Mirror For Magistrates, Volume I

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

Mirror for Magistrates,

IN FIVE PARTS.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

[Pg i]

FRANCIS DOUCE, ESQ.

Although the prevailing taste for Bibliography has already drawn forth copious accounts of the various editions of the Mirror for Magistrates, and the industry of preceding Biographers has left little new to say of its authors, yet an entire Reprint of this once celebrated work requires the accompaniment of an Introductory Account of these subjects, even at the hazard of repeating a great deal that has been lately told, unmixed with much that is novel.

The history of the Work divides itself under three several heads; viz. 1. Of its origin. 2. Of the 'primary inventor.’[1] 3. Of the various editions. But before these are separately examined, there may be fitly introduced the following view taken by our admirable historian of English Poetry, of the turbulent period of its first appearance.

“True genius,” Warton says, “unseduced by the cabals, and unalarmed by the dangers of faction, defies or neglects those events, which destroy the peace of mankind, and often exerts its operations amidst the most violent commotions of a state. Without patronage and without readers, I may add without models, the earlier Italian writers, while their country was shook by the intestine tumults of the Guelfes and Guibelines, continued to produce[Pg ii] original compositions both in prose and verse, which yet stand unrivalled. The age of Pericles and of the Peloponnesian war was the same. Careless of those who governed or disturbed the world, and superior to the calamities of a quarrel, in which two mighty leaders contended for the prize of universal dominion, Lucretius wrote his sublime didactic poem On the System of Nature, Virgil his Bucolics, and Cicero his Books of Philosophy. The proscriptions of Augustus did not prevent the progress of the Roman literature. In the turbulent and unpropitious reign of Queen Mary, when controversy was no longer confined to speculation, and a spiritual warfare polluted every part of England with murthers more atrocious than the slaughter of the most bloody civil contest, a poem was planned, although not fully completed, which illuminates with no common lustre that interval of darkness, which occupies the annals of English poetry from Surrey to Spenser, entitled A Mirrour for Magistrates.”[2]

I. After this general character of the work, the first step in our particular discussion leads us to its origin. This was confessedly Lydgate’s Fall of Princes, an origin which is very striking, and still enhances the high merit so eloquently ascribed to it by Warton, when we recollect that the writer to whom it thus owed its foundation, has been pronounced by a shrewd critic one “who disgraced the name and patronage of his master Chaucer.”[3] But so decisive and intimate was this origin of a work, which had so important an effect on our national poetry, that when first planned, it seems intended to have been embodied in the same volume with the translation by Lydgate.

To prove that this is not a mere point of speculative criticism; but, on the contrary, stands on evidence very different from conjecture, I need only cite the words of William Baldwin himself, the original editor: “Whan the printer (he says) had purposed with himselfe to printe Lidgates booke of the fall of Princes, and had made pryuye thereto many both honourable and worshipfull, he was counsailed by dyuers of them to procure to[Pg iii] haue the storye contynewed from where as Bochas left, vnto this present time, chiefly of such as Fortune had dalyed with here in this ylande: which might be as a myrrour for al men as well nobles as others.”[4] From this suggestion the printer, John Wayland, importuned Baldwin to undertake the task; but he describes himself as declining so weighty an enterprise without assistance. On the other hand Wayland, “earnest and diligent in his affairs,” procured, shortly after, divers learned men to consent to take upon them part of the 'travail;’ and early in the year 1555, the Mirror for Magistrates was partly printed in folio, but the proceeding hindered by the Lord Chancellor that then was.[5]

In that suppressed edition the interlocutory parts are given in running lines across the page, and the poems in double columns, the type corresponding and the page imposed of the same size as Wayland’s edition of Lydgate’s translation; wherein the roman numericals have an unusual stop at the end of the seventh book with “leaf clxiij,” and the prologue of the eighth book commences with “fol. 1,” which continues to the end at “fol. XXXVII,” as if it was projected to add to the last portion the Mirror for Magistrates, making a second part or volume in continuance of the work which gave it origin.

From the time of first establishing the English press to the reign of Queen Mary, when the folio, or suppressed, edition was printed, our typographical annals do not show any works in equal estimation with the domestic chronicles. The Fruit of Times, or St. Alban’s Chronicle, Polychronicon, and those others compiled by Fabyan, Grafton, Hall, Harding, Lanquet, &c. were in general repute and extensive circulation, and for that reason fixed upon as fit materials for poetry by Baldwin and his coadjutors.

The influence and demand for the chronicles also occasioned the sudden revival, after a lapse of twenty-seven years, of The[Pg iv] boke of Iohan Bochas descryuing the fall of Princes, Princesses, and other Nobles, translated by John Lydgate. That work was first printed by Pynson in 1494, also in 1527,[6] and then remained unnoticed until 1554, when Richard Tottell reprinted it under a new title,[7] with the incidental wood-cuts, and appending thereto the singular dance of Machabree.[8]

In the same or following year after this revival an edition was projected and executed by Wayland:[9]—a convincing evidence,[Pg v] as well of the fashionable cast of reading, as of the rapid demand for that work; otherwise even the rivalry of trade would never have hazarded another edition, so soon after Tottell’s copies had supplied the market.

All the authors who joined in enlarging, or completing the part first published of the Mirrour, have but slightly deviated from Lydgate’s model, which was then secure in public approbation; and they therefore, in some instances, may be suspected to have sacrificed genius and imagination at the shrine of perverted taste, in order to obtain a continuance of the same patronage. The Mirrour for Magistrates was, in fact, a common offspring of that class of historical literature, which then flourished widely.[10] The addition of rhyme was the mere variance of a minor[Pg vi] ornament, rather than a change of its substantial nature;[11] though many inferior productions, which its popularity brought forth, seemed afterwards to give it the appearance of forming a main class of our national poetry.[12]

From those historical stores were taken the principal incidents and characters of the princes and nobles, whose vicious lives and tragical ends made them conspicuous as moral examples; and as fit beacons to check rebellion; a purpose which is ably attempted through the whole work. Indeed, so little did any one of this combination of poets venture fame, that novelty was neither attempted in subject, nor manner of composition. The whole selection of matter was from chronicles in universal circulation; as the seven-line stanza was adopted from their precursor Lydgate; and, upon this last point, there may be added, that it is doubtful if Higgins did[Pg vii] not cancel two or three lives, first published in another measure, for the advantage of substituting others, to accord with the original plan and general taste.[13]

II. In the next division of inquiry as to the 'primary inventor’ of the Mirror for Magistrates, the discussion arises from the unfounded[Pg ix] application of that term by Warton to that eminent genius Thomas Sackville, afterwards created Lord Buckhurst and Earl of Dorset, and which has been repeated, without examination, by subsequent writers.

It has been already stated, that the industry of Wayland effected much in obtaining the contributory aid of the popular poets; nor must the labour of Ferrers, who exerted himself in completing the original plan, be left unnoticed; but still the general formation rests principally, if not entirely, with Baldwin. His claim to the air of novelty, so successfully introduced for the purpose of connecting the whole as an unbroken series, by an intermediate and apposite dialogue, has not been disputed, any more than his finally completing the volume with an introductory Epistle and Preface.

The date at which Sackville’s communication was obtained, is decisive against the opinion, that the work found in him “its primary inventor.” If the contributors to the suppressed edition remain, like their articles, unknown and uncertain; the one published in 1559, was a complete volume, and not any communication by Sackville is there inserted. The intervention of the lord Chancellor certainly deferred, but did not destroy the work; and only on the enlargement thereof, by a SECOND PART, in 1563, is his name first mentioned, in the address prefixed to that part by Baldwin, as having “aptly ordered the duke of Buckynghams oracion.” At the distance of a few sheets after this trite notice, appears that beautifully descriptive and highly polished poem called “the Induction,” which served to envelop all the other contributors with the shade of secondary characters.

“Then sayd the reader: 'The next here whom I finde miserable are king Edwards two sonnes, cruelly murdered in the Tower of London.’ 'Haue you theyr tragedy?’ 'No surely (q; I) the Lord Vaulx vndertooke to penne it, but what he hath done therein I am not certayne, and therfore I let it passe til I knowe farder. I haue here y^e Duke of Buckingham, king Richarde’s chyefe instrument, wrytten by mayster Thomas Sackuille.’ 'Read it we pray you:’ sayd they. 'Wyth a good wyl (q; I) but fyrst you shal heare his preface or Induction.’ 'Hath he made a preface (q; one) what meaneth he thereby, seeing none other hath vsed the like order?’ 'I wyl tell you the cause thereof (q; I) which is thys: After that he vnderstoode that some of the counsayle would not suffer the booke to be printed in suche order as we had agreed and determined, he purposed with himselfe to have gotten at my handes, al the tragedies that were before the duke of Buckinghams, which he would haue preserued in one volume, and from that time backeward euen to the time of William the Conquerour, he determined to continue and perfect all the story himselfe in such order as Lydgate (folowing Bocchas) had already vsed. And therfore to make a meete induction into the matter, he deuised this poesye; which in my Judgement is so wel penned, that I woulde not haue any verse therof left out of our volume.’—”

Niccols, in the last edition, has ventured, without reason, to sever the Induction from the Legend, before which it was placed, in order to fix it at the head of those collected by Baldwin, although that editor did not suffer the communication of Sackville to alter his original plan. The explanatory Advertisement of Niccols has occasioned the erroneous belief of that author being 'primary inventor’ of the whole work. “Hauing hitherto (he says) continued the storie, gentle Reader, from the first entrance of Brute into this Iland, with the falles of such Princes, as were neuer before this time in one volume comprised, I now proceed with the rest, which take their beginning from the Conquest, whose [pen-men being many and diuers, all diuerslie affected in[Pg xii] the method of this their Mirror, I purpose only to follow the intended scope of that, most honorable personage, who, by how much he did surpasse the rest in the eminence of his noble condition, by so much he hath exceeded them all in the excellencie of his heroicall stile which with a golden pen he hath limmed out to posteritie in that worthy obiect of his minde, the Tragedie of the Duke of Buckingham, and in his preface then intituled Master Sackuil’s induction. This worthie President of learning, intending to perfect all this storie himselfe from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence of his time in the great State-affaires of his most royall Ladie, and Soueraigne, left the dispose thereof to M. Baldwine,] M. Ferrers, and others, the composers of these Tragedies, who continuing their methode which was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery Tragedie, gaue it onely place before the Duke of Buckinghams complaint, which order I since hauing altered, haue placed the Induction in the beginning, with euery Tragedie following according to succession and the iust computation of time, which before was not obserued,” &c.

With a knowlege of the statement made by Baldwin, there is not any thing obscure or easily to be mistook in this Advertisement. Niccols has only repeated the intention of Sackville, and that being prevented by more weighty engagements from executing it, he left the Induction at the disposal of Baldwin, Ferrers, &c. who chose to continue their own plan. Of this plan Niccols altered the order, and placed the Induction at the beginning. However the sense of the prefatory article has been much mistaken; probably from a want of some knowlege of the antecedent authority.

Mrs. Cooper, in the Muses Library, 1738, says of Sackville: “It appears to me, by a preface of Mr. Niccols, that the Original Plan of the Mirror for Magistrates, was principally owing to him.”—Collins, in the English Peerage, having transcribed the passage given above in brackets, is referred to by Lord Orford, in the Royal and Noble Authors, as his authority for asserting, that “the original thought was his Lordship’s.” And might not this concatenation of error extend further by the construction of Lord Orford and have misled Warton? That luminous historian of our[Pg xiii] native poetry, says: “More writers than one were concerned in the execution of this piece: but its PRIMARY INVENTOR, and most distinguished contributor, was Thomas Sackville the first lord Buckhurst, and first earl of Dorset. About the year 1557, he formed the plan of a poem, in which all the illustrious but unfortunate characters of the English history, from the conquest to the end of the fourteenth century, were to pass in review before the poet, who descends like Dante into the infernal region, and is conducted by Sorrow. Although a descent into hell had been suggested by other poets, the application of such a fiction to the present design, is a conspicuous proof of genius and even of invention. Every personage was to recite his own misfortunes in a separate soliloquy. But Sackville had leisure only to finish a poetical preface called an Induction, and one Legend, which is the life of Henry Stafford duke of Buckingham. Relinquishing therefore the design abruptly, and hastily adapting the close of his Induction to the appearance of Buckingham, the only story he had yet written, and which was to have been the last in his series, he recommended the completion of the whole to Richard Baldwyne and George Ferrers.”—

“Baldwyne and Ferrers,” it is afterwards observed, “perhaps deterred by the greatness of the attempt, did not attend to the series prescribed by Sackville, but inviting some others to their assistance, among which are Churchyard and Phayer, chose such lives from the newly published chronicles of Fabyan and Hall, as seemed to display the most affecting catastrophes, and which very probably were pointed out by Sackville.”—

The observations of Warton were either written at various times, or he depended too implicitly upon loose extracts from authorities no longer possessed, as he refers to one edition when quoting another.[14]

The hypothesis of Sackville being 'primary inventor,’ &c. shows that he relied upon, and at the same time mistook, the[Pg xiv] meaning of Niccols, (whose corrupt text of the Induction he reprinted,) and never discovered that his position was negatived by the interlocutory matter given above from the edition of 1563, when Sackville made his first and only known communication.

