 26] well satisfied with their present government and laws, which, previous to their subjection to the King of Dahomey, were arbitrary and cruel in the extreme. This town has two strong gates on the south-east and north-west sides, which are closed at sunset, and guarded by soldiers or watchmen, who take that duty in turn.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This may appear an exaggeration, but I assure my readers, that I have had a large quantity taken from a very severe wound I received when in the Niger expedition. Dr. Williams and Dr. Thompson can corroborate my assertion. The African fly blows live maggots instead of eggs.

Sunday, July 13th.—Early in the morning the caboceer again sent me plenty of provisions for myself and people, and showed great kindness to Maurice, my white servant, using every means to induce him to partake of some food, bringing amongst other dishes one made of meal[Pg 28] and water boiled together, sweetened with honey, and about the consistence of thin gruel. This composition is used as we do tea in England, but is of course much more substantial. I relished it very much. My poor servant also partook of a considerable portion, but he could not rally, having lost all the courage of which he had so often boasted. The caboceer then desired us to proceed again to the market-place, where we found two fine bullocks tied to a tree; one was a present to the King of Dahomey, and the other to myself.

After going through the usual compliments on either side, we marched on our journey till we came to the gates on the north-east of the town, where several of the principal officers of the staff of the caboceer’s household approached him, apparently in great anxiety, whispering something to the caboceer. After this, the captain of my guard communicated to me that the caboceer of Paweea begged that I would honour himself and head men so far, as to enter their names in my book. This is, in all places in the Dahoman kingdom, considered the highest honour that can possibly be conferred upon them. To this request I readily acceded; and in a short time[Pg 29] had all their names registered in my fetish-book, as they called it. After entering the names, as given by the caboceer’s principal officer, I was very shrewdly asked to call each individual by their name, as this was considered a puzzler for me; but when they found that I called the roll correctly, they all seemed surprised and delighted. A report to the same effect soon spread over the greater part of the Mahee country. We now took our final departure from the town of Paweea.

The names of Mayho’s traders from Abomey, who treated myself and people with provisions and peto at Paweea[3] were:—

We now passed through the gate, which is very strong. The walls of the town are very thick, and are composed of reddish-coloured clay. Close to the gates is the weekly market-place, held under several large trees, which afford a grateful shade from the sun, as well as a temporary protection from the rain. In the whole of the Mahee country which I have yet visited, I find that the weekly markets are held without the walls, to prevent as much as possible strangers entering the town. The daily markets are seldom attended by any except their own people, principally for a mutual exchange of goods of native manufacture.

About nine A.M. we recommenced our journey, the path bearing N.E., and at one mile N. 35° E. I noticed the chain of mountains running N.E. and S.W., distant about four miles, and bearing north from Paweea. The country round, however, is level, and studded with palm and other trees. In the distance, the immense blocks of granite appeared stratified, or divided into perpendicular sections, but upon a nearer approach were found to be only marks left by the running down of the water which accumulates in naturally formed basins or tanks on the tops, apparently formed by the heavy rains acting powerfully on the softer[Pg 31] parts of the rock. From the excessive heat, this water soon becomes foul, and the first succeeding rains cause an overflow, marking the rock in dark streaks, and giving it the appearance I have stated.

At a mile and a half, bearing north, the soil became gravelly, studded with trees. At two miles and a half, bearing again north, we crossed the brook Aditay, running eastward, over a rocky bottom of blue granite. This beautiful clear stream is, on an average, during the season only two feet deep and six wide. It is a permanent stream, capable of propelling machinery. At three miles and a half, the bearing changed to E. N. E., with clear springs, impregnated with iron. The temperature was 64° Fahrenheit. The land is still level, and the soil of the dark colour of decayed vegetation. At five miles we crossed the river Tawee, running east. This river is wider than the last, with a gravelly bed; current less rapid, but also capable of turning machinery.

At seven miles I observed two mountains of considerable magnitude, and very picturesque, distant from the path two miles, and bearing N. 35° W. The land is beautifully cultivated along the foot of the mountains. The drilling system is followed here with the corn, both in the Dahoman[Pg 32] and Mahee countries, and with all sorts of grain, as well as with the sweet potato; but yams are planted in mounds about three feet in height, of a conical form. In this part, however, the yams are inferior generally to those grown on the coast, being what are called water-yams, which are much softer than those found near Whydah. Four different sorts of maize, or Indian corn, are grown here, the smallest of which produces four crops in twelve months. The Guinea corn is also very abundant, as well as another grain which grows about the same height. This grain very much resembles mustard-seed.

At ten miles, we arrived at the foot of the mountain of Zoglogbo, a splendid specimen, although not more than eighteen hundred feet high on the south-east side. We halted at a small kroom at its foot, in the market-place, where I changed my dress at the desire of the captain of my guard, and put on my regimentals to receive the caboceer of Zoglogbo. I had scarcely finished, when he arrived with his retinue. He is a remarkably fine old man, apparently about sixty years of age, and of a very venerable appearance. He is nearly six feet high, and altogether of a noble and graceful figure. He approached within about five yards of the place where I was seated,[Pg 33] by the side of the caboceer or captain of my guard, when, before speaking a word, he, together with his head men and attendants, prostrated themselves, throwing dust on their heads, and rubbing their arms with the same. My own caboceer next prostrated himself, going through similar forms of humility. Both parties afterwards remained on their knees, and delivered the King’s message respecting the King’s stranger, as they constantly called me. We then drank water with each other, previous to the introduction of rum, of which our new and venerable friend Kpatchie seemed very fond.

We now proceeded to ascend the mountain by a narrow fissure or fracture nearly perpendicular, passing in our ascent many very large cotton-trees, dispersed irregularly in the different crevices of the rock. Numbers of large monkeys of different species were playing amongst the boughs, but they were rather wild, being hunted for their flesh, which is used here for food. The passage up the side of the mountain is so narrow, as only to admit of one man passing at a time, and very steep and difficult, on account of the many blocks of stone which impede the ascent. It would have been impossible for me to ascend with my shoes on, had not the old caboceer of the mountain[Pg 34] walked in front and given me his hand, and another person pushed at my back, as occasion required.

After a somewhat toilsome though romantic journey, we arrived at the gates of the town, which were of very thick planks of seven inches, strongly barred with iron. After passing the gates the path was much easier and not so steep, from the fissure not being filled so high, so that the top of the fissure was far above the head, apparently above twenty yards. After passing a little distance farther we came upon the town, which is situated in a basin, or crater, formed in the centre of the top of the mountain. Round the outer edge of this immense basin are thrown tremendous blocks of various sizes, underneath which many houses are built. Although these blocks are placed on each other in such a tottering position, the houses in the centre of the town are erected with considerable taste and regularity. The residences of the principal merchants and influential members of the town are built in the form of squares or quadrangles, which are occupied by their wives, which are frequently very numerous, as well as their families. Their slaves also occupy a part of the buildings, and are treated as well as their own families. Indeed, as I have[Pg 35] already observed, they work together in cultivating the fields, or any other domestic employment.

The caboceer led us to a tolerably good house with every necessary utensil for our use. Many presents of various descriptions were brought to me, the old caboceer seeming much pleased at the kindness of his people to the King’s stranger. His own kindness and attention were unbounded, as well as those of his principal attendant, a young man of rank from Dahomey, and the handsomest and most intelligent African I had ever met. The King of Dahomey displays great sagacity in sending Dahomans to the frontiers between the Mahees, Yarriba, and Fellattahs. These men, although acting as principal attendants to chiefs or caboceers of the subdued Mahees, are nothing more nor less than political spies, the upper rank of such persons preventing any combination or alliance dangerous to the power of the King of Dahomey, although generally the Mahees seem very much pleased with their present government and new laws.

After we had established ourselves in our quarters, we were supplied with plenty of peto and clean water to drink, and the caboceer sat down and enjoyed himself with us, often expressing his gratification at being visited by the King’s stranger. In a short time large quantities of provision were brought for us, and as usual ready[Pg 36] cooked. Being rather hungry, we made a pretty hearty meal, and afterwards were again joined by the old caboceer, and several of the merchants or traders from Abomey, who presented me with a large quantity of peto.

It now commenced a very heavy rain, consequently we were obliged to content ourselves with remaining in the house, and conversing upon different topics respecting England and Africa. I found while conversing on the state and government of Dahomey, a certain backwardness in their replies, unless through my own caboceer. Whether this arose from a want of knowledge on the subject, or in compliance with orders given to refer such questions to the caboceer of my guard, I am unable to decide, but should suppose that this latter was the fact. During the evening the caboceer partook too much of the peto and rum, accompanied with large quantities of snuff, which he administered alternately to his mouth and nose. Several persons were admitted and introduced to me by him. My poor servant Maurice, although I had given him my horse the whole of the day’s journey, was now quite knocked up, and extremely low in spirits. After spending a tolerably comfortable evening my friends departed, and I went to rest for the night.

July 14th.—Early in the morning the caboceer again visited me, to pay me the customary morning compliment, and in about an hour after he had retired breakfast was sent ready cooked, as usual, for myself and soldiers. After breakfast we walked round the town, which is of great beauty. From the quantities of fused iron-stone thrown indiscriminately amongst the immense blocks of granite, it would appear that the centre of the mountain had at some remote period been thrown up by some volcanic irruption. Zoglogbo forms the N.E. extreme of a range of mountains running N.E. and S.W. and is the highest of that range. The grain of the granite is much larger than that of most of the rocks of the other mountains. On the north-eastern extremity, and on the top of the rock, are several tanks nearly filled with water, for it is now the rainy season. These tanks are formed by nature, and are found to be of great advantage, both for the people and the cattle, which, to my great surprise, I found in and about the town, though the ascent from the plain is so difficult, that I was obliged to leave my horse at the bottom at one of the towns. The fracture, extending entirely across the mountain, forms two passes, adjoining which is a town on each side. I found upon inquiry, that a cow and bull had[Pg 38] been carried up into the mountain, and their offspring preserved, and that only very lately they had begun to kill them. The cattle live upon leaves and branches of different shrubs and stunted trees.

After examining the town we went to the highest pinnacle of Zoglogbo, where we obtained a very pleasant view of the surrounding country. At four miles distant, and bearing north-east, is seen the beautiful and gigantic block of granite, two thousand five hundred feet high, named Kpaloko; and as far as the eye can reach to the eastward are three mountains of a conical form, all of which are of the same shape and height. I asked the caboceer the name of these mountains, but he denied all knowledge of them, either by name or otherwise. I then asked several of my soldiers, from whom I received a similar reply. It seemed to me very singular, that a man should live during his whole life so near any remarkable spot without knowing something of the place, or even its name; but from a communication I received from a Mahomedan priest at Abomey, I was convinced that the distant mountains were the Dabadab Mountains, from the resemblance of their shape to a dumpling made from the Indian corn-meal so called. After measuring the height[Pg 39] by the boiling-point thermometer, we descended the rock, which was quite smooth on the slope, so that it would be impossible for any person to keep his footing with shoes on. But my friend Kpatchie paid every attention to me, both during my ascent and descent, ordering one of his principal attendants to take one of my arms, while he himself took the other.

The people here are, like all other Africans, very superstitious. When I was taking the bearings of the different mountains, and measuring the distances, they seemed very uneasy, but as the King had given orders that I was to be permitted to use my own discretion in all things, it was useless to object to anything I thought proper to do. After descending this steep mountain, we visited the principal market-place, where the caboceer had ordered two fine bullocks to be brought; one of them I was to deliver to the King as a present, and the other was presented to myself; and the old caboceer forwarded both animals all the way to Abomey, to be there for me on my return. The manner in which they carry cattle is singular. They tie the feet of the animal together, and run a long palm pole between the legs, and thus carry the poor animals with their backs downwards, each end of the pole resting on the head of the carriers.[Pg 40] Six men are generally appointed to carry one bullock, who relieve one another in turns. It would seem impossible, to those unacquainted with African cattle, for two men to carry one bullock; but it must be remembered that the African ox is very small in comparison with English oxen.

The natives have no sympathy or feeling for the lower animals. They throw the animal down when they get tired, with its back on the rough gravel, so that if they have a long journey to perform, the flesh is cut to the bone, and the death of the poor animal often ensues from such usage.

After we had received the presents from the caboceer, several of the merchants from Abomey presented me with goats and fowls, which kindness I of course acknowledged by making presents of some trifling articles of European manufacture. We now got ourselves ready for our march to the town of Baffo, which is only a few miles distant; my excellent old friend, Kpatchie, and his whole retinue, with a guard of honour, accompanying me.

Our descent was by the fissure on the opposite side of the mountain to that which we had ascended, and was equally difficult. However, my friend kept close to me, rendering me every requisite assistance in our perilous descent. At the[Pg 41] foot of the mountain we entered another town of considerable size. Here I found my horse, which had been brought round to be in readiness for me. I remained some time in this town to ascertain their system of agriculture and their manufactures, which I found superior to any thing nearer the coast, except in Abomey and in Whydah. They consist of cloth, iron, knit nightcaps, mats, baskets, and a curious sort of girdle composed of different-coloured grasses, neatly fringed at each end, resembling the sashes worn by our infantry officers. All sorts of agricultural implements are also manufactured here in a superior style, as likewise earthen pots and pipes.

The northernmost of the four conical mountains I have mentioned measures from the top of Kpaloko 18° 7ʹ towards N.E. when the observer is placed on the N.E. end of Zoglogbo, and Kpaloko bears N.E., distant by observation from Zoglogbo 12°, and the back bearing of Gbowelley S.E. Zoglogbo is much famed in the Mahee country for having been the place of refuge for three moons of three kings, who led their combined armies to the plains of Paweea, where they were met by the Dahoman army, commanded by the King, who destroyed the whole of the combined armies of the kingdoms of Eyo, or Yarriba, and Annagoo, and a[Pg 42] kingdom in the Mahee country in the adjoining Mountains of Kong.

These three kings declared war against the King of Dahomey, and threatened also to make his head a balance to a distaff; but the army of Dahomey, being well armed with muskets, although much inferior in numbers, totally destroyed the combined armies; and the three kings fled to Zoglogbo, where the Dahoman army followed them, and blockaded the passes, so that all supplies were entirely cut off, and in three moons the whole were compelled to surrender at discretion. These three kings were beheaded, and their heads used for a similar purpose to that which they had threatened the King of Dahomey with.

The head man of this town is Kpatchie’s principal attendant. Kpatchie is caboceer, or king, of all the towns and krooms in and round the mountain of Zoglogbo. The principal men’s names in Zoglogbo are as follows:—

1. Kpatchie.[4]
2. Bleedjado.
3. Annagoonoo.
4. Dawie.
5. Dyenyho.
6. Dosou say Footoh.
7. Zayso avarahoo.
8. Bayo Bozway.
9. Dogano.[5]
10. Mapossay.[6]
11. Awenoo.[7]
12. Bokava.
13. Dogwhay, the Caboceer’s wife.
14. Adoo, the Caboceer’s son.

12 P.M.—We now continued our march from this town to Baffo, bearing west from this place, and at three miles and a half arrived there. We were met about half way by the caboceer of Baffo and his principal wife, attended by a guard of honour, some of whom were armed with bows and arrows, and others with muskets, with which they kept up a constant irregular fire the whole of the way as we passed along. The caboceer and his wife were covered with ornaments, principally of cowries, fixed to leather, made of goatskin, and coloured blue and red, and about the width of the reins of a riding bridle, so that they were equipped similar to our Hussar officers’ horses. This caboceer is a very quick, active, and shrewd man; proud and foppish, moreover, and very jealous of my fine old friend, Kpatchie, who accompanied me to Baffo.

Shortly after our arrival in that town, we were, as usual, supplied with provision, ready cooked, to the amount of eighty dishes, composed of goats, pigs, and Guinea fowls. We were visited by the caboceer’s principal wives, who drank each a glass of rum with us. This is customary with all visitors of note or rank, but they always drink water with each other first. My old friend Kpatchie remained with me till he got intoxicated,[Pg 44] when I advised him to return home, which recommendation he immediately adopted.

In the evening I went out to observe the neighbourhood of the town, taking my gun with me, when, just after passing through the gates, a crow flew over us, which I shot. This caused great amusement, as the natives of this place are not expert with the gun. The crows are very large here, but of the same colour as the smaller ones on the coast, black, with white breast. In this place I observed several beautiful birds, many of which were on their passage, for nearly all the tropical birds of Africa are migratory.

We visited another small town, about half a mile west of Baffo, very pleasantly situated at the foot of the steep mountain of Logbo, the rocks of which at a short distance appear to hang over the town. The town of Baffo is similarly situated, and is ornamented with a great variety of trees of gigantic size. The highest of these are the silk cotton-trees; sycamore and a species of ash are also abundant here. The acacias are very large, and at this season in full blossom. Many beautiful parasitical plants hang from the large trees and rocks; and the clematis and jessamine fill the air with their luxurious odour. A tree resembling the drooping ash is very abundant,[Pg 45] bearing a very delicious fruit, like a yellow plum, which hang in bunches very similar to the grape. The fruit is very delicious, though there is very little flesh on the stone, which is porous, and yields to the bite of the teeth like a piece of cork, but is considerably harder.

This is the first place in which I have yet been, since my journey commenced, which reminds me of my native country. Here, for the first time the large branches of the different trees are in gentle motion, caused by the considerable current of air or light wind passing along the steep mountain-side, forming a very agreeable contrast to what is nearly always experienced in Central Africa, by the suffocating, heated atmosphere, where no motion is perceptible except during a tornado. I cannot express with what satisfaction and delight I sat me down on the end of a ruined wall of a hut, to embrace the luxury to which I had for many months been a stranger. Here solitude and loneliness even were pleasing. In my lonely reverie, my recollections were carried unimpeded over wastes of waters back to my native land, and perhaps to happier days, before Care had ploughed her furrows on my brow.

Here in this beautiful though lonely spot, I could not help thinking how much gratification[Pg 46] I should have felt had any of my old friends and associates in England been present, to whom I might have expressed my gratification. My poor servant Maurice was now getting worse, and obliged to lie down immediately he arrived at Baffo.

I found the land well cultivated, and the crops very luxuriant. The Indian corn here produces a crop four times in the year; the Guinea corn, twice only. Fruits of various descriptions are also abundant; tamarinds of two different species, the velvet tamarind and long pod, both grow in abundance: the yellow fig, of excellent flavour, and green grapes are also plentiful. There are two species of cashu with fruit, much larger than I have seen on the coast. The kolla-nut is abundant here, as also several species of the under-ground nut, some about the size of a walnut.

Cattle are of a superior breed here, being very square and clean in the legs, but very small. Sheep and goats are considerably more numerous than nearer the coast, but no horses are bred in this part of the country, consequently the natives were very timid in approaching my animal. The country around is well watered by some considerable streams, which run eastward. The waters are of different qualities, some streams[Pg 47] being impregnated with iron, others with magnesia. Pipe-clay is abundant in some of the valleys.

After two hours’ range in the neighbourhood of these two towns, I returned with my party and found the caboceer of the town awaiting us. He was, no doubt, anxious to taste again the contents of my liquor-case, which, unfortunately, was but scantily stored, as far as regards variety, but I had plenty of the common American trade rum, which I brought with me from the coast. This is the only drink used by the natives, excepting peto.

I gave the caboceer a good bumper or two, which he seemed to relish very much. He seemed extremely anxious to excel in politeness; but he assumed a little too much civility to reconcile me to him as an honest man. However, I spent the evening tolerably comfortable till a late hour, when we retired to rest. Maurice was still very ill, although the fever was subdued, but now diarrhœa succeeded, and his spirits were very low; I, therefore, made up my mind to remain a day or two till I should see whether any alteration took place in him.

July 15th.—Early in the morning the caboceer came to pay his morning compliments and to drink a glass of rum previous to sending me breakfast. The old man seemed all in a bustle, this being the[Pg 48] principal market-day in Baffo; and he is allowed still to maintain an ancient custom, which existed here previous to the subjection of the Mahee country, of monopolizing the whole trade of the place to himself. In consequence of this, he was busily employed in watching his young wives, who kept stalls, or hawked their goods in the market-place, many of whom I believe possessed very little personal interest in their divided spouse’s profits, but, in order to render theft impracticable, he placed all his youngest wives in the most conspicuous parts of the market-place, and himself occupied a position which commanded a view of the whole scene. The older or more trustworthy wives were permitted to use their own discretion as to their choice of carrying their goods round the different parts of the town. The principal or favourite wives dole out the portions of goods allotted to each individual to sell, but it often occurs that they are sold at even a higher price than designed by the owner, particularly when strangers are the purchasers. Of course the extra charge is appropriated by the individual seller.

The articles sold in the market are much the same as those exposed for sale in Whydah, which I have previously enumerated, with the exception of European manufactured goods: these, however,[Pg 49] are very limited, tobacco and rum being the principal articles. In addition to these, I only observed a few very common plaid cotton handkerchiefs. Good cloth is manufactured here, and sold in the market, but manufacture even seems to be monopolized by the caboceer of Baffo, for, on my treating with a weaver for the purchase of a piece of cloth, he was obliged to consult the caboceer whether he might dispose of it at the price I offered him, which, after some higgling, was agreed to. The whole of the inhabitants of this town are literally slaves, but live in peace and plenty ever since their subjection to the King of Dahomey.

About eleven o’clock, my friend, Kpatchie, and his young Dahoman attendant, came again to visit me, bringing with him about thirty persons, carrying provisions for myself and people. This act of kindness proceeded, undoubtedly, from his own generosity, independent of the order of the King. The old gentleman seemed delighted at having an opportunity of testifying his good feelings towards a white man, but this kindness on his part seemed to create a considerable degree of jealousy between the two caboceers, Agassadoo and Kpatchie, so much so that high words ensued.

Although no preparation was made for our[Pg 50] dinner, for I had remained at Baffo one day longer than was expected by the King, I was amused with the contemptuous manner exhibited towards Agassadoo by my venerable friend. He begged me not to rely on any of his (Agassadoo’s) promises, as he was only a man of words, and of too much palaver to be good. This certainly was correct, but the wordy war soon terminated, Kpatchie being senior, and principal caboceer of the range of mountains on which Baffo is situated.

A reconciliation having been effected, I honoured them both by inviting them to dine with me, which was the first time I had ever done so since I had left Abomey. This seemed to give great satisfaction to both parties, and their differences seemed mutually forgotten. After dinner we went out shooting. I shot several birds of various descriptions on the top of the steep rock, which almost overhangs Baffo. I observed a great number of small animals, somewhat like the rabbits of Great Britain. When I expressed a great wish to ascend the pass, which is very steep and dangerous, I was strongly dissuaded from attempting it, it being declared to be quite impracticable, except to some of the most daring of the huntsmen. I was consequently obliged to satisfy[Pg 51] myself with remaining at the foot to pursue my sport.

Game is very plentiful here, such as Guinea-fowl of various species, some jet-black and very large, others of a lighter colour, some horned and others not. Partridges are large and abundant; the male of one species is armed with four spurs, two upon each leg, nearly three-quarters of an inch apart, and in length according to their age. Pigeons of various sorts are also abundant, but the most numerous is the turtle-dove, which is here more domesticated than any other, except the common house-pigeon. The turtle-doves always take up their resting-place in towns or villages. The wood-pigeon is also abundant, but very wild. I observed another species, of a green and yellow colour, with a red ring round the neck about half an inch in diameter, and without feathers, the surface much resembling morocco leather. The natives have a very efficient mode of trapping these pigeons.

A little circumstance took place here, perhaps not unworthy of narration, respecting one of the last-named pigeons. This pigeon had been caught in a trap, and one of my young soldiers, anxious to elevate himself in my estimation, caught a pigeon, and, in order to make it appear that he[Pg 52] had shot it, destroyed part of the head before presenting it to me, but of course I was quite aware that this was not true. This was the same young man who had on a former occasion, as I have previously related, procured a Guinea-fowl, and made a hole through the neck, declaring that, although he always used ball, he shot his birds through the neck. I now set him a task which gave him a damper. Taking a small piece of white paper, wetting it, and sticking it on the side of a rock, at twenty yards distance, I asked him to shoot at that mark; which he did, but it was nowhere near the paper. This very much chagrined not only himself, but the whole of his companions, who declared that the bullet had tumbled out before firing. I determined, however, to prove to him that it was not so easy a matter as he supposed to deceive an Englishman, and therefore gave him another chance, by shooting at the same piece of paper stuck against a palm-tree. This he also missed, as well as the tree. The caboceer seemed much annoyed lest I should consider the huntsman a fair specimen of their skill. He therefore desired me to shoot, thinking probably that I might be an equally bad shot; but I was fortunate enough to hit part of the paper, and of course the bullet entered the tree, which created some considerable[Pg 53] surprise amongst the soldiers who accompanied me.

Upon our return to the town we found a fine dog lying on the ground, apparently just killed. He was very much swollen, particularly one of his fore-legs. I made inquiry of the owner respecting the cause of its death, and was told that, while visiting his farm at some short distance on the plain, a large snake came in contact with the dog, and in the conflict bit the dog in the fore-arm. The venom caused death in about a quarter of an hour afterwards. The dog died within two hundred yards of its home. Serpents are said to be very numerous and extremely venomous here, but I have not seen any of the serpent tribe since I left Whydah.

Upon my return to my quarters I found my servant Maurice apparently worse, and in very low spirits. He had hitherto expressed a wish not to be left, but to proceed with me on my journey. This, of course, in his present state, it would have been folly to allow him to do. I proposed, therefore, that if he were not much better in the morning, to leave him a few days, till I returned from the town of Whagba, for which place I intended to march. This the poor fellow consented to. He was now suffering much[Pg 54] from dysentery, and his illness had every appearance of terminating fatally.

In the evening I was visited by one of the caboceer’s wives, who was introduced to me as the principal cook, and who had presided at the cooking of my food. This, of course, was a very broad hint that I should not forget her when distributing presents. Several of the caboceer’s younger wives, who seemed very anxious to flirt when an opportunity presented itself, came to make inquiry after the health of my servant, but their real motive was to obtain a glass of rum, for they knew that I had arranged to depart on the following morning. The caboceer, Agassadoo, importuned for every thing that met his eye, though he took special care not to do so when the caboceer or captain of my guard was present.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] I found this man was a native of Houssa, which accounts for his surname.

[3] The inhabitants of Paweea are about three thousand.

[4] Caboceer.

[5] Brother to the caboceer.

[6] Commander-in-chief of the soldiers.

[7] Second in command of the soldiers.

July 18th.—Early in the morning we got ready for our march to Whagba. I found my old friend Kpatchie waiting with an extra guard of one hundred men, and to my surprise found a number of the Baffo soldiers ready to escort me some distance from the town. We marched out with the band playing one of the favourite Dahoman[Pg 56] airs, which seemed to me to have more of discord than music about it. On passing the gates, the path bears NN.E. across a level plain. After two miles we crossed the river Loto, a fine clear stream, running east; and at two miles and a half, and one hundred yards to the right of the path, a spot was pointed out to me where the King of Dahomey and his army had encamped for the space of three months, during the war with the King of Kpaloko, who, after a siege which lasted all that time, was compelled to surrender at discretion.

The plain here is well cultivated. Bearing eastward, about eight miles distant, the mountain of Jokao is seen; and on the left, about two miles and a half distant, is a large town, named Jetta, situated on a mountain of that name. At three miles and a half we were met by the caboceer of Jetta. We found him and his soldiers awaiting our arrival in a market-place, through which we had to pass. This market-place, like nearly all others, is shaded with large trees. The caboceer received us with great courtesy, his guard keeping up an irregular fire of musketry. After the usual compliments between both parties, we were presented with plenty of provisions brought from their own town. Having refreshed ourselves,[Pg 57] I presented the caboceer and several of his head men with some trifling articles of hardware. Jetta is between the two mountains, Jetta and Kpaloko. The longitudinal form of these mountains is north and south.

At four miles, the path changing to east, we crossed a fine brook, named Awadakoo, the small tributary streams of which were strongly impregnated with iron. In the valley we found numerous blocks of pebbles combined together with iron. At five miles we passed through the ruins of the ancient town of Kpaloko, where the King was killed, as well as the King of Eyo, who succeeded the former king of that country, who had brought his army to the plains of Paweea, where his army was destroyed, as I have before mentioned. Kpaloko is of very curious formation, being nearly perpendicular at the sides, and the top like an acute arch. This mountain seems formed of a succession of concave scales, varying in thickness from twenty to thirty feet, and placed one upon another. These scales are formed of very hard granite of large grain. Several of these scales had parted near the centre of the top longitudinally, and slipped from their position down the side of the mountain, resting with their lower edges on the ground, and forming buttresses of five hundred feet long, and seventy feet high, leaving a space of about forty-eight[Pg 58] feet from the foot of the mountain, or block, to the foot of the buttress.

On examining the ruins of this large town, I found not one hut left standing, showing the sad and desolating effects of war. This place had once the character of being the greatest manufacturing town in the kingdom of Mahee, extending her commerce through nearly the whole of that country, as well as that of Annagoo. Now all was silent as death—not a note or flutter even of any thing of the winged tribe was heard. The intense heat of the sun, without a breath of air, rendered the scene truly mournful and solitary. I could not help reflecting upon the natural attachment of the natives to particular spots, for although this town had been destroyed for years, the surviving natives still cultivated the gardens and the land formerly occupied by their ancestors and relatives. This circumstance is, however, little to be wondered at, for each house is invariably the family sepulchre.

The path now changed its bearing to N.E. Being the rainy season, the ground was very moist. And there are many good and permanent springs, whose streams run longitudinally with the mountain, from which the natives of the towns, now built on the top of the mountain, receive their supplies when their tanks which[Pg 59] are formed by nature on the top of the mountain are exhausted. At six miles the path ran NN.E., with rock on both sides, Mount Koliko, and the town of the same name, being close on our left. The caboceer met us in the path with provision and water, as well as some peto for our refreshment.

After resting a quarter of an hour, we again proceeded on our march along the side of a smooth granite rock, so much on the dip or incline that my horse could scarcely keep his footing, though he was very sure-footed. After passing about a quarter of a mile over this dangerous road, the path ran along a narrow and small stream of clear water, with pebbly bottom. This reminded me of some of my native glens, the haunts of my boyhood. The rich luxuriant shrubs and trees intermingled overhead, forming festoons, woven together by various running plants of the sweetest odour, rendered this part of the path truly delightful and refreshing.

At seven miles the path changed to N. 60° W., and we crossed a rapid stream, named Nanamie, running N. At seven miles and a half we passed over a granite mountain, with good spring wells on the top. At eight miles the valley became narrow, with high mountains on each side of the path. The mountain on the left is named Laow,[Pg 60] as is also the town. The caboceer, with his attendants and soldiers, met us in the path, with plenty of provisions and water, as well as rum, of which my people drank very freely. Having presented this caboceer with some trinkets and a flask of rum, we resumed our journey. The character of this mountain differs considerably from those in the neighbourhood, being divided into different sections of various thickness and strata, running N.E. and S.W., at a dip of 12° towards E. by S.

At eight miles and a half, NN.W., and at nine miles, NN.E., I noticed a fine brook and cascade, running south, named Kossieklanan; and on the east side, I observed a mountain, named Tamargee, of considerable magnitude. Here the palm and shea butter-tree grow in great abundance, but the butter-trees have all undergone the operation of scorching. At ten miles and a half I observed a chain of mountains, running north and south, distant from the path two miles; the northernmost of these is named Sawee.

On these mountains is a sort of yellow and very fine grass, equal to the finest needles, and about two feet high, growing in tufts similar to rushes. It appears at a distance as if the herbage were entirely scorched, being about the colour of yellow ochre. A shrub of the same colour[Pg 61] grows here, about ten feet high, with leaves placed on the tree very similarly to our box, but about three times the length.

At twelve miles and a half, and distant from the path two miles to the right, are the mountains Lofo and Apakissa; and at thirteen miles, a mountain, named Bowha, close on the right of the path. Here is in the path a very fine spring, at the temperature of 62°, the water quite clear and less impregnated with iron than most others.

At fifteen miles Mount Koglo rose before us, eighteen hundred feet high, close to the left of the path, with a very large town on the top. Here we were not met by the caboceer or any of his people, as in other towns belonging to the King of Dahomey, but found they had been making bad fetish, as the natives term it, in the path. They had killed a white fowl and filled an earthen pot with palm-oil and some other composition, sticking the feathers into this composition and placing the pot in the path. This is considered by them to be one of the greatest insults which can be offered. However, I endeavoured to convince them that their bad fetish was of no avail. Still my people seemed rather alarmed in passing it, turning some distance out of the path.