While this circumstantial detail disrobes Sackville of his revived honors, there must not be more than a qualified portion of the character of 'primary inventor’ of the Mirrour for Magistrates transferred to Baldwin. He was the common editor and inventor of the intermediate conversations, but the acknowledged design of himself and associates went no further than to raise another story upon the fabric built by Lydgate in the preceding century.[15]

III. The bibliographical division is classed chronologically by the dates of the editions, and not as to the legends. The first or suppressed edition was entituled

The above title in the same compartment as was used by Wayland on reprinting Lydgate.[16] At the back of the leaf is a copy of his letters patent, as preserved in the note below,[17] to secure a right in the work as having first printed it.

Baldwin in his Epistle dedicatory, in 1559, says: “The wurke was begun, & part of it printed iiii years agoe, but hyndred by the Lord Chancellor that then was.” This hinderance must have arisen from the rigour of Stephen Gardiner, who died, Chancellor, in Nov. 1555. How far the printing had proceeded is unknown.[18][Pg xviii] Three or perhaps four copies of the title leaf may be traced; and two of those are in the possession of Mr. Heber.[19] There is also a fragment of two duplicate leaves in the British Museum, with running title “vnfortunate English Princes,” containing part of the legend of Owen Glendower, and from which the appropriation is now first made of the signature “T. Ch.” to its more certain owner Sir Thomas Chaloner. It maybe added, that I have reason to believe, a still larger fragment exists in a private library.[20]

From the size and manner of the page of this folio edition being upon the same scale as Wayland’s reprint of The tragedies gathered by Ihon Bochas, as noticed already, it appears upon calculation, that if no more than was printed in 1559 had been given,[21] it would not have exceeded twenty-five or thirty leaves, and which may be assigned as a further reason for believing the original intention was to include both works in one volume.

This title is in an architectural metal border, composed of[Pg xix] four pieces. After the Epistle inscribed by the editor William Baldwin, to the Nobility, and his Brief Memorial addressed to the Reader, follow nineteen legends, viz:

Several of these lives have always been printed without signatures, and, from want of a knowledge of other claimants, are conjecturally supposed to be written by Baldwin. A slight authority for this appropriation is found in the Epistle before the[Pg xx] continuation of the work in the next edition, in the observation: “I have nowe also set furth another parte conteynynge as litle of myne owne, as the fyrst doth of other mens.” With no better testimony, ten of the lives, distinguished above with asterisks, are attributed to his pen, while in another place Baldwin makes questionable his own title. The passage alluded to is found in the preface, and has been hitherto passed over unnoticed. He says: “The numbre of seauen, were through a generall assent at one apoynted time and place, gathered together, to deuise thereupon; (and, he adds) I resorted vnto them.”[23] After this formal annunciation of a company consisting of eight persons, including the Editor, given at the head of the volume, may we not expect to find, that each was a contributor? Yet in the above list, are only six names, viz: Ferrers, Cavil, Chaloner, Phaer, Baldwin, and Skelton; and the last doubtful, as he died as early as 1529; and Baldwin repeats the lines from memory. Perhaps this difficulty may be avoided by adding to the five certain names those of Sackville, Dolman, and Segar; concluding that the Editor had received their assurance of articles in time for another edition, and which are found inserted in the next accordingly. No other name interferes with this disposition, except that of Churchyard, whose communication of Shore’s Wife was no sooner read, than Baldwin observes: “all together exhorted me instantly to procure Maister Churchyarde to vndertake and to penne as manye moe of the remaynder as myght by any meanes be attaynted at his handes.” This presumptively shows that the author was not enumerated as one of the company.

All that can be gleaned from the intermediate prose, upon this subject, is very inconclusive and unsatisfactory. For example, there being no man ready at the meeting,[24] Baldwin said: “I will somewhat doe my part, I will, under your correction, declare the tragedy of Thomas Mowbray, duke of Northfolk.” And to this life, in edition 1571, “T. Ch.” is added, the signature of Sir T. Chaloner. Again, at p. 77, Ferrers is staid by one who briefly said: “To the end, Baldwin, that you may know what[Pg xxi] to say of the Percies,—I will take upon me the person of the Lord Henry Percy,” &c. and this is left without signature, and given to Baldwin. Similar at p. 102, where the Speaker adopting king James, concludes “mark, Baldwin, what I think he may say,” and which also, as wanting signature, has the same appropriation. Several others are contradictory, as being delivered in the person of one of the company, and since assigned to the Editor, by whose indolence, perhaps, in not altering the conversations to suit the fact, after public approbation extinguished the desire of secrecy, and real signatures were added, much of this complexity arises.

This title in the same border as before. In addition to the contents of the preceding article, this has the original Induction by Sackville; and the eight following legends, as a second part, viz.

As well in this as the prior edition, there is a lapse in numbering the folio from xlviii to lix.[25] The other edition is printed on a better paper, and with clearer ink; abounds less in press errors; and has not such frequent inaccuracies in the numbering, though they correspond in leaves to fol. Lxxxv, sig. k i, where “endeth the first parte” in this edition. The opening prose, or conversation, of the second part is addressed to the reader, by Baldwin, in whose hands Ferrers is described, as placing all[Pg xxii] he had brought, having business great and weighty to attend, and knowing he could “do it well inough:” And “dyuers of the rest lykyng hys deuyse, vsed the lyke maner.” The whole controul of this first edition of the second part was evidently given to Baldwin.

At folio Cxvi, or sig. P iii, is the unusual circumstance of a variance being made in two instances, while printing, and here given as they stand in two different copies:

The effect is considered in Vol. II. p. 309. At the end of the volume is a leaf with “The ¶ contes and Table of the first parte of this Booke. ¶ A prose to the Reader, continued betwene the tragedies from the beginning of the booke to the ende. Tragedies beginning,” &c. as it stands in the former edition; and on the next page “¶ The Contentes of the second parte. ¶ A Prose to the Reader continued through the booke. Complayntes beginning,” &c. Another leaf has “Faultes escaped in the Printing,” which fill two pages.

This edition only varies in the arrangement from the preceding, by the life of the Duke of Somerset being transposed to fall in chronological order. The addition of the signatures of several of the authors, gives a peculiar value to this impression.

This is the best legitimate attempt to enlarge the work published by Baldwin; and the date of the first edition has escaped the research of modern bibliographers.[27] To the Title succeeds the Table of Contents on one leaf; the Epistle dedicatory to the nobility, and the address to the reader. The Authour’s Induction imitates that by Sackville, and is followed by sixteen legends, the sole production of John Higgins.[28]

At the end of Nennius the address of “the Author” concludes with the fifth Stanza:[29]

A copy having a title page with the above date is as rare as the preceding article. The particular description, with which it is mentioned in a note by Warton, seemed to make its existence certain, although there was not wanting reason for disbelief on the occasion. Even that writer considered it “improperly entitled The Last Parte,” the existence of our preceding article not being then known.

This is an accurate reprint of the first edition, with an enlargement of “the Author,” at the end of Nennius, by the addition of Eleven Stanzas, and another legend concluding the volume, viz:

This is the edition of 1574, a circumstance that accounts for it being so little known in the original state. The part by Higgins, when it first appeared, no doubt found a rapid demand from those who possessed a copy of that by Baldwin; and therefore in the present instance an altered title, wherein a new date was substituted,[30] served to keep time with the second edition of the part by Higgins.

The first part of the Mirour for Magistrates.—Imprinted for Thomas
Marshe. 1578.

Mentioned by Ritson in the Bibliographia Poetica, p. 243, and also in a manuscript list made by him of all the editions. It is stated to have contained, as before, seventeen legends. I have never seen it.

In the table of Contents to the edition of 1559, there is entered: “Good Duke Humfry murdered, and Eleanor Cobham his wife banished,” though no articles appear of that nature in the order of reference. What occasioned them to be deferred, it would be in vain now to inquire, or conjecture.

This title is in an elegant architectural compartment, supported by crouching satyrs, and having upon the sill “Goe straight and feare not.”

The whole was the production of Thomas Blenerhasset, and was, if we may believe the printer’s epistle, published without the knowledge or sanction of the author. In that epistle the writer speaks of “findyng a booke already in print, entituled, The first and third part of the Mirrour for Magistrates;” which appears only a convenient alteration of the two titles already given, there not being any edition distinguished as the Third part.

A short preface, grounded upon the prefatory epistle of 1574, is substituted for that, and followed by a metrical address from Thomas Newton to the reader. Some additional legends by Higgins are introduced in the body of the work; and several others in continuance. Their titles are

On the reverse of folio 108, commences the Part edited by Baldwin. The brief Memorial to the reader is given; and the[Pg xxix] 29 legends already named with the addition of four, viz:

The productions of Baldwin and Higgins are here united with additional matter and corrections; and this being the last printed by either of the original editors, may be characterised, and has been now adopted, as the STANDARD EDITION.

Both titles are found to the same edition. The last appears an attempt to new vamp the remainder of an unsaleable and justly depreciated article. A large part of the volume is formed from the labours of Higgins, Blenerhasset, and Baldwin, and reprinted on the laudable plan of collecting them together, by Richard Niccols. Unfortunately the original spirit and character[Pg xxx] is materially affected, if not destroyed, by his choosing to omit all intermediate matter between the legends, whether prose or verse: for the L’envoy of Higgins, and conversations of Blenerhasset and Baldwin are alike rejected. And his total want of respect for the original text, in addition to a false taste in remodelling it to please his own ear and fancy, has scarcely left a Legend that does not exhibit specimens of this unwarrantable liberty:[31] indeed it has long been known that the only value his collection now retains, is for that part completed by his own pen, which forms the remainder of the volume.

Niccols in the first division gives the forty legends by John Higgins, and ten of those by Thomas Blenerhasset, the two of Guiderius and Alurede being rejected. Then a new title:

Prefixed to this part is a short prose address from the Editor on his following the supposed plan of Sackville, by placing the Induction at the beginning as a prefatory poem. He has retained twenty-nine of the legends of Baldwin, and others, already noticed, omitting for reasons not assigned the following four; Richard Duke of Gloucester, James Ist and IVth, and the Battle of Flodden Field: and adding that of Lord Cromwell by Michael Drayton.

These reprints occupy 548 pages; the remainder of the volume is original, and in two divisions.

Dedicatory sonnet to the Earl of Nottingham, prose address to the reader, The Induction, and ten legends, viz:

Dedicatory sonnet to Lady Elizabeth Clere, a prose advertisement, The Induction, and the poem of England’s Eliza.

[Pg xxxii]

The Mirror for Magistrates.

Above three years have elapsed since the present edition was projected. It was then intended to form one of a series of reprints of poetical works of the Elizabethan æra that had ceased to be attainable, though entitled by merit to be rescued from undeserved obscurity, and was to have been attached to a periodical work, which has now ceased its circulation.

To select so voluminous a performance as the Mirror for Magistrates might appear extraordinary, had not a more complete edition than has hitherto appeared, been long wanted. A want, which, as the work combined the desultory productions of many writers, and was interspersed with incidental narrative in prose, could not, although a national poem, be supplied by any collection of the English poets. It is true that Sackville’s Induction and the Legend of Buckingham may be found in Dr. Anderson’s collection: but this was a partial appropriation rather fitting the Elegant Extracts, than a Complete Edition of the English poets, from which such a fragment was of course displaced. There was also wanted a certain list of the many editions, with their various additions: what laboured research had not hitherto supplied, for even the critical and valuable examination of the work by Warton, was known, from the references, to have several errors.

The hallowed voice of 'elden’ critics[32] was uniform in its favour; and to that might be joined the opinion of several literary[Pg xxxiii] friends, who, on the subject being first agitated, by their assistance made the difficulties that appeared unsurmountable, vanish. It is now comprised in two volumes and five parts, as follows:

by John Higgins,[33] is reprinted from the standard edition of 1587 collated with those of 1575, and 1610; and contains

In prose.—The Epistle Dedicatory.—*I. Higgins to the Reader.—*A Preface to the Reader.—In verse:—Thomas Newton to the Reader.—The Author’s Induction.—Legends:

Niccols rejected the matter distinguished above with an asterisk, and also the intermediate verses as “L’envoy” that connected the legends, which are now restored; and in the notes are given the variations, as originally printed, under the title of “the authour.” Of the legends No. 9, 13, and 14, the notes contain those as printed in the first edition.

by Thomas Blenerhasset,[34] from the edition of 1578, collated with that of 1610. Contains

*The Printer to the Reader.—*The Authour’s Epistle unto[Pg xxxv] his friends.—Legends:

The original intermediate prose inductions are now given, which, as well as the articles that have asterisks affixed, were rejected by Niccols.

by William Baldwin, and his Assistants, is now printed from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78, and 1610; and contains

In prose.—*The Epistle dedicatory.—*William Baldwin to the reader.—Richard Niccols to the reader.—Legends: [Pg xxxvi]

To the further omissions of Niccols in this part, distinguished as before, may be added the intermediate conversations, in their original text, which are here restored.

by Richard Niccols,[50] containing A Winter’s Night’s Vision, and England’s Eliza, are from the edition of 1610.

Such is the analysis of the following volumes, of which the bulk required some historical matter, intended for notes, to be suppressed.

No single library could be expected to contain the many editions used in collation; and copies inspected, of value in other[Pg xlvi] respects. The indulgent loan of those stores claims the acknowledgement of my obligation to Mr. Heber, Mr. Douce, the Hon. Mr. Nassau, Mr. Utterson, and Mr. Gilchrist. The like is due to my friend Sir Egerton Brydges, from whom I have also derived much valuable assistance in the course of the undertaking.

Only one hundred and fifty copies are printed beyond the number demandable under a late Act of Parliament; and let it be recorded, that the work was put to press long before that censurable measure was in agitation, whereby it falls with all the weight and injustice of an ex post facto law upon the proprietors.

[Pg xlvii]

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

THE

Mirour for Magistrates,

*wherein may bee scene*,

by

examples passed in this

*Realme with*

how greeuous plagues vices are punished in great Princes and Magistrates:

and how fraile and vnstable worldly *prosperity is found, where Fortune seemeth most highly* to fauour.

PART I.

By JOHN HIGGINS.

[Reprinted from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1575 and 1610.]

To the nobility and all other in office, God graunt the increase of wisedome, with all thinges necessary for preseruation of theyr estates.

Amongste the wise (right Honorable) whose sentences (for the moste parte) tende either to teache the attayning of vertue or eschuing of vice, Plotinus. Plotinus that wonderfull and excellent Philosopher hath these wordes: The property of Temperaunce is to couet nothing which may be repented: not to excede the bands of measure, & to kepe Desire vnder the yoke of Reason. Whiche saying if it were so well knowen, as it is nedefull; so well embraced, as is[53] wished; or so surely fixed in minde, as it is printed in his workes: then certis many Christians might by the instruction of an Ethnicke Philosopher, shun great and daungerous perils. For to couet without consideration, to passe the measure of his degree, and to let will run at randon, is the only destruction of all estates. Else howe were it possible, so many learned, polliticke, wise, renoumed, valiaunt, and victorious personages, might euer haue come to such vtter decay? For example, wee haue[54] Quintus Curtius. Alexander the Great, Cæsar, Pompey, Cyrus, Hannibal, &c. All which (by desier of glorye) felte the reward of theire immoderate and insatiable lustes: for if Alexander had beene content with Macedonie, or not beene pufte vp with pride after his triumphes, hee had neuer beene so miserably poysoned. If Cæsar and Pompey had beene satisfied with theire victories, and [Pg 4] had not fell to ciuill discention, the one had not beene slaine in the senate with daggers, nor the other abroade, by their frendes procurement. Iustinus lib. 1. If Cyrus had beene pleased with all Persia, and Media, and not thirsted for bloud, hee had neuer com to so infortunate a fall. Plutarchus. So if Hanniball had not so much Liuius. delited in glorye of warfare, his countrey had neyther fell in ruine, Polibius. nor hee bene miserably forced to poyson himselfe. But you will say, desire of fame, glorye, renowne, and immortalitie (to which all men well nighe by[55] nature are inclined, especially those which excell or haue any singuler gift of fortune or[56] the body) moued them to such daungerous, great, and hardy enterprises, which must needes be confessed[57] as an infallible veritie: and therefore I suerly[58] deeme those Princes aboue specified (considering their[59] fortunes, fame, and exploytes) had neuer come to suche ende, but for wante of temperance. And now[60] sithe there are three other Cardinall vertues which are requisite in him that should bee in authoritye: that is to saye, Prudence, Iustice, and Fortitude, which so wonderfully adorne and beautifie all estates (If Temperaunce bee with them adioyned, that they moue the very enemies with admiration to prayse them) some peraduenture (as affection leades) will commende one, some another: Arist. Cicero. Prudence. as[61] Aristotle the Prince of Philosophers names Prudence, the mother of vertues, but[62] Cicero defines her the knowledge of things which ought to bee desired and followed, and also of them which ought to bee fled and eschewed; yet you shall finde that for want of Temperaunce, some which were counted very wise[63] fell into wonderfull reproche and infamy. But[64] Iustice that incomparable vertue, (as the auncient Ciuilians define her) is[65] a perpetuall and constant will [Pg 5]which giueth to euery man his right, yet if shee be not constant, which is the gifte of Fortitude; nor equal in discerning right from wrong, wherein is Prudence; nor vse proportion in iudgement and sentence, which pertayneth to Temperaunce: shee can neuer bee called equitie or iustice, but fraude, deceite, iniustice and iniurie. And, to speake of Fortitude. Cicero. Fortitude, which Cicero defineth, a consyderate vndertaking of perills, and enduring of labours; if he whome wee suppose stoute, valiaunt, and of good courage, want Prudence, Iustice, or Temperaunce, he is not counted wise, righteous and constant, but sottish, rude and desperate. For Cicero. Temperance. Temperaunce (sayth Cicero) is of reason[66] in lust and other euel assaultes of the minde, a suer and moderate dominion & rule. This noble vertue is deuided into three[67] partes, that is Continency, Clemencie, and Modestye, which well[68] obserued and kept (if grace bee to them adioyned) it is impossible for him that is endued with the aboue named vertues euer to fall into the infortunate snares of calamity, or misfortune. But Ambition which is immoderate[69] desire of honour, rule, dominion, and superioritie, (the very distruction of nobility and common weales, as among the Romanes; Sylla, Marius, Carbo, Cinna, Cateline, Pompey, and Cæsar, are witnesses) hath brought great decay to[70] our contrey, and countreymen. Which Master Baldwin hath so touched[71] in his Epistle of the laste[72] volume of this booke, that I nede not therewith deale any further.[73] I haue here (right honorable) in this booke[74] only reproued foly in those which are heedelesse: Iniurie in extortioners, rashnes in venterers, [Pg 6][trecherie in traytours, riote in rebelles,][75] and excesse in such as suppresse not vnruly affections. Now[76] I truste you will so thinke of it (althoughe the style deserue not like commendation) as you thought of the other parte. Which if you shall, I doubt not but it may pleasure some; if not, yet geue occasion to others which can do better, either to amend these, or to publish their owne.[77] And thus wishing you Prudence to discerne what is meete for your callings, Iustice in the administration of your functions, Fortitude in the defence of your Countrey, and Temperaunce in moderation of all your affections, with increase of honours, and euerlasting felicity: I bid you in Christ Iesu farewell.[78] At Winceham the vii. day of December.

[Pg 7]

“I. HIGGINS TO
THE READER.

“Amongst diuers and sondry chronicles of many nations, I thinke there are none (gentle reader) so vncertaine and brief in the beginning as ours: at which I cannot but maruayle, sith at all tymes our Ilande had as learned wryters (some singuler men excepted) as any nation vnder the sunne. Againe, those which now are our best chroniclers as they report, haue great antiquities; but what they publish of late yeares may be enlarged in many places by chronicles of other nacions: whereby it is manifest they are either ignoraunt of the tongues, or els not giuen to the studie of that, which they most professe. For if they were, me-thinkes it were easie for them, with such antiquities as they brag they haue, to fetche our histories from the beginning; and make them as ample, as the chronicles of any other country or nation. But they are faine, in steede of other stuffe, to talk of the Romains, Greekes, Persians, &c. and to fill our histories with their facts and fables. This I speake not to the end I wold have ours quite seperate from other, without any mention of them; but I would haue them there only named, where th’ affayres of both countries, by warre, peace, truce, mariage, trafique, or some necessary cause or other, is intermixed. I haue seen no auncient antiquities in written hand but two: one was Galfridus of Munmouth, which I lost by misfortune; the other, an old chronicle in a kind of Englishe verse, beginning at Brute and ending at the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester; in the which, and diuers other good chronicles, I finde many thinges not mentioned in that great tome engroced[Pg 8] of late by Maister Grafton; and that, where he is most barraine and wantes matter. But as the greatest heades, the grayest hayres, and best clarkes, haue not most wytte; so the greatest bookes, titles, and tomes, contayne not most matter. And this haue I spoken, because in wryting the Tragedies of the first infortunate princes of this Isle, I was often fayne to vse mine owne simple inuention, yet not swaruing from the matter: because the chronicles (although they went out vnder diuers men’s names) in some suche places as I moste needed theyr ayde, wrate one thing, and that so brieflye, that a whole prince’s raigne, life, and death, was comprysed in three lines; yea, and sometimes mine olde booke, aboue mentioned, holpe mee out when the rest forsoke mee. As for Lanquet, Stowe, and Grafton, [they] were alwayes nighe of one opinion: but the Floure of Histories somewhat larger: some helpe had I of an old chronicle imprinted the yeare 1515. But surely methinkes, and so do most which delite in histories, it were worthely done, if one chronicle wer drawne from the beginning in such perfect sort, that al monuments of vertuous men (to the exalting of God’s glory) and all punishments of vicious persons (to the terrour of the wicked) might be registred in perpetuall remembraunce. To which thing the right reuerende father in God Matthew [Parker] Archbishop of Canterbury, and Metropolitane of Englande, hath brought such ayde, as wel by printing as preseruing the written chronicles of this realme; that by his grace’s studie and paynes, the labour, in tyme to come, wil be farre more easy to them, that shall take such trauayle in hand. But to leaue with these, and declare the cause of my purpose. As I chaunced to reade the Mirour for Magistrates, a worke by all men wonderfully commended, and full of fitte instructions for preseruation of eche estate: taking in hand the chronicles and minding to conferre the times, meethoughte the liues of a number euen at the beginning, the like infortunate princes offered themselues vnto mee as matter very meete for imitation, the like admonition,[Pg 9] miter, and phrase; and seing Baldwine by these woordes moued mee somewhat thereto; It were (saith hee) a goodly and a notable matter to searche and discourse our whole storye from the beginning of the inhabiting of this Isle, &c. I read the storyes, I considered of the princes, I noted their liues, and therewith conferred their deathes. On this, I tooke penne in hande, minding nothing lesse than to publishe them abroade, but onely to trye what I could do if neede were, or time and leasure were giuen mee to bestowe in such wyse. I wrote the twoo first, euen as they now are, and because I would not kepe secrete my first labours in this kinde of study (though I might well haue blushed at the basenes of my style) I shewed them to a friend of myne, desiring his vnfayned iudgement in this matter; which when he had read, he neuer left intreating me to wryte other, til I had ended all to the byrth of Christ: and yet not so content; he desired mee t’ accomplish the residue til I came to the Conquest, (which were wel nighe fiftie Tragedies): but, wearied with those which I had written, I desired him pause on this, till tyme and leasure were giuen mee. Yet hee, making relation to other his frendes what I had done, left mee not quiet till they likewyse had seene them: whose perswasion, as it seemed without any suspition of assentation or flattery, so hath it made mee bolder at this present then before. “Although (sayd they) your Tragædies be simple, and not comparable to those which the other before haue written; yet when men consider that many wrote those, but one these; that they are graue writers, you are but yong; the perfection of those stories, and the imperfection of these: finally, the good wil you beare to your country, the commendation of vertue, the detestation of vice, the fal of ambition, the horrible end of traytours, harlots, tyrauntes, adulterers, enchaunters, murderers, and such like; When men (said they) consider these things, they cannot, (how simple soeuer your verse bee,) but thinke well of the matter.” At length, with these perswasions[Pg 10] and suche like, I was contente (good reader) to publishe them for thy behoufe, and the publique weale of my countrye; at which if thou enuie, I minde not therefore to enuie my selfe, and staye my penne. But (God willing) thou shalt, as fast as I can prepare them, haue other bookes from my handes, which maye please thee againe; and thus with all my harte I bidde thee hartely farewell.