A little farther on, we came to a market-place, attended only by some few women selling peto; but as these people were from the town of Koglo, the caboceer gave strict injunctions that none of our party should purchase anything. A messenger was immediately despatched to Abomey to inform the King of the conduct of the caboceer of Koglo, who, no doubt, will pay dearly for his bad fetish to the King’s stranger; they are sure to be invaded next year. They were defeated this year, but since that period the caboceer died, and his successor denies his allegiance to the King of Dahomey; but he will no doubt be glad to succumb, after a severe chastisement. At seventeen miles we came upon a brook named Lothay, running east, and a fine extensive plain to the eastward.

At twenty miles we reached the beautiful town of Whagba. About a mile and a half from the town we were met by the fine venerable caboceer and his attendants, who paid us every mark of respect, and drank water and then rum with us, his soldiers keeping up a continual fire, and beating their drums the whole distance into the town. The town of Whagba is fenced round with the prickly bush, which forms a hedge of about twenty yards wide. After passing through this outer[Pg 63] fence, and about one hundred yards distant, is another wall, with strong gates, outside of which is the general market-place for strangers. Immediately inside is the principal town-market, which is held twice every week. Inside is another wall of hard clay, or swish, with still stronger gates. Upon entering the town I was met by ten of the trading merchants from Abomey, who gave me a hearty welcome.

The natives of this town seem a very mild and are apparently a more independent people, being less servile to their caboceer, than in any of the Mahee towns I have yet visited, although the caboceer seems much revered and esteemed. In the town I found excellent accommodation, the caboceer having some time previously to my arrival been made aware of my intention to visit him, consequently no trouble was spared to make me comfortable when I arrived. A fine house had been run up in the space of a fortnight for my accommodation, built square, and of two stories, with a ladder outside to ascend to the second story, quite unusual in any other towns except Abomey. The walls were yet a little damp, though the heat is so great.

Soon after my arrival, we were, as usual, supplied with plenty of provisions and also abundance of peto. After having refreshed ourselves, we[Pg 64] were honoured by a visit from the caboceer and his retinue, with whom we entered freely into conversation. It appeared that he was a great favourite with the King of Dahomey, consequently he was vested with considerable power beyond what is generally allowed to any of the caboceers I had yet visited, except Kpatchie, of Zoglogbo. The caboceer of Whagba was like a petty king or ruler over several minor towns in the neighbourhood, within a circle of twenty miles. He was also allowed to govern his town at his own discretion as far as regards their domestic laws or customs, but their criminal laws were strictly Dahoman.

Sunday, July 20th.—A caboceer arrived from a town named Teo, at some distance from Whagba, named Athrimy. He brought several people with him, both head men and slaves, and with them about ten bushels of ready cooked provisions, and also one fine bull for the King of Dahomey, and another for myself. The caboceer, Athrimy, seemed much gratified in having an opportunity of shewing his loyalty to his sovereign by presenting me, the King’s stranger, and my people, with provisions gratis; although, of course, I gave them several articles of European manufacture in return.

This caboceer, as well as the ruler of Whagba,[Pg 65] seemed to take great pleasure in making inquiries respecting England, our gracious sovereign, and our laws. They remained in conversation with me full three hours, their principal men being also present. Both of them seemed amused and astonished. After our palaver was finished, the guard of soldiers who accompanied Athrimy, musketeers and bowmen, all commenced their native war-dance. Then my Dahoman guards performed their dance. Afterwards, as is customary on such occasions, I presented the caboceers and head men with some rum, which at all times is very readily accepted; although in Dahomey a drunkard is much despised, and even punished, unless the party should be one of the King’s jesters, of whom his Majesty keeps a considerable number.

Many of the caboceers in the Mahee country, as well as on the coast, consider the greatest proof of their riches and power to consist in their having the means of getting intoxicated at least once every day. The caboceer Athrimy had heard of my entering the names of some of the caboceers and head men of Dahomey in my book, and requested, as a great favour, that his own name and those of his head men might be inserted in my book, deeming this to be the highest honour[Pg 66] which could possibly be conferred upon them. As the enumeration of the names, therefore, may be of service to future travellers (since nothing will secure the confidence and friendship of these Africans more surely than the fact of a stranger visiting their country and inquiring for any of them), I here set them down.

After entering the names of the principals they determined upon giving me a puzzler, by desiring me to call the roll of the names I had already entered, and when each name had been called, and each individual had answered to his name, they all seemed quite amazed, expressing their conviction that white man was equal to their great fetish in knowledge and power. Their names were as follows:—

1. Kpaloo.
2. Damossee.
3. Kawpnhoo.
4. Chassoo.
5. Koothay.
6. Bosa.
7. Kossau Maboo.
8. Semanoo.
9. Koyakway.
10. Dadamy.[8]
11. Baadoo.
12. Dyahoo.
13. Wayhee, the caboceer’s principal or favourite wife.

Soon after this ceremony my friends departed, returning me a thousand thanks for the presents which I had given them, and hoping that I would soon again visit their country.

I then went out to visit the various krooms in the vicinity of Whagba, which were numerous. I took my gun with me, as partridges are very plentiful here, and very large. My people were very much delighted at seeing me shoot the first one flying. The body of the partridge is nearly as heavy as the English pheasant. The turtle-dove is also abundant here, as also the wood-pigeon (exactly similar to those in England,) and the house-pigeon. Many other sorts of pigeons are also found here of various plumage—green body, yellow and blueish green wings, with a red circle round the eyes. The crown-bird is here domesticated, and the vulture and eagle are also abundant, as well as several other birds of prey. I here observed several bulbous plants, bearing a beautiful flower, not before noticed in my travels.

An incident took place during my absence, which, although absurd, may be worthy of notice here, since it serves to show the ridiculous ideas and manners of the natives. During my temporary absence from the town, the man who had charge of my horse had been persuaded to accept a bribe from the caboceer to allow my horse, which was entire, to serve a very handsome mare, presented to the caboceer by the King of Dahomey.[Pg 68] As soon as the mare was brought near my horse he became unruly and broke from his fastening and by some means tore or pulled off one of his shoes. This caused me to inquire by what means it occurred, believing that some of my people had been beating it, but every one denied all knowledge of the shoe being off. I then declared that I would punish the man in charge of my horse for neglect of duty, knowing that if he were at his post he must be aware by what means my horse had lost his shoe. This threat had the desired effect, and the man openly confessed that he had been tempted by the reward of one head of cowries,[9] (which at this place is forty-seven strings, each string containing thirty-three cowries,) or one dollar, (in this part of the country of more value than five sovereigns would be in England,) to allow it, although it is believed amongst these uncivilized beings that he is thus entirely spoiled during the rest of his life, and is rendered quite unfit to carry a rider after. This shows plainly the absence of principle, for this man who had charge of my horse was a captured slave, and had received a good education at the government school at Sierra Leone; but passion[Pg 69] so far overcame principle, that for one dollar he would sacrifice my horse.

The caboceer, who was soon made aware of my having learned all the facts of the case, became alarmed, naturally supposing that I should feel much annoyed at such conduct, and dreading lest I should make the case known to the King of Dahomey. He was so much alarmed, indeed, that he would not venture into my presence during the whole of the afternoon, but several of his messengers visited me, requesting to know if I had every thing I wanted, and informing me that it was their master’s wish I should be furnished with any thing I might require. In the evening the caboceer and several of his head men and principal wives, and also several of his daughters, ventured to visit me. Upon approaching me, the old man in front, the whole party prostrated themselves on the ground, throwing dust over their heads and shoulders, until I had assured the caboceer of my forgiveness, at the same time telling him that had he asked me, he should have been welcome to the use of my horse. I also remonstrated with him upon the absurd notion entertained by them. To my no small surprise, the old man presented me with his youngest daughter for a wife, who was a mulatto, telling me she[Pg 70] would be useful to wash my clothes. Upon my declining his offer, the old man seemed rather offended, until I informed him that as African wives were considered by their husbands to be also their slaves, I could not, without a breach of the laws of my own country, accept his offer. I told him, however, that I should make my proffered wife a present of a few small cotton handkerchiefs, and when I again passed through his country I should call for his daughter. This reconciled the old man, and I believe gave his favourite child much more satisfaction than leaving for ever her home to become a white man’s slave.

The old man furnished myself and people with an excellent supper and plenty of peto. I invited him to spend the evening with me, and partake of a glass of grog, which he very willingly accepted, and we parted for the night the best of friends.

July 21st.—Early in the morning, a messenger came to my house to inquire after my health, and about an hour afterwards an excellent breakfast was sent for myself and people. I had to put on the cast shoe on my horse, which was a difficult task, as I had not proper nails, and the hoofs of the African horses are so hard that a nail can[Pg 71] scarcely be driven without the assistance of a brad-awl. Fortunately, however, I had a few common nails and a shoemaker’s hammer, so that by beating the nails a little thinner, and using the awl, I managed to fix the shoe, and prepared for my journey back to Baffo. The caboceer had ordered all his soldiers to prepare to accompany me as a sort of convoy out of the town.

All being arranged, the old man, and his numerous family and principal people, led the procession, and we passed out of the gates of the town, when immediately a running fire was commenced by the soldiers of Whagba. After accompanying me about a mile, the old man signified his intention of returning, and coming close to my horse he prostrated himself and bade me farewell; but I begged that he would dispense with such humiliation, assuring him that a white man did not require it. He expressed his high sense of the honour conferred upon him by the King sending his white stranger to visit him. He said he had heard there were white people, but never expected to see one, but hoped that I would soon again return, assuring me that my new bride should be waiting for me whenever I came back, and that every comfort should be furnished me, free of expense, whenever I might visit his country. We then[Pg 72] shook hands and parted, the old caboceer with tears in his eyes.

I forgot to mention the names of the caboceer and head-men of Whagba;[10] they are as follow—

On my return to Baffo we proceeded by the side of the mountain of Kpaloko opposite to that we passed before, consequently we visited other parties to those we had met on my journey to Whagba. The first was the caboceer of Mount Laow, whose name was Minakoko. On my return I found him on the side of the path, with a number of his head men, and carriers with provisions, in all twenty-five large calabashes full together with a fine young bull. The caboceer of Massey also met me at the same place, presenting me with the same quantity of provisions as the above, which were more than we could all devour. After marching about two miles in a beautiful valley, well watered[Pg 73] and cultivated, with Kpaloko on one side and Mount Laow on the other, as well as other mountains equally steep and difficult of access, we were again met by the caboceer of a town on the side of Mount Laow named Filaly, with fifty-five calabashes of provision, in all about twenty bushels; he also presented me with a very fine bull, and the caboceer of my guard with two goats. Kodeko-Sedgenakaw was his name, and he was one of the instances of surnames.

In passing this valley of several miles in length, and of three quarters of a mile in breadth, I could not help observing its natural defences as a military position. On our left was Kpaloko, whose steep sides are totally inaccessible, and Mount Laow, running parallel on the opposite side of the valley, equally steep and inaccessible, although not so high. Supposing this valley were walled across (which is narrow at each end) with batteries on the top, and properly armed, a disciplined army might, with proper resources, defy any number of enemies. The valley is composed of excellent soil, and rears annually four crops of the small red Indian corn. This sort, I believe, would grow in our British isles; and, with other vegetables, which grow with equal rapidity, would support an army constantly, capable of defending[Pg 74] it during any siege, however prolonged. It has numerous springs, besides a considerable stream, which passes along in a serpentine course.

After reaching the end of this interesting valley, we were met at the market-place on the side of the path, under some large trees, by the caboceer of Kpaloko, who presented me with thirty-nine calabashes of provision and a fine bull. His name was Janko. While resting under the shade of the gigantic trees I could not help looking back with wonder on the singular work of the Supreme Ruler of Nature. The immense blocks, which might well be called mountains of granite, we had passed, thrown together in a confused mass or heap, overhanging the valley in awful grandeur, presented certainly the most interesting scene of the kind I had ever witnessed. This caboceer was very communicative and intelligent, and, I learnt, was much loved and respected by his people.

After resting about an hour, and distributing some presents, as I had done to all the caboceers and head men on my journey, we marched on our return for Baffo, which we reached in the evening, where I again took up my old quarters.

July 22d.—Early in the morning, Jeka Housoo, caboceer of Mount Joko, came all the way to Baffo, with twenty-two calabashes of provisions[Pg 75] for my breakfast. I had now made up my mind to remain at Baffo, and explore the neighbourhood of this romantic place, and, if possible, to ascertain the name of the mountains already mentioned in my Journal. They appeared to me to be the same as those described by the old Mahomedan priest, (who paid me several private visits, according to the custom at Abomey,) as the Dabadab[11] mountains, where I should find Terrasso-weea, another Mahomedan priest, who was living in Yaouri, and present at the murder of Mungo Park, and who would be able to give me every information I might require respecting the melancholy fate of that unfortunate traveller. All my inquiries, however, were in vain. When I asked any person unconnected with my own party, their answer uniformly was, that they did not know the name of these mountains; they could only just perceive them in the distance; that they were too far away to know their name; and that I must ask my own caboceer.

I had already found out that orders had been given by the King that no person, who was not quite acquainted with any subject I might require information upon, was to pretend to answer any[Pg 76] inquiries. But even my own caboceer pretended ignorance of the name of these mountains. I therefore determined to steal a march, if possible, from my guard of soldiers, although I was aware it would be attended with difficulty as well as hazard to myself and those who accompanied me. I went out and returned again frequently during the day, from short shooting excursions, till the caboceer of my guard considered a few men sufficient to attend me during these rambles in the neighbourhood. This was just what I was aiming at. When I found my object so far attained, I called my own private servants, Thomas and John, and told them of my intention to visit the distant mountains I had that day been observing through my telescope, informing them that these mountains were, beyond a doubt, the same as those described by the old priest at Abomey as the place where we should find Terrasso-weea.

They were, they said, of the same opinion; but when I again told them of my intention to visit those mountains, they pointed out many objections, some of which were not unreasonable. They were aware of the strict injunctions of the King to my guard respecting my safety and return to Abomey, and also that the captain, or caboceer, of my guard was responsible by his head for[Pg 77] my safe return; they moreover observed, that if we entered the territory of another prince with an armed force, it would place us in danger. Still I persevered in my intention of proceeding, and told them I would make each of them a present of a handsome piece of cloth, over and above their pay, upon my return, if they would accompany me. This was to them a tempting offer for one day’s journey (as we then supposed). They promised to keep all quiet, and agreed to my arrangement. I told them that I would go out early in the morning, as if on a shooting excursion, and directed them to bring with them one head of cowries, and a small box, containing a few clasp knives and some small scissors, Jew’s harps, needles, and thimbles. With these few articles we went out to shoot; and as I generally shot off my horse’s back, no suspicion of my intentions was evinced by any of the rest of my party.

It fortunately happened, that early on this morning the caboceer from Mount Awya, whose name is Cassoo, had brought us plenty of provision and live-stock, namely, a goat, a fowl, some yams, and five strings of cowries, so that I had an opportunity of leaving when the soldiers were at breakfast. Only three soldiers accompanied me,[Pg 78] one of whom happened to be a Fellattah. After we had gone about five miles, and I not appearing to notice the different birds, my attendants pointed out to me the palm and shea butter nut trees as we passed, and appeared to become uneasy, broadly hinting that it was now time to return. However, I was determined not to let the present opportunity slip, but at once told them that I intended to visit a friend who was at present trading in a town close at the foot of the distant high mountains.

The path bore (true) North 50° towards East. The land is level and rich loam, and well watered from chalky or pipe-clay springs. After leaving Baffo a few miles, nothing of cultivation shows itself till within a few miles of the town of Zafoora, where the soil is well cultivated, and crops of maize and Guinea corn are abundant; yams and manioc are also plentiful. Palm-nuts and ground nuts also abound; and here the shea-butter is in common use for burning in their lamps, which are of a very simple construction, being merely a shallow earthen vessel in the shape of a saucer. Their method of trimming their lamps is as simple as the construction of the lamp itself: a piece of wick is twisted from the native cotton which is abundant here, and coiled up in the vessel,[Pg 79] then a quantity of the shea butter, about the consistence of hog’s-lard, is pressed into the lamp, on the top of the wick. The lamp thus trimmed is placed in a small niche, several of which are left in the wall when the house is built. As the heat of the lighted wick approaches, the butter melts into a liquid like oil, and burns extremely clear, without any unpleasant smell.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] Commander-in-chief of the militia.

[9] After proceeding some distance into the interior the cowrie increases in value.

[10] Matcholee, one of the principal men of Whagba, was selected as one of the most intelligent men in the Mahee country, and summoned to Abomey to be my guide through that country.

[11] Dababab is, as I have already mentioned, a sort of dumpling, made without fat, composed of the meal of the Indian corn.

Upon my near approach to the town of Zafoora, the people employed in the fields appeared, but fled from their employment, halting at short intervals and looking backward, like startled cattle. However, as we came nearer to the entrance of the town, they seemed more bold and awaited our approach. A messenger on the look-out had doubtless informed the caboceer[Pg 81] or king of our approach, and he had sent a messenger or head man to inquire what we wanted, from whence we came, and if we bore any message or presents for him; but my reply was, that I merely came to see himself. I remained outside the inner gate till the messenger returned, who was detained some time. My people now showed some symptoms of alarm, and we found by experience that we were not under the protection of the good King of Dahomey. No ready-cooked provisions, no prostrations, or cheerful welcome, but all looked curiosity and suspicion. At length the messenger returned, informing us that the King would shortly be ready to receive us. Accordingly, in about a quarter of an hour afterwards, he made his appearance, surrounded by his head men and soldiers. The soldiers, who were bowmen and spearmen, exhibited the most singular gestures as they approached till within a few paces, when the whole party halted. The King in person then desired to know if it were himself I wanted. During this inquiry he eyed me with apparent doubt or suspicion. I told him I hoped I saw him well and happy, but I had another object in view besides coming to see him, which was to visit a merchant, a Mahomedan fetish-man, named Terrasso-weea.

As soon as I mentioned this man, the King, as if[Pg 82] aroused from stupor, was all politeness and condescension; but to my great disappointment and dismay, I was informed that my friend had left that town, after a long sojourn, for one at a great distance in the interior. This seemed almost like a death-blow to me, and I could also observe that my people were much disheartened, as well as foot-sore and tired. My poor fellows were glad to lie down, and my little horse seemed a little tired, although I had walked some considerable distance. I had travelled forty-four miles, almost without halting. Concealing as much as possible my disappointment, I began to make some inquiry where I could purchase some fowls. The King immediately ordered some to be brought, from which I selected two, but was astonished when, upon asking the price, I was told twelve strings of cowries for each fowl. This was an exorbitant charge, as the selling price amongst each other is 1¹⁄₂d.; however, I was obliged to comply with the extortion, although I had only one head of cowries with me, not expecting to be absent more than a day. It is true I had some articles of hardware, but although they would greedily have accepted them as presents, yet money—money seemed to speak their language better than any thing else, as in fact it does in all countries.

This circumstance was rather a damper on a[Pg 83] private scheme I had then in contemplation. During the time our meal was being cooked, which was both our dinner and supper, I made inquiry how far distant the place was to which the merchant had gone, and was informed that, supposing I commenced my journeys every morning before the rising of the sun, and walked fast, without stopping to eat till the sun was gone out of sight, I should reach the place in eight or nine days at farthest. One man said he had once been with this Mahomedan priest, and returned from Adafoodia in seven days. I was informed by the King of Zafoora, that the merchant had a white man in his company. This information was a stimulus to my determination to pursue my object of obtaining information. The white man I conjectured must have been a man named Bell, who had obtained a free passage from England to Fernando Po, whence he said he intended to proceed up the Niger to the confluence of the Shadda, thence up that river to the lake Shad, and there remain three years. This I was told on the coast, but from what I had already experienced of the African climate, I feared that his calculations were too extravagant, still I could come to no other conclusion than that the white man spoken of by the King must be the same.

I now began to reflect upon my present position. First, I had left my guard in a clandestine manner,[Pg 84] and in all probability I might be the means of an excellent man (my caboceer) losing his head. Next, I might incur the displeasure of the King of Dahomey, who had been my real friend; and, lastly, I might probably sacrifice those who accompanied me. I had, however, already made a serious breach, and I determined to proceed at all hazards, resolving to send the weakest of my three soldiers back to Baffo, to inform the caboceer of my guard that my friend had gone on a few days’ journey, accompanied by a countryman whom I was anxious to see, and desired him to make himself easy till my return, which would be as soon as possible.

The King of Zafoora entered into a lengthened inquiry respecting the Dahomans, but I dared not acknowledge the patronage of the King of Dahomey, nor yet let him know that the soldiers accompanying me belonged to him, otherwise I might have been deemed a spy. It was now that I learned the reason the Dahomans would not know the name of the Dabadab Mountains. Many years ago the Dahomans besieged those mountains; but after remaining near their foot, and suffering much from small-pox and fever, which they deemed to proceed from the vengeance of their own fetish, they raised their unsuccessful siege, and those who survived returned in shame to Abomey; upon which a proclamation[Pg 85] was issued that the name of these mountains should never again be mentioned, or the small-pox, as that disease is very much dreaded on the whole of the west coast, as well as in the interior. I was glad when the King ceased his inquiries, for my people required rest as well as myself. We were allowed to remain in this hut during the night with my horse tied up outside. One fowl was reserved for our breakfast in the morning—rather a scanty allowance for all of us; but we had stored our havresacks pretty well with heads of corn, which was nearly ripe at this season, and very sweet. Although the caboceer, after my inquiry respecting Terrasso-weea, appeared tolerably friendly, and eager to receive any little article as a present, he never offered me anything in return.

July 24th.—Early in the morning we commenced our journey, having made a hurried and rather scanty breakfast. One of my soldiers returning to Baffo, I had now only four persons besides myself. The path bore N. 35° W. varying to N. 10° W. and N. 15° W. (true) bearing. The country was level and well watered, open and studded with small clumps of bushes and shea butter-trees as well as palm. On the plain I observed many large sycamore-trees, with very large leaves, and the bark rather more rough[Pg 86] than those in England. The acacia is also very abundant in this neighbourhood. At six miles we reached the river Gwbasso, which is of considerable magnitude, being twenty yards wide, and twelve feet deep. The banks were nearly level with the water, the river running eastward at the rate of three miles per hour. It abounds with alligators of great size, as well as hippopotami.

Little of interest occurred during this day’s journey: we only passed a few miserable krooms, where kankie and water were sold to travellers, each kroom growing merely enough of corn to supply their own wants. Small-pox and yaws seemed to have made great havoc amongst the natives; probably, on that account, intercourse with their neighbours was strictly forbidden.

At about twenty miles, we halted by the side of a small rivulet, running eastward. It had cut a deep channel in the soil, which was at this place red and crumbly, resembling that in the vicinity of our copper-mines in England. On the banks were numerous shrubs and brambles, and plenty of the velvet-tamarind trees. Here we lighted a fire under the shade of one of these last-mentioned trees, where we had a glorious feast upon roasted corn; but my little horse relished the corn very well without taking the trouble to roast it.

We remained about an hour and a half, when we resumed our journey, my men complaining of the soreness of their feet, for the road was now very rough with red pebbles, which bruised them very much. After a tiresome journey of thirty-one miles, we arrived at the town of Akwaba. Here we were obliged to wait a considerable time before we could be admitted into the inner gates of the town, the caboceer having to ornament himself previous to making his appearance; and here also the caboceer received us rather coolly, seeming to be very anxious to know my object in coming to visit his country. I was aware that it was of no use to explain that I came with scientific views, so I told him I came to see himself and my friend, (as I called him,) Terrasso-weea. This name seemed to gain me welcome every where, and I found it very convenient. We were invited into the market-place to make our palaver, and some water was handed us to drink. This pleased me and my people much, as we were aware that this was the truest mark of their friendship; but they offered us nothing to eat, although I can answer, the packman’s drouth was at that moment most pressing.[12] However, we were obliged to submit to a great many idle questions, respecting white men’s[Pg 88] country, and also respecting the Dahoman country, which they seemed to dread much, and exclaimed much against the Dahomans for not allowing guns and other articles of trade to pass through into the Fellattah country.

The caboceer seemed much disappointed when he found, upon inquiry, that I was not come to purchase slaves, informing me that he had got plenty to supply me with at a very cheap rate. He said he could conceive no other motive for white man coming to black man’s country, unless to trade in some way or other. I told him I had been trading, but my goods were nearly exhausted, and shewed him some Jew’s harps and needles. These he admired, but still he preferred money (cowries), but would like a present to keep in remembrance of me. This I told him was all very well, but I wanted to barter for some food. After much higgling, we made a hard bargain for some fowls and a large duck, which we were obliged to keep an eye upon, lest he should be again restored to his family. Had we killed him he would have been spoiled before morning, as nothing of animal life will keep good more than a few hours. Our method of taking the feathers off was by dipping the fowls in hot water, which saved a great deal of trouble. We purchased a small quantity of red rice, which grows in this[Pg 89] country, and with the two fowls and some shalots, we managed to make an excellent meal, after which we were left to repose in a tolerably comfortable hut, but without mat or bedding of any description. The natives here are nearly all Mahomedan, but are not scrupulous as to the creed or habits of others, having been mixed up so much with Pagans throughout their long wars a few years back.

Early on the morning of the 25th we again breakfasted off cold fowl and some cold boiled corn. One of the soldiers fastened the Muscovy drake’s feet together, and tied him to his havresack; and thus we commenced our march from Akwaba, the path leading northward, narrow, and worn very deep, which was caused by the water running along it. The land was still level, with stunted trees of various descriptions, to me unknown by name. At seven miles we passed a small kroom, where indigo was rudely manufactured by pounding or grinding the leaves upon a stone upon which they also grind corn. When ground sufficiently it is made up into round balls about the size of a cricket-ball, and exposed in the market for sale. Iron is manufactured in this country. In this kroom hoes for agricultural use are made in a superior manner, as also stirrups, similar to those used by[Pg 90] the Moors in the neighbourhood of Tangiers and El-Arish. Bits for horses’ bridles are also manufactured here of a very severe description, the cross-bar or mouth-piece having in its centre a ring large enough to allow the horse’s under-jaw to pass easily through it: this ring of course acts both as bit and curb, but is very likely to break the horse’s jaw, which is very frequently the case in the Fellattah country.

In the neighbourhood of this kroom we again stocked our havresacks with corn, which was of a superior sort, being smaller in the grain, and very sweet. At twelve miles we crossed the river Ziffa, which runs eastward. This river is of little magnitude, though navigable by canoes of a large size. The country in the vicinity of the path was nearly level, but low table-mountains might be observed at a great distance to the eastward. At twenty-seven miles we arrived at the cultivated land in the vicinity of the town of Koma. It appears that as soon as our presence was known in the Fellattah country, and the route which we were pursuing, messengers had been despatched before us to apprise the caboceers of our coming.

When about a mile from the town, while passing through the corn plantation, we were met by[Pg 91] Chosee, the King of this province, preceded by a host of cavalry, of extraordinary appearance, who came to meet us, flourishing their short broad-swords above their heads, accompanied by the wildest yells imaginable. Their horses were at their speed, but the little animals being over weighted, did not get over the ground very fast. My attendants were much alarmed at so unusual a spectacle, never having seen any mounted soldiery before. They halted in astonishment, not knowing whether they were our friends or enemies. I cannot but confess that I felt something of the same uncertainty myself; however, long exposure to danger and privation have a wonderful influence in preparing the mind for the various chances of travelling in a barbarous country, and we are often carried through scenes of danger and difficulty scarcely without noticing them at the moment they occur, though upon subsequent reflection we often shudder at the idea of the danger we ran. I told my men not to be alarmed or show any symptoms of fear. They marched in single file close to my horse’s heels, but I directed them that if an attack were made upon us, the act of my drawing my sword was to be a signal of defence, as it would be useless for us to sell our lives cheaply.

Before we had time to say more, the party were close upon us. I was aware that I had a much superior horse to any I observed amongst this troop; and I also knew that I had much superior weapons to theirs, and that I could destroy a number of them in a short time; yet, if they stood, it was useless to hope for any success against such a disparity of numbers. However, when they were about three yards from me, the whole of this confused rabble pulled up short and commenced a song, each keeping his own time, in praise of the wisdom and power of their King, the group opening out from their centre to allow King Chosee to advance. I was aware that it was a customary thing for all strangers and inferiors to prostrate themselves before the kings or superior rulers; but I was equally aware that by so doing I should be lessening the dignity of my country, as well as their own respect towards myself. I remained consequently on horseback, till the King dismounted and was in the act of prostration, when I desired him not to do so, as it was not customary in my country. I then immediately dismounted, and shook hands with him, which is also a customary form of salutation in this country. His chiefs and principal men were then introduced to me. After going through[Pg 93] the usual ceremonies observed upon receiving strangers of note, I was invited to enter the town of Koma.

This town, like nearly all others in that country, is strongly walled and fenced round, with only two gates. We were conducted to the market-place, preceded by a rude band of musicians, playing instruments like the ancient hautboy. The music was rude to the ear of an European, but still not unpleasant, and my people were quite delighted with it. I felt myself more at home in this town than in any place I had passed since I left the Mahee country. The King acknowledged that he was made aware that my purpose in passing through the country was to visit Terrrasso-weea. He, it appeared, was much esteemed as a man of talent, independently of his being a fetish-man. I was treated by this King with every mark of respect, and even kindness. He introduced me to his sister, to whom I presented a few needles and two thimbles.

After returning to the market-place, the King introduced me to some of his wives, who were like so many sheep in a pen, over the walls of which on one side they could conveniently look. Here I was requested to station myself for show, like a wild beast in some public menagerie[Pg 94] Some of the young wives seemed to take great interest in seeing a white man; others, upon my looking steadfastly at them, ran back, as if alarmed. The weather being hot, I felt extremely thirsty, and asked one of my people to get me some water; whereupon the multitude of wives hearing what I requested, were in a moment all in a bustle which should be the first to present me with a calabash full of water. No doubt they expected a present for their attention. To the lady who first presented me with water, I gave a few needles. The King, perceiving that I was thirsty, ordered plenty of palm-wine to be set before me and my people. We were shortly after invited into one of the King’s inner apartments, where provisions in abundance were set before us, amongst which I observed a fine guano, which had been dried like a kippered salmon, and cooked with native rice. Not much relishing, however, this alligator-like customer, I made over the whole of it to my people, and contented myself with some goat-soup, which was excellent.

The King made many inquiries respecting my acquaintance with Terrasso-weea, and how long I had known him. To these questions I was rather perplexed how to answer, but was obliged[Pg 95] to acknowledge that I had only seen his friend, the Mahomedan priest, at the great custom at Abomey. A great many questions were then put to me as to how I happened to come to Abomey, and if I had ever seen that great warrior, the King of Dahomey. I confessed that I had, but happened merely to be passing through his country, when he asked me to remain a few days, as he might have done it himself, and that I was only travelling across the country to ascertain whether it would be possible to establish a trade with this part of Africa, by bringing guns and gunpowder to exchange for their produce. Upon this he seemed much pleased, but quickly asked me whether we would take slaves in exchange. I replied that we were more in want of corn and oil, as well as ivory, all of which he professed to be able to supply in abundance.

He asked in what way we would pass the merchandise I proposed to barter into his country, as he said that the great Kings of Dahomey and Yarriba would not allow any other articles than such as they approved of to pass through their country into the interior. To this I replied that we could come up the great river Niger, which was not known here by that name; though I soon ascertained that he had a perfect knowledge of[Pg 96] the unfortunate expedition up that river, with the fire canoes, as he called them; and he even knew of the disasters which happened to that expedition, assuring me that that season was the most fatal to the natives in his own and other countries in the interior, which had been known during the lifetime of the oldest man then living.

The Niger appears to be known here only by the name Joleeba, not Joliba. Only a few people here professed to have ever seen it. Fever and small-pox seem to be the most dreaded of all diseases; though a very loathsome disease prevails, which in England is generally called yaws. Some are so afflicted with it, that the odour from their person is almost unbearable; others are one mass of eruption with holes in the arms and legs even to the bone.

After we had sufficiently rested ourselves, I proposed resuming my march, and looked out some Jew’s harps, and a pair of small scissors, with some needles, as a present to the King, excusing myself for offering him such trifling articles, by informing him that I was not aware that I should come so far, but in my next journey I promised to make him some more valuable presents. He then commenced a long list of the articles which[Pg 97] he would prefer that I should bring on my next visit, to which of course I assented.

His Majesty expressed a great desire that I should remain that night, but as my journey was long, and I was anxious to get it over, I declined his kind offer, and resumed my march, accompanied by a messenger sent by the King to introduce me to the chief of the next town, which we reached in about six miles more. This town is named Babakanda. Around it the land is in high cultivation, bearing excellent crops of various sorts of corn and rice, as well as many bulbous plants for consumption. Here we were also tolerably well received, probably on account of the King’s messenger. This town is much larger than Koma, and has got a palace or a royal residence, where the King often resides.

The King Chosee is sovereign of this town as well as many others in this neighbourhood. The caboceer of this place received us without great ceremony, and at first seemed rather shy and diffident, till the King’s messenger intimated my knowledge of Terrasso-weea and my journey to Adafoodia. He then showed more familiarity and confidence. We asked him for some wood to kindle a fire to boil some corn, which we carried with us, and tried to buy some fowls, but they[Pg 98] were so very dear, that we could not make a bargain for any of them. They asked sometimes twenty strings of cowries for one fowl, though, as I have said, one string and a half was the market-price. I was much annoyed at this, but would even have purchased at their own price, if they would have taken any of my articles in exchange; however, the caboceer would not take any thing but money in payment, though he asked greedily for presents. I gave him only a paper of needles, however, as a remuneration for the wood with which he supplied us.

The chief manufacture of this town is leather and sabres of an inferior description, remaining in whatever position they are bent. Ginger is grown here in great abundance, as well as rice and yams of a very large description. The stock of cattle is also abundant, though not quite so handsome as those of the Mahee country. The natives are very shy of intercourse with strangers, consequently I had little opportunity of knowing by inquiry much of their locality beyond my own observation. The town appeared to contain about nine or ten thousand inhabitants.

At day-break on the 26th July we breakfasted off a few heads of boiled corn, and marched from Babakanda, bearing N. 33° W., true bearing,[Pg 99] varying during the day’s journey of twenty-eight miles, from 33° to 25°, 20° to 80° W. During the first twelve miles the country was nearly of the same character as last described, except that I observed the springs in this neighbourhood to contain a greater quantity of carbonate of iron. At thirteen miles we arrived at the town of Seka. Here we entered with little ceremony, though our sudden intrusion did not seem quite agreeable to the caboceer. Probably this feeling was roused by our not having forwarded a messenger to acquaint him with our attention of visiting him, so that he might be able to make a greater display of his grandeur and show of dress, of which they are generally very fond. We found him in the market-place apparently very busy, for he appeared to monopolize the direction and regulate the prices of all merchandise and manufactures exposed in the outer market.

Slaves were exposed in great numbers in the market for sale, some in irons and others without. It appears that those wearing irons were strangers, brought from a distance, and the others were in many instances the children and relatives of the sellers. It may not be perhaps generally known, that the children of domestic slaves are invariably the property of the owners of the[Pg 100] parents, and are bought and sold in a similar manner to our cattle, when disposed of by the breeders in the public market. The outer market is outside of the walls, under the shade of large trees, but when a town or city has two walls, the public market is held within the outer walls. This market is often attended by strangers from a great distance. The private market is invariably held within the walls; and if the town is large, there are several market-places in the most convenient parts of the town.

The caboceer and his officers retain the power of regulating the prices, as I have before stated; and as the greater part of the trade (with the exception of any European goods which may find their way into these remote parts) is entirely in his hands, on the great public market-days he is always busily engaged in the purchase of goods for his private markets. His wives and slaves are then stationed in the inner markets with different articles for sale, and many of the younger boys and girls are sent round the towns in the neighbourhood, hawking light goods for sale.

The kolla-nut is a great article of trade here, and seems much prized by the natives. From its extreme bitterness it is an excellent tonic, and is very serviceable in promoting moisture in the[Pg 101] mouth when parched for want of water. The kaom (saltpetre) in its original state is sold here, but at a much higher rate than in the Mahee country. Cloths are also manufactured here with considerable taste, as also bridles and saddles, ornamented with cowries. The market-places are arranged similarly to our system in Europe, different articles being sold in places specially appointed for their sale.

In rainy weather the market, except for cattle, is held under the piazzas in front of the houses, which are very low, but as they always sit cross-legged, or lie down by their goods, they experience no inconvenience from the lowness of their dwellings. Honey is abundant here, but as dark in colour as molasses. The hives are generally taken in the hollow trunks of trees, when the honey is pressed from the comb, consequently it is not of the finest quality. A great quantity of peto is made here also, and sold in the market at a very low rate. When made strong, this liquor is very intoxicating, particularly as it is drunk in a state of fermentation.

After a short interview with the caboceer, during which he questioned me as to my purpose in visiting his country, I was asked to partake of some peto, which stood in immensely large earthen[Pg 102] pots, made in the form of the bottle-gourd, from which, doubtless, they have taken their pattern. In reply to his questions I said, that my object was to ascertain what trade could be done in this part of the country in the event of my coming next time with a large quantity of goods. This, I knew, would please him, and he assured me that I should certainly get rid of any quantity I might bring. I told him, that after I had seen Terrasso-weea, I should return, and bring plenty of goods to his mart. I was very well aware I should easily get rid of any quantity of goods if I brought them, but in all probability at their own price. I knew, however, that this would be the safest excuse I could make. I asked the price of slaves, and was immediately shown a number of male and female slaves, varying in price from forty-six thousand to forty-nine thousand cowries.

After receiving orders for different articles on my return, I resumed my journey, having presented the caboceer with a pair of scissors and a few needles. At twenty miles, we crossed the brook Ithay. Here I found good water, running eastward over a gravelly bed. The country was level, and now more gravelly, containing a considerable quantity of iron. The soil was less rich, though crops of corn were very abundant.[Pg 103] The valley forming the source of the brook Ithay was richly shaded with large trees of luxurious growth.

At twenty-eight miles, we arrived at the large town of Assofoodah. Here we were also received with much apparent suspicion. It was now getting late, and I felt much anxiety to see the caboceer or king, to obtain a hut to sleep in. We were very tired, and though we had eaten a considerable quantity of corn as we passed along, still my people, as well as myself, were a good deal exhausted, and in want of more substantial food.

After considerable delay, the caboceer came to the outer gate of the town, attended by a number of bowmen and spearmen. He advanced with a slow, firm step, with a stern, suspicious frown upon his features. My poor fellows, who could speak English, remarked how different our treatment was when under the protection of the noble King of Dahomey, as compared with our present reception. However, this was not a time to humble ourselves, and I therefore determined to assume great consequence, though I was not now in possession of one single cowrie. I stood by my horse’s head, with folded arms, and assumed as much consequence as if the place were my own. When within about ten paces, the caboceer made a[Pg 104] sudden halt, his head men prostrating themselves, and at the same time asking what I wanted with their master, whom they styled king.

Upon this I replied, through my interpreter, that I had come to pay him a visit, and also for the purpose of trading with them. Though no further remark was made by them, there seemed something incredulous in his manner; and the whole of his people seemed distant and suspicious. I felt, consequently, much inclined to leave the town, and encamp for the night in the bush; but, upon a second consideration, I thought if any evil were premeditated towards us, it would be more likely to be put into execution if we were out of the town than when under the protection of the King. I therefore sent a messenger to ask him if he could accommodate us with a hut to shelter us, as it was now raining fast. But he had already observed the sudden approach of the tornado, and had gone to order a hut for our accommodation. This was at some distance, and we were led through small doors from one court-yard into another.

After passing through several court-yards, I was told that my horse could proceed no farther, and must remain where it then was. This I did not at all relish. The objection made was that[Pg 105] the doorways were too low; whereupon, I ordered the saddle to be taken off, and the poor animal, bending itself down, passed through the whole of the low doorways, through which I could scarcely thrust myself.

At last we arrived at a tolerably comfortable court-yard, of a quadrangular form, one side of which was occupied by large stones for grinding corn. Here a number of good-looking young females were busily employed in grinding. Upon my entry, the most ridiculous confusion ensued; no retreat was ever more precipitate; one young girl pushing down and running over another, children screaming, even the dogs running, howling with fear, and upsetting pots of provision, or anything which stood in their way. By this time I was wet through, and very glad when shown my hut, which was quite dark, having no opening to admit of light except the door-way, which was little more than three feet high. We were shortly afterwards furnished with some wood to make a fire, but we had nothing to cook. I endeavoured to bargain for some fowls in exchange for needles or thimbles, but, although they seemed to covet every thing they saw, money was their only object, and, though Mahomedans, this seemed their god. We were consequently obliged to satisfy ourselves[Pg 106] with roasting the heads of boiled corn which we still retained in our havresacks. One young lad engaged to procure me plenty of grass and corn-leaves for my horse for some needles, which I readily agreed to. He was so much satisfied with his wages, that I easily engaged him to procure some old corn for my horse also. He said his mother had got a large corn-store, but I found what he considered a large store did not exceed fifty or sixty bushels.

He soon returned with plenty of corn for my horse, and a fresh supply of needles seemed to give him great satisfaction. In a short time my hut was crowded with boys, each with a bundle of wet grass, thinking that they would obtain needles in payment. When I told them that the first supply was sufficient, they declared, to my no small amusement, that they thought I myself ate grass. Whether this was their real belief, or whether merely to obtain money, I am not able to determine, but I should suppose the latter. After a short time, the affrighted ladies returned to their employment, and were with others soon induced to come to the door of my hut. Some of the boldest of the crowd ventured to come into my hut, importuning me for dashes (presents), and shortly afterwards made free enough to endeavour[Pg 107] to examine the contents of our havresacks; but by a stern look, and placing my hand at the same time on the hilt of my sword, they made a hasty retreat.

In about an hour afterwards, the king or chief returned to my quarters, and some of his attendants brought a small quantity of shea-butter to trim my lamp afresh. He asked me if I had any tobacco, or if I had any knives. Having a few small pocket-knives, I made him a present of one and some Jew’s harps. We kept a light the greater part of the night, during which time many parties came to look at me. This was annoying, as I so much required rest, and had an unsatisfied appetite. It was a bad season of the year for yams, which were not yet ripe, and in this country too they are of inferior quality, and very insipid, being water yams.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] In Scotland, the “packman’s drouth” is hunger for food.

After a very uncomfortable night, and not much refreshed, we re-commenced at day-break, on the 27th July, our journey, but without breakfast. We had met with but little hospitality in this town, consequently our presents were not many in return. We were escorted to the outer gates by the chief, who is vested with the sole government, and his order is peremptory law amongst the subjects of this and several other towns. But although styled king, he can at any moment be[Pg 109] divested of his power by the real monarch of the Fellattah country. As soon as we had parted with our friend and his people, we began to think of obtaining something to eat, being aware, that if at any distance from a town or kroom, we could not procure any corn, as it is only in the neighbourhood of towns or villages that the land is cultivated.

We very soon had an opportunity of filling our havresacks, and not long afterwards I had the good fortune to shoot a Guinea fowl, of an uncommon description, at least to me, as I had seen but very few previous to this. This bird was very large, and of a jet-black colour: even the legs were as black as a sloe. This good fortune seemed to cheer my men, who before seemed very low in spirits; and, to be candid, I was not entirely void of the same feeling myself.

The path from Assofoodah[13] bears N. 45° W., varying from 45° W. to 10°, 25°, and 20° (true). The country was still level, the soil varying from gravel to a sort of ruddle, used in marking sheep, similar to some soils in England. This, when wet, seems greasy, and is very slippery. It is very productive.

At four miles we arrived at a small town, strongly fenced in with a prickly hedge, at least[Pg 110] twenty yards broad, and strongly walled inside, each fence having a strong gate, as well as being guarded by a sentinel or watchman. Here we halted at the inner gate, till a messenger acquainted the caboceer with our arrival. We were not long before the caboceer came, attended by two priests (Mahomedan), who, as they advanced, repeated passages of the Koran, at the same time holding out a small book about three inches wide, and four inches and a half long, with not more than a dozen leaves of a curious sort of paper, resembling rice paper. This ceremony was something entirely new to me, consequently I felt not a little confused, not knowing the meaning of it.

I was soon, however, set at ease through my interpreter, who, though he was one of the Dahoman soldiers, was a native of some part of the Fellattah country. I was determined to wait patiently to see what would be expected of me, never offering to pay any compliment, though I could scarcely help thinking that they had already been paying me one, which I had not yet returned. My interpreter, however, assured me that this was a customary form upon a friendly reception of strangers.

After the singing men had concluded their song or hymn of welcome, they all advanced, and with all the head men, except the chief himself,[Pg 111] prostrated themselves before me. I then approached, and, dismounting, shook hands with the chief, who made me several graceful bows, each time repeating the word “sinou,” which, in the language of their country, signifies, How are you? or, How do you do? The chief was a fine, stout old man, apparently about sixty-five years of age, and very active for a man of his years.

The natives of this country are very different, both in form and appearance, as well as in character, and possess more elasticity of temper than natives near the west coast. They are also more quick in their ideas, and have greater expression in their features; and are either very warm friends, or determined and persevering enemies. Their cranium differs considerably from that of the Mahees, the frontal bone being square and high, and altogether displaying greater powers of intellect. Here I was treated with much more kindness than I had anticipated, though nearly the whole of the natives were Mahomedans.

After being invited into the interior of the town, and seated in the court-yard of the palaver, we were presented with a large calabash of clean water, one of the chief’s principal men drinking first. A bottle-calabash was then handed to us full of wild honey, which is abundant here, and we were supplied with wood to make a fire to[Pg 112] cook our breakfast. My people were now in tolerably good spirits, since we were so well received, and had got, or rather stolen, plenty of corn for our consumption for the whole day. We had also a very fine Guinea fowl as well as plenty of yams. We soon got the steam up, and my man speedily divested the fowl of its outer rigging by dipping it into some scalding water, and in about three-quarters of an hour we sat down to enjoy a sumptuous breakfast; after which, I expressed a wish to go over the town, which, although not a market-day, showed considerable bustle with only the usual daily trade.

This town contains a considerable number of workmen of different trades, all of whom seemed employed, except such of them as were occupied in reconnoitring the white stranger. The loom and the anvil are both of very simple construction here. The former is on the same principle as those in the Mahee and Dahoman countries, and in fact upon the same principle as our looms in England, though showing less workmanship. Their thread, though spun with the distaff, is very regular and strong. Bridles and saddles are manufactured here with considerable ingenuity; the dyeing of cloth and staining of leather are also well known here.

The natives seem contented and are in the enjoyment[Pg 113] of plenty. But the extreme difference in the manners and habits as well as disposition of the natives of different towns is scarcely credible, though in the immediate vicinity of each other. I believe this depends a great deal upon their chiefs or rulers, whether they be tyrannical or mild in the administration of their government. Here I observed several beautiful crown-birds of large size, walking about the town, quite domesticated. They are certainly one of the most beautiful of the feathered tribe I ever saw. The soil here changed to a light sandy loam, resembling that between Abomey and Canamina.

We returned to the palaver-house, after our stroll round the town, followed by nearly all the natives, old and young. The caboceer, or chief, seemed pleased to have an opportunity of gratifying his people by the sight of a white man. At this town we obtained, to our satisfaction, some few articles of consumption in exchange for some of our own goods, namely, two fowls, some shalots, and a quantity of ground beans. We could not purchase a white fowl; for some reason unexplained they would only sell black ones. Now that we were secure of a supply of provision for this day and the following, we presented the chief with some trifling presents, and then proceeded on our journey rejoicing.

We were conducted out of the town by the chief and his people, with nearly the same ceremony as was observed when we entered. After we had passed the outer gate we parted from our friends, and proceeded onwards.

Nothing particular occurred worthy of observation, the country still bearing the same features as last described, until, at twenty-one miles we reached the large town of Quampanissa. This being the market-day, we entered the public or outer market without ceremony; but the atmosphere being close and moist from the great heat and evaporation, our march was fatiguing and oppressive, so that we were very glad to sit down, while I sent my Fellattah messenger to acquaint the chief, or gadadoo, as he is here called, with our arrival. During this time we were surrounded by nearly the whole of the people who were attending market, and so closely were we hemmed in that we were almost suffocated. In fact, those in the front of the crowd were involuntarily thrust almost upon us, from the pressure of those behind, in their anxiety to catch a sight of me, being to them a great curiosity. My horse and trappings seemed to create a great sensation.

In some large trees in this market-place was a cranery, the birds in which were composed of three different colours, and I believe of distinct[Pg 115] species, namely, white, blue, and brown, like the sparrow-hawk. They are never allowed to be disturbed or molested in any way, either in the cranery or in its vicinity. In a short time the crowd dispersed with as much precipitation as they had collected, several people advancing with immense thongs of bullocks’ hides fastened to a handle, like a hunting-whip, and laying about them right and left indiscriminately upon all who came in their way. These, it appeared, were market-constables, who are employed by the king, or gadadoo, to preserve order, and protect property in the market. These people are paid by a tax upon a portion of every article of provision exposed. Upon other articles a duty is charged in cowries. These men were clearing a passage for their master to advance.

The procession was nearly the same as that I last described, with the exception of a stringed musical instrument of a different construction to any I had before observed. It is merely a plain piece of board, about twenty inches long and nine wide, with a piece of large bamboo cane laid across near each end, which forms the bridge, over which the strings, eight in number, pass. These strings are tightened or slackened in the same manner as our violin, but the instrument is[Pg 116] slung from the shoulder, and is played guitar-fashion. The sound of this instrument appeared to me more musical than any native instrument I had yet heard, though near the coast I have seen instruments on a somewhat similar principle, being merely a small block of wood hollowed out, and a piece of hide with the hair shaven off covering over the concave part. This, when dry, becomes hard, and the strings are passed over two bridges, one at each end; but the sound of this instrument is not equal to that I have just described.

The chief conducted us into the inner market, where all was bustle and confusion. We marched into the centre, where seats were provided for us, although the chief and his people contented themselves with lying down during the palaver. We informed him of our purpose in visiting his country, and of our wish to overtake Terrasso-weea, for whom the chief professed great friendship. Here we cooked some of our provision, and remained to dine, the chief presenting us with some native ale (peto), but much staler than any I had before tasted. Probably this acidity was caused by its being kept too long. The articles exposed in this market were much the same as those I have previously mentioned, but the only native manufacture I saw was cloth.

After remaining about an hour and a half we again proceeded on our journey, and at thirty-one miles approached the town of Bidassoa; but it being late, and being uncertain how we might be received, we went a few hundred yards out of the path into a corn-plantation, and there encamped for the night. Here we kindled a fire, and again I put my small camp-kettle into requisition, and we had another feast, but not before the whole had been upset, and we had been compelled to go a considerable distance to procure more water.

This mishap was caused by my horse, which had always a particular propensity to paw the fire abroad whenever he was within reach of it. I had fastened it to my foot by its halter, but being near the fire, it upset the kettle and scraped the fire all abroad. We were now left to our own meditations, which were far preferable to being compelled to submit to the annoying ceremony always observed upon our entering a town. My people seemed also to enjoy the comfort of being alone. I had given each of my men a Jew’s harp of a large size, upon which they were desirous of learning to play. It gave me much pleasure to see them in such a contented mood; I therefore amused myself for a time in giving them lessons,[Pg 118] till overcome with sleep. During the night we were obliged to keep up a good fire lest any of the wild beasts should feel inclined to make a meal of any of us. However, I enjoyed a tolerably good night’s repose, till awoke by my horse nibbling at my feet. I then aroused my men, who were still fast asleep, and our breakfast was soon prepared. I had made up my mind to avoid the town of Bidassoa, but upon consideration I deemed it more prudent to call, lest any unpleasant suspicions might arise owing to our seeming disrespect.

On the morning of the 28th July, we consequently entered the town, without being detained; the chief was already aware of our presence in his neighbourhood, and had already prepared himself to receive us. We were met at the outer gates by himself and retinue, and with nearly the same ceremony as was observed upon entering the two last towns. We were requested to follow him to the market, which is, in most instances, the place of palaver. Here we were supplied with water, and afterwards with palm-wine, but I felt not a little surprised to find the chief and his head men all partake of the same, for I had previously found the Mahomedans abstain from everything of a spirituous nature as intoxicating.[Pg 119] In answer to my remarks respecting this difference, I was informed that this wine was original, and the production of one single tree, consequently was not rendered unclean by the addition or compound of any other substance; but they never partake of peto, though they do not interfere with Pagans for using such drink, neither do they interfere with the food of the latter.

Here certain days are strictly observed by not eating a black fowl; on other days the same is observed with respect to white fowls; neither will they eat anything which is killed previous to their seeing it. Many are so strict indeed that they will not eat anything unless killed by their own hands. I received at this place a present of a pair of turtle-doves, which are here abundant early in the mornings, but as soon as the sun becomes very powerful, they, as well as other birds, all disappear, and conceal themselves in the shade of the bushes and trees.

This town seems to supply many more than its own inhabitants with corn, their stores being considerable. Their manner of storing it is by building circular houses about ten feet high, in the bottom of which a hole of about six inches square is left to allow the grain to run out when wanted, which is done by drawing a slide which covers the hole.

The corn is poured in at the top, and is covered by a portable roof of frame-work similar to an umbrella, which is composed of palm and long grass, like reeds. This covering is removed at will to allow ventilation. These granaries are generally about eight feet in diameter, and are composed of clay or swish.[14]

Cloth of a good quality is manufactured in this town, and shea-butter is in abundance as at all other places. The inhabitants were very anxious to obtain a sight of a white man; but they considered my colour an exaggeration or omission of Nature, similar to some instances of white negroes whom I observed, though born of black parents. They seemed much amazed when told that all Europeans were white, like myself, but that some had hair as black as their own.

Earthen pots and a sort of thin brick or tile are made here for ornamenting certain parts of the dwellings of the richest inhabitants, and a great slave-market is also held, but not being market-day I saw no slaves exposed. In the inner markets, and even at the doors of the houses, goods are exposed every day for sale. Tobacco, which was quite common in the Mahee country, is rarely seen here.

After remaining about an hour and a half, and giving away some needles and thimbles, we informed the chief that we wished to depart on our journey. He pressed us to stop another day, but I expressed my anxiety to proceed. He said he was already aware of my being in quest of Terrasso-weea, who seemed to be a great favourite in this place also. We were then escorted to the outer gates, where, after the priests had repeated some part of the Koran as an intercession for our success and safety on our journey, we marched from Bidassoa, bearing N. 23° W., and varying during our day’s journey to 45° and 10° W. The land now became uneven and more rugged, with blocks of rock of a nature resembling slate, different to any thing I had before observed.

At four miles we reached a small kroom, where I observed very fine cattle, the land rising gently to the northwards, with shea-butter and palm-trees, and a small river running to the south-west. There was also abundance of very large buffaloes. A small market is held daily at this kroom, which is chiefly dependent upon travellers, being near the crossings of several paths leading to different large market-towns. The principal articles sold are kolla-nuts, with several sorts of ground beans and nuts, calavansas, and manioc-root,[Pg 122] as well as kankie, ready cooked. Palm-wine is also sold here at a low rate to the natives.

There appeared to be but little manufacture in this place, except a few trifling articles of iron, and some wooden bowls, rudely carved and ornamented. We only halted here for a short time. At seven miles we passed through thick wood and swampy soil scarcely passable. Fruit-trees of various sorts were now very abundant and in full bearing, and very delicious and refreshing wild grapes hung in clusters over our heads: these were the green grape. The gwaba and yellow fig also abounded, with many other fruits with which I was unacquainted.

At ten miles we arrived at a kroom of about four hundred inhabitants. Here we saw a large number of horses of a small description. They much resembled our Hampshire foresters in shape, though a little finer breed. They were sold in this market at the rate of four heads of cowries, equal to four Spanish dollars on the west coast of Africa, but are of much greater value in the interior. Here we halted for an hour, and were tolerably well received by the caboceer, or head man, who seemed very ready to gratify our curiosity by showing us round his village.

The breed of cattle here is extremely handsome,[Pg 123] and the sheep considerably larger than those in the Kong Mountains. We were shown two very large elephants, which had been taken near the swamp, where we were told they much abound, though we did not observe any in crossing it. I noticed a great number of female slaves, many of whom were very handsome; they also appeared remarkably cheerful and pleasant in their manner. Nightcaps are knitted by the natives in a similar manner to those in Great Britain. The loom is also plied here, but not to a great extent. Guinea fowls are very abundant, both in a wild and tame state; partridges are also plentiful in the neighbourhood. Here, as in nearly all other towns in this country, the kolla-nut seems a favourite article of commerce.

We fortunately procured some dried venison, which is delicious in flavour when made into soup, and seasoned with their different vegetables, amongst which I may mention the chili as invariably their principal seasoning. We gave in exchange for the venison treble its value. Their method of drying is simple: it is cut into pieces, dried before a large fire, and held occasionally in the smoke of the iron-wood, which, from its chemical properties, is considered preferable to any other sort of wood. Salt is never used, either in[Pg 124] drying fish or venison. We were, as usual, escorted out of this kroom by the gadadoo, and again commenced our march.

The soil was again different, being of a moist sandy clay, and very productive. Here I observed several large sycamore-trees, as well as an ash, which was more rough in the bark than that of England. The beautiful acacia is invariably an ornamental plant in the towns and villages. As we passed I observed some very curious grasses, different to any I had previously observed, as well as heaths, and shrubs bearing fruits of various forms and flavour, but all of a yellow colour. They were very delicious and refreshing.

At twenty miles we arrived at the small town of Kosow. This is a pleasant little town, fenced in the usual way. Near the gates we observed a number of females busily employed in thrashing the Guinea corn on some flat rocks, by the side of a small lake or pond, but upon our approach they fled precipitately, and ran into the town. We remained, as customary, at the outer gate till the caboceer had been made aware of our presence. During the time we remained here several persons came within a few yards of us, apparently to obtain a sight of us; but immediately I turned my head to look at them, both males and[Pg 125] females made a hasty retreat. The males were all armed both with bow and spear.

In a short time the gadadoo made his appearance on horseback. His little horse was richly caparisoned, with a very curious pad or saddle, covering nearly the whole of the horse’s back. The border of the shabrack was ornamented with letters or characters, apparently of the Persian or Arabic. Here we were received with great solemnity, although the venerable chief never suffered a smile to appear on his countenance until the ceremony was over. We were then led, as usual, into the palaver place, where we were supplied with seats carved out of the solid wood. Here we were strictly interrogated respecting our business in that country, to which I replied as I had to others. As usual, my assumed knowledge of Terrasso-weea seemed to give tolerable satisfaction; but a proposition was made that I should remain at Kosow until a messenger should be forwarded to Terrasso-weea, with a desire that he should meet me at Kosow. This proposal, however, I strongly objected to as likely to give offence.

My opposition to his proposal did not altogether seem to meet the chief’s approval. He next pretended to doubt whether we ought to be allowed to pass through the country without the great[Pg 126] king of the country being made aware of our intentions. Again, however, the old man failed in his object, for my Fellattah soldier informed him that the great king of his country had already been made aware of our presence, and had also sanctioned our march through his dominions.

Being thus frustrated at all points, the old man demanded what white man was going to dash him, or what present he was going to make him. In return, I asked him what he intended to give me as a stranger visiting his country. He answered, that no white man had ever been in that country before, and it was very probable that no other might ever come again, and he should like to have something to hand down to his descendants as a memorial of a white man having once been there. Gain seemed his only object, and his wish to forward a messenger to Terrasso-weea was merely to detain me in order to have a chance of obtaining presents. I gave him some new gilt buttons, and a large Jew’s harp, as well as some needles, and two thimbles. I played several tunes upon the Jew’s harp, with which he seemed much delighted.

He then introduced me to his harem, which was composed of about one hundred and twenty females of considerable beauty, being much fairer than any I had seen since leaving Abomey. Their[Pg 127] features and figures were very good, though their hair was woolly, but much longer than I had before seen of the woolly tribes. These women were all enclosed within a wall of about three feet and a half high. Some of them seemed gratified, while others seemed quite the reverse; but the chief’s females were not the only fair women in the place. The generality of the inhabitants were equally as fair. I was offered my choice of one for forty-two thousand cowries; but I informed the seller that I was not at present in want of any slaves, or a wife. This surprised him very much, for he declared that he himself could not live with less than twenty wives, but that he had a very great many more. He picked out his principal or favourite wife, to whom he introduced me, doubtless with a view of obtaining some presents for her; but I could not understand the hint, as I found my little stock fast decreasing.

After eating some of our dried venison with some roasted plantains, we resumed our journey; and at twenty-five miles, arrived at the river Ofo, but unfortunately we found no canoe, or anything to convert into a raft, to cross it. We were consequently obliged to make preparations for swimming across. One of my people carried[Pg 128] a change of linen, and two pair of light trowsers, and some other articles of hardware, as presents, in a small carpet-bag. This we tied with the saddle to the horse’s back. My little horse was an excellent companion in the water, for, by holding the fastening rope of his headstall, he pulled me across with a rapidity scarcely credible.

I had an American life-preserver, but that had already nearly drowned me by bursting. I never, therefore, trusted to its buoyancy again. We crossed the river in safety, but of course all our clothes were wet. My bag on the horse’s back was quite wet upon the horse’s first plunge into the water. The two soldiers also got their muskets wet, but saved their powder, by placing it on their havresacks, and tying them on their head. My ammunition was also preserved dry in consequence of keeping it in a water-tight case.

Immediately after we had crossed the river, two men from Kosow made their appearance. The caboceer had made no mention of this river, and he undoubtedly expected, by sending men after us, to ferry us across at an enormous charge. It appeared that the caboceer of Kosow keeps a canoe for the purpose of ferrying people across the river, but it is placed at a small kroom, about half a mile higher up the river. Travellers with[Pg 129] heavy loads cannot cross this river without employing the canoe. The men seemed much disappointed when they found that we had already crossed. The river Ofo is here thirty-five yards wide, and twenty feet deep, with a sandy bottom. The current is three miles and a half per hour, and runs in a south-east direction.

To ascertain the depth of rivers, I had prepared a lead with a bullet, boring a hole through it; through this I passed a small line of twine, leaving the lower side of the bullet countersunk; into this a piece of goat’s tallow is pressed. The twine is then passed through a very thin piece of wood about five inches square. If the river is very wide, and the crossing made by canoe, the line of course may be dropped over board as on board ship, but if you are obliged to swim, the ball and wood may be dropped on the water. The bullet of course sinks to the bottom, and draws the twine through the hole in the wood at the same time, till it reaches the bottom; the line being marked into feet, the depth is accurately ascertained. If a river is not more than forty yards wide, it may also be measured in the same way, by throwing the wood and ball into the middle of the river; taking care to coil the line carefully up previously to throwing it.

The banks of the river Ofo are low, not being more than three feet above the surface of the water. We remained on the bank of this river till we dried our clothes. Here we also cooked some provisions, and cleaned our guns. We then again resumed our journey; and, at twenty-eight miles, arrived at the large town of Kasso-Kano. This town is well built, and the houses well thatched. There are three market-days in the week here: this happened to be one of them, and though the afternoon was far advanced, the dealers were busily employed. Slaves were abundant, and many parents were publicly offering their children for sale, numbers of them not more than eleven or twelve years of age. They showed their slaves off, and purchasers scrutinized them with as much care as our horse-dealers at an English fair.

Here the women are modest and handsome, the men generally tall, thin, and sinewy. They are apparently very jealous of their women, and naturally covetous and suspicious, and moreover great thieves. The chief is a shrewd, cunning fellow, and, like all others in the same office, seems to monopolize in a great measure the greater portion of the trade in all articles of consumption.

The hills in this neighbourhood abound with[Pg 131] iron, and another mineral substance resembling coal, but this mineral is not so abundant: it is probably antimony. I have forgotten its name. It was brought on board in small pieces (the largest not more than half an inch square) during the late Niger expedition, but it was extremely dear. It is used as and considered an infallible cure for inflammation in the eye, by merely rubbing it round it.

Here I had an opportunity of observing their system of smelting ore. The furnace is composed of finely-worked clay, nearly as hard as Roman cement. The dye-vats are composed of the same substance; the furnace is built of a circular form, and of about five or six feet diameter, and about eight feet high. From the top to the middle the furnace tapers inwards to the centre in the form of a funnel; it again widens from the middle to the bottom. At the bottom are fixed two pair of bellows, which are covered nearly over with earth, and kept constantly wet. The bellows are formed by cutting two large round holes in a large block of wood of the cotton-tree. The handles of the bellows are about a yard long, and about the thickness of the barrel of a musket. These are fixed into the centre of a circular piece of leather or hide at one end. This piece of hide is sufficiently large to cover the hole in the block of wood:[Pg 132] it is put over this hole, and nailed round the edges. Besides the apertures there are two smaller holes, bored through the sides of the block to communicate with the large hole forming the body of the bellows. Over the mouth of the small hole, where it communicates with the body of the bellows, is a stopper or valve, which shuts close on the hole when the handle is pressed down. The two leather covers, being very loose, are raised up and down alternately, upon the same principle as the bellows used in England.