[Pg 11]

A PREFACE TO
THE READER.

Aboute a twelue yeares since (gentle reader) when I tooke vpon mee for exercise sake, only to make proofe in English verse what I could do, & had read the Mirour for Magistrates which Maister Baldwins set forth, (a booke both well penned and also well commended) I perused the Chronicles, I noted the times, I conferred the Princes, and me thought that a nomber euen at the firste inhabiting of this Islande, offered them selues the like haplesse impes of Fortune, with matter very meete for imitation, and like admonition, meeter and phrase. And sith Maister Baldwine in these words of his preface moued mee somewhat thereto: It were (sayth hee) a goodly and a notable mater to search, and discours our whole storie from the beginning of the inhabiting of this Isle, &c. I read agayne the stories, I considered of the Princes, I noted theire liues, and therewith conferred their falles: on this I tooke penne in hande, and wrote a fewe of the firste euen as they since were imprinted, minding nothing lesse then to publish them abroade: and because I woulde not keepe secret my first laboures in this kinde of studie, (although I mighte haue blushed at the basenes of my style) I shewed them to some frendes of myne, desired theire vnfayned iudgementes herein, who not only perswaded mee that they were well, but also desired mee to followe the same order till I came to the birth of Christe: which when I had done, yet they willed mee to proceede with the falles of the like vntill the conqueste, which I coulde not doe, being called away by other studies of more importaunce, but the rest which I wrot after that time and[Pg 12] at leisure since by the perswations of some worshipfull, and my very good frendes; I haue here set downe, and agayne corrected those which I wrot before, euen for the profit of my natiue countrey. Now I desire thee (gentle reader) so well to accept of my paynes and good will herein bestowed, as I was well willing by this edition to doe thee ease, and pleasure. And so whishing thee the feare of God, the loue of thy Prince and countrey, and after this lyfe the fruition of perfecte felicitye, I doe bid thee hartely in Christe Iesu farewell.

[Pg 13]

THOMAS NEWTON
TO THE READER,

[Pg 15]

THE AUTHORS INDUCTION.

[Pg 21]

How King Albanact the Yongest Son of Brutus,[113] and First King of Albany (now called Scotland) was slayne by king Humber, the yeere before Christ, 1085.

[Pg 47]

How Hvmber the king of Hunnes minding to conquer Britaine, was drowned in the arme of sea now called Humber, about the yeere before Christ, 1085.

[Pg 53]

How King Locrinvs the eldest sonne of Brutus liued vitiously, and was slaine in battaile by his wyfe Queene Guendoline, the yeere before Christ, 1064.

[Pg 62]

How Qveene Elstride the Concubine and second wife of king Locrinus was miserably drowned by Queene Guendoline, The yeare before Christ, 1064.

[Pg 77]

How the Lady Sabrine daughter of King Locrinus and Elstride, was drowned by Queene Guendoline, the yeare before Christ, 1064.

[Pg 86]

How King Madan for his euill life was slayne by Wolues, The yeare before Christ, 1009.

[Pg 92]

How King Malin was slayne by his brother King Mempricius, the yeare before Christ, 1009.

[Pg 98]

How King Mempricius geuen to all lust was deuoured by wolues, the yeare before Christ, 989.

[Pg 106]

How King Bladvd,[408] taking on him to fly, fell vpon the Temple of Apollo, and brake his necke, The yeare before Christ, 844.

[Pg 123]

How Qveene Cordila in dispaire slew her selfe, The yeare before Christ, 800.

[Pg 143]

How King Morgan of Albany was slayne at Glamorgan, in Wales, The yeare before Christ, 766.

[Pg 149]

How King Iago dyed of the Lethargy, about the yeare before Christ, 612.[516]

[Pg 153]

How King Forrex was slayne by his brother King Porrex, about the yeere before Christ, 491.[520]

[Pg 163]

How King Porrex[533] which slewe his brother was slayne by his owne mother and hir maydens, about the yeare before Christ, 491.

[Pg 172]

How King Pinnar was slain in battayle by Mulmucius Donwallo, about the yeare before Christ, 441.[546]

[Pg 175]

How King Stater of Scotland was slayne by Mulmucius Donwallo, about the yeare before Christ, 441.[556]

[Pg 178]

Howe King Rvdacke of Wales was slayn by Mulmucius Donwallo about the yeere before Christ, 441.[562]

[Pg 183]

How the noble King Brennus, after many triumphant victories, at the seege of Delphos in Greece slew him selfe, about the yeare before Christ, 375.[575]

[Pg 208]

How King Kimarvs was deuoured by wilde beastes the yeere before Christ 321.

[Pg 213]

How King Morindus was deuoured by a monster, the yeare before Christ, 303.

[Pg 220]

How King Emerianus for his tirany was deposed, about the yeare before Christ, 235.[674]

[Pg 222]

How King Chirinnus giuen to dronkennesse raygned but one yeare. Hee died about the yeare before Christ, 137.[678]

[Pg 226]

How King Varianvs gaue himselfe to the lustes of the flesh, and dyed about the yeare before Christ, 136.[684]

[Pg 230]

Howe the worthie Britaine Duke Nennius as a valiaunt souldier and faithfull subiecte encountred with Iulius Cæsar, was by him death wounded: yet naytheles[692] he gate Cæsar’s sworde, put him to flight, slewe therewith Labianus a Tribune of the Romaynes, endured fight till his countreymen wanne the field, and now encourageth all good subiectes, to defende their countrey from the power of forraine and entruding enemies. He was slaine about the yeere before Christ, 52.

[Pg 246]

Howe the Lord Irenglas cosen to king Cassibellane was slayne by the Lord Elimine cosen to Androgeus Earle of London, about the yeere before Christ, 51.

[Pg 260]

How Caivs Ivlivs Cæsar which first made this Realme tributary to the Romaynes, was slayne in the Senate house, about the yeare before Christ, 42.

[Pg 276]

How Clavdivs Tiberius Nero Emperour of Rome was poysoned by Caius Caligula, The yeare of Christ, 39.

[Pg 283]

How Caivs Caesar Caligula Emperour of Rome was slayne by Cherea and others, The yeare of Christ, 42.

[Pg 286]

How Gviderivs King of Britayne and the elder sonne of Cimbaline was slayne in battayle by a Romayne, The yeare of Christ, 44.

[Pg 289]

How Laelivs Hamo the Romayne Captayne was slayne after the slaughter of Guiderius, about the yeare of Christ, 46.

[Pg 291]

How Clavdivs Tiberius Drusus, Emperour of Rome, was poysoned by his wife Agrippina, the yeere of Christ, 56.

[Pg 296]

How the Emperovr Domitius Nero liued wickedly and tyrannously, and in the ende miserably slewe himselfe, the yeere of Christ, 70.

[Pg 301]

How Sergivs Galba the Emperour of Rome (gieuen to slaughter, ambition, and glotony) was slayne by the souldiers, The yeare of Christ, 71.

[Pg 304]

How the Viciovs Siluius Otho, Emperour of Rome, slew hym selfe, The yeare of Christ 71.

[Pg 307]

How Avlvs Vitellius Emperour of Rome came to an infortunate end, The yeare of Christ, 71.

[Pg 310]

Londricvs the Picte slayne by King Marius of Britayne, about the 80. yeere of Christ, giues his verdit of Fortune.

[Pg 313]

How Seuerus the Emperour of Rome, and Gouernour of Britayne, was slaine at Yorke, fighting against the Pictes, about the yeere after Christ, 206, after others, 213.

[Pg 320]

How Fvlgentivs a Scythian, or Picte, was slayne at the seege of Yorke, about the yeare of Christ, 206, or 213.

[Pg 325]

How Geta the Yonger sonne of th’Emperour Seuerus once gouernour of Britayne, was slayne in his mother’s armes by his brother Antonine, Emperour of Rome, about the yeare of Christ, 214.

[Pg 330]

How Aurelius Antonius Bassianus Caracalla, Emperour of Rome, was slayne by one of his owne seruauntes, about the yeere of Christ, 209.

[Pg 345]

THE

Mirrour for Magistrates,

*conteining the falles*

of the

infortunate Princes of this

*Lande*:

From the conquest of Cæsar,

vnto the comyng of

Duke William the Conqueror.

PART II.

By THOMAS BLENER-HASSET.

[Reprinted from the edition of 1578, collated with that of 1610.]

[Pg 347]

THE PRINTER TO
THE FRIENDLY READER.

Gentle Reader, I trustyng in thy accustomed kyndnesse, haue published this booke, entituled, The Second part of the Mirrour for Magistrates, the authour whereof, is now beyond the seas, and wyl marueile at his returne to find thys imprinted. For his intent was but to profite and pleasure one priuate man, as by his Epistle may appeare. But I fyndyng the copie by chaunce, shewing it vnto diuers men, both learned and wise: and findyng a booke alredy in print, entituled The first and third part of the Mirrour for Magistrates, I was moued diuersly of diuers men, by printyng this latter woorke, to make perfite the former booke. It may be (good reader) that the friendely acceptyng hereof wyll encourage the authour to set thynges of greater price in print: yet esteeme thou this as a lanterne, hauyng lyght sufficient to guyde thy wandryng steppes, both vnto the happynesse of this worlde, and of the world to come. Whiche happynesse God graunt wee all may enioye.

[Pg 348]

THE AUTHOUR’S EPISTLE
VNTO HIS FRIENDE.