The man who blows takes the handles (which are perpendicular,) in each hand, and raises one hand up, and at the same time presses the other down, so that with the two bellows a constant blast is kept up. The pipe is frequently made of a sort of clay, similar to that used in coarse earthenware; but when such things can be procured, old gun-barrels, which have burst on the coast, not unfrequently find their way into the interior, and are sold at a very high price for this purpose. Guns in good condition are never suffered to pass into the interior, if the chiefs on or near the coast can prevent it.

But to describe the furnace: iron-wood charcoal, when it can be procured, is used for fuel. The furnace is then filled with a layer of charcoal and[Pg 133] iron alternately, and then the fire is lighted at the bottom, and the blowing commences. Two and sometimes three hours elapse before a melting heat can be produced. The melting of the ore of course commences nearest the blower, and the fused metal falls into the bottom of the furnace, when some more ore supplies the place of that which is already melted. When the whole is melted, a stopper is drawn to let the liquid iron run into long narrow moulds, which have again to be melted previously to becoming fit for the hammer. This was the most efficient furnace I had yet seen, and the iron seemed remarkably tough and pliable. They seem ignorant of the method of hardening it, though swords and spear-heads, as well as arrow-heads, are manufactured in Kassokano.

The natives made several attempts to steal my camp-kettle, but my interpreter told them, as I clapped my hand to my sword, that I never hesitated to chop off an arm or a head, if I caught any one stealing my property. They told him he must not talk of cutting arms or heads off where we were only intruding strangers; but my interpreter assured them, that if their numbers were ten times more than they were, a white man cared not. If any man does him wrong, he kills him by some evil[Pg 134] art, if not by the sword. Although this assertion was of course ridiculous, it appeared to have the desired effect.

After the gadadoo had finished his business, he again joined us, as we were lying down under a large tree, in the market-place. He offered us a hut during the remaining part of the night, but we found it so filthy, as to be uninhabitable, being merely a shed where the slaves had been kept for sale during the day. Both myself and men felt much annoyed at this, and we determined to leave the town, and encamp somewhere in the bush. We gave the gadadoo some small presents, but he seemed to have expected much more. I peremptorily refused to extend my gifts, and took my departure very abruptly, to proceed on my journey, never intimating any thing of my intention of encamping near the town.

We passed out of the town at the northern having entered at the southern gate, the path bearing N. 30° W., and at two miles from the town we turned some distance out of the path, where we found some rocks, and behind these we encamped for the night, but did not kindle a fire, lest we might be observed. Early in the morning I aroused my poor fellows, who were evidently[Pg 135] beginning to show symptoms of having been over-marched; and, though I rode a great part of the distance, I found the wound in my leg getting every day larger. Still I determined to pursue my journey, and though my poor companions had several times hinted that the safest course was to turn back, I remembered the old adage, recommended by Captain Beaufort of the Admiralty, never to put my hand to the plough and look backward. I felt much for my men, but I dared not say any thing, lest they should take a resolution not to proceed.

FOOTNOTES:

[13] Assofoodah contains about twelve thousand inhabitants.

[14] Granaries of a similar construction have been noticed in the neighbourhood of Whydah.

July 29th.—We kindled a fire, and made breakfast, and at sunrise we again commenced our journey from the neighbourhood of Kassokano. The country was much of the same character as that we had recently passed. Here I observed a particular species of dogs, much coarser than those in the Kong Mountains, where the breed is very much like the British greyhound though[Pg 137] not so large. After passing over several small streams of good water, of which we had each a hearty draught, we, at seven miles, arrived at the large town of Zabakano. Here the King met me, and escorted me with two hundred horsemen. He was well acquainted, it appeared, with the priest Terrasso-weea.

This town is beautifully situated, commanding a view of the surrounding country to a great distance. The people seem cheerful and contented. This was one of the principal market-days, consequently I had an opportunity of observing the supplies of the different articles of trade and consumption. It was well supplied with native produce, and a greater quantity of rice was exposed than in any other market I have visited in Africa. Here, also, I was shown a large quantity of armlets and bracelets, manufactured with considerable taste and skill in Bornou, and brought thither by Terrasso-weea’s trading party. Tanning and dyeing are also executed skilfully; and sandals and a peculiar sort of slippers are here manufactured, similar to those we found in Tangiers.

The chief possesses a great number of domestic slaves, but sells none of them. They are chiefly employed in trading with the surrounding towns and in tilling the soil, which is in a high state of[Pg 138] cultivation, to a considerable distance round. Palm-oil is manufactured here, and is actually transported, by the tributary navigable streams, to the Niger, or Joleeba, the name by which it is here known. Here it is not known either by the name of Quarra or Niger, but this circumstance is not at all surprising, for I find that all the rivers have different names in the various countries through which they flow. I have also, in many instances, found two places with the same name, at no very great distance from each other; but, in fact, the same may be observed in our own country. Native iron and nitre were abundant in this market.

Horses here invariably make part of the family, being fastened to a peg driven into the ground or floor, by the hind foot, having only about a foot of rope. The children are often seen playing between the legs of the animal, with which it seems much pleased, often nibbling at their heads with its lips, or licking their faces, as a spaniel would.

The chief seemed very anxious to acquaint us with every thing which might tend to our gratification; and, though he was the principal trader himself, he accompanied us through every part of the town. Close to the town is a lake, supplied partly by a small stream, and partly by[Pg 139] the heavy rains during the season. On this lake were a number of large trees, upon which were the nests of the pelican, a great number of which we saw roosting on the branches. I had never seen the nest of the pelican on a tree since I was in Egga, a town on the banks of the Niger, when I was there with the late unfortunate expedition under Captain Trotter. I then shot several on the trees; but here, at Zabakano, the inhabitants had an objection to my killing any of them; I could not therefore secure a specimen. Pigeons were very numerous here, both the wood-pigeon and the turtle-dove. The chief did not object to my shooting these, so I soon secured sufficient for my party for this and the following day. We were obliged to cook them immediately.

We were, however, very kindly treated by the chief or gadadoo, who strongly urged us to remain a day with him. This kind treatment seemed to inspire my poor fellows with fresh courage and animation; in fact, it seemed to act as a fresh stimulus to all of us. The natives were quite delighted with the sport of pigeon-shooting, for one or two of them were acquainted with such guns as had found their way to this town, and several others in the neighbourhood, but of the locks they had no idea; for guns are not allowed to be brought here by way of trade in a perfect state,[Pg 140] and even were they, still without powder they would be useless.

The chief has a very large number of wives, but the principal portion of them are merely employed as his domestic slaves, as indeed are all the wives of the uncivilized Africans. The civilized portion is very limited, even on the coast. The gadadoo made me a very liberal offer for my carbine, but I told him that it would not be of so much service to him as his bow or sabre, unless he had a supply of ammunition; that as I had visited his country partly with a view to ascertain what articles would be most likely to suit their markets, I should, as soon as possible, return with a large stock of suitable merchandise. A story like this was much more likely to be believed amongst savages than any other excuse I could make for visiting their country. If told that my object was merely for scientific purposes, they would not have understood me, and would have been more likely to look upon me with suspicion, as they cannot believe any body can take interest about any thing not of a pecuniary nature.

This town contains about nine thousand inhabitants; it is clean and open, but I was informed that after the conclusion of the rainy season fever and small-pox are very prevalent. Small-pox is[Pg 141] much dreaded by the natives, and seems to be the principal disease here. I have not observed one case of elephantiasis since leaving Accra, although at Whydah a disease of a similar nature is prevalent, affecting the head, and not unfrequently enlarging the forehead and eyebrows so much as totally to obscure vision. This distortion of nature, as may be supposed, has an extremely repulsive appearance.

After remaining about an hour and a half, I gave the gadadoo some small presents, which he received with apparent satisfaction. He and his head men, as well as his two hundred mounted soldiers, then conveyed me some distance from the town, going through their manœuvres of attack at the same time. This was merely a wild rush without any order or discipline, and so far from their being (as has been represented) a formidable force, ten well-mounted and well-disciplined horsemen would easily annihilate the whole party.

Here we parted from the most generous and affable chief we had met with since leaving the Mountains of Kong. During this day’s journey, our bearing changed from N. 45° W. to 12° 10°, 35°, 43°, and due West (true). The country now became very pleasant, and the path not so rough under foot. Around us in different[Pg 142] directions were numerous hills, giving a relief to the dull sameness of a flat, dreary plain. We crossed several small clear streams, some of which had worn their channels nine or ten feet deep.

At fourteen miles we arrived at the small town of Grooba. Here the old chief, or head man, received us very kindly; doubtless, he had received a message which prompted this friendly reception. This town is clean and neat for an African town. The only manufacture of note here is cotton tobes, but different in pattern to the cloths manufactured in the Kong Mountains, which are invariably striped with various colours; but here the cloth is all either blue or white, similar to the tobes worn by the Mandingo traders who visit Sierra Leone. Here the blacksmith plies his trade, but only for the accommodation of the inhabitants of the town. A sort of cloth is also manufactured from the inner bark of a certain tree, which is very strong and durable, and of various colours. This when woven into cloth has a very rich appearance; long sashes or girdles of the same material are worn by most of the influential persons.

At seventeen miles we halted by a small stream and kindled a fire, where we cooked some of our pigeons, and had an excellent dinner. We afterwards[Pg 143] resumed our journey, and at twenty-eight miles arrived at the town of Sagbo. Around this town the country is well cultivated, and the drilling system seemed generally adopted. This is, doubtless, an advantage during the rainy season. Four different sorts of maize are cultivated here, as well as two sorts of rice, white and red. Here they have a better mode of cleaning and preparing the rice for use than any other place I have yet visited. The kolla-nut is abundant, as also the palm and shea-butter nut. Indigo is cultivated, and rudely manufactured in nearly all the towns we passed since leaving the Mahee country.

The chief and his head men and bowmen received us in a similar manner as at other places, with great pomp and solemnity, his priests taking the lead in conducting us into the market-place, advancing at a slow pace and repeating some select portion from the Koran. This ceremony, upon the whole, reminded me of a funeral procession in England. After we reached the palaver place in the market, we were invited to sit down, and water was handed to us. Nothing else, however, of a liquid nature was offered us. We were, as usual, interrogated as to our purpose in visiting the country. These[Pg 144] questions I answered to the same effect as I had previously done. My reply seemed to give general satisfaction. The chief was surrounded by bowmen and spearmen, many of whom were very fine-looking men. During this time, the chief, or sheik, as he is here called, amused himself by playing with his beard, rather an uncommon ornament amongst these people, and highly esteemed. We were presented with two fowls by one of the head men, to whom in return I gave two papers of needles.

This town is well supplied with good water, and the cattle, both sheep and oxen, are very handsome; the horses are small, but well bred. The dromedary and elephant are here to be met with tame. The sugar-cane is also cultivated, and very large, but not manufactured. The liquor after boiling the cane is used mixed with the meal of the Indian corn, instead of, or rather as we use tea or coffee; sometimes a little ginger, which grows here spontaneously, is added to it. This is a very wholesome and palatable beverage.

Here the small-pox had made dreadful havoc amongst the inhabitants, and was still destroying numbers daily. The sheik or chief took great interest in my recommendation to inoculate from the cow-pox, and several times put the question to[Pg 145] me, whether I could not myself perform the operation, and instruct his doctors, of whom he has a great number. I excused myself for want of material, or matter. The inhabitants vary very much in colour, which proves the undoubted mixture of the tribes from distant countries. The greater part of the inhabitants of Sagbo are very dark, tall, and well formed. The general development of their cranium is good; they are very keen traders, cheerful and affable, and nearly all Mahomedans.

I was, as usual, obliged to draw on my little stock, which was now fast diminishing, and to give a few needles and a thimble, as well as a Jew’s harp, to the chief, who deemed the Jew’s harp a wonderful piece of consecrated iron. We then recommenced our journey, the country bearing the same very pleasant aspect, and with trees a little larger than I had met with during my last four days’ journey.

After a rather tiresome march, we arrived, at thirty-eight miles, at the town of Jakee. The chief of this town is subject to the chief of Sagbo, who directs or governs six large towns in his own locality. It appeared that a private messenger had been despatched from Sagbo to inform the chief of this town of my coming. The same[Pg 146] messenger was with the chief of Jakee when he met me half a mile from the town. The old man received me with marked courtesy, and without much ceremony we were conducted into his court-yard.

As it was getting late, and we had expressed our intention of remaining all night, the chief readily showed us an apartment or hut, in his own court-yard, where we were to repose for the night; and upon our informing him of our long journey, he seemed to sympathize with us, and in a great measure dispensed with the usual palaver, but joined us in our quarters, where he seemed delighted to receive information respecting white man’s country, and also of the country we had passed through. He expressed his great surprise that a man should venture so far from his home and relations, and run the risk of casualties in so many strange lands. This man had by some means heard of the unfortunate Niger expedition, probably from Terrasso-weea, with whom he has been long acquainted. He took great interest in the trade of his own town, and expressed a great desire to know by what means he might increase it. We were rather annoyed during the early part of the evening by numerous curious visitors who came to have a peep at us, and some watchfulness was required, though we had little to be[Pg 147] robbed of; however, it was the more necessary to preserve the little we had got.

30th July.—Early in the morning we were aroused by the ringing of a number of bells or gong-gongs, which, in accordance with an ancient custom, are rung round the town every morning at day-break to apprise the inhabitants that it is time to get up. These gong-gongs are used also to give the alarm in case of any sudden attack upon the town. As soon as this procession had passed, the chief paid us a visit, and inquired very kindly after our health. We were supplied with a quantity of the juice of the sugar-cane, and some meal mixed with it, about the consistence of gruel. Upon this we made a hearty breakfast, with the addition of some round balls, about the size of a potato, made from an under-ground bean, which is very abundant in this country. This bean is ground into meal and made into round balls. It is then fried in an earthen pot with palm-oil, and used for food. It is of a tolerably good flavour.

After distributing some needles and Jew’s harps, we recommenced our journey. During this day our bearing varied from N. 25° W. to 12°, 35°, 40°, and 22° N. towards W. At six miles we arrived at a small market on the path for[Pg 148] the sale of provisions to travellers. Here they also sold water, which is at all times a bad omen for travellers, as showing its scarcity. We secured a calabash filled with water for a paper of needles, which seemed to take well in this part of the country. We were, however, happily mistaken in our fears respecting water in this instance, for, at ten miles, we arrived at a small village called Kiroaso, where we found plenty of good water. This kroom is famous for its tan-pits and dye-vats: the inhabitants of several towns at a distance visit this place for the purpose of dyeing their cloths and thread. Besides the indigo, they have a yellow and red colour which they manufacture, with which they dye both leather and cloth. Here the natives carve quantities of wooden bowls out of the cotton-tree with considerable taste. They seemed much alarmed at our presence, many of them running away upon our approach. As soon, however, as they learned that we were friends, they returned and would soon have become too familiar. We remained here only a short time, and then resumed our journey; and, at nineteen miles, arrived at the Kabra Mountains, along the sides of which we travelled, passing several small krooms or towns at their base, some of which we entered.

We found here several chalybeate springs, strongly impregnated with carbonate of iron of a deep orange colour. At twenty-five miles we arrived at the river Jenoo. This river is navigable by large canoes at all seasons of the year. It runs to the eastward, and is fordable at this season by persons on foot, not exceeding three feet and a half deep, with sandy bottom, and not more than twelve yards wide, with a current not exceeding two miles per hour. Fish, however, are not very abundant, as the natives are unacquainted with the method of catching them; I observed, therefore, very few for sale. It is rather singular that the conchology of all the inland rivers in this part of Africa is very limited, a sort of mussel being the only shell which I observed.

Of the crustaceous tribes a sort of shrimp or prawn is the only thing I noticed. The land-tortoise, however, is abundant on the banks of rivers, and is used by the natives for food. Having halted a short time after crossing the river, we again resumed our journey, passing amongst some beautiful shrubs and sweet-scented climbing plants, whose blossoms spread a sweet odour for a considerable distance. We marched some miles through this interesting panorama[Pg 150] before we again reached the open plain. Here the soil again assumed a lighter colour, of a gravelly nature, and studded with trees of various kinds. The soil and small brooks still proved the presence of iron.

At thirty-four miles we arrived at the town of Kallakandi. Here we were tolerably well received by the sheik, or gadadoo, who seems intrusted with the government of a certain district of considerable extent. It appeared that he had only obtained intelligence of our approach a little while previous to our arrival, and was therefore flurried, and a little cautious and reserved in receiving us; but being acquainted with our object of overtaking Terrasso-weea, he became at once familiar, and informed us that he had occupied, with all his retinue, the very quarters assigned to me for the night.

We entered into conversation or palaver, which continued until dark. He seemed very intelligent, and had by his own account been at Timbuctoo, and gave exactly the same account of the place as the Mahomedan priest at Abomey, who stated he had accompanied Terrasso-weea thither. The sheik very kindly sent us two ducks of the Muscovy breed to cook for our supper, as also two yams and some corn, with[Pg 151] plenty of good water. He again joined us after supper, seeming eager to obtain information. At length he proposed to retire, which was very agreeable to us, for we were very tired. He promised to call us early in the morning, to which arrangement he was very punctual, for certainly he aroused us some time sooner than we wished. This being market-morning, the town was all bustle.

Soon after we had been aroused by the gadadoo, we were visited by a band of singing women, who were accompanied by musicians, with instruments very similar to our German flute, made from the hollow cane and bottle-shaped gourds, with the pulpy part taken out and dried, with hundreds of human teeth strung together like beads, and loosely fastened like net-work over the gourd, which were shaken in the hand, keeping time to the other instruments used in the native bands of music: a similar instrument is used in Dahomey. Prostration on addressing a superior is common here, though they do not rub themselves with dust as in Dahomey or the Mahee country. I took a short ramble round the town and market-places, both the outer and inner.

Here I had an opportunity of observing the articles of commerce exposed for sale, which,[Pg 152] however, differed very little from those I have already mentioned in other places. Smiths’ work is done here in a superior manner to most other towns I have visited. Axes and bill-hooks are made here; the axe is made to fit into the handle, instead of the handle into the axe, the crown or pole of the axe being made like a spike, and driven into a hole passed through the end of the handle. They are also excellent farmers. The weavers also display considerable taste in the manufacture of a peculiar sort of cloth I have not observed elsewhere but in Abomey.

Slaves were exposed in the outer market in great numbers, and early in the morning considerable numbers had changed owners. Sheep, goats, and oxen, are numerous, and very handsome. Horses are handsome also, but small, few exceeding thirteen hands high. Pigeons are numerous in this town, and are of various kinds. The vulture is common in all the towns in this country. The government may be said to be quite despotic, for though a certain power is pretended to be vested in the chief malaam, or minister, still every objection is overruled in acquiescence with the will of the sovereign.

Offenders against the laws are punished according to the estimated enormity of their crimes,[Pg 153] by flagellation or imprisonment in irons, and labour in the fields; but all serious offences, such as those against the king, murder, and adultery with the wives of superiors, are punished by death and torture of the most barbarous description. Sometimes a pole, about six feet long, is prepared, with an iron hose fixed on the end of it; the iron being tapered to a long spike. This spike is made red-hot, and the culprit, being suddenly seized, is placed on his head with his legs or feet upwards. The spike, while red-hot, is passed into the lower part of his person and the bowels, and even to the crown of his head.[15] This mode of torture is only resorted to in cases of adultery with the king’s or malaam’s wives. Sometimes another mode of torture for similar offences is resorted to, equally barbarous and cruel—that of mutilation, and placing it in the mouth of the offender.

After promising to make a longer stay on my return, I marched from Kallakandi, this being the 31st of July, bearing N. 22° westward; during the day’s journey varying from 22° to 5°, 10°, 5°, and 12° degrees to westward. The country near the town was well cultivated. At seven miles we[Pg 154] crossed a narrow river running eastward; and at twelve miles arrived at the town of Gooba. This is also a great market for the sale and purchase of slaves. Here salt is sold, but at a very high price, though of a very coarse and dirty description.

The town is governed by a malaam, named Dibo or Dibbo. He, however, is under the directions of the gadadoo of Kallakandi. The inhabitants of this town are about seven thousand in number, and seem a mixture of many tribes, which is easily detected by the cranium, independent of the particular marks or scars on the face to distinguish each tribe from the other. They seem to live in ease and plenty, having little trouble in cultivating the soil, which here produces four crops in the year of several sorts of grain.

We remained here only a short time, when, after making a present of a pair of small scissors for some water, with which we were presented, we resumed our journey. At fourteen miles, while crossing a swamp of no great magnitude, we were met by a number of women, heavily laden with different articles of produce for the market which we had just left. They were accompanied by several men, who walked in the rear. The women we found had been much alarmed a minute before, but seemed still more so at meeting me, some of[Pg 155] the younger women endeavouring to pass into the thick impenetrable bush, which extended about half a mile along each side of the path. The men also seemed much alarmed, and the older of them, who were armed with bows and arrows, prepared themselves for an attack. However, they preferred submission, prostrating themselves as we passed. I requested them to rise, and after asking them how they were, they informed us of the extreme danger of passing any farther, till an enormous snake which they had just met should retire. They stated that this reptile had taken up his position in a large tamarind-tree, whence they said he had been in all probability compelled to retreat after a combat with a panther, which they said invariably practised one particular mode of attack. Whenever they come unexpectedly upon one of these reptiles, they pounce upon its tail, and thus prevent it from coiling itself round its prey. Then with its claw it secures the head, which is immediately brought round to release its tail. However, I never witnessed an attack of this sort, and must leave my readers to judge of the truth of this assertion. One of the party offered to go back and show us the enormous snake, and several others of the party volunteered their services also.

Accordingly we proceeded about six hundred yards, when we arrived at the velvet tamarind-tree, which they had spoken of, and which was thickly covered with leaves; but upon examining the tree we could not observe anything of the nature described. When I was just upon the point of accusing them of hoaxing us, one of them, who stood a little behind my horse, suddenly called out “waroo-waroo,” upon which one of my soldiers seized my bridle to pull my horse aside, and to my amazement the monster was pointed out to me with part of its body coiled round a bough, and its head and a considerable part of its body hanging down very near our heads.

It appeared this reptile had descended the tamarind, and had ascended a much larger tree of a different description. I immediately dismounted, and unstrapped my double-barrelled carbine, which was heavily charged, one barrel with swan-shot, and the other with smaller shot. The snake was certainly of enormous dimensions, and remained quite motionless. I took a steady aim at the neck, just behind its head, and fired the charge of slugs effectually, though for some time it seemed to have but a slight effect upon it, for it raised its head, and coiled the fore-part of the[Pg 157] body round another branch of the tree; but the spine being injured, it soon appeared to lose strength, and the tail, which was coiled round a limb, began to relax. It again uncoiled its fore-part, which hung down towards the ground. I then took my sword, which I had sharpened equal to a razor, and cut the head off at one stroke; but even then the people would not venture to touch it with their hands to pull it down, till I gave them a piece of small cord, which I invariably carried in my pocket. This was fastened round the body, and they then succeeded in pulling it down.

The monster was of the boa tribe, and measured thirty-one feet long, but the natives told me they had seen them much larger. My gun and sword excited great astonishment amongst the strangers, who were very anxious again to hear the noise. They seemed to fancy that it was the noise which killed the object the muzzle of the gun was directed towards; this I did not contradict. Here we were detained nearly an hour, when we again commenced our march, I and my people keeping a cautious look-out lest some more of our late antagonist’s companions might be in our immediate neighbourhood.

We were soon clear of the bush, and our[Pg 158] adventure speedily forgotten. At sixteen miles we arrived at a small kroom, the houses of which were all built of a circular form, the walls covered with a deep red clay, and many of the principal houses ornamented with different figures and hieroglyphics. The chief manufacture in this kroom is earthen pots of a superior description and jet-black polish. Pipes, or rather pipe-heads, are also manufactured here, though little tobacco reaches this place; but I learned that these pipes are sent even to Badagry. Their form is like the meerschaum. The natives also manufacture a very ingenious sort of lamp, in which palm-oil is used.

The chief of this kroom had in his possession a pot which attracted my notice. It was of copper, and evidently of Spanish manufacture. It had been in the possession of his family, it appeared, for many years, but he could not inform me from whom they had obtained it. There exists in this neighbourhood a species of small black deer, not larger than a small English terrier, some of which are here domesticated like the goat.

The country also abounds with larger deer of different descriptions, one of which I this day had the satisfaction of shooting, having cautiously crept behind a bush very near to him. There were a doe and fawn of the same description, at a[Pg 159] short distance, grazing. This chance would have supplied us with plenty of venison for consumption for several days could we have kept it fresh. What we did not require the first day we broiled in the smoke, and kept it very well for the second day. This is the method adopted by the natives in drying and preserving both meat and fish. Even when a human head is desired to be preserved, the brains are extracted through the spinal connexion and the head held on the end of a stick in the smoke till it becomes quite hard and dry. I have seen some thousands preserved in this way in Dahomey.

Wild carnivorous animals are very numerous here, and often make awful havoc amongst the stock of cattle, though traps of various inventions are employed (some of which would do credit to English ingenuity) to destroy them. An immense beam, with long spikes of hard wood fixed in it, is suspended about seven feet high. This beam rests on a pivot at each end. When the animal passes under and between the two pivots, he treads upon a lever which throws the beam off the pivots, and it falls with full weight on the animal, forcing the spikes their full length into its body. They have also man-traps of a very singular construction: these, though simple, are the most efficient I ever[Pg 160] saw. They are always placed in situations where none but trespassers can be injured. This trap is generally set in a fence, so that a person climbing over must come in contact with a certain part of it, which secures a piece of wood connected with another of about seven feet long, which latter is bent about two feet out of its natural position. The slightest touch releases this, and the spring resumes its natural position in a moment. In doing so it strikes the intruder on the shins with such violence as frequently to break both legs.

At twenty-six miles we arrived at the town of Ongo, where we found the chief awaiting our arrival, about half a mile out of the town, with a number of horsemen and spearmen. Upon perceiving us he immediately advanced towards us at a gallop, the spearmen keeping pace with the others, though on foot. When within a few yards of us the whole cavalcade suddenly halted, and the chief and his principal officers dismounted, and all, except himself, prostrated themselves, remaining in that position till they were told to rise. The chief merely held out his hand, repeating the words, “Sinou, sinou,” which means, How are you?—how are you?—and gave my hand a hearty shake, bidding us welcome to his town. He said he had been made aware of our approach,[Pg 161] and had prepared himself to meet us. He declared himself glad to see a white man, Terrasso-weea, he stated, was his particular friend, and had a white man with him, but not a proper white man like myself. He told me that Terrasso-weea’s trading party were all good men, and were his brothers, meaning that they were all Mahomedans.

Here we remained to cook some provisions. We were fortunate enough to obtain in exchange for a pair of scissors some good yams and a small grass bag of rice, containing about a pound. We also got plenty of water, which was tolerably good, but of a bitterish taste. This is frequently the case when the water is stagnant, and a certain sort of wood grows on its margin. Whether this is injurious or not I am not able to say, as I did not experience any evil effects myself, nor any of my party, from its use. The country now became delightful, and the monotony of a dreary plain was relieved at intervals by table mountains in various directions, nearly all of one height, not exceeding nine thousand feet.

This place is neatly built for an African town, and with considerable regularity of formation as regards the market-places for the sale of different commodities. The houses are very clean, and are ornamented with various designs, similar to those[Pg 162] I have just described. The horse, as I have already said, invariably forms a part of the family, and is treated much better than on the coast, where they are not bred, but brought from the interior. Even here, however, many of the poor animals are very lean for want of sufficient food, as they are always tied by the foot, and are never allowed their liberty.

FOOTNOTES:

[15] This cruel punishment is also common at Lagos.

After leaving the town of Ongo we were met by several women carrying fowls and water yams. Some of these we were fortunate enough to purchase, in exchange for some needles and thimbles. We had now an excellent stock of provision, and we kept the fowls alive till we should require them for consumption. My poor fellows began to complain much of sore feet and fatigue, telling me that “black master only want man go long way when he make war one day;[Pg 164] but white man make poor black man walk plenty every day till him belly sore; then soon black man die.” No doubt my poor fellows were extremely tired, as I was myself, though I rode more than half the distance. I felt much for them, and sometimes showed them the wound on my leg, and asked them how they could complain when a white man, and in their hot country, could stand the march with such a wound; but their reply was invariably, “White man different to black man; black man lie down and die, suppose his leg bad like mine.”

At thirty-three miles I proposed to encamp for the night. This proposal was readily assented to by my tired companions. We accordingly selected a convenient spot at some little distance from the path, where we kindled a fire, having plenty of wood close at hand. We soon prepared a good mess, and having also cut some grass for my horse, and given him a few heads of corn, which we had saved from the previous night, we all began, like the natives, to eat at the same table, and in a short time fell fast asleep. Having left a good fire, we were not afraid of wild beasts approaching us while the fire continued to burn brightly, but serpents are very apt to come where there is fire. In fact, the natives often make large fires for the purpose of attracting a certain species of snake,[Pg 165] which, when the fire is extinguished, feast greedily on the ashes.

Though snakes did not trouble us, we were, however, about midnight, suddenly alarmed by the snorting and pawing of my horse, who actually bit my foot, to which he was tied, purposely to awaken me. To our great surprise we found that the horse’s alarm had been caused by a large species of wolf, which had no doubt been attracted by the smell of the horse, which had observed it prowling in our immediate neighbourhood; there it still remained, making at intervals most tremendous howls. I fired off one of my pistols; after which we heard no more of him, but took our position nearer to the fire. I was soon compelled to change my position, however, for my horse having a propensity for scratching the fire abroad, scraped some of the fire amongst us, burning some of our clothes. Notwithstanding this we were again soon asleep, and had a tolerably good rest until day-break.

I now found one of my Sierra Leone men shivering violently from great fatigue, the heavy dew, and the considerable quantity of rain which had also fallen in the former part of the night. I felt rather chilly myself, and sick at the stomach, but dared not let my men know it, lest they should be disheartened. I gave the poor fellow some[Pg 166] quinine, and also took some myself. In an hour afterwards I gave him some James’s powder, and twenty drops of Battley’s sedative of opium, which soon caused him to throw out a copious perspiration, and the shivering entirely ceased. Owing to this circumstance we did not commence our journey till we had breakfasted. Having a small calabash of native honey, which we had carried with us in case of illness, I put a portion of it in some hot water, but having no meal we were obliged to use water and honey alone. This materially aided the medicine in promoting perspiration, and we were soon all right again.

On the 1st of August we again resumed our journey, bearing N., and varying during this day’s journey to 10° towards W., in expectation of soon seeing our long-wished-for friend. This morning’s march seemed rather irksome, as we proceeded full ten miles without meeting any person of whom to inquire which was the right path; and several by-paths communicating with the direct one, we were not aware which to select. Fortunately we had taken the right path, by choosing the one apparently most beaten, as we found by inquiry of a party whom we overtook at the crossing of a path, resting under the shade of a large tree. They seemed much alarmed, and several of them fled, leaving behind[Pg 167] them the loads they were carrying to market; but when they found that we were friends, they soon returned, and seemed pleased to find that we were not robbers, as they at first took us to be.

We sat down under the tree, and entered into conversation, when we ascertained that this party were going in the same direction as ourselves, to a town some few miles distant. The principal of their load were yams and manioc, kolla-nuts and ground beans, plantains and bananas, the latter of which one old woman ventured to ask my interpreter if I would partake of, which of course I readily accepted; and she also gave my men some each. In return I gave her a paper of needles. The rest of the party were then anxious to make me a dash, as they call it, upon the same conditions; but as we had now sufficient, we declined to accept of any more. We soon resumed our journey, marching in single file. The women, as they went along, began singing a song, to which they all kept good time. This seemed to give fresh animation to my men, and we went along for a short time as gaily as if we had been in the Dahoman kingdom.

At thirteen miles, we arrived at a small town, or kroom, where there is a large establishment, a sort of convent or residence, for Mahomedan converts, who have either voluntarily or compulsorily[Pg 168] renounced the Pagan worship. These individuals are never suffered to come outside of the walls till they have strictly conformed in every particular with the Mahomedan religion for the space of thirteen moons, when they are set at liberty, so far as to enjoy the privileges of the other inhabitants; but should they attempt to leave the country for any other kingdom, and be captured any time afterwards, they are sure to be put to death. These individuals are all distinguished by a certain mark, which is cut on the face, in addition to the mark of the tribe to which they belong.

A singular form exists in passing by this establishment. All persons must walk past on their bare feet, or if they wear sandals, they must take them off while they pass; and if riding on horseback, or carried in any other way, they must dismount and walk; nor must they look back till quite past the prescribed mark, when the passersby are again allowed to mount and proceed. All traders carrying a certain quantity of goods are obliged to pay a toll or duty, which goes towards the support of this establishment. Any evasion or breach of these rules is punished by flagellation and forfeiture of the whole of the goods in their possession. We were not allowed to enter, but every inquiry respecting the establishment was[Pg 169] answered; but whether the account given was true or false, I am unable to determine.

The inmates are permitted to work at their trade, whatever it may be, and are allowed the price of their labour, besides their subsistence while they are within the walls. They are constantly attended by priests, who visit the towns and markets within a certain distance, and there levy contributions upon all articles of consumption, as well as a duty which they demand upon cloths and ornaments, for the support of their establishment. No doubt a great share of this sort of plunder falls to themselves. Our company of trading-women left us here.

After partaking of some refreshment we again marched. No man could experience more anxiety than I did myself during this part of my journey; for the next town we reached would decide the success of the object I had in view. Many were the doubts and fears that assailed me. Sometimes I thought Terrasso-weea might have gone on, and have taken another direction; and again, even if he were there, perhaps my information at Abomey respecting Mungo Park might be incorrect, and Terrasso-weea might know nothing of the circumstances about which I was interested. At other times my spirits were buoyed[Pg 170] up with the idea of seeing the white man, as he was represented to be. But, again, the thought of returning to Dahomey, and of incurring the King’s displeasure, who had been my best friend, and perhaps, also, of being instrumental in causing the caboceer of my guard, an excellent man, to lose his head, oppressed me. However, to balance this trouble, I had the consolation of having visited a country which I should not otherwise have seen; for even if I should survive the climate and dangers incident to travellers in so barbarous a country, I might not again have an opportunity of visiting it.

While thus absorbed in varied reflections I had forgotten my sand-glass, by which I measured the distance we marched, but my poor fellows had been long accustomed to call out the number of quarters, or glasses, which I caused every man to do aloud immediately after myself. My glass was of a very simple construction. I took two small phials, which had contained peppermint essence, which had been given to me by an American captain. I measured my sand by time; then, when I had ascertained the proper quantity, I poured out the remainder from the opposite phial, and again secured the piece of tin between the mouths of the phials, sealing them both together[Pg 171] hermetically, and fixing them lengthwise into a piece of palm stem, hollowed out on one side, leaving one side of the phials exposed. This allowed me to observe when the glass was run out. The moment we halted any where I slipped the string, which was attached to each end, and hung about my neck, a little round, so as to place the glasses in a horizontal position, and stop their running until I again commenced marching.

On our journey we overtook numbers of people, the female portion of whom were all heavily laden with goods for the market of Adofoodia. Some we met returning, who had already been there and disposed of their goods. Even these people were aware of our coming, and informed us that the King had told his people that I should be there some time in the forenoon. This was considered by his subjects as an act of great condescension on his part, as affording them an opportunity of seeing a white man—a sight they had never witnessed.

At twenty-eight miles we arrived at the anxiously-wished-for town of Adofoodia, which is situated on a dry healthy plain, with a rich red soil, the surface of a sandy nature, as if it had been carried over the surface by water, at some remote period. We were met by the King and his principal men,[Pg 172] at a little distance from the outer gates. This town is unlike many others; for it is not fenced with the prickly bush I have before mentioned, though it is partially enclosed by clumps of large shrubs, mixed with cotton and palm-trees.

The town is surrounded by a very thick clay wall, about eighteen feet high. The outer market is held in a large open space on the left after entering the southern gate. It is shaded with large trees, having leaves measuring nine inches across, and about twelve in length. As soon as we entered the market thousands came running anxious to see us, which would inevitably have caused great confusion, had royal power not been exercised to maintain order. We had already told the King our principal object in visiting his country. He had the courtesy immediately to take us to that part of the market (which was some distance) where Terrasso-weea had his goods laid out on large square pieces of carpet, evidently of European manufacture, though of a pattern I had never before seen.

At a few yards from this spot we were desired to halt, and the King’s chief messenger was sent forward to acquaint Terrasso-weea with our arrival. However, he had been already made aware of the fact, and had retired to his quarters[Pg 173] to change his tobe. The messenger soon arrived, accompanied by Terrasso-weea, who prostrated himself before the King, who was on my right and a little in advance. The King politely informed him that he had taken upon himself to introduce to him a stranger who had come to see him from a far country. Whereupon the merchant again prostrated himself and kissed the ground. Then he arose and walked slowly towards me, holding out his hand with a smile of satisfaction beaming in his venerable countenance. He said he was truly happy to see me. It was, he said, the second time he had seen a white man in the course of his life. The merchant took from a leather wallet, or spohran, hanging in front of his dress, similar to that of a Highlander of Scotland, a small book written in Persian-Arabic. From this he read some form of welcome. He then begged the King’s leave to depart, which his Majesty, with every show of politeness, agreed to, at the same time remarking that it was his right to have the first of my company, being the principal object of my journey. After a little time he should certainly claim the privilege of a palaver with the white man.

We were then desired by the merchant to follow him. He first led us to his stalls in the market, by the side of one of which was seated, cross-legged,[Pg 174] a dark swarthy man, but not much darker than some of the Spaniards residing at Whydah. I was struck with the expression and quick intelligent eye of this man, and could not help fancying that I had seen the same individual at some previous period. The man eyed me for some minutes with great interest, and at last suddenly advanced towards me, holding out both his hands, and clasping his arms round waist.

I did not much relish this sort of embrace from a stranger; but, by his expression, I could observe that the salute was friendly. He then passed his hands down each side, pressing my person gently, in a similar manner to the searchers in the docks. Then he explained himself, to my great though agreeable surprise. He proved to be a merchant whom I met with when we were at the town of Egga with the late unfortunate Niger expedition. He was then accompanied by another man, and was on a trading tour from Rabba, attending the market at Egga. I was invited by the malaam of Egga to dine with him, for he invites all strangers to take refreshment. It was in his house that I met these two individuals, who seemed quite delighted to meet me. They stated themselves to be natives of Tripoli.

This man possessed great intelligence, and seemed anxious to afford any information likely to be interesting to me. He informed me that his companion was still at Rabba, trading from thence to Bornou. He was himself employed by Terrasso-weea. While thus engaged in conversation, a tall fine-looking man advanced towards us, with a very pleasing and expressive smile on his countenance. To my great astonishment, this man made me a bow, and addressed me, first in Spanish and then in English.

I can scarcely remember any occurrence in my lifetime that gave me, for the moment, more pleasure than this; such an incident being so little anticipated by me in a region so distant from civilized intercourse. This poor fellow gave me a brief but interesting account of himself, which I here set down in as few words as possible. He was a native of Bornou, but, in the wars, was taken and sold as a slave. From one party to another he was disposed of, till he was brought to Whydah, where he remained some months, and was well treated. He was then shipped from thence to Bahia, and remained there as a slave for the space of twenty-one years. During ten years of that period he was principal or head cook to the firm of Boothby and Johnston, of Liverpool.

When I told him I was well acquainted with Liverpool, he seemed quite delighted, and expressed great anxiety to accompany me thither. He spoke very highly of his former masters, and of the time of his bondage as the happiest days of his life. I asked him how he came to leave them. He informed me that he was liberated at the emancipation of slaves held by British subjects, and that the early dreams of his childhood were still so strongly imprinted on his memory that he preferred visiting his birth-place to remaining a hired servant in Bahia. Well, he returned in a Brazilian schooner to Whydah, where he was landed, and there fell in with several of his acquaintances of Bahia.

At Whydah he remained some months, then went to the Yarriba country, and after some months arrived at his native town. But now the spell was broken, and all his happy dreams of more than twenty years had vanished. His native town had twice been burnt down by the enemy, and was chiefly inhabited by strangers from a far country. He was now an obscure stranger, and looked upon with suspicion, and his long-cherished home was to him a desolate waste. With a lonely heart, he again turned from the place, and when on his journey, intending to return to the[Pg 177] coast, and to Bahia if possible, he happened to meet Terrasso-weea, at a town where he was trading. He was readily employed, and had since travelled a great deal in different directions with his master, whom he described to be an excellent man. Before leaving my friend I ought to mention that he wrote his name, and described in Spanish the time he remained in slavery, and also the names of Boothby and Johnston. The date of his liberation is also noted. I have this paper still in my possession.

To return to Terrasso-weea, who had retired to a short distance as soon as my Bahia friend had entered into conversation with me. Observing a pause in our conversation he again came up to me, and shewed me all his goods in the market. He had a great number of carriers, who convey the goods on their heads. This was the only place where I had seen the camel used for burden since leaving Tangiers. Terrasso-weea had eight of these animals, besides a great number of men.

The afternoon was now far advanced, and in consequence of my presence Terrasso-weea ordered all his goods to be taken into his stores; so that an opportunity might be afforded my friends, as well as himself, of a palaver with a white man. Terrasso-weea[Pg 178] then invited me to his house, which was always occupied by some of his wives and an agent, whether he were present or not. His dwelling and those of his domestics formed a quadrangle of considerable extent. His own apartment was richly ornamented with various rude designs, painted in different colours upon the walls. Curiously carved stools were placed around the apartment, and a clay couch, which was covered with several finely worked mats of varied colours, over which was a richly worked native wove cloth, bordered with a fringe of red and yellow silk. He was less scrupulous than most Africans as regards the introduction of his wives, though probably more with a view to gratify their curiosity than my own. Some of them were considered as very handsome Africans, although they varied very much in colour. A great many of them were Bornouese.

After drinking water with the merchant, I handed him the paper entrusted to me by the Mahomedan priest at Abomey. Upon this he immediately started to his feet, and seemed almost frantic with joy. At the receipt of the epistle, which was written in the Persian-Arabic, I availed myself of this opportunity to inform him of my object in coming to this country: but the[Pg 179] perusal of the note had already made him aware that the object of my inquiry was to learn something respecting the fate of the lamented Mungo Park. He said he was anxious to give me all the information in his power respecting the death of that intrepid traveller. His account I shall here narrate as nearly as possible as he related it to me.

Terrasso-weea stated, that when he was a young man and living in Yaouri, with the king of that place, as third malaam, or priest, a very tall white man came down the great river Joleeba, having a very large canoe, the centre covered over with matting in the form of a tent. He was accompanied by several black men, and had one sheep and several goats, with a few fowls, in the canoe, which they carried with them for food. Amongst the crew was one man, a native of the neighbourhood of Yaouri, whose name was Amadi Fatuma. This man had accompanied Mungo Park from a town at a considerable distance higher up the river, where he had gone with a trading caravan. As soon as this man arrived at Yaouri, his native place, he of course left the canoe, but had previously received payment. This cunning fellow advised Park to stop at Yaouri to purchase some necessary provisions, declaring that he could[Pg 180] procure them cheaper by his assistance. Park accordingly went on shore, and was introduced to the King, who supplied him with what he required for subsistence, for which he paid him his full demand.

Soon after he retired to his canoe, to prepare for sailing; but on his way, one of the King’s messengers overtook him, stating that Amadi Fatuma had complained to the King that Mr. Park had not paid him any wages, nor had he given him any thing as a dash; and that the King had sent officers to detain Park till the demand was paid. Park indignantly denied the truth of this assertion, and determined not to yield to the imposition, but immediately stepped on board his canoe, accompanied by the party who had been with him on shore. He desired the messenger to return, and bring Amadi Fatuma to make his claim in person. Amadi did return, accompanied by the malaam priest, that is, the chief of the priesthood, Terrasso-weea being already present. He then in person boldly demanded his wages, declaring that he had not been paid according to his agreement, although all Park’s people stated they saw him paid a great deal more than was agreed. Terrasso-weea says he is doubtful whether the King, who was a despotic tyrant, had not[Pg 181] encouraged or urged Amadi to make his dishonest demand, for many people believed the white man’s tale.

However, the King’s orders were directed to be enforced; and when Park’s people were in the act of loosening the painter of the canoe, which was made fast to a stump of a tree, or a post driven into the bank for that purpose, one of the King’s officers seized hold of the gunwale of the canoe to detain it, when Park, with a sabre, at one blow cut the officer’s hand off. This exasperated the natives, who raised a continuous yell, and at the same time threw a number of stones into the canoe. Whereupon Park fired many times into the crowd, killing several and wounding many.

It was not till then that a general attack was made, for many of the people were in favour of Park, if they had dared to show it. Soon after the attack Park was killed, or at least mortally wounded, so that he died soon after he was taken into the presence of the King, who pretended to feel regret that the charge had not been paid without resorting to such a measure. Nearly all who were in the canoe were killed or mortally wounded. Park with his own hands fired the guns, while the others were loading the several muskets in their[Pg 182] possession. The arms used by the natives were bows and spears.

Terrasso-weea was during the whole time an eyewitness of this scene, and he declares it to be his opinion, that had Park, after severing the hand, pushed off his canoe, and proceeded down the river, he might have got off without any more injury than the pelting with the stones. I questioned him respecting the falls represented to have been the cause of his canoe upsetting; but he declared that there are no such falls as to impede in any way the navigation of a canoe of any size for more than two hundred miles higher up; but merely a rapid current passing between some large boulders of granite, between which he had himself passed nearly the number of days in two moons.

He further stated in reply to questions from me, that Park was taken out of his canoe alive, but would not speak when taken before the King. All the property in the canoe was claimed by the King, and some of it distributed in presents to his courtiers. Terrasso-weea was presented with a small box, which, by his description, was either a tobacco-box and stopper, or a snuff-box and tooth-pick, but I should suppose the former.

I made minute inquiry respecting his papers, and was informed that about twenty-six moons after[Pg 183] the occurrence, a white man came from Tripoli and purchased some large papers with crooked lines and much of writing upon them. These papers were secured in a long metal tube. I asked if he were not mistaken in the man who purchased the papers coming from Tripoli, and whether it was not from Constantinople. At this question, the merchant seemed a little offended, and again asserted that the man came from Tripoli. He said he purchased the papers at a high price, and when he had departed, a messenger was sent after him by the King to recall him, when another demand was made upon him, equal to the first payment before he was allowed to depart.

The other books in Park’s possession were sold in parts to the different priests and malaams, to make into amulets, which consist of slips of the paper rolled up hard, and sewn into a piece of fancy-coloured and stitched leather, and are suspended by a neatly plaited or twisted thong of goat-skin round the neck. He believed that some amulets had been carried more than two hundred leagues, or sixty days’ journey. I asked him how he came to leave the service of the King of Yaouri. In reply he told me that he had been six years without receiving any pay, and had ventured to solicit[Pg 184] part payment, when the King told him that his insolence deserved death, which punishment he would certainly inflict, threatening the same fate to the priest I had seen at Abomey. Upon this threat, the two priests determined on making their escape, which they with difficulty effected; and had they not been in favour with the people, and the King disliked for his barbarity, their escape would have been impossible.

Having some pecuniary means they retreated to the kingdom of Bornou, where they remained for some years, living in the capacity of priests, and there they gained the favour of the sheik or king; but, unfortunately, the country becoming involved in war, and their master beheaded, they were compelled again to retreat, and ever since had been travelling as merchants, sometimes remaining four or five moons in one town. Terrasso-weea was also a dealer in slaves, when it suited his purpose. The goods in which he traded were chiefly Bornou ornaments—armlets, bracelets, and anklets, very heavy and richly chased or carved; native razors and beads, cloths of various manufacture and colours, various-coloured tobes, and neatly carved wooden bowls, bows and arrows, some brass rods, no doubt of European manufacture.

During our conversation my friend, the Bahia cook, seemed very anxious to ask some questions. I could not help admiring the difference between the sagacious behaviour of this man and that of his uncivilized brethren around him. He asked me a great many questions respecting Boothby and Johnston, and begged me to call on the firm, and deliver certain messages on my return to England. He intended to embrace the first opportunity of returning to Whydah, where he had some acquaintances, for he was not now comfortable, being entirely shut out from the civilized world. If he could only hear of any of his old master’s family being still alive in Liverpool, he would yet endeavour to get a passage thither.[16] The King had sent provision to us, and our host had also furnished us with more than a sufficiency; my excellent friend the cook begging to perform the cooking, declaring that it did his heart good to wait on a white man, but more especially an Englishman.

My friend and old acquaintance, the Tripoli man, seemed anxious to learn something of the steamers composing the Niger expedition. It appeared that he was quite acquainted with the disastrous fate of that expedition, and also with[Pg 186] the abandonment of the model farm, which he says he himself visited after he saw me at Egga. He says that the natives regretted much the abandonment of the farm, but the people are still in hopes of our again returning to trade with them. So that though the lives of many good men were sacrificed, the expedition has excited an inclination to trade, which must always be the leading means of civilization.

The King now sent his messengers to ask if I had finished my palaver, as he wished me and the merchant to pay him a visit at his palace. Thither we accompanied the messenger, and found his Majesty seated cross-legged on a square piece of Turkey carpet. He had two large brass pans beside him, without any contents, consequently I suppose they were merely used as ornaments. He had two of his principals sitting close by him; these were his principal malaams. Upon my approach he rose from his position, and shook hands with me, and then reseated himself on a low, richly-carved stool, the malaams each nursing a leg on their lap.

The sun was now set, and this interview was by torch-light. The King asked a great many questions about the sovereign of my country, and when told that the monarch was a woman he seemed confounded. He next asked me if she had many[Pg 187] husbands, and when I told him that she had only one, he shrunk up his shoulders. He then inquired if she went out to war in person. In fact, his inquiries were endless. Our palaver lasted about an hour, at the end of which we were allowed to retire.

We returned to the house of the merchant, where we had supper, and were afterwards accommodated with a comfortable mat and cloth to sleep upon. I slept very soundly, and did not awake till aroused by the noise of people getting their goods ready for the market. There are several markets in this town, consequently they are held on different days. I arose, and the Bahia cook had prepared some delicious dishes for my breakfast. The poor fellow seemed quite delighted to attend to my wants.

At breakfast I ate by myself, the merchant preferring other dishes. I made inquiry respecting the distance to Timbuctoo. He said that he had come from Timbuctoo in ten days, by commencing his journey before the sun, and travelling all day, only stopping to eat once. I found by comparing the day’s journey that he had come from the Dabadab Mountains. Thirty miles was about his day’s journey. He described Timbuctoo as not nearly so large as Adofoodia, and that it was only[Pg 188] remarkable as a mart for the exchange of goods as being convenient for that purpose. It is a great salt market, but has no manufacture.

The natives are chiefly employed in loading and unloading goods for the different traders, who assemble here to meet the various caravans and canoes, which arrive there at certain periods. A high duty is imposed upon every article of trade carried thither, in consequence of which great disturbance has been caused of late years, by the merchants refusing to pay it. Timbuctoo is described as being a considerable distance from the Joleeba, or Niger, up a tributary stream. Terrasso-weea informed me, as also the Tripoli merchant, that there are thirty-six branches or tributary rivers. All of these within one league run into the Niger, or Joleeba, near the Timbuctoo branch. Adofoodia is as large as Abomey, and its trade nearly equal in native merchandise. It is by observation, in latitude 13° 6ʹ N. and by reckoning 1° 3ʹ East longitude.

The market at Adofoodia is well supplied with nearly every article already mentioned, except tobacco, which I did not observe. Slaves are here sold in great numbers. During my stroll round the town I was followed by dense crowds of people wherever I went. Upon my return to my[Pg 189] quarters, I was visited by the King, who expressed a wish to see me fire out of my gun.

To gratify his curiosity I shot a pigeon which was flying past. This excited great surprise. He sent me a head of cowries to treat my men on my return to Dahomey. I had now only a few knives left, two of which I gave him, as well as some needles. I also gave some presents to my other kind friends, with whom I felt myself quite at home. They pressed me hard to stop another day, but circumstances would not permit me, and after being furnished with another head of cowries by Terrasso-weea, we marched on our return for the Kong Mountains, during which nothing very extraordinary occurred further than a slight fever; and on the 13th August, in the evening, we once more, to my great joy, arrived at Baffo, where I found my guard and the captain almost in despair.

FOOTNOTES:

[16] I have, since my return, called on the firm of Messrs. Boothby and Johnston, and found this story perfectly correct. His old masters gave him an excellent character.

I was told by some of my people whom I had left at Baffo, that the captain or caboceer had almost starved himself, having for some days after my march from Baffo to the Fellattah country refused food. He expressed his certain belief that in the event of his returning without me to Abomey he should lose his head. The character of the Dahoman is proverbial for being easily depressed, and as easily elevated. I was certainly a very welcome[Pg 191] sight to all my people whom I had left at Baffo. Immediately after my arrival a messenger was despatched to Abomey to acquaint the King with my return. He had sent a messenger daily to Baffo to ascertain whether any tidings had been obtained of my safety. These communications were kept up by a number of messengers stationed at intervals between Abomey and Baffo. After a short palaver, in which my motives for clandestinely leaving Baffo were condemned by them and justified by myself, I broached one of the rum kegs I had left at Baffo when I left for the Dabadab Mountains, and gave each of my people a dram. This soon settled all differences, and in a short time the merry dance succeeded to doubts and extreme anxiety.

The whole of the following day, August 14th, was spent in rejoicing, drinking peto, and dancing; and early on the following morning arrangements were made for marching on our return to Abomey. My excellent old friend Kpatchie, the caboceer of Zoglogbo, who had spent the evening with us, was again at Baffo by day-break, with a guard of one hundred men to accompany me on the first part of my journey. The caboceer of Baffo, Agassadoo, had also one hundred men ready to accompany me, making in all, with my own people, three[Pg 192] hundred armed men. My men, who accompanied me on my journey to Adofoodia, through the excessive fatigue which they had undergone and too freely indulging on the previous night, were so completely worn out and feverish, that it was arranged to leave them to their own discretion to return to Abomey by the nearest route; but with orders not to be later than ourselves in arriving in the capital.

With great satisfaction to myself and the Dahoman soldiers, we now commenced our march for the town of Logazohy, bearing N.N.W. Our march was across a fine plain, partly cultivated, with a crescent of mountains, called the Dassa Mountains, to the south and west. This valley, or plain, is well watered by small streams and springs of various qualities, and the surface of the soil is of a sandy clay. In crossing it I observed many different species of bulbous plants, of the flag tribe, which I had not noticed previously in any part of Africa I had yet visited; some of their blossoms or flowers appeared very much like the breast of a partridge in colour, and resembled in shape and texture the wing of the dragon-fly. A certain distance from Baffo, after emerging into the plain, is considered neutral ground between the Annagoos and Mahees, the former occupying[Pg 193] the whole of the chain of the Dassa Mountains, and denouncing all intercourse with their neighbours on either side of the mountains. They are consequently deficient in every article of European manufacture, possessed by their trading neighbours. They are contented, however, with their own resources, and, according to the old adage, that necessity is the mother of invention, they are considered much more ingenious than their rival neighbours. They are also good farmers, and like the Mahees and Dahomans, in the vicinity of their own towns, they hold farms by hereditary right, a method which does not exist in any part of the West Coast. There, generally, after one man has obtained a single crop from any piece of land, he is too indolent to follow up cultivation for a second, and consequently the ground is either left to be overrun with spontaneous vegetation, or to be taken possession of by another party.

The Annagoos of the Dassa mountains are considered dangerous enemies, although by no means distinguished for their valour or gallantry, but on account of their superior skill in the manufacture of different poisons. Perhaps the opinion entertained of these people may arise from superstition, but it is certain that a plant from which the strongest poison is extracted grows in abundance[Pg 194] at the base of these mountains, and that with this the poison for their arrows is prepared. This plant grows about eight feet high, has a round stem about the thickness of a man’s thigh, and is of a greenish grey colour. Its stems are fluted triangularly, and shoot from the main trunk at regular intervals. The stems or major branches also send forth minor ones bearing a resemblance and proportion to the horns of a species of deer or antelope abundant in this country. It is of the cactus tribe, and the whole is of a fleshy nature, but quite smooth and without prickles, growing almost without soil on the bare surface of the granite rock, and receiving nourishment from its long fleshy roots, which run in different directions, till they find some narrow fracture or crevice, into which they insert themselves. Their growth is very rapid.

I had been cautioned by my Dahoman caboceer, early in the morning previous to our marching, not to touch either a flower or a shrub of any description, or even pick up a pebble, as I had been in the habit of doing when I observed any thing new on my journey. I took little heed of this wholesome injunction, supposing that his motives were merely to prevent any delay on the road, as the day was likely to be rainy. Upon[Pg 195] observing a succession of this plant, as I rode along, I carelessly laid hold of and broke off a portion of the stem of one, which was extremely brittle. A yell was instantly raised amongst my soldiers, and in a moment it was snatched out of my hand, and thrown a considerable distance from the path, while another soldier seized my horse’s head and pulled it on one side from the plant.

Upon inquiring the cause of such an unceremonious proceeding, I was assured, that I had run into extreme danger myself, as well as all those near my person, as this plant was the most deadly poison to be found in that country, and that even the vapour from a fracture or wound in the stem or any other part of it, from which a milky liquid almost in a stream exudes, which comes in contact with the eye, invariably causes total blindness, and death immediately any particle of the juice comes in contact with the blood. Be this as it may, I certainly observed in Logazohy and some neighbouring krooms an extraordinary number of blind persons, as well as blind dogs, which naturally excited my curiosity. I thought that this was occasioned by the ravages of the small-pox, but I observed that many were totally blind where no signs of[Pg 196] small-pox were visible, (though this disease is very prevalent here as well as in all the neighbouring kingdoms to the north and east of these mountains,) but upon inquiry, I found that the blindness was attributed to coming in contact with this plant.[17]

None but the inhabitants of the Dassa mountains, it is said, can safely make use of this plant. It was also stated to me, that three years ago, when an attempt was made upon a certain large town, on one of these mountains, the inhabitants poisoned the waters which ran near the Dahoman camp, from which the besiegers obtained their supplies, and in consequence, that some thousands of the Dahoman army perished in the most excruciating agony. On this account the siege was abandoned. No other attempt has ever since been made to take this town, though wells might be dug and water obtained with very little trouble, for springs are numerous and copious in this neighbourhood.

Previous to our arrival at the mountain-pass which divides the crescent, through which we[Pg 197] marched in crossing this range of mountains, we passed many singularly formed spiral rocks, upon some of which were resting immense blocks of the same material, placed horizontally. Upon several of these apparently dangerous precipices, men were perched, and even dogs with them, each man armed with bow and arrow, watching us as we passed. At the moment I was quite unaware of their motive for watching us so narrowly, and concluded that it was merely the curiosity of seeing us as we passed, but we had not gone more than a very short distance before I found out their motive. These selfish people, besides shunning all intercourse with other tribes, will not allow even a pebble, or any thing dead or alive, not even a serpent, to be carried into another country. Not being made acquainted with this circumstance, (though I had been cautioned without any reason being assigned by my caboceer,) I asked one of my private servants to pick up a piece of stone of an unusual appearance. As soon as this was observed by them, a Dassa bowman ran up nearly alongside of me, raising several hideous yells, accompanied with menacing gestures. I did not know their language, and the Dahomans only understood what was meant by the bowman’s motions directing me to give up the stone. His[Pg 198] yell brought in less than five minutes many hundreds of men and boys, all armed with bows and arrows, many of whom had their arrows already resting on the string. My caboceer, who had now placed himself alongside of my horse, reminded me of the caution he had given me.

The Dassa people were still advancing alongside of us, continuing their hideous yells. Observing this, I asked the meaning of their following us, and was told that they were singing the stranger’s praise, but their gestures and menacing attitudes convinced me that it was not so, though to drown the noise, my own people began a song in praise of the “king’s stranger,” as they called me. At last one of the Dahomans admitted, that, although he was unacquainted with their language, he was certain the Dassa people were cursing us. Upon this I remonstrated with the caboceer upon his suffering them to follow us in such a menacing manner, and begged him to order the additional guard to load their pieces, and give our pursuers a volley. He assured me that their pieces had been loaded previous to our leaving Baffo, and that each man had three bullets in his musket. He declared that he should like to give them a volley, which he knew would soon disperse them, but that the King had given him orders not on any[Pg 199] account to commence hostilities, except in the event of an attack, and then to retaliate immediately with all his force.

This was doubtless a more prudent course than I could at that moment reconcile myself to, having already experienced the advantage of taking the first step in an affray with Africans, but afterwards the King of Dahomey argued the injustice of a first attack, as we were only intruders in the Dassa territory, and had not come there to make war. I had my carbine and both pistols heavily charged with slugs, and could willingly have made the Dassa bowmen a present of a few when they first came up alongside of me, had the caboceer allowed me.

After accompanying us two miles in the manner I have described, that is, till we reached the neutral ground on the N. W. side of the mountains, they suddenly turned back towards their homes. My fine old friend Kpatchie, and also the caboceer of Baffo, soon afterwards left us to return to their respective abodes. It now came on to rain heavily, rendering the path, which is of a light clay, extremely slippery.

Before leaving the natives of the Dassa mountains, it may not be uninteresting to make a few observations respecting them. For generations[Pg 200] they have inhabited this range of mountains, though they have been on several occasions disturbed by enemies, who however have always been repulsed with loss. Their mountains are extremely difficult of access; and, unlike any of their neighbours, they take the precaution to preserve sufficient food for some months, in case of a besieging force coming against them. This precaution, and the supply of water from the mountain springs, enables them to withstand the force and skill of any enemy. They speak a language quite distinct from that of the neighbouring tribes, one instance of the inaccuracy of Mr. Crowther’s assertion that all the tribes inhabiting the Kong Mountains, from the Niger to the Ashantee country, speak the same language.

I had several Yarriba and Houssa men with me, all of whom declared that they could not speak the Dassa language. These mountaineers are selfish and revengeful in the extreme, and are considered great cowards, for they depend chiefly upon the chances of poisoning their enemy. They are numerous on account of their never disposing of their slaves, and polygamy is, as in most African kingdoms, allowed to any extent. Their towns (those at least which we saw) were large and well-peopled, and their position judiciously selected for defence.[Pg 201] They do not keep their cattle in herds on the plains, like their neighbours, but on the mountains, which have more vegetation than most of the Mahee mountains of the same height. They are great farmers and hunters. Regular markets of exchange are established with one another. It is said that they have a superior method of manufacturing iron, which has been observed in their arrow-heads. Their worship is pagan.

The west side of some of these mountains presents to the observer a most singular appearance, being composed of immense blocks of stone, (granite,) thrown by some volcanic power indiscriminately one upon another, resembling at a distance the large towns built on other parts of the mountains. The highest of the Dassa mountains, which is close on the left or south side of the pass crossing this chain, is two thousand five hundred feet high. The pass through these mountains is picturesque and grand; huge blocks of granite resting on pivots and angles, almost terrific to pass. The blue eagle, and various large birds of varied plumage and forms, give a wild grandeur to the scene. The pass is extremely rough, the traveller ascending and descending rocks, to the distance of a mile, to avoid the deep pools in the hollows between them, formed by the stream of[Pg 202] considerable size which runs in the same direction as the pass. The noise and gushing sound of the cataracts reminded me of scenes far distant. I should have enjoyed it much better had we not been annoyed by the Dassa people.

It is remarkable, that in all the mountains in the interior I have never observed a stone building, though stone might much easier be obtained than the clay with which they are invariably built; for instance, they carry clay from the plain for the purpose of building upon granite rocks, on mountain-tops elevated two thousand feet from their base. The lion, hyæna, and panther abound in these mountains, and often commit great depredations. The antelope is also a resident here.

After crossing the chain of the Dassa mountains, we entered another beautiful plain, quite open to a distance of many miles to the northward. The soil is of a light sandy clay and loam, well watered by small streams, running to the N.E. The ground, in consequence of the heavy rains, had, as I stated, become very slippery; and, whether by accident or intentionally I cannot determine, one of my Dahoman carriers, sent with me by Mayho, let fall from his head a large case, containing bottles of rum, breaking all but two. One of the soldiers who was close behind[Pg 203] him stated that this act was intentional, and the caboceer declared that he would report the slave’s conduct to his master immediately upon his return to Abomey. It was an unfortunate event to myself and the caboceer, especially as my stock of spirits was now nearly exhausted, and we had still many towns to visit, where in all such cases a present of a flask of rum is considered an indispensable dash to the caboceers and their head-men.