Sir, it woulde be too manifest an argument of a nature degeneratyng from al gentrie, if I shoulde not consider of your request, you asking and vrging both honest and profitable thyngs. I therfore to ensure you, that I am not forgetful of your demaund, presumyng like blynd Bayard to this my boldnesse, haue not with Apolloe’s pensile, but with Pan’s pleasantlesse pen, indeuoured to endite that which you are so desirous to haue done. And although I once translated for you, Ouid, De remedio amoris, as you said, to your contentation, we beyng then in Cambridge, where aske helpe, and haue helpe, might be had: yet nowe I wyl ensure you, lyke one amazed, I haue strayned my strength vnto the vttermost, being desirous to finish this woorke. You know that loue matters be agreeing with Caliope’s quill; euery apprentise can, of such matter, make a meter. But how hard a thing it is to compell Clio, with her boysterous banners, to couch vnder the compasse of a few metered lines, I referre you vnto the good Turberuile, who so soone as he began to take the terrible treatise of Lucan in hand, he was inforst to vnyoke his steeres, and to make holy day.[1164] Shal I then with Bochas pen declare the falles of the vnfortunate Princes of the olde worlde? O, intollerable presumption, that timorous Tyro shoulde dare to deale with menasing Mars: or that a young infant should offer to put on the buskins of Hercules: shall I then with silence ceasse to accomplish your request? O, singuler ingratitude, that any friend should refuse to sweate, to pleasure and profite his friend. Doo you not consider, that al the fine wyts that England hath inioyed these many[Pg 349] yeres, haue busied their braynes very much, to make an English Mirrour for Magistrates, which booke is left euen vnto this day, like the vnperformed image of Venus, paynted by Apelles? no man is able to finish the work, which they with Homer’s hawtie heroycal style haue begunne: and yet you woulde haue me (the least of the poets,) to make trial what I am able to doo therin. But me thinke I do heare you say, as you were woont, we being conuersant together: “What meane al these wordes? thou knowest that the vayne of thy verse doth most delight my humor. And seeing it is but for my priuate study, what meane you to allege all these allegations, as though Orestes were Zoilus?” Syr, I confesse al this to be true: yet this I speake, to signifie vnto you, howe willyng the good wyl I doo beare vnto you hath made me, being otherwise vnwillyng to beare a sayle in such rough weather, where euery sea is ready to deuoure me. And when with sayles and oares (as they say,) I with al my diligence endeuoured to compasse the thing nowe accomplished, I founde myselfe euen in the myddest of the matter, clapt close with Theseus, in a returnable labarinth, to fight with despayre that miserable Minotaur: where, when I could finde no Ariadne, to lende me a bottome of twist, I looked that Parcæ shoulde haue shread my twyne before my returne. Yet at the last wandring Erato, with her sister Terpsichore perceiuing me with such diligence to trauise that maze, they willing to helpe the desyres of my mynd, said thus vnto me:

Wherewith they leadyng me vnto the fountayne Permestus, I without any further determination, gallopped through the rest, whiche when leysure shall geue you leaue to reade, ceasse then to thinke on the L. Buchurst, or Sackuyll,[1165] let Gascon and Churchyarde[Pg 350] be forgotten. And if you chaunce to see the meter, or matter, not so well polished, as beseemeth, then remember that they whose falles I haue here penned, were not of late tyme, but suche as lyued presently after the incarnation of Christe: and I haue not thought it decent, that the men of the olde worlde shoulde speake with so garnished a style, as they of the latter tyme.

Moreouer, you may, if you please to consider that souldiers, of whiche I am one by profession, wee be not alwayes lusking in our forte or castle, but be as tyme and occasion wyll permyt, here to-day, wee knowe least our selues where tomorrowe. And I wyll ensure you, the most part of these my Princes dyd pleade their causes vnto me euen in the sea, a place, in fayth, not meete to penne Tragedies. And as for bookes, I was altogether destitute: for when I, to please my fantasie, trauayled (as you knowe) I could not beare about with me a library: but for cariage sake, contented myself with these foure: With the third Decade of Titus Liuye, with Bossewell’s Concordes of Armorie, with Monsignor de Lange, that notable warriour, and with the vnperfect Mirrour for Magistrates: which bookes made nothing to this purpose. I had not those Chronicles whiche other men had: my Memorie and Inuention were vnto me in stead of Grafton, Polidore, Cooper, and suche like, who dyd greatly ayde other men. And last of al you must consider, that the other part of the miseries of those miserable Princes were written, I sittyng on a rocke in the sea, not in Spaine, Italie, Fraunce, Scotlande, or Englande, but in Garnzie Castle, where although there be learned men, yet none whiche spende their tyme so vainely as in Poetrie. So that the complaintes of these men were written (as I say) where the want of helpe dyd diuersly daunt me with despayre. You haue greatly requested me by your last letter, to make vnto you a discourse of the Ile of Garnzie, and howe it is possible for the castle to be a place so pleasaunt for habitation, as I haue reported it, seeing it standeth in the Sea, separate from any lande. Good Syr, to write thereof (so manyfolde be the commodities and thinges woorthy the writyng of)[Pg 351] woulde rather require a good volume, then a peece of an epistle. Let it therefore suffice for this tyme, that I by writyng vnto you some fewe lines of the Gouernour, I may briefely declare what the gouernement and commodities be. The right woorshipful Maister Thomas Leighton is her Maiesties Lieutenaunt there.

Syr, I doo remember, howe constant Constantine the Great was in religion, and howe that noble Emperour mynded the reformation thereof. You knowe howe carefull Licurgus and Solon were, for making of good lawes, and ministring of iustice. And histories doo recorde, howe passing happye Epaminundas was in al his affayres: but what a seemely sight is it, to see al these vertues so to concurre in one man, that hee who shoulde compare hym with them, should, I wyl ensure you, doo hym great iniurie? for (that I may briefly conclude) vndoubtedly a few such men as he is, being plaste at a Princes’ elbow, were sufficient to keepe the most ruinous commonweale that is, from ruine and destruction. And now iudge you the commodities of the countrey, by the goodnesse of the Gouernour, for as Seneca sayeth:—

And heere I doo turne me from these thinges, vntill by talke with you, I may dilate more at large therof, and returning myselfe vnto my former purpose, I haue not thought it conuenient to write the complaynts of these men, with so obscure a stile as some other haue done, but with so playne an exposition, that he who doth reade them, shall not neede to be an Oedipus, for euery playne Dauus shall by reading them, easily vnderstand the authour’s drift. And because Diligence and Memorie bee all the helpers that I haue, therefore I haue ordayned them, as the chief workers of my wyll. Higgins vsed (I know not what) Morpheus, the god of dreames, but I dreamt not. The other had Baldwine for their hearer, but I haue diligent Inquisition, who can finde out al things, and Memorie, who knoweth al thinges, for the arbiters of my matter. Take you[Pg 352] therefore, the fruites of these my idle howres, sent vnto you with a good wyll, and according vnto the trust reposed in you, keepe these trifles from the view of all men, and as you promysed, them not raunge out of your priuate study. And thus wishing vnto you honour, and long lyfe, I ende, the 15 daye of Maye, An. 1577.

[Pg 353]

[[1166]THE INDUCTION.

“Diligent Inquisition,” saieth Memorie, “beholde in the bottom lesse pyt of blind Obliuion: there remayneth as yet a multitude, who although in their tyme, they were of all men most famous, and euen in this our time, their ensamples be patternes passing singular, to refourme the deformities of this age, notwithstanding they are so couered and hidden with those mistie cloudes of fylthy forgetfulnes, that if thou Inquisition doest not with all dilygent inquiry, and I Memorye, (who haue howrded vp in my treasury the knowledge of all thinges) except wee with all our industrye, doo endeuour our selues, they are not lyke euer to come into the light. For at what time those barbarous nations, (I meane the Gothes, Hunes, and Danes) dyd with so great outrage ouerrunne all the worlde: euen then the auncient historyes and recordes of time, were by them vtterly defaced: so that Princes before that time, how renowmed so euer they were, be at this present, euen by their meanes, buryed so deepe in obliuion, that I Memorye cannot without a new inquirye of many most noble Princes, repeate a few wordes: speake you therfore Inquisition, and declare your mynde, how we mighte renew the decayed Memory of those men.” “See heere,” quoth Inquisition, “with great and diligent Memorye, I haue founde out diuers, who with their continuall complayinges, haue euen for conscience sake made me their procleare, to exhibite vnto you in their behalfe a supplycation, in which they complayne of the great iniurie they suffer, because they bee excluded out of the English Mirrour of Magistrates: their only desire is that you would once agayne, by celebrating their decayed names, with a fresh memoryall geue them libertie to declare their estates themselues. Of which, as fyrst though not chiefest Guidericus the thyrde king of the subdued Brittaynes:[Pg 354] and the fyrst that refused to pay trybute to Rome, desyreth to bee harde.” “Wee will,” sayth Memory, “assist hym in what wee may, and not onely geue them leaue, but also intreate them to declare their estates. But where is that Guidericus, the exployts of whose lyfe were so passing singular, that had hee not beene moued with two much boldnesse, euen hee had brought vnder his rule the whole worlde: wee wyll heare hym wyllingly, for his death is a great ensample of God’s vengeaunce, vnto all them which thinke by their owne courage and abilitie, to compasse their desyres.” “Beholde,” quoth Inquisition, “hee is euen heere, his body rent and torne dooth declare, that great was his mishappe.” “Speake then, Syr Knight,” quoth Memory, “and let vs heare what you wil saye.” Wherewith the sorrowfull Prince sayde as followeth.]

[Pg 355]

[1167]THE COMPLAINT OF GUIDERICUS.

How Guidericus refused to paye tribute vnto Claudius Cæsar: howe he subdued Galba: how hee became desyrous to winne all the worlde: spoyled France, Germany, and a great part of Italy: and lastly, how hee was miserably slayne in a tempest of thunder, euen at what time hee shoulde have dealt with Cæsar. This History is a synguler ensample of God’s vengeance against pride and arrogancy.

[Pg 368]

[THE INDUCTION.

“It was great pitie,” quoth Memorie, vnto Inquisition, “that thys man liued in the tyme of blinde ignorance, when neyther vertue nor religion were knowen. Beleeue me, if he coulde haue conteyned himselfe within the limites of his owne countrey, or if too much courage had not moued him to so great interpryses, surely euen he had restored the Britaines vnto auncient libertie, and might haue liued long without paying any tribute.” “You haue said,” quoth Inquisition, “he might haue had a very glorious day ouer the Romans, if he had not desired Rome; for when Claudius Cæsar had him abroade, he did not presently incounter with Guidericus, as he supposed he woulde haue donne, but remembring how Scipio Africanus layd siege vnto Carthage, did draw Hannibal out of Italy, he imitating his grand chieftayne and predecessor, fyrst brought Britayne vnto his obedience, then he inuaded Guidericus, with whom God being displeased, he was destroyed as you haue harde. After whom the Britaines were greeuously oppressed by the Romans, and dayly inuaded by the Scots and Pictes whiche Lodrike their king brought out of Scithia, insomuch that at this time the Britaynes were compelled to sende vnto the Emperour Bassianus for aide; who sent vnto them the Roman Seuerus, with a great power. And then how Carassus, a Britayne, not nobilis, but altogeather ignotus, did both redeeme his countrey from the Pictes and Romans, and also obteyned the crowne and raygned eight yeares, thys story following shal declare: who although he felt the fall of his own follie yet surely his story is very profitable, chiefly for all such as doo suffer suspicion to seduce them, as the diligent noting of the processe wyll declare.”]

[Pg 369]

THE COMPLAINT OF CARASSUS.

Howe Carassus, a Husbandman’s sonne, slewe Lodrike the king of the Pictes, and howe the Emperour made him a Captayne. Then howe he obtayned the Britayne crowne, and howe suspition brought him to decay.[1168]

[Pg 382]

[THE INDUCTION

Carassus hauing thus finished his tragicall history, Inquisition presented vnto Memory the lady Hellina; but Memorye hauing her at the fyrst sight in great admiration, sayde as followeth: “Why haue you brought before vs the goddesse of Diana? Our intent is to heare the complayntes of them who are smothered with Forgetfulnesse: as for this goddesse she is renowmed more then sufficient.” “O Memory,” quoth Inquisition, “this is not Diana: no, Diana, no Gouzaga, no Emila, no Cariclia, no Pallas, no Iuno, no not knowing Minerua, may compare with her for the flourishing features of her incomprehensible complexion for the comly composition of her ladilike limmes, being the perfectest peece of woorke that euer nature created, that euer earth nouryshed, or that euer death destroyed, for the passing great dexteritie of her ingenious capacitie, the very Phœnix of women, and the chiefest amongst men that euer thou Memory didst celebrate for learning, for knowledge of tongs, and for the diuers gifts of the mind, shee only dyd inhabite betwixt the wings of flilling fame, for a happye, long, quiet lyfe in this worlde, she onely was fauoured by fortune, or rather singularly preserued by her maker. For that shee neuer tasted in all her raigne any aduersytie, shee is to bee esteemed immortall: for that in all her actions shee had her harte’s desyre, shee may iustly bee esteemed a goddesse (or rather the very beloued of God.) Now I report me vnto you is there any goddesse or nimph inhabiting the mount Helicon, which maye compare with queene Hellina, not shee of Greece which brought finall destruction vnto the flourishing Troy, but shee of Brittayne, who redeemed her decaying country from forraine tyrannye, which made not onely a menes for the bodyes of her subiects to liue in quiet peace, but she also prescribed vnto them an order how they might saue their soules. She planted religion[Pg 383] amongst her subiects which were at that time sauage, neither knowing God, nor esteeming godlynesse, she was daughter vnto king Coell: shee was queene of Bryttayne, empress of the worlde, wyfe vnto Constantius, mother of Constantine the great. Yet the descriptions of time, I meane the chronicles, haue lefte so litle reporte of her that I founde her standyng betwixte Forgetfulnesse and Memory, almost smothered with Obliuion.”[1178] “If shee bee so renowmed, as you haue spoken of,” sayde Memory, “we shoulde doo her great wrong to deny her a place in this pageant. Speake therefore, good madame Hellina, with good leaue, your minde, and as other by their falles doo set downe examples very necessary for the auoyding of vice, so let your history bee a meanes to incourage all men to imbrace vertue.” Then the good queene, although somewhat abashed, yet glad to repeat her lyfe forerunne, sayde as followeth.]