Immediately after the case fell from the man’s head, one of the soldiers placed it on its bottom, and I opened it. The box being pretty closely packed, we managed to preserve a considerable portion of the rum; but I had only two bottles, which I always ordered my own men to carry in their havresacks, filled with water. We poured out the water from these, and filled them with the dirty rum. The bottles having been packed with straw, some of the soldiers wrung out the rum into their calabashes, to drink. The remainder of the rum was distributed amongst my people, with the exception of the unfortunate carrier, whom the caboceer would not allow to taste it; and, as a farther punishment, he was ordered to change his load for a much heavier one. The plain was here thinly studded with palm and shea butter-trees.

After marching about thirteen miles, we entered a thick wood, which runs along the base of a second range or crescent of mountains, similarly situated to the Dassa mountains, but of much less magnitude, and thickly wooded to the top. The geology of this differs from the Dassa range, being composed chiefly of limestone, and a beautifully twisted or waved marble of variegated colours—yellow, white, blue, and red. After passing about five miles along their base, under large trees of various sorts, the rain falling in torrents, we arrived at the pass across this second range. The path, though well trodden under foot, was entirely covered with pepper trees, of the small Chili tribe, about ten feet in height.

These bushes proved very annoying for a distance of about two miles. The branches of the pepper-trees extended across the path at about four feet from the ground, where they were so firmly interwoven as almost to unseat me from my saddle, and being in full bearing at this season the annoyance was still greater, the seeds coming in contact with the face and eyes, and causing actual torture.

It was very agreeable again to see the open plain, which we found at a short distance from the mountains, beautifully cultivated. I forgot to mention,[Pg 205] that during our passing over the last range, I observed some very singularly marked monkeys, having a white streak across the upper part of the forehead, white round the mouth, and on the tip of the nose. These were much smaller than the black or brown monkey, and of a slate-grey-coloured body. We passed several large shocks of beans or peas, of a description I had not yet noticed. They appeared to be very prolific, and were about the size of the horse-bean in England, but as white as our white pea; the stalk about three feet long, and also of a light colour. I found upon inquiry that these were preserved for seed, which were to be immediately put into the ground, though they had only been two days gathered. I was told that the seed would produce another crop in the space of two moons and a half. In this country they have also a great variety of the ground-bean and nut, which is also very abundant.

After twenty-one miles we arrived at the town of Logazohy, where, although completely drenched by the day’s heavy rain, we were obliged to remain in the market-place till the poor old caboceer, who was in a very delicate state of health, could prepare himself for my reception, as the King’s stranger. After the usual prostration and forms[Pg 206] of welcome, by drinking water, and then rum, we were led into a spacious court-yard, where we observed a number of young female slaves, who were very handsome, busily employed in grinding corn. They seemed to have been taken unawares, for upon our approach they instantly fled. We passed into a second and much smaller yard, where a good house for myself and private servants was pointed out to me. This I ascertained belonged to Mayho’s traders, who are stationed here.

The town belonging to Mayho by right of conquest, the honour of accommodating me with this apartment was claimed by these men, Mayho having been appointed white man’s guardian or father during his sojourn in the Dahoman kingdom. This circumstance seemed to cause a certain degree of jealousy on the part of the caboceer and head men, who insinuated that the apartments were not sufficiently good for the King’s white stranger to lodge in. However, I expressed myself quite satisfied and comfortable. After being supplied with a thick rush-mat and a country-cloth, I stripped off all my wet clothes, and wrapped myself in the cloth.

The whole front of my house was open, consequently crowds, both young and old of both[Pg 207] sexes, pressed eagerly almost into my apartment, to see my white skin, which seemed greatly to excite their curiosity. In about an hour after our arrival, the caboceer sent ten large calabashes of ready-cooked provisions for me to distribute amongst my people, and a few minutes afterwards the merchants brought me thirty-three more dishes, holding about twenty English bushels, with one live Guinea-fowl, a duck of the Muscovy breed, and several common fowls.

The merchants, six in number, upon presenting me with the provisions, prostrated themselves, the principal a little in advance of the others, when after rubbing the upper parts of their naked persons with the dust, or rather mud, they raised themselves to their knees, upon which they remained resting on their hams, the custom always in addressing a superior. The principal or head man, acting as a spokesman, expressed gratification at having an opportunity of displaying their gratitude and good feeling towards their King and his stranger, who had condescended to visit their country, and hoped that this would not be the last opportunity which would be afforded them of testifying their good feeling to an Englishman. They said that it was owing to the skill and goodness of white men who[Pg 208] brought white man’s goods into their country, that they were enabled to keep up a trade superior to the kingdoms in the interior; then after expressing a wish that I would soon again pay them another visit, the head man begged that I would do him the honour to enter their names in my book. They were as follows:—

The caboceer and merchants were previously made aware of our intention to visit their town, and were therefore enabled to get food prepared for us. A strong fire was kindled inside my house, and my wet clothes hung round to dry during the night. I have often been surprised at their carelessness with respect to fire. During the rainy season it is generally kindled inside their huts, which even in the centre seldom exceed eight feet in height, and though the thatch reaches within three feet of the ground, yet accidents seldom occur. It is true, they have generally little to lose by fire, the extent of their furniture being a stool or two, and a few earthen pots of native manufacture, in which they cook their food, and a few gourds or calabashes. The roof alone can be destroyed, the walls being thick and of clay, hardened by fire.

August 16th.—Early in the morning I was visited by the caboceer Chaou, who according to custom came to wish me good morning. He introduced all his head men to me, explained the nature of each of their offices. Soon afterwards, a number of the caboceer’s wives arrived, accompanied by double their own number of slaves loaded with provisions, which were presented to myself and people. As soon as this ceremony was concluded, the person appointed to taste each dish, as well as one of my own people, partook of a small portion of each, to show us that there was nothing poisonous contained in it. After the several dishes were all distributed, Chaou, in a whisper, begged the captain of my guard to ask if I would condescend to enter his own name and those of his head men in my book. Of course I readily assented, and entered as follows:—

Chaou.[18]
Adjutabellee.
Douzougoukeny.
Amouzoukpway.
Bozou-nogoodithay.
Annessou.
Aladee.
Nah.
Dosoutimee.
Dojee.
Adjobolee.
Awalla.
Alee.
Atepwhahoo.
Asseedaw.
Agasahogloo.
Kadjo.
Kapo.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] After my return to Whydah, I happened to mention this circumstance to a Portuguese slave-merchant, at the same time doubting the truth of the powers of this plant. He assured me of the correctness of this information, and that the same plant is to be found in the Brazils.

[18] Caboceer.

Previous to my leaving Abomey for the Mahee country, the King expressed a desire that I should either enter the town, (where it might be arranged for me to remain all night,) in regimentals; or if more convenient to me, dress in them on the following morning, and proceed a short distance out of the town, going through a formal reception by the caboceer and head men. Accordingly, it was arranged that I should remain one day for that purpose, and about ten o’clock, all being ready, I, together with all my retinue, marched out of the town to the distance of about half a mile, in the same direction as we entered. We[Pg 211] then countermarched, and were met by Chaou and head men, with his guard of about eighty soldiers, armed with muskets and short swords. As they advanced, a constant fire was kept up till within a few yards of us. Then both parties halted; upon which the usual prostration and palaver of welcome were as minutely observed as if he had not before seen us. We afterwards drank water with each other, and then rum of a very indifferent quality. Both parties then alternately went through their exercise of attack and defence. Their mode of skirmishing is all by stealth upon the enemy, and their charge is a wild disorderly rush, without any line being preserved. Each soldier upon his return brings with him a tuft of grass, or a piece of a bough of some description, to represent a head which he is supposed to have just cut off.

We then advanced to the town, where we formed up in the market-place. Here each party alternately kept up what they called dancing, and drinking rum and peto for about an hour. Their motion in dancing is unlike that of any other country with which I am acquainted. They never use their legs, except when making some[Pg 212] extraordinary leap to change their front in another direction, their principal motion being in the hips and shoulders, which are thrown backwards and forwards in rapid motion; sometimes their movements are, to any civilized being, of a very disgusting nature.

During this ceremony the market-place was crowded with spectators, who seemed quite delighted with the performance. Each caboceer invariably keeps a clown, who is selected according to his powers of humour, many of them displaying considerable talent. At last a messenger came to signify to Chaou that dinner was prepared for us, when we retired to our houses, where we found not only an extravagant quantity of provision, supplied by the caboceer, but also by the same merchants who had already been so liberal. We were also supplied with a large quantity of peto.

After dinner I took a survey of the town, which for regularity and neatness surpassed most of those I had yet visited in the Mahee country. It is strongly fenced, has an inner wall, and a large outer and inner market, well supplied with native produce and manufactures. Rats, mice, and the guano are also sold in[Pg 213] greater abundance for consumption than in any other place I had seen. This was the first town in which I observed any regularity or form of manufactory.

In the principal square, which was entirely occupied by the caboceer and retinue, nearly one side was occupied by corn-mills, where a number of very handsome young female slaves were employed grinding corn. About two yards distant, behind where the grinders were employed, was a line of fires, parallel to the line of mills; each fire was attended by a cook and an assistant. The whole was covered in with a roof neatly thatched. The side of the building facing the square was open like a shed.

During the greater part of the afternoon I was beset with visitors, bringing some trifling articles as presents, amongst whom were many fetish-women, who brought me some eggs. These women are licensed beggars, sanctioned by royalty, and possess great influence amongst the people. They attend all public markets, and are entirely supported by contributions, which are liberally bestowed from a dread of offending them. The old caboceer, Chaou, paid me a visit,[Pg 214] and earnestly inquired if I could prescribe any medicine for a severe cough which much annoyed him. He said that some of my soldiers told him I could cure all diseases. I gave him a few colocinth and calomel pills, knowing that he would not feel satisfied without something in the shape of medicine,—in return for which he gave me a young bull.

The land here is well cultivated, and bears excellent crops near the town. The rocks are of granite, and singularly twisted and stratified horizontally, with scarcely any dip, in sections of pure white, resembling alum.

Leprosy as well as small-pox appear to be the most prevalent diseases here. The town of Logazohy contains eight or nine thousand inhabitants. The cattle are handsome and numerous, with the exception of pigs, which had lately suffered much from a disease resembling the small-pox. Very few are now left in the country.

Towards the evening I felt a little feverish, probably from recent fatigue and sleeping in wet clothes. I subsequently ordered a bason of gruel to be prepared for me, and took a dose of James’s powder and some sedative of opium. Upon lying[Pg 215] down for the night, my friend the captain of my guard seemed much alarmed, for he saw that I was ill. He was very anxious that I should not take any medicine, lest it might kill me, but I assured him that I took it for the purpose of getting well. Being extremely ill, I had given orders not to admit any strangers into my apartment, or even into the yard, but one poor old woman, who had a son suffering dreadfully from leprosy, managed to gain admittance to me, bringing a present of two fowls and some eggs. These, however, I declined to accept, on account of her poverty, but assured her that if she would bring her son to me, I would give him some medicine; and told the old dame that white man came to her country to teach them and do them good, and at the same time explained to her that my reason for not accepting her present, was not that I undervalued its pecuniary worth, but from a conviction that she might sell them in the market for her own benefit.

Upon this, the poor old woman prostrated herself, and as usual covered herself with mud, for the rain had been very heavy all the previous day and night. She remained on her knees for some time, singing an extemporary song in praise[Pg 216] of the King’s stranger. She then departed to bring her son, and in a short time returned with the unfortunate object of her solicitude, who was decidedly the most loathsome creature in human form I ever beheld. He was apparently about nineteen or twenty years of age, and was covered with the loathsome disease from head to foot except those parts which were ulcerated, with a discharge chiefly from the arm-pits. The smell was so intolerable that my servants retreated upon his approach. He was reduced to a mere skeleton, and yet the poor fellow appeared not to suffer much pain, nor did any particular organ seem to suffer more than another.

This case being beyond my skill, I could only prescribe calomel pills, and a few doses of salts. I also presented the mother with a few needles and a thimble, for which she seemed truly grateful, pronouncing a blessing upon me as she departed. At last I had an opportunity of lying down to rest. Though suffering much from fever, I soon fell into a confused sleep, from the powerful dose of opium I had taken. Early in the morning I rose with a view of getting the greater part of my journey over before the sun should reach the meridian, but[Pg 217] after breakfast, August 17th, some of my men beginning to dispute about carrying the luggage as previously arranged, I was compelled to use my horsewhip. The excitement produced by this disobedience suddenly threw me into a violent chill, which commenced at the feet, and rapidly rose upwards till it reached the pit of the stomach. Then sickness and vomiting began, followed by violent headach and giddiness.

This kind of attack is generally a prelude to a very severe and dangerous fever. In a few minutes after the chill reached my chest, I reeled and fell prostrate; but when the violent burning of the fever commenced, the giddiness partly left me. I then took another strong dose of opium and James’s powder, and lay down for two hours. I now found myself in a violent perspiration, overcome by a sort of pleasing stupor. This enabled me to bear up against the violence of the fever.

I ordered my horse to be again got ready, in defiance of the kind remonstrances of the captain of my guard, and commenced my journey, bearing magnetic W.N.W. At a short distance from the town, we passed over marble rocks,[Pg 218] beautifully twisted; but, on entering the plain, we again found the bed composed of fused iron ore, with shea-butter and palm-trees, thinly spread over it, and many other trees, the names and class of the greater part of which were strange to me, being unacquainted with botany.

At a short distance from the town of Logazohy, we crossed a small stream of good water, about three feet deep and eight feet wide, running eastward. This stream is named Damadomy. After crossing it, I observed several large sycamore and ash trees, exactly similar to those found in England, but of considerably larger growth, and the bark more rough and fractured. Here also were numerous stunted shrubs, of a peculiar description, which are very seldom met with, except in this neighbourhood, and occupy a belt of country extending east and west. One of these plants or shrubs is from four to six feet in height, with numerous branches; both trunk and branches are very crooked, and contain but very few leaves. The branches are nearly all of one thickness, from the trunk to their top, which terminates abruptly. The leaves are much smaller, but in shape resemble those of the laurel; they are very fleshy,[Pg 219] and of a pea-green colour. The bark is grey, and also very fleshy; upon the whole this shrub has the appearance of having been scorched and in a state of recovery.

From a Sketch by Duncan Hullmandel & Walton Lithographers.
THE KONG MOUNTAINS, IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF LOGAZOHY.

At twelve miles distant, to the southward, I observed a range of mountains, forming an arch of 90° S. and W. At eight miles further, we arrived at the river Agbado, a rapid stream, twenty yards wide, and only six feet deep, with steep banks densely wooded, with very large trees, and a thick underwood. The river runs N.E. at this point, but soon changed its course. When we reached it, we were much disappointed (at least my guard pretended to be so) at not finding that any arrangement had been made for our crossing the river. This, they alleged, ought to have been done by the caboceer of Savalu, distant only two miles, whom we had purposely come to visit. It appeared, however, that the notice he had received of our intention to visit him was so short, that he had scarcely any time to arrange himself and his household.

My conviction was, that this apparent neglect was the result of a preconcerted arrangement, in order to give the Dahoman soldiers an opportunity[Pg 220] of exhibiting their skill as engineers. I proposed to swim my horse and self across, but this was opposed by the caboceer, on account of the rapidity of the stream. Besides, how were the officers’ wives, who carried their baggage, and also my own carriers, to get across? For this purpose I proposed rafts to be made from branches of trees, cut into lengths and lashed together and passed across by a rope, formed from the long fibres which grow downwards from the branches of the large trees on this bank, resembling hundreds of ropes of various thickness. These extraordinary fibres are sometimes thirty and forty feet long, according to the height of the branches from which they grow, and are extremely tough. They are pliable and of great strength. When they reach the ground, they insert themselves to some depth, and again take root, from which other trees spring upwards. They frequently form a colonnade of considerable extent along the banks of rivers, and resemble mangroves.

My proposition was not approved of, and a council of officers being held, it was in a short time determined to adopt rather a novel method, which it may be interesting to describe. As I have[Pg 221] already stated, large trees, of a species which I have previously mentioned, grew on the banks on either side of this river. A number of small trees were cut, each of the private soldiers cutting with his short sabre, or knife, till a sufficient number were thus obtained. These poles newly cut were tied to the long fibres hanging perpendicularly from the branches of the larger trees, and were then attached in succession, horizontally, till they reached the hanging fibres of the trees on the opposite bank.

After having fixed two lines of poles across, in the manner I have described, about one yard apart, short pieces of wood were cut and placed across, and small boughs, and grass or reeds, placed on the top, so that a suspension-bridge was thus simply constructed in the short space of half an hour. The whole party then passed over in safety. I was informed, in reply to a question, that this is by no means an invention of the Dahomans, but has long been practised in Central Africa, especially in time of war, and where the rivers are not too wide. Floating bridges are also constructed in a similar manner, where the above method cannot be adopted.

After crossing this river we entered the Annagoo country. We halted a short time on the bank, to give the caboceer of Savalu time to prepare himself for our reception. A messenger now arrived to say that he would shortly be ready to receive us. I here changed my dress, and substituted my military uniform. This caboceer was described to be a man of great wealth and power, and a great favourite with the King of Dahomey. He is consequently allowed a considerable degree of discretionary power beyond that of any other chief, the caboceer of Whydah excepted.

As soon as my rude toilet was finished, I mounted as a Life Guardsman, but not quite so neat as when on duty at Whitehall. After advancing about one mile towards the town, we were met by the caboceer under some very large trees, where was a cranery. This place was delightfully shaded. Here the captain of my guard and myself seated ourselves under one of the trees, till this great personage made three times a procession in a circle round us to the left, for it is considered unlucky to form circle to the right. This caboceer appeared to consider himself much above[Pg 223] any other I had seen, either in the Mahee or Dahoman kingdoms, now united. He would not condescend to walk, but was carried round us in his hammock. He then alighted, and his hammock was carried suspended to a pole, each end resting on the heads of two stout slaves, who always proceeded at a trot. He advanced towards us on foot, after he had displayed to his own satisfaction the richly ornamented hammock in which he had been riding. He afterwards informed me that it was presented to him by the King of Dahomey. He next went through the usual ceremony of prostration, and rubbing himself with dust. He then delivered a long address of welcome to the King’s English stranger, finishing his harangue by saying that I was like to a man who had been many moons searching in the bush for a large block of wood for his fire, and had rejected many as being bad wood to burn, but to his great satisfaction at last found a large tree of a peculiar description, which burnt like a lamp. He said, that I in like manner had been travelling through the Mahee and Fellattah countries, but during the whole of my long journey I had not seen any town so great or so[Pg 224] grand as the town of Savalu, which I was about to enter.

The caboceer, whose name is Bagadee, is a very fine stout handsome black, of very pleasing expression and address, possessing great intelligence; and having travelled a considerable distance in the neighbouring kingdoms, he has a tolerable idea of the geography of the surrounding country. As we advanced towards the town, which was certainly the most picturesque and grand of any I had seen since leaving the country of the Fellattahs, we ascended six platforms in succession, of flights of steps naturally formed, of a very peculiar sort of stone, resembling petrified wood, and stratified perpendicularly. These steps extend upwards of a mile in length, and each platform is of nearly the same breadth, preserving the same throughout; so that an observer could scarcely be convinced that they were formed by Nature, were he not aware of the generally indolent character of the natives. These platforms were about fifty yards in width, with numerous little villages situated thereon, apparently occupied by farmers, and here all the cattle are kept, of which there are great numbers: goats[Pg 225] and sheep only are admitted in the town. The mountain of Savalu, from which the town takes its name, is beautifully wooded to the summit, with bold projecting rocks or precipices at different distances, showing their hoary crowns and angles, forming a beautiful back-ground to the town, which, independently of the neighbouring kroom, is certainly larger than any town in the Mahee country, and before it was ceded to the Dahomans was always considered the capital or metropolis. The houses are much larger generally, and built with more taste and uniformity than any Mahee town. The caboceer’s house is two stories high, and built on a platform directly overlooking the market-place. His house and the market are separated by a wall about ten or twelve feet high. The windows or light-holes of the upper story are considerably higher than the wall, so that the inmates, chiefly the caboceer’s wives, can overlook the whole of the market-place, and in fact the whole town, being situated on the base of the mountain.

We remained in the market-place about an hour and a half, drinking rum and peto, the soldiers of each guard alternately dancing and keeping up an irregular fire. During this time the caboceer’s[Pg 226] wives were stealing a peep through the windows, but the moment they were observed withdrew. Amongst the soldiers of Savalu, I noticed the jester very particularly, who certainly displayed more wit and fun than clowns generally do, in endeavouring to fire off his musket, which several times missed fire; upon which he shook out the whole of the priming, and spit into the pan, and again snapped the piece as if expecting the explosion would fellow. He also performed several other antics equally ridiculous. At last we were allowed to retire to the quarters which had been allotted to us. These were a considerable distance from the principal market-place.

We passed through several minor markets on our way to my quarters, then from one court-yard to another, till we at last reached the house appointed for us, which, according to my ideas, ill corresponded with the description given by the young caboceer of his town. The house was so low in the doorway, that I was compelled to enter on my hands and knees, and when I had passed through a partition into the inner apartment, which was as dark as a dungeon, I was obliged to burn a light. I felt much annoyed at this, and refused[Pg 227] to remain there, looking upon it as an insult. Upon this circumstance being made known, several of the trading merchants from Abomey kindly proffered me their houses, provided the caboceer had no objections.

A messenger was consequently despatched to communicate my dissatisfaction with my lodgings to the caboceer, who appeared quite surprised, and came back with my messenger to make personal inquiry respecting it. Upon his inquiring why I objected to the apartment, I told him my first impression was that it must have been used as a prison, on account of its strength and darkness, being without any aperture to admit of light, except the low doorway.

In explanation he informed me, that in his country the greater part of the houses were purposely so constructed, to prevent the inmates from being seen by a passer-by, who might shoot them with their arrows, in time of war, which was a common practice; and that this house had been selected as a security against such an occurrence. However, I chose the house of the merchant, which was tolerably comfortable; but felt rather feverish, and had also a slight touch of ague. I[Pg 228] found it necessary, therefore, to take more medicine, which so much alarmed my caboceer, that he refused all sorts of food whatever, complaining bitterly of the advantage taken in stealing a march upon him into the country of enemies, thereby endangering his life as well as my own. He declared his conviction, that I had contracted my illness through excessive fatigue and exposure in the Fellattah country. However, two doses of James’s powder and opium considerably subdued my fever. Here we were, as usual, supplied with large quantities of provision ready cooked, both by the caboceer and merchants. Late in the evening the caboceer again visited me, bringing with him some rum as well as some cherry brandy, which he proudly boasted had been sent him by the King of Dahomey. After he had distributed these, I gave him the contents of a flask of rum from my own stores, a box of lucifer matches, and a large Jew’s harp, which seemed to afford him much pleasure. At a late hour he and his head-men retired to their homes, much to my satisfaction, for I felt much in want of rest.

August 18th.—We were visited early by the caboceer, who came to wish us good morning, bringing with him another small flask of rum, with which we drank each other’s health. He seemed very desirous to acquaint me with his wealth and power, explaining that he held, under the King of Dahomey, a discretionary power superior to any other caboceer, and also the government of several neighbouring towns in the Mahee country, as well as several large towns in his own country (Annagoo),[Pg 230] which he assisted the Dahomans in subduing. Savalu is the frontier town of the Annagoo country, the natives of which are always considered a lawless, marauding people, and habituated to acts of extreme cruelty.

In a short time breakfast was brought; after partaking of which we were again invited to the market-place, where many thousands, both old and young, were assembled to see the white man. The crowd was so great, that the ground-keepers were entirely overpowered, although they used their immense whips with great violence and dexterity. It is a singular fact, that the state constables in nearly all the large towns of the Dahoman, Mahee, Fellattah, and Annagoo countries, are selected from deformed persons. Many of them are armed with a bullock’s tail dried with the skin on, and the long hair shaven off. This is a merciless weapon when used with both hands, which is frequently the case when authority is resisted. The offending parties are compelled to kneel down, and to place a hand on each knee, the body bending forward towards the constable, who inflicts his blows longitudinally on the back. This is a very severe punishment, and is the mode adopted for minor[Pg 231] offences through the whole Dahoman kingdom. A dozen is the greatest number I ever knew inflicted at one time on the same person.

Some soldiers having been stationed to assist in keeping the ground, something like order was restored, and the amusements commenced by the caboceer circling round in his hammock, as on the previous afternoon. During this a continual firing was kept up. He afterwards got out of his hammock, and advanced within a few yards of me, when, as usual, he went through the regular forms of prostration. He then examined my horse and trappings, apparently with great interest. His soldiers and head men then commenced dancing; and, as a matter of courtesy, my caboceer condescended to dance with the same party. Their music was rude, but not very unpleasant; they were wind instruments, similar to the hautboy, accompanied with drums and calabashes, or gourds, covered with net-work strung with human teeth.

The fetish-women, who were at this period keeping up their annual custom, which lasts during a whole moon, were then introduced. They appeared[Pg 232] to be the finest and handsomest women in the place. They were richly ornamented with coral and brass bracelets or armlets, apparently of Bornouese manufacture. Each wore, besides a country cloth, a large silk handkerchief of European manufacture. I could scarcely refrain from expressing my regret at seeing them prostrate themselves, and besmearing themselves with dirt, after the pains which they had taken to appear so neat and clean before this form of humiliation.

As soon as this ceremony was finished, the whole party repeated a short prayer, after which they commenced a dance by themselves, singing some particular song, to which they kept time by clapping their hands against those of their partner. My own soldiers next commenced dancing, when they were joined by the principal men of Savalu, who considered themselves highly honoured by being allowed to dance with my Dahoman soldiers.

After this sort of amusement had been concluded, I presented both parties of soldiers with some rum, and took a stroll round the town to examine the markets, and observe their mode of manufacture. This day, however, had been set[Pg 233] apart by order of the caboceer as a holiday, so that scarcely any thing was exposed for sale in the market. However, I had an opportunity of seeing the blacksmith and weaver at work. The weavers here use a more perfect loom than the Fellattahs, and are also much superior to any I observed in the Mahee country. At Savalu they weave a sort of webbing similar to some of the fine silk webbing used for gentlemen’s braces; but, upon a close inspection, I found that several of the principal weavers used European manufactured thread, both silk and cotton.

In the whole of the countries I have visited, either on the coast, or in the interior, they have no other method of spinning than by the ancient distaff. I have often wondered at this, for their looms are exactly on the same principle as those of Europe. They knit nightcaps in great quantities here; and during my stay at Baffo a man knitted me a pair of socks, from a pair I lent him as a pattern. These are still in my possession.

I asked permission to shoot some cranes in the cranery we passed yesterday, but the caboceer would only allow me to shoot the grey ones. The white[Pg 234] cranes, he said, were the fetish-men to the grey ones. The caboceer accompanied me, and seemed much surprised at my killing one with so small a gun on the top of so high a tree, particularly as he had never seen small shot used before. They generally use iron bullets, rudely forged. I offered to shoot one with a gun belonging to the principal warrior of my guard, but this he peremptorily refused, declaring “that if white man fired out of his gun, black man can never again kill any thing with the same piece.” To convince him of his error, I offered to let him have a shot with mine, but even this he declined. I afterwards learnt that they will not even allow their own comrades to fire out of their guns.

Upon my return home I found my court-yard covered with dishes of provision, smoking hot, the merchants as well as the caboceer having sent numerous dishes, as well as plenty of peto for my people to drink. Soon after we had finished our meal, we were beset with fetish-women, bringing small presents, received by them as tithes, on the last market-day. Tithes are actually customary to fetish-women even in Abomey. Although their present be ever so trifling, the acceptor is considered[Pg 235] as under a religious obligation to make a return of tenfold value.

One very fine old fetish-woman, accompanied by her two daughters, presented me with some eggs, which she brought me on a soup plate of English manufacture, for which I gave in return needles and thimbles. With these they seemed much pleased, but unfortunately on their way home they dropped the plate and broke it into several pieces. The young ladies returned crying bitterly, earnestly entreating me to mend it, and seemed still more grieved when I told them that it was beyond my skill. To console them, however, I told them that I would certainly send them one from Whydah by the Abomey messenger, who would forward it to Savalu by the traders. This promise I fulfilled.

Late in the evening the caboceer again visited me, when I presented him with a few ornamental trinkets, as well as a knife and a pair of scissors. With these he seemed pleased. I also presented his head men, and the Abomey merchants who had treated us so kindly, with some trifling articles. In return, they presented me with a live goat and some fowls.

August 19th.—Early in the morning I was visited by the caboceer, who came to pay his morning visit. The night had been very wet, and I was still suffering a little from fever; however, I was determined to proceed on my journey. We were furnished with a good breakfast, of which I partook a little. I had now become quite the African in my diet, which agreed with me very well, and I would recommend all travellers to adopt the same plan. When my party were announced to be all ready for the march, we were conducted through the principal market-place, where we found a fine young bull tied to one of the trees. The gay young caboceer here prostrated himself, and after the usual rubbing with dirt, presented me with this bull, which he sent to Abomey by carriers.

During my stay at Savalu the caboceer supplied me with seventy-seven large calabashes of ready-cooked provision, besides plenty of fruit, the principal of which, in use at this season, were the gwaba, pine-apple, oranges, popans, mangoes, and the kidney cachu. The caboceer, before leaving his town, begged me to do him the honour to insert his own and the name of his[Pg 237] head men in my book. I here give them, for they tend to show the names peculiar to different countries:—

Caboceer Bagadee.
Head men Agbuzzee.

Kootakoo.
Naghwoolyaemadah.
Dissou.
Naghohennah.
Agyddymoosee.
Agbadyea.
Kpwaghooda.
Agoyae.
Daffo.
Bozavee.
Kudjo.
Koko.
Attlah.
Athaly.
Dakphway.
Boka.
Vaugh.
Kogilee.
Lyhoo.
Bossou.
Gbazoo.
Oosa.
Atholoo.
Mirahoo.
Modjekossee.
Azamodoko.
Jayaloogo.
Kudjo 2d.
Akyea.
Jagadidjee.
Yakadya.

Caboceer’s Head wife Selamee

It may be well to observe here, that the name of Kudjo is not peculiar to this country, but rather to the Gold Coast, and is only given to those who are born on particular days.

After finishing the above ceremony, we marched[Pg 238] on our journey, bearing W.S.W., crossing the range of Savalu Mountains. The grass, which was very long (being nearly six feet), and hanging across the path, quite wet from the previous night’s rain, soon drenched us as much as a heavy rain would have done, but the sun very soon dried all of us, and perspiration succeeded. At two miles we reached a fine open plain studded with shea butter-trees, now ripe; their fruit was lying in large quantities under the trees.

The direction of the path now changed more southward. Here we passed numbers of ash-trees not different from that of Great Britain, except that they had a rougher bark, with deeper fracture. Journeying a few miles farther, we passed through some thick bush, where we found large quantities of wild grapes hanging in bunches over the path; the vine clinging to various trees, and running from one to another. This grape was of the green tribe, very similar to those which ornament the walls of our cottages in England, but the bunches were not so compact. At eight miles, we crossed the River Zoka, running S.E. with a rapid stream, on account of its being the rainy season. At nine miles we crossed another[Pg 239] brook, with excellent water, running in nearly the same direction.

At fourteen miles, we passed some curious shrubs of the same description as I observed in the Fellattah country; although in full vegetation, the leaves were coloured and marked like the feathers of a partridge. There is here also a great variety of the aloe tribe, some of which I found to change their colour and marks by transplanting to a different soil. The wild gwaba is very abundant here, and much larger than in the neighbourhood of Cape Coast. The yellow fig also abounds here as well as the kolla-nut.

At fifteen miles, we again crossed the river Zoka, which at this place runs S.W., twenty yards wide, with rocky bottom. Here we were detained upwards of two hours, in endeavouring to obtain a canoe, but as they are generally kept at a great distance from the paths, it takes several hours to bring them to the place of crossing. In this instance, however, we were totally defeated, for my messengers returned with tidings that the canoe was broken, so that we had no other method of getting across except by swimming. The stream at this place was very rapid, consequently[Pg 240] I deemed it prudent, not to swim across on horseback, but put on my life-preserver (an American one). Unfortunately it burst, and was of no use to me, but rather entangled me; and I was consequently carried a considerable distance obliquely down the stream. However, I landed safely on some rocks on the opposite side, but in doing so struck my knee against a rock, cutting a portion of skin off as well as bruising it.