[Pg 384]

THE LYFE OF QUEENE HELLINA.

How Queene Hellina was empresse of all the worlde. This storie dooth declare how happye they bee, which liue in the feare and loue of God.[1179]

[Pg 395]

[THE INDUCTION.

“Beholde,” quoth Memorye, “the effect of vertue and godlynesse. If contentation of the mind be perfecte happinesse, as some philosophers haue defynde it, then no doubt this queene was most happy, and happy is hee who can imitate her in her happynesse. But not long time after her there lyued a king, named Vortiger, who for his vice was as diuerslye afflicted, as this woman for her vertue was blessed. I doo remember the wickednesse of this man was exceeding great. Haue you found hym out, Inquisition?” “Is not this he, good Memory?” quoth Inquisition, “I founde hym both sitting and sighing amongst the misserable, and it would appeare that hee is ashamed to make rehearsall of thinges past.” “It is euen he,” quoth Memorie, “you may know him by his fyry lookes; for though it be long since hee liued yet he beareth about with hym the badge of his destruction. Note you his story with dilygence, (good Inquisition,) for this is hee who subuerted the commonweale of Brittayne. And you, sir prince, I doo coniure you, by the duty you owe vnto me, who doo know all thinges, that you doo heere repeate vnto vs the whole story of your estate.” Wherewith he with smoking sighes, greatly against his wyl, saide as followeth.]

[Pg 396]

THE COMPLAYNT OF VORTIGER.

How Vortiger destroyed the young kyng Constantine, and howe he obteyned the crowne: [howe the abusyng of his prosperitie brought hys realme so lowe, that he was constrayned to hyre souldyers to defend hymselfe from his enimyes] and how after many miseries, he was miserably burnt in his castle, by the brethren of Constantine.[1187]

[Pg 408]

[THE INDUCTION.

“What Constantine was this,” quoth Inquisition, “that was made away by this miserable Vortiger?” “Not Helline’s sonne,” sayd Memorie, “but an impe descended out of her loines, who for his soft spirit was made a monke at S. Swithens in Winchester; and afterward, his eldest brother being dead, he was taken out and made king. He made mention of two brethren,” sayd Inquisition, “who ariuing at Totnesse did binde the said Vortiger for making away the younge king, what were they, knowe you?” “Yea,” quoth Memory, “they were the brethren of the vnfortunate Constantine, who fled out of the realme for feare of that cruel Vortiger: and afterwarde obteyning succour beyonde the sea came with a nauie and obteyned the reuenge of their so deadly enemie. And when the eldest, called Aurelius Ambrose, had raygned nienteene yeares, he dyed, as some wryte, by poyson, without issue. Then the youngest, named Vter Pendragon, tooke vnto him the rule of this realm.” “Vter Pendragon,” quoth Inquisition, “doo you meane the great king Arthur’s father? he is here, and hath sued vnto me to be a meanes that his fall might be knowne vnto the worlde.” “Let him,” saythe Memory, “speake his minde, for his story is exceedyng necessary for this present time.” Wherewith he bearing still about with hym his amorous lookes, said as foloweth.]

[Pg 409]

THE COMPLAINT OF VTER PENDRAGON.

Howe Vter Pendragon was inamoured with Duke Garelus wife, and howe by lawelesse loue he lost his kingdome. This example is most necessary for the present time.[1198]

[Pg 417]

[THE INDUCTION.

“Verye well sayde,” quoth Memory, “I would I had habilitie to redeeme this prince’s soule out of Lymbo-lake: I wyl insuer you the shorte tragedie of this man’s life hath made a long discourse of the present estate of England, in which ther be more by three parts which serue, like carpite knightes, Venus and her darlinges, then God and their prince: who I feare are so fast seazed vpon beautie’s fiste, that this example wyl be little auailable vnto them. But let it be as it wil, warned folkes may liue, and happie are they whome other men’s harme do make to be ware. But, good Inquisition, whome haue you there? What haue you brought vs in steede of a prince, a priest? It woulde appeare by his shauen crown that he hath bin a monke, or a frier. What, shal we alowe tippet wearers to pleade amongst princes? Me thinke by the deformitie of his apparel, he shoulde not be of the religion, nor of the reformed church: yea, I wyl insuer you, his precise lookes maketh me to suspect that he is one of them which do cry out, 'O these indifferent thinges do not edifye.’ Speake therfore, Inquisition, if he be one of that precise order he get no place here.” “O Memorie,” quoth Inquisition, “they of the reformed church be the most zelous pastoures of the world, moste of them both godly good liuers, and wise: and in my fancye, in many poyntes, greatly deseruing the name of reformed. But this man was both a prince and a prelate, whome I refused oftentimes to heare, because he looked so deuoutly, yet he being importunate, did ouercome me with his prayers: and when I gaue eare vnto him I reioyced: and not without a cause, good Memorye, for it is euen he whom you sent me to seeke.” “Let me see,” quoth Memorie, “is it Cadwallader? In good time, it is euen he in deede. O se what the alteration of apparel doth! In good fayth, I had almost forgotten the man. He was the last king of the Brittaynes,[Pg 418] and when thinges would not fal out after his desire, he went to Rome, and there he became a frier. But we wyl not accuse him of anye thing, let him do the thing that he commeth for; you may perswade your selfe that seing he is of the church, his conscience wyl constrayne him in euery thing to tel the truth.” Then he stepped forthe, booted and spurde, al in blacke, with a long prieste’s gowne, a square cappe, a scala cœli in his hande, and a longe payre of beades by his side: then he sighing, proceeded vnto his purpose, and said, as followeth.

[Pg 419]

THE COMPLAYNT OF CADWALLADER.

How Cadwallader the last king of the Brittaynes, after he had behaued himselfe very valiantly against the Saxons, resigned his crowne, and went to Rome, where he liued in a religious house. This storye contayneth in it the estate of al estates.[1208]

[Pg 426]

[THE INDUCTION.

“The greate desire,” quoth Inquisition, “whiche we haue had to heare this man hath made vs to ouerpasse king Arthur and Cariticus; the one no lesse famous for his noble actes then the other for his vices and wretchednes infamous.” “Yea,” said Memory, “so haue we forgot two or three other, whose examples would haue been goodly lanternes to lighten wandryng pylgrimes. But it is not much amisse, for of Arthur there be whole volumes, and of the rest ther be the like ensamples both in Bochas and Baldwin. Let vs therefore passe them ouer, and speake somwhat of some of the Saxons: for seeing they were made of fleshe and blood, no doubte some of them stumbled also. But fyrst tell me, Inquisition, wyll you penne this man’s meterlesse tragedy, as he hath pronounst it?” “Good Memory, geue me your aduise, for it agreeth very wel with the Roman verse, called Iambus, which consisteth on sixe feete, euery foote on two syllables, one short and an other long; so proper for the Englishe toung that it is greate maruaile that these ripe witted gentlemen of England haue not left of their gotish kinde of ryming, (for the rude Gothes brought that kind of writing fyrst, and imitated the learned Latines and Greekes.) O what braue beames and goodly tymber might be found amongst Churchyarde’s Chippes, if he had not affected the ryming order of his predecessors, which meeter made not onely hym inferiour vnto Horace, but it also made a great inequalitie to be betwixt Buchurst and Homer, betwixt Phaer and Virgill, betwixte Turberuile and Tibullus, betwixt Golding and Ouid, betwixt George Gascon and Seneca; for al these comming neare vnto Marot, whom they did imitate, did put a great distance betwixt them and the Latines, wyth whom they might haue binne equall, euen wyth as litle labour, and with much more prayse and renowne.” “Truely,”[Pg 427] quoth Memory, “let be as it is, you shall see good sport shortly. I smyle to see how Zoilus and Momus will crie out: 'O vayne glorious heade, whiche now for a singularitie dooth indeuour to erect a newe kinde of poetrie in England.’ What needest thou care, Inquisition, these laboures wil get thee no liuing, and these be but the trifles of thy idle houres, yet such as be in many respectes of great value. I promise you I woulde the rest of your princes would proceede in the lyke order. But how shal we goe forward wyth the seuen Saxon kings? Which waye shall we turne vs? Where, or wyth whom shal we begynne?” “Wyth the west Saxons,” quoth Inquisition, “for they subdued the other six, and returned the realme into one monarchie. And surely Ewe, their first king, were worthy the speaking of, who for hys wife Eheldreda’s pleasure, gaue ouer al his royalties, and then went to Rome, like a begger, in pilgrimage. But we wyl not spende our time in hearing these deuout men. Let vs (if you please) see what this meaneth: behold a heardman doth holde in his hand a headlesse body, who by his apparel would seeme to be some forlorne thing: shall I inquire of the man what the matter meaneth?” “No,” quoth Memory, “you neede not, for I see he wyl doo it without request.” Wherewyth the heardman lamenting both his harde happe and his good successe, sayde as followeth.]

[Pg 428]

THE COMPLAINT OF SIGEBERT.

How Sigebert was thrust from his throne, and miserably slayne by a heardman. This tragedie dooth teach both prince and subject his duetie at large.[1213]

[Pg 441]

[THE INDUCTION.

“This heardman,” quoth Inquisition, “dooth make me cal to minde Pan’s preachers. I meane Maroe’s shepherds, Siluanus, Candidus, and such lyke, who with their oten pipes dyd often times disclose very intricate mysteries, reasoning pro et con of many high poynts belonging vnto the common weale. And I know not with what knowledge they dyd decide doubtfull matters, accordyng vnto the opinyon of the best philosophers. Surely, Memorie, I maruel much at the men of the olde worlde, for I read of many who hauing many passing great giftes of learning and knowledge, were content with the base estate of heardmen. In these our dayes, none bee heardmen but fooles, and euery man, though his witte be but meane, yet he cannot liue with a contented mind except he hath the degree of a lorde.” “It is moste true,” sayde Memorye, “for heretofore men did not raunge vntryed in such a worlde of libertye as they doo nowe; then the wisest was best content with the lowest estate: yea, reason so bridled the affections of men, that Apollo, whome poetes do faygne to be the verye god of wisedom, what was he but a shepehearde, and that verye poore as it woulde seeme, for he kepte Admetus’ hearde in Thessalie. And Argus, who for the sharpnesse of his wit was reported to haue an hundred eies, he also was content to be a cowheard. And were not Bacchus, Saturne, and mighty Iupiter, delighted in husbandrie? But he who is most wyse in these our dayes doth approue himselfe most folish, by thrusting himselfe vnto his owne destruction, which this heardman hath declared sufficiently in this storie of Sigebert. But let vs nowe proceede, and let vs, by examples, teach what fruit vertue and vice, contentation and ambition, doth yeeld. Then let them of this world choose, whether lyke the wise mariners they wil auoyd those dangerous rocks, or willingly cast themselues away.[Pg 442] Proceede therefore, good Inquisition, and let vs see whom you haue here.” “Shee will declare her selfe,” quoth Inquisition, “what she is: but for the better vnderstanding of her talke you must think that you see fifty-one nunnes, al ladies by birth, hauing all their noses and vpper lippes flead of, al flaming in a fire, being shut into a church: then do you imagine that you see this lady, the mistris and gouerner of the rest, standing dismembred and burning amongst the rest, to say as foloweth.”]

[Pg 443]

THE LYFE OF LADYE EBBE.

How Lady Ebbe dyd flea her nose and vpper lippe away, to saue her virginitie.[1223]

[Pg 448]

[THE INDUCTION.

“O Diana,” quoth Memory, “bryng foorthe your damosels, let vs se if any of your court haue donne the like deuoier to saue theyr virginities. But seeing that writers haue made mention of none that might compare wyth her, both for the goodnesse of the cause, and the valiaunt goyng through with the quarrel, mee thinke shee shoulde rather be esteemed a goddesse then thou, and her trayne rather the ladies of chastity then thine. Geue thou place, therfore, and let this lady haue thy seate. But (good Inquisition) this woman liued in the golden worlde; let vs enquire, in this our yron age, yf there be any which do come any thyng neare vnto her.” “Alas, not one,” quoth Inquisition, “for as shee, in her time, did dismember her wel membred body to preserue the iewel which she esteemed of so greate a price, so now a multitude may be founde who furnishe theyr vnperfite personages with all kinde of foolishe fylthy furnitures, to bestowe that on euery he who wil haue it, which she was so desyrous to keepe. But let vs nowe heare this man’s matter: it is Alurede, who if he had not beene geuen vnto one kinde of vice had passed Arthur for warres, and Lucy for godlinesse.” “What vice was that?” quoth Memory. “You neede not enquire,” quoth Inquisition, “for he is euen now repeating his history:” wherewith he sayd as foloweth.]

[Pg 449]

[THE COMPLAYNT OF ALUREDE.[1225]

Howe Alurede was brought vnto disease and vnto vntimely death, being inclined vnto the sinne of the fleshe. By hys example we may learne that one vice is sufficient to deface a hundred vertues.

[Pg 457]

[THE INDUCTION.

“It is requisite,” quoth Memory, “that now you seeke for Edmund Ironside’s father, I meane Egelrede, of some writers called Etheldrede, who as his predecessor, Alurede, had but one vice, so hee had neuer a vertue. In whose time the Danes dyd more then ouerrunne England, for they ruled and raigned ouer the whole realme, and although a very valiant impe proceeded out of his raynes, who for his ablenesse to indure paynes and trauayle, was surnamed Ironside; yet had not William, duke of Normandy, nephew vnto the saide Edmunde, made a conquest therof, the Danes no doubte had ruled it euen vnto this day. It is necessary, therfore, that we heare this man’s complaynt.” “I haue hym here,” quoth Inquisition, “but I haue no minde to heare him speake, for seeing he dyd dispise all vertue and learnyng, it is to be thought that hee wyll tell a crooked tale, such a one as wil (I feare except it be fyled after him) deforme all the rest. But I wyl take paynes to polish that which he roughly doth frame.” “Not at all,” quoth Memorie, “the browne byl is a goodly weapon: and let it suffise if the matter wyll beate downe vice, let the meeter delight as it may.” “Seeing you saye so,” quoth Inquisition, “I am content that by the example of his death, he may admonish all the worlde to flee the fall which he felt.” Wherewith he stepped forth, and saide as foloweth.]

[Pg 458]

THE COMPLAYNT OF EGELREDE.

How Egelrede for his wickednesse was diuerslye distressed by the Danes, and lastly dyed for sorrow, [seeing himselfe not able to deale with Canutus.][1233]

[Pg 465]

[THE INDUCTION.

“O Memory,” quoth Inquisition, “what dyd become of Edmunde Ironsyde, of whom you made mention in your former induction?” “That vertuous valiaunt prince,” quoth Memory, “was miserably made away by an earle.” “By an earle,” quoth Inquisition, “I haue here an earle called Edricus, who murthered a kynge, it may bee, that chaunce hath yeelded vntoo vs the factour vnlooked for.” “He is euen the same,” sayd Memory, “and hys tragedye is very necessarie, for hee as thys woorthie kyng was set on a priuie, to doo as nature and necessitie dooth constrayne, caused hym miserably to bee thrust vp into the fundament wyth a speare, wherewith the good prince ended hys dayes.” “If we doo heare hym, geue hym warnyng,” quoth Inquisition, “that hee be briefe: for wee haue no tyme to bestowe in hearing the complayntes of those miserable princes, and yet wee muste needes heare one more besyde hym. Let him therefore goe roundly to the purpose.” “He shal not be tedious,” quoth Memory. Wherewith the wretched man sayde as foloweth.]

[Pg 466]

THE COMPLAINT OF EDRICUS.

Howe Edricus destroyed the valiant king Edmunde Ironsyde, hoping to haue greate preferment for his labour of Canutus the Dane, and howe the same Canutus caused him to be be-headed for his labour. A necessary example for al such as thinke by craft and deceite to increase their credited.[1246]

[Pg 469]

[THE INDUCTION.

“The iust rewarde for so vile an offence dothe proue,” quoth Inquisition, “this Canutus to bee both a wise and a worthy prince.” “Yea,” saide Memory, “yf he had liued amongst those pratling poetes which made so muche tattle of Hector and Hercules, certaynely he should not haue been inferiour vnto eche of them. This Canutus was king at one time of foure kingdomes: as for Englande, and Scotland, and Norway, he held them by conquest: by birth he was the kyng of Denmarke: yea, he so demeaned himselfe, that duryng his lyfe all these foure kingdomes honoured him with the honoure due vnto a natiue king. But not long after his death, that good king, saint Edmunde the Confessour, obtayned agayne the rule of Englande, but chiefely through the helpe of his nephewe William, duke of Normandy, to whom, for that after his death he by lineall descent was next, he promised the crowne of Englande, if that he dyed without issue.” “Howe chaunced it then,” quoth Inquisition, “that the duke made such sharpe warre vppon Harolde, for the obteynyng thereof.” “Howe dyd it chaunce?” quoth Memory, “that is necessarie too be knowne, for that chaunce dyd not onely destroy the Danes, but it brought both Harolde and the Englishmen to confusion: and although nowe our idle houres be spent, tyme and our affayres doo call vs from the further hearing these men’s complayntes, yet let vs, as we may, heare what thys Harolde wyll saye: hys story wyll furnishe our woorke with a fit conclusion. And for the better vnderstanding of this man’s matter doo you imagine that you see this king comming from the conquest of the Danes, euen sweating in hys armour, to saye, as followeth.”]

[Pg 470]

THE COMPLAINT OF HAROLDE.

Howe king Harolde raygnyng but niene monthes, had continuall warre with the Danes, with the Norway kyng, with his brother Tosto, and with duke William, who partely by hys strength, but chiefly by policie, overcame hym, and by killyng him in the feelde, obteyned the kingdome of Englande. Thys historie dooth declare that no manhoode nor courage can keepe the crowne from the right heyre’s head[1250].

William Duke of Normandie, and ryght heyre to the Englyshe crowne, to Harolde the Vsurper.

Harolde the English King, to thee William, Duke of Normandie.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In discussing the first and second heads, it must be recollected that the subject confines the inquiry to that portion of the work, which was edited by William Baldwin, and forming Part III. in the present edition.

[2] Hist. of English Poetry, vol. iii. p. 209.

[3] Bibliographia Poetica, p. 88.

[4] See vol. ii. p. 7.

[5] This must have been Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, who was made Chancellor 21 Sept. 1553, and died the 13 Nov. 1555. On his death the great seal was entrusted to Sir Nicholas Hare, Master of the Rolls, and on the first of January following it was given to Dr. Nicholas Heath, the Archbishop of York.

[6] The copy before me wants the title. The colophon as follows: Thus endeth the nynth and laste boke of Iohnon Bochas, whiche treateth of the fall of princes, princesses, & other nobles. Imprinted at London in flete strete by Richarde Pynson, printer vnto the kynges moste noble grace, & fynisshed the xxi. day of Februarye, the yere of our lorde god. M. CCCCC. XXVII. Folio. Has sig. P. P. viij, the preceding signatures in sixes and the first alphabet wanting Y & Z. Ends at fo. CCXVI. This edition differs materially from the one printed by Tottell.

[7] A treatise excellent and compendious shewing and declaring, in maner of Tragedye, the falles of sondry most notable Princes and Princesses with other Nobles, through y^e mutabilitie and change of vnstedfast Fortune together with their most detestable & wicked vices. First compyled in Latin by the excellent Clerke Bocatius, an Italian borne. And sence that tyme translated into our English and Vulgare tong, by Dan John Lidgate Monke of Burye. And nowe newly imprynted, corrected, and augmented out of diuerse and sundry olde writen copies in parchment. Colophon. Imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple barre at the sygne of the hande and starre, by Richard Tottel, the x day of September in the yeare of oure Lorde. 1554. Cum Privilegio ad imprimendum solum. Folio: folds in Sixes. Extends to Pp. vj. the first alphabet wanting Z, and the dance of Machabree having for sig. ¶ ¶, in six. Ends at fol. CC. xxiiii.

[8] Head title: The daunce of Machabree wherin is liuely expressed and shewed the state of manne, and howe he is called at vncertayne tymes by death, and when he thinketh least theron; made by thaforesayde Dan John Lydgate Monke of Burye.

[9] It is entitled: The tragedies, gathered by Jhon Bochas, of all such Princes as fell from theyr estates throughe the mutability of Fortune since the creacion of Adam, until his time; wherin may be seen what vices bring menne to destruccion, wyth notable warninges howe the like may be auoyded. Translated into Englysh by John Lidgate, Monke of Burye. Imprinted at London, by John Wayland, at the signe of the Sunne ouer against the Conduite in Fletestrete. Cum Priuilegio per Septennium. The title is in the architectural compartment of John Day the printer, where the two Atlas figures upon pedestals support the entablature, having the royal arms central, and at the bottom Day’s rebus, of one person awaking another, pointing to the rising sun, in a frame before a bar, having “Arise, for it is Day.” Folio, 189 leaves.

[10] History was always recommended as supplying interesting lessons for youth, and a fit amusement for the avoiding idleness for gentlemen.—“Cosmography,” says the intelligent Sir Thomas Eliot, “beyng substancially perceyued, it is than tyme to induce a chylde to the redyng of histories. But fyrst to set hym in a feruent courage, the maister in the most pleasant and elegant wise, expressyng what incomparable delectacion, vtilitee, and commoditee shall happen to emperours, kinges, princis, and all other gentylmen, by redyng of histories.” The boke named the Gouernour. 1553. B. I. Ch. XI.—As a proper study for gentlemen it is more largely enforced by an anonymous author, who says: “To auoyd this blemyshe of idlenes, whiche defaceth vtterly the lyfe of gentlemen, it behoueth them alwayes to be occupyed, and although there wante sumetyme mete occacion of corporall exercyse, yet the mynde of man maye be occupyed much to the increase of hys knowledge and vnderstandyng: wherin ther can be nothynge more meete for gentlemen then the readyng of histories, a most excellent and laudable exercise for them, euen so muche as historyes are called the bokes of kynges and princes, because vnto rulers of this earthe the knowlege of histories is most profitable, and very necessary to be read of all those whyche beare office and authority in the communwealth. Siculus affirmeth that the reading of histories is to younge men moste proffitable, for because by them they learne the righte institucion of their liues, and that by meanes of readynge sundrye thynges their wittes are made equall with their elders that haue gone before them. Moreouer he saieth that it maketh priuate men worthy to becom rulers ouer others, it prouoketh Capitaines in the warres to seke immortal glory throughe their worthye deedes, it maketh soldiers more earnest to enter into perilles for the defence of their country, by reason of the laud and fame that is geuen vnto men after theyr deathe, and also it feareth euill disposed men, and maketh them ofttimes refraine from dooing of mischiefe by reason of the shame that commeth therof, regestred in histories to their dishonoure. In histories are to be learned manye morall lessons to the vnderstanding of thinges past, the ordre of thinges present. By them we lerne to knowe howe princes and rulers of thys worlde haue passed their liues, as sum geuen to knowledge of sciences, sume to see iustice truelye executed, other geuen to pitie, others to peace, quyetnes, and care of the commune wealthe.” The Institvcion of a Gentleman, 1568.

[11] With that view Hearne noticed the Mirror for Magistrates as a work in which “are several things of note to be consulted by those who write of the English history.” MSS. Col. vol. i. p. 133. Bod.