My next object was to get my luggage across, now much diminished both in bulk and weight. I caused some poles, which were growing in abundance on the banks, to be cut into lengths and lashed together, in the form of a raft. In a piece of rag torn from the flap of my linen, I tied two bullets, attaching them to the end of a ball of sewing twine, which was loosely placed in a coil to prevent its getting entangled. The two bullets were then attached to a stouter piece of string, about one yard in length, used to sling them across the river. After the bullets were thrown across I pulled the twine over, to which a line of about the substance of a clothes’ line was fixed, the other end of which was fastened to the raft. This was placed on the water a considerable[Pg 241] distance above the landing-place, so as to allow for the current. Two boxes were placed on the raft, and when ready I pulled them across. This method was repeated until the whole of my luggage, as well as that of my officers, was safely landed.

By this time the greater part of my people had swam across also, but my horse still remained. It was also fastened to the end of the raft line and soon crossed the stream, but when it reached the opposite bank, which was nearly perpendicular and the water deep, the poor animal could not obtain a footing. A number of people pulled it by the halter, till the headstall gave way. The poor beast, already considerably exhausted from exertion, now made again for the other side, where it narrowly escaped being carried over a cataract formed of rocks a little below the place of crossing. To my great satisfaction, however, the noble little animal arrived safely on the opposite bank, shook itself, and neighed, looking across as if conscious of its being on the wrong side. The little fellow was again haltered with stronger material, and was launched into the river.

I now placed myself at a part of the bank close to a small creek, where it reached me without[Pg 242] difficulty, being lower down the stream. I at once saddled him, and resumed our journey.

I ought to have mentioned the gallant manner in which my caboceer and head men’s wives took the water. They did not even require the raft to carry their luggage across, the whole of which was contained in large gourd calabashes, about two feet and a half diameter. These vessels were guided across with one hand, while the other was used in swimming. Immediately after crossing the river, it commenced raining very heavily, and continued to do so for several hours.

The road was now extremely rough and bad, and the path so narrow and worn by the heavy rains washing away the soil and leaving the rough iron-stone and large roots crossing at short distances, as to render the march extremely fatiguing. Many of my poor fellows had their feet sadly bruised and cut. Having had several attacks of fever, I found myself considerably weaker within the last few days, and the wound on my leg daily enlarged and got in a very bad state. Being compelled to walk during the greater part of the latter end of this day, I felt more fatigued than I had ever done during the whole of my[Pg 243] long journey, though many of them had been much longer. We crossed several glens and brooks, with very steep rocky banks, which no English horse would have even attempted, but so sure-footed are these Badagry horses, that the little fellow scrambled over all without any serious accident. In one instance, while climbing a smooth-surfaced granite rock, it slipped from nearly the top to the bottom, where it crushed one of the holsters and broke a girth, but it remained uninjured; however, it courageously made a second attempt, in which it succeeded.

Owing to the road being so bad, we could make but slow progress; we were consequently benighted, and from the cloudy atmosphere the night was extremely dark. At last I became reckless, and blundered along with little or no caution, over rocks, through water, and over large roots, till about ten o’clock, when we came in sight of the lights of the town of Jallakoo. We had only made twenty-four miles during the whole of this long day. Jallakoo, like Savalu, was without walls or any fence.

After crossing the Savalu mountains, I was again[Pg 244] in the original kingdom of Dahomey, Jallakoo being the first Dahoman town in that direction. We were met at the entrance in the principal market-place by the old caboceer and his deputy who transacted all his official affairs. The caboceer was apparently upwards of ninety years of age. This venerable patriarch was determined to receive me with all the usual formality, and I was consequently (although I felt completely exhausted, as well as all my people) requested to dress myself in my uniform, and so enter the town. Fortunately, my appointments (epaulets and helmet) were tolerably clean, and had a very good effect by torch-light. Their torches are made of a very peculiar sort of wood, which when split into strips burns very brightly. These are sometimes smeared with the shea-butter.

After entering the town, we were conducted to an inner market-place, where we again halted to go through all the tedious ceremony of a Dahoman reception. This I could very willingly have dispensed with, for I now began to feel very uncomfortable, my under-clothing being completely saturated with the heavy rain of the afternoon,[Pg 245] which had now ceased. I also felt very sensibly an inclination to ague, which was considerably advanced by being put into a new house, the walls and thatch of which were quite green and open on three sides, which were merely borne on wooden pillars, for they had been informed that I did not like close or dark lodgings. I put up the little tent which I had constructed inside of the house; and a bedstead of bamboo with a rush mattress, which made an excellent bed, having been prepared for me, I was placed inside of it, and a strong fire immediately kindled close to me. I then ordered some gruel to be made of native meal, with which I took a strong dose of James’s powder and opium, and in a short time the ague ceased, but was immediately followed by a burning fever with intolerable thirst. I drank about half a pint of water every five minutes, till at last the perspiration became so copious, that I felt almost as wet as when in the rain. After this, I felt much easier, and through the powerful influence of the opium I passed a night of pleasant and happy dreams, which, on awaking, I sincerely regretted I could not realize. The caboceer, however, declared his night had been anything but[Pg 246] comfortable or refreshing, for he said I had been groaning and talking nearly the whole of it, which had much alarmed him. I felt so considerably weakened from the violence of the attack, and from such copious perspiration, and the stupifying effects of the opium, that I was scarcely able to stand on my legs. I rallied, however, and determined to resist as much as possible the powerful influence of the fever, and with a little assistance I walked a few times round the yard, in the centre of which was a fine large spring well, in the solid rock, with excellent water. Of this I took a copious draught, which considerably refreshed me.

In a short time the aged caboceer, Nokoomakay, sent twenty large calabashes, filled with provision, ready cooked for our breakfast; and immediately afterwards his deputy, Adyamee, sent me thirty-two more dishes. They both expressed regret that I should suffer from sickness while in their country, but assured me that nothing should be wanting on the part of their fetish-men and women in making intercession with the great Fetish for my immediate recovery, and also expressed their readiness to supply me with any thing necessary for my[Pg 247] comfort. After this they retired till we should finish our breakfast, when the deputy caboceer again paid me a visit; and though they both knew I was so ill, begged that I would favour them with a visit to the old man’s house in my regimentals and on horseback. Upon remonstrating, I found that my refusal was likely to create dissatisfaction, especially as his messenger arrived to inform me that at a council of fetish-men they had come to the conclusion that I should speedily recover from my present indisposition.

As soon as possible I prepared myself, and proceeded to the court-yard of the old caboceer, which was at some distance off. Having a great many very low doorways to pass through, I was nearly bent double. My horse also with difficulty passed through without his saddle, consequently I was prevented mounting until I arrived at the caboceer’s yard. Here I found the venerable chief seated under the shade of a large cabbage-tree, in readiness to receive us. Upon entering the court-yard, I found all his wives and slaves on their knees, with their hands together and in front of their faces, as if in the attitude of prayer.[Pg 248] Upon a given signal, they all clapped their hands three times, then a short pause ensued, and the same clapping of hands was repeated twice more. This is a mode of salutation in Whydah to a superior, as also as in all the Dahoman kingdom, as well as shaking hands, and the cracking of the two second fingers of each hand, joined, in the same manner as cracking the thumb and finger. The old man seemed much interested in seeing my horse saddled, and also with my arms, and the manner of placing them on the saddle to carry them. He next put a great many questions to me respecting white man’s country, and seemed much astonished at my answers.

The town of Jallakoo is situated on a flat-surfaced rock, at the base of a mountain, from which the town takes its name. This is the most picturesque of all the mountains I have yet seen in the Mahee or Dahoman kingdom. One part of it is formed by the largest blocks of granite I ever saw, placed irregularly upon each other: in some respects their position was not unlike Stonehenge. Large cotton-trees in many instances grew between these immense[Pg 249] rocks, which support the upper or horizontal ones. In fact, I have never seen any thing so grand and so picturesque as the mountain of Jallakoo. It is also the last we touch upon on our return to Abomey.

Here I made particular inquiry respecting their mode of agriculture, and the sort of grain principally used, as well as what was the most profitable, and its time of ripening. Guinea corn is much used here, as well as several sorts of maize and rice. I was informed that in this country the Guinea corn requires nearly seven moons to ripen, rice five, and maize between four and five months, though at Setta and Paweea I found a smaller sort of Indian corn, which ripens in two and a half and three moons, and also another sort which ripens in four moons. They never consider the utility of selecting any particular sort of seed; but after my return to Abomey, the King, who is a great agriculturist, informed me that the latest corn known will, if planted in the proper season, ripen in less than four moons, and also told me that the time of ripening had in many instances been mistaken, from a want of knowledge, and planting the corn too soon before the rainy season.

We were supplied with plenty of peto during our palaver. Here were several beautiful crown-birds walking about the market-place quite tame. The old caboceer expressed great anxiety to have the names of himself and head men, as well as his principal wive’s name, recorded in my book; and I here give them according to my promise, as follows:—

First Caboceer Nakoomakay.
Wife’s name Agbally.
Second Caboceer Adyamee.
Wife’s name Whendie.

Tetay.[19]
Atakpa.
Bosou.[19]
Kudjo.[19]
Adamazo.
Chigyea.
Dakay.
Ozee.
Mokosa.
Wzoto.
Tootee.
Takpwadda.

After this ceremony I was allowed to depart to my own quarters, where I changed my dress, but had scarcely finished when I was besieged by visitors from all parts of the town, as well as the neighbouring villages, many of whom brought[Pg 251] me provisions ready cooked, and several live animals. One rich merchant, named Sisinau, brought me thirty-two large calabashes of provision, as well as plenty of peto. Many of the fetish-men and women brought me gruels of various compositions, all of which were very palatable, being generally sweetened with wild honey, which is very abundant in the whole of the country traversed in this direction.

In the evening I was again visited by the two caboceers, whom I treated with a flask of rum to distribute amongst his head men. I also gave him a piece of romall (cloth), which I invariably gave the caboceers in whose towns I lodged, as well as some Jew’s harps, and two knives, with some papers of needles and a few thimbles, which were much prized. I then signified my intention to proceed on my journey early next morning, when the old man pressed me much to stop another day. This I certainly would have done, had I not been afraid of being more seriously attacked by fever and ague, as my quarters were very pleasant, and the people extremely kind. A great many visitors came with small presents during the remainder of the evening to inquire after my health, as well[Pg 252] as for the purpose of seeing white man, to all of whom I gave some trifling article in return. The thermometer ranged at Jallakoo from 71° to 80°, Fahrenheit, which, it will be observed, is much colder than on the coast in the coldest season.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] The names Tetay, Bosou, and Kudjo, are all common along the coast from Whydah to Cape Coast, and are given from the days of the week on which they are born.

August 21st.—Early in the morning I got up to prepare for the march, but although the attack of ague had been lighter than on the previous night, I still felt extremely weak and in low spirits. To remedy this, I again resorted to another dose of sedative of opium, which in a short time operated effectually. The caboceers and a great part of the population accompanied me some distance out of the town, during which the Jallakoo soldiers kept up a constant but irregular fire of musketry. The old man then shook hands, expressing every good wish for my future success, hoping that I should soon return to his country[Pg 254] again, that he might see me once more before he should die. This solemn expression made for a time a deep impression on my mind. Though in a comparatively savage state this venerable patriarch was conscious that the hand of death would soon be upon him.

Our bearing was now SS.W. and the plain thickly wooded with shea-butter and other trees. The road was extremely bad, with rocks resembling petrified wood of very fine grain with iron-stone rock. The grass was eight feet long and resembled reeds. At ten miles and a half we crossed the river Koffo, running NN.E. and at seventeen and a half we crossed the river Langhbo, running eastward. Being much fatigued, and still suffering from fever, and no town or village near, we resolved to encamp on the plain, near this river, where we were sure of obtaining water. The grass being extremely long, we were obliged to cut it down, wherever a party of ten or a dozen men selected a place to lie down. Watch fires were also kindled around the camp, and fortunately, from the ample means afforded at Jallakoo, we were pretty well stocked with provisions for one night at least.

This place not being far distant from the[Pg 255] Annagoo country, which people in former times had frequently sent kidnapping parties stealthily into the outskirts of the Dahoman kingdom, it was considered necessary to keep sentinels and outposts during the night. Every man also examined his piece to ascertain if the priming were good. I also examined the caps of my own piece, but this seemed the reverse of satisfactory.

The caboceer asked me if I was afraid to trust myself with him, assuring me that my guard, he knew, would perish to a man before they would allow me to be molested. I admitted his assertion, but reminded him that it was always prudent to be, as far as possible, prepared for the worst. Still he assured me that his men were quite sufficient for our protection. My cook immediately commenced preparing my supper of boiled fowls and rice, with a few shalots, which made an agreeable soup. This, although suffering much from fever, I relished much. I then took another dose of opium, and soon under its powerful influence fell fast asleep.

August 22d.—Early in the morning we again prepared for the march. Several of my men felt the effects of sleeping on the wet ground. I also[Pg 256] for a time felt a cold, shivering sensation, but before mounting my horse, I took some James’s powder, and, as soon as the sun arose, I got into a copious perspiration, which considerably relieved me. Our bearing was now SS.E.; the plain still studded with shea butter-trees and small shrubs; the road still bad, and worn very deep, like narrow sheep-tracks.

After marching for twelve miles very rapidly among small rocks, and across several deeply sunken streams, we passed a great number of shea butter-trees, which had been lately scorched to destroy the fruit. Here we found several excellent springs, impregnated with iron, strongly carbonized, of which I took a copious draught, which proved very refreshing to me. The road now began to improve, the surface changing into clay and sand of a drab colour. The stream, for the distance of two miles, ran along the path, which formed a channel. This gave my poor fellows an opportunity of cooling their feet, now much cut and bruised from the bad roads. I halted here for nearly an hour to give them an opportunity of refreshing themselves, and filling their calabashes with this water, which was much superior to that which we[Pg 257] were carrying. During the whole of this time, many of my men remained standing in the water.

At twenty miles we arrived at the town of Gijah, which is a fine open town of considerable size. The caboceer, though represented to be a very good and generous character, was extremely poor, consequently, after calling upon him, and the usual forms of reception had been observed, we accepted the kind invitation of a wealthy merchant named Atihoh, who entertained us in a most courteous manner, and in less than an hour supplied us with abundance of provisions ready cooked, with a calabash filled with the finest gwabas I ever saw, and plenty of very good peto. During the evening the caboceer, Agballah, and his head men, sent me ten large calabashes filled with provision. He did not visit me till I sent for him, assigning as a reason that he was ashamed of his poverty.

The poor old man seemed much pleased when I assured him that I was as glad to see him, as if he had been the richest caboceer in the Dahoman kingdom. He replied, “White man must be good man, for black man don’t want to see poor caboceer.” I presented him with a piece of cloth[Pg 258] and some little articles of hardware, which appeared to give him great satisfaction. I also gave each of his head men some trifling presents.

They were conscious of their master’s poverty, but seemed anxious to assist him as much as possible, for they sent me, in the caboceer’s name, twenty-three very large calabashes, filled with provision; so that with several smaller presents from some of the principal inhabitants, myself and people were amply supplied with every thing necessary. During the evening we were visited by great numbers of the inhabitants, who seemed much gratified with an opportunity of seeing a white man.

August 23d.—Early in the morning my host paid me the usual morning visit, bringing me a few choice dishes for my own breakfast, and also a present of one goat, several fowls, one large African duck, and a number of rare pigeons with feathered legs and toes, and ten large dishes of provision for my soldiers. Soon after breakfast we marched for Doko, accompanied for a short distance by the caboceer and head-men, attended by about twenty of his soldiers, who kept up an irregular firing of muskets as far as they accompanied us.

After leaving the town the distance of three miles, the road again became very bad, and my little horse lost one of its shoes, and soon began to show its loss. However, this day’s journey was a very short one, and we marched at a very rapid rate, which, in short journeys, we always found less fatiguing than marching at a slow rate, and remaining long on foot, exposed to the sun. At twelve miles we arrived at Doko, where we were met by the caboceer and his elder brother, the caboceer of Whydah, who had remained at Abomey ever since I had left that capital for the Mahee and Fellattah country. He had been sent this stage to meet me by order of his Majesty.

The caboceer of Whydah is called the avoga, or captain, caboceer of white men, which accounts for his being sent instead of Mayho, to meet me. He being an excellent fellow, I felt much gratification in thus unexpectedly meeting him. Awassoo, the caboceer of Doko, having already been acquainted with my intended visit, had prepared dinner for myself and party, which consisted of twenty-two large dishes of provision. The avoga had also brought with him plenty of liquors of different descriptions, which were very freely distributed among the people. I was now considerable[Pg 260] recovered from the effects of my fever, so that I could take part in their merriment and jest. My guard were now near home, and, although two days before, the poor fellows were worn out with fatigue and foot-sore, they were now all life and jollity over their peto-pots, in which they indulged very freely. Merriment was kept up till a late hour, and this being a small town, nearly the whole of the inhabitants came to bid us welcome.

Aug. 24th.—About sunrise we began to prepare for marching, but as our journey was a very short one, we remained several hours longer, so that we might arrive at Abomey about mid-day. It is a custom in Dahomey for all strangers of note visiting that capital to enter the town when the sun is at its meridian. This is considered to be a necessary observance for all distinguished visitors.

Upon entering the outer gates of Abomey, we were met by Mayho, and several distinguished members of his Majesty’s household, with an additional band of music, which played till my arrival at my old quarters. Upon entering, I must confess I felt great satisfaction, and a feeling of gratitude to the Great Ruler of all things flashed over my[Pg 261] mind. My first inquiry was, whether my white servant, Maurice, whom I sent back from Baffo, was still alive, not finding him in the apartment formerly occupied by him. I was told he was still alive, and until he heard the sound of the drums announcing my return was walking about occasionally, and giving directions respecting his cooking; Mayho having appointed a cook and other attendants to wait on him. But on our entering the gates he took to his bed, and never again seemed to rally. I visited him immediately, but found him much reduced. He told me that every attention had been paid to him, and that the King had appointed a native doctor to attend him, but he was now suffering from dysentery and quite exhausted.

I used the prescribed remedies as far as my means extended, but having no European provision, I was compelled to do the best I could with him upon native diet. I had great difficulty in convincing him of my forgiveness for his conduct, which I have already mentioned. He fancied that my intention was upon my return to the coast to deliver him up to the authorities for punishment; and I cannot help thinking that in[Pg 262] spite of my assurance to the contrary, the poor fellow would never believe that I should not do so.

Aug. 25th.—The weather now suddenly became alarmingly cold for an African climate. This was accompanied with heavy rains. During the night the thermometer fell to 70°, and at noon on the following day did not rise higher than 77° Fahrenheit. In the night many of my people caught cold, as well as myself. My poor servant Maurice was still extremely low, and without any hopes of recovery. I ordered some warm water and soap to be brought to me, and with my sponge I washed the whole of his person. At the same time I changed the whole of his clothes and had them washed.

The King now sent for me to the palace, where he received me with every mark of kindness and respect; and after shaking me heartily by the hand, immediately proposed the health of the Queen of England and all the royal family. In return, of course, I proposed the health of himself. My own health was next drank, after which the King gave me a familiar slap on the back with his open hand, saying, “White man don’t know proper fear, nor take proper care. In black man’s country,” he[Pg 263] said, “I make him much fear, when he hear I go into far country beyond Mahee,” meaning the Fellattah country. This was conveyed to me by my own interpreter. He asked me, what the Queen of England would say if I had been killed, when in his care or under his protection. He added, that all white men would say, his own people had killed me, and that would bring shame upon his head.

He, however, expressed his great satisfaction at my safe return, and put a thousand questions to me respecting the Fellattah country, and whether they mentioned his name there, together with numerous questions respecting their soldiers. He next spoke upon the Slave Trade, and asked if I could not make intercession with Her Majesty of England to send an order to our men-of-war not to take any slave ships till they had entirely left the coast. I told him that it would be more for his advantage that the slaves should be captured by English men-of-war, as a greater number would be required to fill their places.

His reply was very different to what I had expected. He explained, that although he supposed many white men believed he sold the greater part of the slaves sent from that country, he could[Pg 264] assure me it was not the case; but the caboceers, whose soldiers captured them, were always considered to be the owners of slaves taken in war, when the enemy were the aggressors, with the exception of those who were considered unfit for the market. These latter were considered to be his (the King’s) property, and were sent to the different palaces to assist in the duties of those establishments; but he admitted that all prisoners taken by his wives, or female soldiers, were his property, and that the caboceers always pay a nominal duty upon all slaves taken in war when sold. From various inquiries I was informed that by far the greater number of slaves transported from this country are either the property of those on whose establishments they are bred, or are purchased from the parents who are free; though at the decease of any caboceer, the whole of his property is considered as belonging to the King. The present King, however, seldom exercises his authority on these occasions.

They asked the reason why Englishmen had abandoned the Slave-Trade, and how we obtained people to perform labour. I told him that Englishmen were now disgusted with the conduct of their forefathers in making a property of the poor black[Pg 265] man, who, because he was uneducated, was sold like sheep, and sent to a far country, and there compelled to labour for the remainder of his life in bondage; that Englishmen had paid an enormous sum of money for the liberation of their slaves, and were determined that the black man should be considered on an equality with a white man, and were endeavouring to teach them “sense,” the term he used for education. He had reminded me, that he had sent some boys and girls to the Mission-school at Cape Coast to learn sense, like white men, saying that he could (when they returned) communicate directly with the English governor at Cape Coast without sending his messages through the Spanish or Portuguese.

To the next question, I replied, we could get plenty of labourers to work voluntarily, by paying them sufficient to keep them in food and clothing; but he declared that unless a slave, black man would never do any work except on his own plantation. However, he expressed his high opinion of Englishmen for condescending to put themselves upon the same level as black men, at the same time remarking that it was no wonder his father always taught him to respect an Englishman.

He admitted our principles to be very humane and just, but remarked, that it would be difficult to abolish slave-holding in his country, as the children of all slaves were the property of the owner of the parent, and were treated as one of his own family; and that if a king were to interfere and abolish this law, it would cause a revolution in the kingdom, as it would affect all his head men and half heads, besides rendering those domestic slaves homeless and destitute.

I told him it was not domestic slavery that we so much objected to, as the forcing them from their homes and kindred, separating them for ever from all relatives, and dooming them to incessant labour all their lives. He asked me whether, when parents voluntarily sold their children, they would then feel any regret. I replied, if the parents did not, they were unnatural, and I was sure that the children would; and to illustrate this, I pointed out a she-goat with two kids, and asked him if one were taken away, whether the young would not show symptoms of regret as well as the mother. At this he laughed heartily, but remarked, that the he-goat, the father of the kids referred to, would feel quite indifferent. I could not help smiling in return.

The King touched his forehead with his fingers, saying, Englishman was wonderful and good man. He then declared that for his own part he had no wish to maintain the Slave-Trade, neither did he wish to store riches. All he required was to have sufficient income to pay his officers and caboceers the usual quantity of cowries to present his people with, as is usual at the annual custom. This was the full extent of his ambition.

I then proposed to him that he should extend agriculture, and establish a permanent trade, which would be encouraged by all civilized nations; and observed, that by imposing a slight duty upon all articles of trade, besides the profits he might obtain, a revenue would be created for him much superior to what he derived from the slave-dealing. He replied, that he was very willing to adopt the proposed measure if England would only make some proposals to him on the subject. I explained at some length the nature and system of trade, with which he was quite unacquainted. He remarked that he had been informed, we had condescended to make treaties with and had sent missionaries to the Calabar and Bonny rivers, to the petty chiefs of those places, whose treaties could be of no permanent duration or benefit, as[Pg 268] they possessed no territory, nor had they any fixed laws; besides, they were always involved in wars with the petty neighbouring states; so that they were often chiefs to-day, and had their heads cut off the next; that they could neither ensure any permanent trade with us, nor afford us any protection in the event of our establishing factories at any of these places.

He said he should be ready and very glad to make any reasonable arrangement with the English Government for the abolition of slavery, and the establishment of another trade, and added, that though he had invited us to send missionaries to his country to advise with him, none but one English fetishman, Mr. Freeman, the Wesleyan missionary (of whom he spoke highly), had visited him; that all he wanted was to see plenty of Englishmen in his kingdom, and especially in his capital. He also offered to build them houses to live in, without any charge, and give them as much land as they chose to cultivate.

He expressed his ardent desire to encourage cultivation and a system of agriculture; and reminded me, that he had long ago issued orders that all the spare land in and round the town of Griwhee (Whydah) should be cultivated[Pg 269] with a view of lessening the chances of epidemic diseases. He also expressed his earnest desire to give up Whydah to the English Government, with full powers to exercise our own laws and customs; and also declared his readiness to afford us every necessary assistance and protection, and to give us any quantity of land in the vicinity of that settlement we might require for agricultural purposes.

He added, that when we should have obtained possession of Whydah, we should have power to use our own discretion respecting the Slave-Trade; and that, as Whydah was the principal residence of the greatest slave-dealers on this part of the coast, we could with much more propriety exert our authority to prevent slave traffic than he himself, particularly as he was under great obligations to a certain large slave-merchant in that settlement. He said, moreover, that he had always entertained a hope that some day or other the English would again establish themselves in Whydah, in consequence of which he had always kept a temporary governor in the English fort since our abandonment of the place.

He declared that he would build us a new fort, either on the old site, or on any other spot, upon[Pg 270] our own plan, and at his own expense. He had, he said, refused possession of Whydah to the Prince de Joinville, stating his determination to treat with none but the Queen of England, who was the greatest of all white sovereigns; that he had for a length of time been endeavouring to establish, as far as he was able, a code of laws similar to those of England; for he considered them to be more just in most cases than the old Dahoman laws, which he confessed to be very absurd. But, though he thought so, still as many of the old, absurd customs, which still existed, were of a comparatively harmless nature, he had hitherto permitted them to remain, as he considered it dangerous amongst a people so long accustomed to these usages to revolutionize the whole at once; but he approved of commencing with the most unreasonable and injurious, and gradually progressing, as in fact he had done. He also assured me that the good effects of his new laws were manifest even in the Mahee country, for within the last two years several petty kingdoms in that and the Annagoo country had voluntarily been ceded to his government.

He dictated to me a letter to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, in which he formally[Pg 271] ceded Whydah to the English Government. After this letter was concluded, he requested me to read it over, lest any mistake should have occurred; and when he found it satisfactory, he held the upper end of the pen while I signed his name. We then drank to the health of her Britannic Majesty, during which a constant fire of musketry was kept up. I next proposed the King of Dahomey’s health, which was followed by his drinking my own health. He then ordered an immense quantity of variegated umbrellas, or rather canopies, to be brought out for my inspection, and requested me to make a memorandum of several of their patterns, desiring me to order a number of them to be sent from England.

He afterwards showed me about forty tobes of the most costly embroidery in gold and silver, on a ground of silk velvet of various colours. I was also shown a piece of patch-work, which I believe I have previously alluded to, which the King boasted was composed of remnants or specimens of cloth from every country of the civilized world, as well as every country in Africa. This piece of patch-work, I was informed, measures one thousand yards in length, and eight yards in breadth. I was next desired to take a drawing of[Pg 272] the King’s throne or chair of state. This is a very handsome and ingenious piece of carving, from one solid piece of wood. It has three seats, one elevated about two feet above the other, the first and second forming steps to the highest; on the highest the King never sits except on state occasions. Three skulls form a foot-stool to the first seat being those of three kings killed in battle.

August 26th.—The King again sent for me to visit him at the palace. He met me in his usual familiar manner, with a hearty shake of the hand, and a familiar slap on my back with his open hand. A table had been already spread with the necessary viands. He proposed the Queen of England’s health; after which he wished me to proceed to a large palace, about a mile distant, called Coomassie, (after the capital of Ashantee),[Pg 274] there to take the plan and dimensions of a number of different sized war tents. These displayed ingenuity and taste, superior to many European nations. The King ordered a number similar to them to be made in England, and sent to him as soon as possible. This palace was built and named about the time when the present King threw off his allegiance to the kingdom of Ashantee, the King of which formerly boasted that he could hold Dahomey in vassalage.

After the building of this palace, the King of Dahomey declared himself capable of holding Ashantee in vassalage. The palace is considered memorable on this account. In this as well in several other palaces we visited on this day, we were entertained with every variety of luxuries used at the King’s table. Upon my return to his Majesty, I found a number of people busily employed in carrying out of the stores a number of human skulls, taken in various countries during the wars. Previous to my journey into the mountains, I had made a request to the King for leave to inspect a few skulls of natives of the different countries he had conquered, with the view of comparing them, and also to make drawings of some of them.

When between two and three thousand skulls had been carried out and placed in the parade-ground in front of the palace, I begged the King not to send for any more. His state chair was placed in the centre of a circle, formed by arranging the large calabashes or gourds containing the skulls, in that form. The heads of the kings were placed in large brass pans, about two feet in diameter. The heads of caboceers and head-men were in calabashes about the same size as the former; and to my great astonishment, when curiosity prompted me to make inquiry respecting any one of these skulls, a long detail was immediately given me of all the circumstances connected with the parties when alive.

Though these people do not write, with the exception of the Mohammedan portion of them, yet they possess very retentive memories. The death-drums were also brought out on this occasion. They were four in number, and of different sizes, but much larger than the large drums in use in the British army. The largest measured nine feet four inches in length, and the whole were ornamented with human skulls, several of which I observed were deficient of any suture across the upper part. This appeared in the[Pg 276] proportion of one in twelve, and the skulls without any longitudinal division were as one in twenty-seven. I found the skulls of the Mahees generally to recede from the nasal bone or lower part of the forehead to the top in a greater angle than those of any other country.

The Fellattahs are very different in their cranium and general development from the others, having high, square foreheads, and a quick and bright eye. They are slighter in person than either the Dahomans or Mahees; but are generally well formed, sinewy in their limbs, and capable of enduring great fatigue. The Dahomans are a very fine and generally tall race of people, both male and female, and the most honest of any people I ever met with.

It is worthy of remark, that unlike any other uncivilized people I have seen, during my stay at Abomey I was never asked by any individual for an article of even the most trifling value, nor ever lost anything, except what was stolen by my people from the coast. The Dahoman laws are certainly severe, but they have the desired effect. In the collection of skulls, I found a number of them ornamented with brass, and rivetted together with iron. These were the heads of rival kings, who were killed by[Pg 277] the King’s women, or wives. Amongst these was the richly ornamented skull of the King of Nahpoo, in the Annagoo country; his name was Adaffo. His town was taken, and he himself made prisoner, by the female regiments, commanded by the female commander, Apadomey. Many of the skulls still retained the hair. It appears that this part of the human body has always been a favourite ornament on the palace-walls of Abomey, and even in the walls, entrance of gateways, and doorways; though the present King has not placed them on the walls of the new palace called Coomassie.

A guard is mounted every morning at each of the palaces, and there is a resident governor. After taking several drawings of the skulls of several kings killed in war, his Majesty invited me to be present at the trial of a prisoner who had been brought from a town in the Mahee country, where he had already been tried, upon an accusation of adultery with one of the caboceers’ wives, and the sentence of death had been passed upon him. The man, however, being conscious of his innocence, appealed to the Court of Abomey, where all the witnesses were again examined and cross-questioned by the King himself.[Pg 278] It was now distinctly proved that the whole was a false accusation, and the poor fellow was immediately liberated; but the caboceer, who had been his accuser, and fourteen of his false witnesses, were seized and imprisoned for trial on a future day, when doubtless the whole of them would suffer death.

The King, with great satisfaction, pointed out to me the beneficial effects of this new law which he had made, observing that formerly, in the Mahee country, when a caboceer felt animosity against a person in his power, he could at any time get up an accusation against him, and also ensure such evidence as would suit his purpose; but that now the accused had the power of appealing to the court of Abomey, which had been the means of effectually checking such practices, as he invariably put the accusers to death when he found the accused to be innocent.

As I felt very unwell and feverish, I begged the King to allow me to return to my quarters, which he readily acceded to, and with his usual kindness inquired if he could do any thing for me. He walked with me nearly to my dwelling, during which a continual fire of musketry was kept up until I entered my own gates.

I found my servant, Maurice, still weaker, and could not prevail on him to partake of any nourishment. It was now evident that his earthly career was near its termination. I asked him if he would like me to read prayers to him; and intimated to him the near approach of his dissolution. He consented to my reading prayers; but said, he thought he should recover. I asked him to give me his father’s address, so that in the event of his death I might write to him; but, for what reason I am at a loss to imagine, he refused to give it me, but confessed that he had been using a false name; and that his father’s name was not Maurice. He expressed a wish to be carried to Whydah, which was speedily arranged to be done on the following morning. My fever increasing, I was now compelled to go to bed.

Early on the 27th August the carriers reported themselves ready to proceed with Maurice to Whydah. By this time, my fever had so increased, that from giddiness I was unable to stand without assistance; and poor Maurice, being brought in upon the hammock, proved to be in a dying state; and in a few minutes afterwards expired without a struggle. A messenger was[Pg 280] immediately sent to the King to inform him of the melancholy fact, who expressed extreme regret at it, remarking that he feared the occurrence might prevent other Englishmen from visiting him; but I told him that it was the will of God, and that no person was to blame; on the contrary, that every thing had been done which our means afforded. The King then ordered four men to dig a grave for Maurice, and sent me a flask of rum to give the carriers and grave-diggers. He also sent two fine cloths to wrap the body in. He would not allow it to be interred in the sepulchre appointed for strangers, but it was buried in the court-yard in front of Mayho’s house, with every mark of respect.

Great attention was paid by all the spectators during the burial-service, which I read. I was now left without a white man, and, for a moment, I felt the loneliness of my situation. This melancholy feeling was augmented by my severe indisposition. My wounded leg began to swell and to become discoloured. In the afternoon, the King sent for me to come and see him, if possible. I felt myself unable to walk, but was carried in a hammock to the palace. The King seemed in great trouble at my illness. He told[Pg 281] me that he had sent for me to show me an elephant which had been killed by one of Mayho’s soldiers. He wished to know if I could preserve a part of it to take with me to Whydah, for which place I intended to proceed in a few days. I told him that I was afraid I could not preserve it, so as to be able to carry it with me; he promised to send me a dish of the flesh for my dinner on the following day.

He begged me to join in drinking the health of the Queen of England and the whole of the Royal Family, in cherry brandy, which he strongly recommended as beneficial in all cases of fever. This I did: he then informed me that he had a regiment of female soldiers (his wives), as well as a regiment of males, on the parade in front of the palace, waiting to show me how they procured their food when in the bush.

At that moment, I felt myself a much fitter subject for my mat or bed; but, as this parade was got up entirely for my gratification, I determined to remain as long as possible. Accordingly, I accompanied the King to the parade-ground, where we found the male and female soldiers formed in line, with front and rear ranks, the[Pg 282] latter on the right. At seventy yards’ distance from their front was a high swish, or clay wall, parallel with the line of soldiers. Close to this were fastened, by pegs driven into the ground, a number of sheep, goats, ducks, guinea-fowls, and the common fowl. The whole were placed in that position for the purpose of illustrating the method by which the army procured its food when on march in the bush, which abounds with game. Each of the soldiers was armed either with a long Danish or English musket, charged with iron bullets.

The females commenced firing from the right, advancing one pace to the front in succession, as they came to the present. I was certainly much surprised to see the certainty of their deadly aim. Although at seventy yards distance, very few missed their object; and I did not observe one who fired wide of a man’s body. The female commanders presented me with eight large Muscovy ducks and some Guinea-fowls. The male soldiers fired with even more precision than the females, but I believe that the whole of them were picked shots; but even if that were the case, the feat was astonishing, and would have[Pg 283] done credit to our best riflemen. I became so much exhausted and sick at the stomach at last, that I was obliged to be immediately carried home. My leg, also, was now very much swollen, and darker in colour, and became very painful, with every symptom of gangrene or mortification. I confess I felt considerable alarm at observing these symptoms so rapidly increasing. By this time, however, I had become inured to hardships and suffering, and had learned to set little value upon my life, and could very readily have reconciled myself to share the same grave with poor Maurice. My principal anxiety was respecting my Journal, a great part of which was only in notes; consequently the probability was that my kind and generous patrons would never get possession of it, though this was the only tribute of gratitude I should ever have it in my power to return them. I, therefore, made up my Journal and papers in the form of a parcel, addressed to the Geographical Society, with strict injunctions to my servants to forward them to Mr. Hutton of Cape Coast.

My people were very much alarmed at my condition, as were also Mayho and the King’s[Pg 284] messengers, who visited me every two hours. My leg was still rapidly getting worse, the blackness progressing upwards. I now began to measure my time, calculating upon my death before morning. I had seen several amputations performed, and came to the determination to attempt to amputate my own leg, should it appear absolutely necessary. In the meantime, I ordered poultices to be prepared from Indian corn meal, and yeast from the peto. This was immediately applied. I then had all my amputating instruments placed in readiness, with the necessary quantity of bandages; and I instructed my people what they were to do in the event of my fainting while endeavouring to perform the operation. They did not seem altogether to relish my instructions, but promised to do their best in obedience to my orders.

It may be considered that madness alone could have suggested such an attempt; but it must also be observed, that necessity under certain circumstances urges the performance of many things bordering on impossibilities; and in despair we are always ready to grasp even at a shadow of hope.

However, thank God! I had not occasion to make the attempt. The poultices had the desired effect, for in the morning the swelling was considerably reduced, and the colour turned from black to a pink or light purple colour, except round the wound, which sloughed, and the flesh dropped from the bone, causing much pain. Mayho visited me early, and seemed much pleased when I informed him of my improvement. My spirits also were much revived, and having some remnants of cotton print left, I made a frock for Mayho’s youngest boy, with which he seemed very much pleased. I also made Mayho a waistcoat of the same material.

On the 28th I was able to visit the King, to whom I intimated a wish to depart on the following day for Whydah. He said that he felt very reluctant to part with me, and wished very much that I would remain in his capital; at the same time admitting the necessity of my hurrying home to deliver his message to the Queen of England, and expressing his great disappointment that Mr. Freeman had not visited him a second time. He again spoke very highly of him, and expressed a great wish to have an[Pg 286] English missionary and school for mechanics in his capital. He begged me to point out the necessity of this upon my return to England.

The King now ordered Mayho to get carriers ready for my departure for the coast. The bullocks and goats, which had been presented to me, had been forwarded already, leaving only the bipeds which were to accompany me when I should leave. His Majesty sent me a present of three pieces of royal cloth, as well as two pieces for the Queen of England, as specimens of their manufacture. He also sent a very handsome young girl as a present for Her Majesty. This child was about seven years old, and was the daughter of a Mahee king, killed in the late war. He also sent me eighteen heads of cowries, valued at the same number of dollars, to defray my expenses to Whydah, and two kegs of rum to treat my people with, with his best wishes for my welfare, and hoping I should soon return to visit his kingdom.

During the whole of my stay in Abomey I had received the most unbounded kindness from the King, as well as from his principal officers, and, as I have before stated, I had never been[Pg 287] solicited for any thing by way of dash or present. But I had in my possession a walking-stick, which contained a spring dagger; this the King seemed to admire much, I therefore asked him to accept it as a present, for which he heartily thanked me, saying that he should be very glad to do so when I returned from the Kong Mountains, remarking that in all probability I should meet with some very bad people while in the Mahee country. After my return I offered him the stick, which he again refused, saying that he would wait till I had safely arrived at Griwhee (Whydah). He would send a messenger with me thither for the purpose of carrying it back to Abomey. He also ordered three caboceers to accompany me on my journey to the coast.

All was now arranged for my departure on the following morning. I was still very weak, and quite lame from the large wound in my leg, which was on the lower part of the calf, four inches in length and about one and a half in breadth; but my little horse had now recovered from his long journey, and was in high condition for another. I therefore resolved to pursue my journey, as I had intended.

August 29th.—At daybreak a messenger came before I arose from my mat, to inquire after the state of my health, with orders to ascertain whether I considered myself quite capable of undertaking my journey, to which I replied in the affirmative. In a short time afterwards breakfast was sent as usual, and a number of my carriers arrived.

It is always considered consistent with court etiquette here, as I have previously stated, that a stranger visiting his Majesty should arrive and depart from the capital as nearly as possible when the sun is at its meridian, consequently various excuses were made to detain me till that period, when I was escorted out of the town by my excellent old friend Mayho, and many more of the principal men, with a band of music, till we crossed the bridge over the moat outside the town walls. Here I was given up to the charge of the three caboceers before mentioned.

About two hundred yards from the gates is a fetish-house, in passing which all persons are compelled to dismount, if carried, and walk past a certain distance; but the King had very kindly forwarded an order to the fetish-man, to allow me[Pg 289] to ride, on account of my lameness, at which every man seemed much amazed, saying that no man ever rode over the same ground before.

I was very much surprised to see one of my fowls tied by the feet lying at the door of the fetish-house, which of course led to some inquiries. I was informed that while the man carrying my fowls was passing the place, this cock had crowed, and consequently he had become the property of the head fetishman. The man who carried the basket had not proceeded farther, but waited till I arrived, to explain the matter. I made some objections to submit to such a ridiculous custom, whereupon a messenger was immediately sent to the King, who sent an order to give up the cock, and also intimated that it was not his wish to compel an Englishman to observe black man’s laws, remarking that Englishmen can do no wrong.

When we arrived at Canamina we overtook two of my carriers, who, though big, strong-looking men, were quite exhausted, and unable to proceed. Had I been furnished with female carriers, I should have found no difficulty. However, I hired an assistant carrier, before I could[Pg 290] get the men to proceed. After a tiresome ride, we arrived at Ahgrimah. When dismounting I was quite exhausted, and my leg and foot swollen so much, that my cloth boot had burst, and I suffered very much for upwards of two hours from pain in my wound. Here I was much amused with the pigeons which I had brought from the Kong Mountains. Though I had three different specimens, all rare, they had now become so much reconciled to each other as to be all of one family, as it were.

Whenever we halted for the night, and they were released from the gourd in which they were carried, they never attempted to leave me, but kept walking to and fro, near the spot where I lay, till they were fed; and when darkness came on, they huddled themselves close to my person. I was very much annoyed here on account of several of my carriers not arriving, particularly as my camp-kettle had not come. I managed, however, to get a meal from the natives.

Aug. 30th.—As soon as I awoke I inquired after my luggage, and found that two of my principal boxes had not arrived. Whereupon I despatched a trusty messenger, sent by Mayho[Pg 291] to accompany me to Whydah to carry back my coat, which I had promised that excellent old man, being the only thing I now possessed worth his acceptance. He hastened back to Abomey, to report the delay to his master, who had furnished the carriers. Mayho immediately sent fresh men with orders to punish the villains who had hung back, as, he said, he had himself examined each of their loads, and found them all considerably under the regulated weight for carriers.

At last the men arrived, accompanied by my messenger and fresh carriers, late in the afternoon. Immediately on their arrival, the offenders were brought before the caboceers for judgment; and, after a short palaver, they were sentenced to be beaten with a stick as many times as I should deem sufficient. Two men were sent into the bush for some rods, who soon returned with five, about one yard in length and about the thickness of a man’s middle finger. The offenders were then ordered to kneel down before me to receive their punishment; but although they had been the cause of much uneasiness to me, I could not consent to such a severe mode of punishment,[Pg 292] particularly as all my Dahoman people had hitherto conducted themselves well; I therefore ordered them both to be released, for they had already been pinioned. The poor fellows were very grateful for this act of kindness: the caboceers also were much gratified, and my day’s detention was beneficial in resting my lame leg.

Aug. 31st.—We marched early in the morning, and about mid-day passed through Akpway, and rested for half an hour, partaking of some refreshment; and after marching for another hour and a half we arrived at Whyboe, where we halted for the night.

Sept. 1st.—In passing through a thick wood, a tree had either fallen across the path, or been felled down purposely, so that it with its thick branches entirely blocked up the way. Here[Pg 294] the whole of my party were at a stand-still, and could not be prevailed upon to remove the tree so as to enable them to pass, declaring that the fetish had placed it there for a certain purpose, unknown to us. However, it was fortunately only a small tree; I therefore dismounted, and removed it sufficiently to allow us to pass. At this the men seemed somewhat ashamed of their credulity; but before we had proceeded much farther, a more formidable obstacle presented itself, which almost convinced me that some old fetish-man had been exerting his wizard powers to play me some unlucky cantrip. The head of a young bull, apparently newly cut off, was placed in the middle of the path. Upon a close inspection I found it to be the head of one of my own bullocks, which was reported sick the day previously to my marching from Abomey.

Nothing more worthy of notice occurred till we approached Whydah, when, at a little distance from that town, we met the men, who had driven my bullocks, returning. I asked them respecting it, and why the head was placed in the path. They replied, that as the animal could proceed no farther, they thought it best to kill it, and[Pg 295] dispose of the meat in the most advantageous manner; but lest I should suppose the animal had not been dead, the head had been left in the path, to allow me the satisfaction of ocular demonstration.

Upon our arrival in Whydah, according to custom, I reported my return to the caboceer, or avoga, as he is called here, who received me very cordially. He then accompanied me to old Don Francisco, who had so kindly exerted his influence with the King on my behalf in furthering the objects of my travels into the interior. Unfortunately the old man was suffering much from rheumatism, and had for several days refused to see any one, but he readily received me. He cordially congratulated me on my success, declaring that nothing could have afforded him more gratification than the news of my grand and generous reception by the King at Abomey, and assuring me that he should be at all times ready to assist any Englishman by all means in his power. I asked him for a bill of the goods and articles he had furnished me for presents to the King; but as yet the generous old man has never furnished me with any, though they must have[Pg 296] cost him about one hundred pounds. He also begged me to let him know how he could further serve me, telling me that anything in his extensive stores was at my service.

Owing to M. de Suza’s severe indisposition, I made but a short stay, and hastened to the English fort, where I found many old friends anxiously waiting to see me and welcome me back. Mr. R. Hanson, agent for Mr. Hutton of Cape Coast, with whom I lived previously to my journey into the interior, gave me a very cordial welcome, and rendered me every assistance in his power, while suffering from fever, after my return to Whydah. I also received great kindness from Mr. James Hanson, of Ahguay, who was on business at Whydah, and, in fact, I experienced every mark of civility and kindness from the gentlemen, Americans, French, Spanish, and Portuguese, with whom I became acquainted during my residence in Whydah.

My state of health was but little better for some time, though the wound in my leg seemed to improve in condition. A few days after my return to Whydah, the Jane of London, Captain Lee, Commander, arrived in the roadstead, to[Pg 297] take in goods for Mr. Hutton. The captain had suffered much from fever but was now slowly recovering. To him I feel indebted for much kindness. He afforded me, with my stock of animals, a free passage to Cape Coast, for which place we were to sail on the 20th of September.

The day previous to my sailing, my old friend, De Suza, sent for me to bid me good-bye. He was very ill in bed, and scarcely able to speak. He begged me to let his agent know if I should be in want of anything from his stores, and assured me that whatever I might require was quite at my service. I was, however, already under so many obligations to him that I declined accepting anything further, but again asked him for my bill, with which he declined to furnish me.

At parting he shook me by the hand, and in a low whisper bade me a long good-bye, with every wish for my future happiness. I could not help feeling regret at that moment that such a man should be coupled with traffic so abominable as that of buying and selling human beings; for he universally bears the character of the most generous and humane man on the coast of Africa,[Pg 298] which character I am also bound to give him so far as I am concerned.

Early on the morning of the 20th September, I went on board the Jane; Mr. R. Hanson kindly rendering me every assistance, by furnishing carriers for my luggage and cattle to the beach which is distant two miles. The morning was unfavourable on account of the heavy rains. The little Mahee girl in my charge had never before seen the sea, and consequently felt much alarm. She could scarcely be urged to go into the canoe, though I told her she was going back to her Abomey mother, of whom she was very fond. Unfortunately the sea was very high and the surf heavy, and though the canoemen displayed great skill in managing their boat, yet a sea passed completely over us from bow to stern, filling it, which, but for the buoyancy of the wood of which it is formed, must have sunk. However, so long as the canoe can be kept end on the surf, the danger is not great. The canoes are all made from the cotton-tree.

The little girl, who was upon her knees in the bottom of the canoe, had certainly little cause to be pleased with a sea life, and is very likely to[Pg 299] remember her first sea voyage for a long time. As soon as the little creature was able, for she was almost suffocated by the surf, she called out for her Abomey mother.

We soon got the water baled out and reached the Jane without another washing. Captain Lee kindly offered me dry clothing, but the greater part of my luggage was not yet on board, consequently I remained on deck till all was safe, with the exception of a few articles which undoubtedly were stolen, but I may congratulate myself that I was not a loser to a greater extent.

The ship soon got under weigh, and was shortly afterwards boarded by H.M.S. Brig Ranger, who kindly offered me medical aid. On the following day I had a severe attack of fever, but, through Captain Lee’s kind attention, I suffered comparatively little, though from so many recent attacks I was extremely weak and reduced in flesh. Our progress was very slow, owing to the foul winds and strong head currents. On the following day the boats of the Flying Fish, English war-brig, boarded us, and remained on board nearly the whole of the day, preparing letters for England, for which the Jane was shortly to sail.

On the 22d the brig herself bore down upon us. She was on a sharp look-out for a crack slaver, which was expected daily on her first trip, of which the commander had received private information. This vessel I afterwards learned was captured by the Flying Fish, in spite of the slaver’s boasted sailing qualities, and fighting captain, of whom they much vaunted, but they generally fall short when opposed to British (pirates, as the slave-dealers term them) ships-of-war.

On the 27th we anchored off Cape Coast Castle, and were soon recognised by the officers of the fort and other gentlemen merchants of the town, who are generally on the look-out for fresh arrivals. I was met upon landing by the officers of the garrison, and Mr. Hutton, who had always been a very kind friend to me. The officers invited me to become an honorary member of their mess, though all but one were entire strangers to me, having been changed during my absence from Cape Coast. I returned, however, to my old quarters with Mr. Hutton, where every attention and kindness were shown me during the remaining time I was on the coast, during the last few[Pg 301] weeks of which I suffered much from fever and ague, accompanied with diarrhœa, which nearly terminated my earthly career. During this latter period I was invited into the Castle by the acting governor, Dr. Lilley, who was also Colonial Surgeon.

I was there under his immediate treatment, which was no doubt beneficial, though I found that the use of strong medicines acted powerfully upon my constitution, and therefore determined to be guided entirely by the dictates of nature. My attacks were both violent and frequent; every second day for some time, the interval gradually increasing. As soon as I found the ague about to commence I lay down and covered myself with as many clothes as I could obtain, and so soon as the shivering ceased, of course violent fever succeeded, accompanied with intolerable thirst. I always arranged to have a quantity of water placed near my bedside; and generally drank half-a-pint every five minutes. Thirteen or fourteen half-pints generally produced copious perspiration, and the fever soon decreased. The only effect I experienced from numerous repetitions of this treatment was weakness, probably[Pg 302] from excessive perspiration. I would never recommend bathing in cold water while subject to attacks of fever and ague, as I found by a series of experiments in my own person: it is very likely to strengthen the fever and ague. I make no pretensions to advise medically, but merely state facts from personal experience, considering it a duty to my fellow-creatures, to state anything which might be beneficial to mankind while in that pestilential climate.

I must not omit to mention the kindness of the Rev. T. B. Freeman, and other members of the Wesleyan mission established on the coast, and also of the Rev. William Hanson, the Colonial chaplain, as well as his amiable lady. I owe a debt of gratitude to the whole of the merchants on the coast, whether native or British, for I experienced the utmost kindness from all of them; and although I have been bound to speak unfavourably of the uncivilized African, it must be remembered that all barbarous nations are similar as far as regards honesty and industry. I trust, however, that no uncharitable conclusion may be drawn from the plain statement of facts which fell under my own observation. It[Pg 303] is void of all prejudice, for my belief is that were Africans educated, and their morals properly attended to, they would become an example to countries who have for centuries enjoyed the advantages of civilization. To many of them I must confess myself under considerable obligations, which I shall ever remember with feelings of gratitude; though I am convinced, that a partial education, by merely reading the Scriptures, (unaccompanied by any school-books, such as books of history or mechanics,) more particularly when the meaning is not thoroughly explained to them in their own language, is of comparatively little benefit.

Our missionaries have no doubt many difficulties to contend with: first, because the English language is entirely new to the natives, so that besides learning to pronounce the words, they have also to learn the meaning of each word. Another drawback is, that when out of school the greater part of the children are mixed up with the uneducated population, and never use the English language except when in school. They are also exposed to every vice in practice, so that in many instances a[Pg 304] partial education is only the means of enabling them to become more perfect in villany.

I cannot help thinking that if missionary schools were situated in some healthy situation at a little distance from the towns, and schools of industry were established in conjunction with them, the most beneficial results would follow. The boys intended to become mechanics should be selected according to their abilities, and be allowed to make choice of their trade. The school would in a short time support itself, and the variety of occupations would relieve the monotony of instruction in one branch of education alone.

At present, when the young men have obtained an imperfect education, that is to say, a knowledge of reading and writing, with a slight knowledge of figures, they consider themselves of too much importance to accept a menial employment, and being unacquainted with any trade, their first object is to seek to become agents or clerks to our European merchants, the number of whom are comparatively few, and employment consequently cannot be given to many. In many instances these parties obtain goods on credit, either from[Pg 305] the resident merchants or from the American trading captains, and then consider themselves to be great men, and that they must keep up an establishment, which they frequently do, considerably beyond their means. The result of this is, that in a short time they find themselves involved in debt beyond any chance of redemption. The value of the goods is then soon squandered away, and the would-be merchant is compelled to retire into the bush, or to some other place of secrecy, where the rest of his life is spent in swindling and villany.

Before concluding my Narrative I would make a few observations upon the manners and customs of the Dahoman, Mahee, and Fellattah countries, with the amendments made in his own territories by the present intelligent and generous King of Dahomey. The most important of these is the abolition, in a great measure, of human sacrifices. These are now only tolerated in the execution of culprits condemned to death for offences of the gravest character. The King has entirely abolished the power of his caboceers to make human sacrifices, and only allows them to sacrifice the lower[Pg 306] animals. Next I may mention his entire revision of the criminal as well as petty laws of his kingdom; and the establishment of a court of appeal at Abomey in cases of dissatisfaction or injustice. The King has also much improved the condition of the Dahoman army. The whole of the Mahee country is now subject to Dahomey.

The Dahomans are generally a fine intelligent race of people, both the male and female. Guinea worm, or elephantiasis, does not exist in either the Dahoman, Mahee, or Fellatah countries. The average height of the Dahoman males is about five feet nine inches, and they are well proportioned. They are much more industrious than the natives of Whydah, or other parts on the coast, and are good farmers, and take much care in rearing stock. There are several Moors resident in Abomey, but whether voluntarily or not, I was unable to learn; but should suppose they were originally prisoners, from the fact of their refusing information respecting their migration. In fact, individuals from all the tribes of Central Africa may be found in Abomey.

The trade of Dahomey is chiefly in palm-oil.[Pg 307] Ivory is seldom brought to the coast, except when smuggled, owing to the heavy duty imposed upon it. The manufactures are limited, cloth being the only article; but they excel in that article. The kingdom of Dahomey is chiefly level; the soil rich red loam; and, except in the immediate vicinity of the capital, tolerably well watered. Gold is as abundant there as in the Ashantee country, but, owing to the slave-trade, it is seldom inquired after.

The kingdom of Dahomey originally extended no farther in a northern direction than the river Zoa, or Lagos, between the seventh and eighth degrees of north latitude. In marching in a north-easterly direction from Abomey, the first of the Kong Mountains is situated in latitude 8° 20ʹ north, and extends in the same direction as far as 9° 30ʹ, although mountains of less magnitude are met with of the table form, at intervals, as far as 13° 6ʹ north.

The Mahee people are lighter in colour than the Dahomans, and are very active and hardy, lively in their disposition, but said to be very revengeful; although, as I was under the patronage of the King, I did not observe any thing[Pg 308] in their characters which manifested this. The females are considerably smaller than those of Dahomey, and may be called rather good-looking, and, like the Dahomans, are very chaste; though, as in the former country, polygamy is tolerated to any extent. They are all Pagans here, as well as in Dahomey. Though many Mohamedans are to be found in the army of the latter, they are never interfered with in their religious opinions.

Formerly the government of the kingdom of Dahomey was despotic, still the country has a much more civilized appearance than the petty states under republican governments, which are generally involved in disputes and wars.

The Mahees appear to be a distinct people, independently of the difference of colour. The general formation of their head differs considerably from others. It is generally elongated from the ear backwards, and the philoprogenitive organ is very prominent. The frontal bone is seldom divided, and in many instances the upper part of the skull, as I have previously stated, is without any division whatever; but this is also the case in the Dahomans.

The chin of the Mahees is generally shorter[Pg 309] than that of the Dahomans, or people near the coast; their lips are not so thick; their teeth are very good, and they take great pains in cleaning them, which is generally the case on the whole of the west coast, where it is a universal custom, when not otherwise employed, to brush the teeth with the end of what they term a chew-stick, generally a piece of the branch of the gwaba, about the length and thickness of a black-lead pencil. They consider that chewing this kind of wood prevents thirst. Probably, from the acid which it contains, it is superior to any other sort of tooth-brush.

On many parts of the west coast they sharpen the two front teeth in the upper jaw by filing, or grinding off the angles, so as to bring them to a narrow point. The Mahee and Fellattah skulls I found lighter and thinner than the Annagoos, or Dahomans, or those on the coast, many of the latter being as thick as half an inch in the hinder part of the skull, and of a spongy or porous nature. The nose of the Mahees does not partake in the slightest degree of the negro, but strongly resembles that of Europeans. They excel in their manufactures, which are composed of cloth, and[Pg 310] knitted night-caps, made exactly on the same principle as in England. They are also clever in the manufacture of iron, and are well acquainted with native dyes.

The natives, both of Dahomey and Mahee, are very temperate. They are excellent cooks. Their dishes are generally soups, containing various vegetables, amongst which is a gelatine pod of an oblong form, called occro. This is considered very strengthening. I believe it might be cultivated in Great Britain. It grows on a plant very much resembling the stramonium. Their fermented drink is peto, a native beer, which I have already described. They attain a greater age than in flat, low countries; and are very industrious in comparison with many neighbouring countries. The King of Dahomey enforces cultivation over all his dominions.

The general composition of the Kong Mountains, occupied by the Mahees, is granite, limestone, marble, and iron-stone. On the plains or valleys I found, protruding above the surface, large masses of fused iron mixed with round pebbles. Several fragments I broke off, which were nearly as heavy as the pure ore. The outside[Pg 311] of these masses had a glazed appearance. From the north to the south side this chain of mountains does not exceed forty-five or fifty miles. The principal animals occupying the Kong Mountains I have already noticed.

The Fellattahs are a different race to either the Dahomans or Mahees. They are a more warlike people than the Mahees; are light and active in their movements, very courageous, but also revengeful and stubborn, though I have been informed, that in a body they cannot fight a losing battle. They are much intermixed with other tribes, and hold great sway, occupying a very extensive territory, supposed to extend from eight degrees west longitude to Bornou, and also a considerable distance north and south. The real Fellattahs are much darker than the Mahees, with high square frontal bone and well-proportioned head, in general; hair, thick and woolly. They are more civilized and ingenious than the Mahees or Dahomans, and are also good farmers.

Even the system of drainage has found its way to this remote region, many of their indigo fields being well drained, as also those in the Mahee country. Their trade is not very extensive, being[Pg 312] chiefly confined to their own locality, and is generally a system of barter, though cowries and cloth are the general currency of the country. Their mode of living is much the same as in the Mahee country but they use less hogs’ flesh, and they eat both horses and dogs, and also several species of serpents, frogs, and guanos.

I sailed from Cape Coast for England in February, 1846. Previous to my going on board, I had many little presents sent me, both in the shape of sea-stores and keepsakes, from the merchants and natives in their employment, as well as from the resident Missionaries. I also received some little necessaries from a party of Missionaries who visited Cape Coast on their way to the Calabar, or Bonny River, in one of Mr. Jamieson’s ships; I believe one of them was Mr. Waddel. Our vessel was the Albion of Guernsey, a small schooner of only one hundred and fifty tons; in my precarious state of health, therefore, I was very uncomfortable.

After leaving Cape Coast we called at Accra, and took on board some ivory and gold, remaining at the above place one day and a night. During this time I went on shore to visit some of my old[Pg 313] friends, amongst whom was Mr. Bannerman, whose kindness and hospitality are well known, both to the naval and military officers who have ever visited that settlement. I was also kindly received by the resident Wesleyan Missionary.

Here I found an American Missionary and his wife, accompanied by the widow of a brother Missionary, lately deceased. Poor woman! she was apparently fast approaching to her long home. They were all in delicate health, and were passing down the coast for a change of air, but were obliged to leave the vessel.

During my stay I received extreme kindness and attention at the mission-house. I also called at the former residence of Mr. Hanson, a merchant lately deceased. His brother, the Chaplain of Cape Coast, and Mr. R. Hanson from Whydah, were both there. From these gentlemen I experienced great kindness, both now as well as on former occasions. Here I again found my old charger, who had carried me during my long journey in the interior. He was now the property of the Rev. William Hanson, and had only arrived a few days before from Whydah. It had probably been taken little care of, for the poor animal was[Pg 314] much reduced in flesh. It recognised my voice, and when I spoke, it immediately neighed and pawed the ground, anxious to come to me.

Mr. Hanson, its owner, asked me to put a pair of fore-shoes on it, remarking that it was the last act of kindness I should ever have an opportunity of bestowing upon the noble little animal. This I readily assented to: after which I proceeded on board, when we immediately set sail for England; where, after a tedious and uncomfortable passage of three months, we arrived. I had much improved in health during the passage, though my accommodation was bad, for I was obliged to sleep on deck during six weeks of the time, owing to the suffocating smell from the heated corn, amongst which some of the palm-oil puncheons had burst.

Rise and Fall during Day, from 6 A.M. to 6 P.M.	Remarks.
Date.	Rise.	Fall.
	Deg.	Deg.
June 11	80	76	In house, against clay wall.
” 12	82	78	In house.
” 13	81	75	Ditto.
” 14	82	76	Ditto.
” 15	80	77	Ditto.
” 16	81	76	Ditto.
” 17	80	74	Heavy tornado at 2 P.M.; fall suddenly to 74°.
” 18	82	76
” 19	80	74
” 20	81	74
” 21	78	74	Unusually cold; natives feverish; cold and rainy season.
” 22	78	74	Cloudy.
” 23	78	76	Cloudy.
” 24	82	75	Morning cloudy.
” 25	77	75	Cold and showery all day; tornado.
” 26	81	74	Cloudy in the evening; very dark night.
” 27	82	73	Wind; storm.
” 28	82	73	Heavy shower.
” 29	79	74
” 30	82	73	Cold rainy night; wind west.
July 1	82	74	Very windy, and unusually steady.
” 2	80	73	Slight showers; wind west.
” 3	77	73	Showers in the morning; day cloudy.
” 4	82	73	Heavy tornado; lightning and thunder heavy.
” 5	81	70	This day temperature changeable during a tornado, the heaviest seen; thermometer fell to 70°.
” 6	80	73	Unusually cold in the morning.
” 7	82

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Mode of Execution at Dahomey	To face the Title.
The Kong Mountains, in the Neighbourhood of Logazohy	p. 219
Wood Cuts.
State Chair of the King of Dahomey	272
The King’s Staff	272

Caboceer’s name	Terrasso-Weea.
1st Head man	Adah.
2d do.	Chaaoulong.
4th do.	Daowdie.
5th do.	Avamagbadjo.
6th Head Musician	Hawsoo-Agwee.[2]

Caboceer’s name	Agoa.
First Head-man	Cantra.
Second do.	Bossa.
Third do.	Bassa.
Fourth do.	Whyo.
Fifth Head-man	Bow.
Sixth do.	Baya.
Seventh do.	Wynho.
Eighth do.	Haigh, Commander-in-chief.
Head-women’s names—Wossee, Agwbydhe.

TRAVELS

IN WESTERN AFRICA,

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER II.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER III.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER IV.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER V.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VI.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VII.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VIII.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER IX.

CHAPTER X.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER XI.

CHAPTER XII.

CHAPTER XIII.

Transcriber’s Notes

TRAVELSIN WESTERN AFRICA,

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER II.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER III.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER IV.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER V.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VI.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VII.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VIII.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER IX.

CHAPTER X.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER XI.

CHAPTER XII.

CHAPTER XIII.

Transcriber’s Notes

TRAVELS

IN WESTERN AFRICA,