[12] The title was repeatedly borrowed even by popular writers. There was: “The Mirrour for Mutabilitie, or principall part of the Mirrour for Magistrates, describing the fall of diuers famous Princes, and other memorable Personages. Selected out of the sacred Scriptures by Anthony Munday, and dedicated to the Right Honorable the Earle of Oxenford. Honor alit Artes. Imprinted at London by John Allde and are to be solde by Richard Ballard, at saint Magnus Corner. 1579.”—“Mirrour of Mirth, a story book by R. D. 1583.” Capell’s Shakesperiana, N^o 150. A Mirrour for Magistrates of Cities, &c. by Geo. Whetstone, 1584, and The English Myrror, in three parts, by same Author, 1586. Also the Mirrour for Mathematikes; a Mirrour of Monsters, &c. Warton also mentions, upon the manuscript authority of Coxeter: The Mirrour of Mirrours, or all the tragedys of the Mirrour for Magistrates abbreuiated in breefe histories in prose. Very necessary for those that have not the chronicle. London, imprinted for James Roberts in Barbican, 1598. No copy of this work has yet been discovered.

[13] In 1560 was published Godet’s Chronicle. It may be conjectured that that work was printed, to the reign of William the Conqueror, before the appearance of the M. for M. in the year preceding, when the compiler, from the reception of that poem, was induced to alter his descriptions from prose to octave stanzas. As this Chronicle is of more than usual rarity, I shall venture to extend this note with some account of it, premising, that in the continuance of Ames, Mr. Dibdin will give a minute analysis of the work, accompanied with a specimen of the very curious wood cuts.

This Chronicle takes its name from the colophon: “Imprinted at London by Gyles Godet dwellinge in Blacke Frieres.” It was printed on a long roll in divisions, with bold well executed portraits, cut in wood, of our ancient patriarchs and monarchs, each having an ensign of arms, and beneath a brief narrative of the principal events of each life. The Roll commences with the following address:

“To the reader. Beholde here (gentle reader) a brief abstract of the genealogie and race of all the kynges of England, from the floudde of Noe, vntill Brute, at whiche tyme this contrye was called Albion, takyng that name of one of the thirtie sisters (as some saye) whose name was Albion: or as other some saye, so named by mariners, bicause of the white Cliffes that are on the costes of the same. And afterward from Brute to Athelscaine, at which time it was named Britaine, taing name of Brute: from Athelscaine, the first of the Saxons, (at which tyme it chaunged that name of Britayne, & was called England) to william Conquerour. And from william Conquerour to this present day. And if by chaunce thou fynde any thyng herein fautye, or not agreeing with some other cronicles, vnderstand that the diuersities of the cronicles of our realme, be so great, (especially in thinges long past) that it is very difficult, to make a certain & true report thereof. Not with standing, I haue vsed the helpe of the best Cronicles that haue [been] wrytten therof, & gone so neare to the truth, as to me seemed possyble. I haue also set forth the pourtraiture of their personages, with their true armes: also briefly their gestes, & deedes with the yeares of their raygnes & places of their burials, according as I haue found mention therof: Beesechyng the to accept my good wyll, and to receyue thys my laboure in good part: which if thou do, it shal not only be the accomplishyng of my request, but also shal encourage me hereafter, to vse my little talent, farther. Farewel.”

The “portraitures” commence with a square compartment representing “Noe” asleep in a vineyard and his three sons. See Genesis, C. IX. v. 22, 23. Then follows a three quarter length of each monarch, with a summary of their “gests” or acts printed underneath. Their names are

Noe, Cham, Mesraim, Laabin, Tuscus, Altheus, Camboblascon, Dardanus Ericthonius, Tros, Eneas, Ascanius, Siluius, Brutus.

Here another square compartment exhibits “the foundation of the cytie of London,” in a view of the Thames, with a Tower nearly built on the one side and foundations for buildings upon the other, with workmen, &c. Brutus “founded the cytye of Troynouant; (whiche is as muche to say, as:) New Troye, whiche afterward, was repayred & garnyshed with Towers and faire buyldynges, by Kynge Lud: And from his tyme, it was called Ludstone: and afterwarde by corruption of speache, was called London. So that from the begynnyng of the foundacion of the same Cytye, to this present yeare, (whiche is the yeare of our Sauiour 1560) we fynde it to be 2690. yeares, or there about.” Then succeed

Locrinus, Maddan, Memprise, Ebrancke, Brute the ii, Leyl, Lud Hurdibras, Bladud, Leir, Queen Cordeile, Morgan & Conedag, Riueall, Gurgustius, Sysyllus, Jago, Kymar, Gorbonian, Dunwallon, Bellinus, Gurgwin Batrus, Guitellin, Sicilius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, Archigall, Elidurus, Vigenius & Peridurus, Gorbonias, Morgan, Emerianus, Idwall, Rimo, Geruntius, [Here the names of 26 kings are given in genealogical circles, according to succession, of whom “we fynd not much written” and we may presume, that circumstance the reason for omitting any supposed resemblance of them.] Elinguellus, Hely, Lud, Casseuelanus, Tenentius, Kimbeline, Guinderus, Aruiragus, Marius, Coell, Lucius, Bassianus, Carasius, Asclepiodotus, Coell, Constantius, Constantyne, Octauius, Traherus, Maximianus, Gratian, Constantyne, Constans, Vortiger, Vortimerus, Aurelius Ambrose, Vter Pendragon, Arthur the great, Constantyne, Aurelius Conan, Vortiporuis, Malgon, Cathericus, Cadwan, Cadwallon and Edwyn, Cadwallader.

“Here endeth the raignes of the Britaines, from the time of Brute to Cadwallader, and then this realme being in great misery, the English Saxons inuaded it, and so raigned vntill the comming in of willyam Conqueror.” As

Athelscayne, Egbrut, Edelnulph, Alfred, Edward, Athelstone, Edmond, Edred, Edwin, Edgar, Edward, Etheldred, Edmond Ironsyde, Ciuiton or Swayne, Herauld, S. Edward, Harauld.

“Here endeth the raignes of the Saxon kinges: & beginoneth the raigne of willyam Conquerour, who slewe the last of the Saxons ligne, & conquered the land: & from him, to our Souueraine lady the Queenes maiestie that nowe is, whom god prospere. Amen.”

From William the Conqueror to Q. Elizabeth, the names of the portraits are according to the general regal table. With that king the compiler of the Chronicle commences his description in octave stanzas, of which a specimen for comparative use may be here preserved.

Willyam Conquerour i.

William Conquerour Duke of Normandy

Conquered England and began there to raign

The thousand syxty syx yeare truelye

Of Christ: but the Englysh men rebelled again

Yet he subdued them to their great paine,

And brought y^e king of Scottes to his obeissance

With his eldest son Robert, warre he did sustain

In Normandy: & with king Philip in France.

In Fraunce he fell sycke and tooke his death

And to his son Robert which then was most old,

The Dukedome of Normandy he did bequest.

To his Sonne called William Rous he wolde

The Realme of Englande; but his gold

He wylled to his yongest sonne Henrye

And XXI. yeare he raigned it is told

And lyeth buried at Cane in Normandy....

Phillip and Mary.

The yeare a thousand fyue hundreth fyftythre

was Mary cround in England queen to raigne

who then allowed the Popes authoritie

Erectinge eke all Papistry agayne

And after maried with Phyllip king of Spaine

who raignde with hir as king, and yet was he

Not crounde, wherby no claime he could attain

She being dead of England kyng to be.

Hir raigne, hir port and eke hir gouernment

So rife in memory still with vs remaines

That it to shewe the tyme in vayne is spent

And eke to me it seemes but needlesse paynes:

Hir soule is fled, hir body still remaines

At Westminster the same eke buryed ys

fiue years she raygnd: Lo thus is death y^e gains

And eke the end of all this worldly blysse.

Elizabeth.

O England nowe of right thou mayst reioyce,

Sith myghtye Joue hath placed in princely throne,

Elisabeth, therfore with heart and voyce,

Prayse God: and giue all laude to him alone,

Whose myghtye hand hath placed nowe suche one,

As vertues force full amply hath endued:

More hope of welthe and ioye we haue had none,

Then God his grace to vs nowe hath renued.

For we his wrath against vs stil did moue,

And he his grace thus vndeserued sent,

We did rebell and he did shewe his loue,

In placing hir, whiche with our whole intent

We so did wishe: nowe let our heartes relent,

And pray to God that as she gracious is,

We maye be worthye tyll our lyues be spente,

Hyr to enioye, and thankfull be for this.

Only two copies of this rare chronicle are at present known, and those are in the collections of Earl Spencer, and the right honourable Thomas Grenville.

[14] Warton, in the account of the Mirror for Magistrates, given in his History of English Poetry, Vol. III. at p. 216, has copied the title of the edition of 1559, then extracted Baldwin’s Dedication from that of 1563, as from the same. In another place he refers to the Induction as printed in 1559. But this confusion is still more exceeded by the following note at p. 220. “These lines in Collingbourne’s legend are remarkable, fol. cxliiii. a.

Like Pegasus a poet must have wynges,

To flye to heaven, or where him liketh best;

He must have knowledge of eternal thynges,

Almightie Jove must harbor in his brest.”

The reference of roman capitals can only be to the edition of 1563, where the second line stands thus:

“To flye to heaven, thereto to feede and rest.”

The above alteration first appeared in 1571.

[15] The following critical disquisition upon the claim of Sackville, contained in a letter from my intelligent and excellent friend Sir Egerton Brydges, it would be unjustifiable on my part to suppress, however militating against the position I have above sought to establish:

“You have made out (he writes) a strong case; and some of your inferences cannot be controverted: but I think that others are pressed a little too far. That no contribution of Sackville appeared in the first edition of the Mirror cannot be denied. That Sackville was not one of the party engaged in the original design stopped by the Lord Chancellor, is at least equivocal. According to my construction of Baldwin’s words, he was one of that party, who, when a stop was put to the plan adopted by him, in common with his partners, purposed to execute the work by himself on a new plan of his own; and, in aid of that work, intended to obtain of Baldwin what had been finished by others, and to fit them to his own scheme. It is clear, that this happened before the publication of the first edition of the Mirror, because it was while the prohibition was in force. “How happened it then,” it may be asked, “that Sackville’s pieces did not appear in the first edition?” Perhaps because the hope of completing his own design, though delayed, might not then have been abandoned. The delay might have caused his coadjutors not to wait for him, though he himself might not yet be prepared to bend his own nobler scheme to theirs. Four important years from 1559 to 1563, the interval which elapsed between the appearance of the first and second edition, might, and if we examine the history of his life, most probably would effect this change. In the days of Q. Mary he had the opportunity of cultivating and ripening into fruit his poetical genius, which would require, as in most other cases, the nurture of leisure and solitude. The accession to the throne at this time of a Princess, to whom he was nearly allied, and with whom he soon became, and always continued, a favourite, opened to him other and more active prospects. The paths of ambition, however thorny and full of dangers they might prove to long experience, were too alluring to an high fancy and vigorous talents, when thus invited. At first he might be still unwilling to abandon the pursuits of his youth, of which he could not be insensible to the dignity and the virtue, and which the conscious grandeur of genius must tell him that wealth and birth could not rival, and princes could not qualify him for. But he who once accustoms himself to the intoxicating cup of worldly ambition, too generally feels that it gradually undermines the strength of his higher intellect and nobler resolves; and that he sinks into the common notions, feeble sentiments, and groveling amusements of ordinary men. In four short years, the vigorous and inspired hand of Sackville might no longer possess either the impulse, or the skill, or the strength, to strike the lyre, which formerly returned to his touch alternate strains of sublime morality and glowing description. In this state of mental apostacy or dereliction, he might finally abandon his youthful project of poetical glory, and give the mighty fragment to his old coadjutor Baldwin, who seems to have had taste enough to perceive its superiority; and to resolve not to lose the attraction of so splendid a patch to his work, though its execution, as well as its plan, rendered it impossible to make it coalesce with the rest of the performance.

Warton therefore, though he cannot be entirely freed from the charge of having expressed himself somewhat ambiguously in the application of the words primary inventor to the general plan of the Mirror for Magistrates, yet may be justified in substance, if he meant, as I conceive he did, to apply it to the only part to which the praise of invention could be applied; that is, to the plan of Sackville.

Warton has well called the whole of this work, except the part executed by Sackville, “biographical details.” This is their precise character: they are scarcely ever animated by any of the ingredients of poetry, at a period when true poetry was not utterly unknown, as not only the antiquated strains of Chaucer, but the later performances of Surrey and Wyat decisively prove. The popularity of this large collection of historical legends shews that the general taste of the nation was then low, vulgar, and uncultivated. Powerful and brilliant genius will at all times seize striking circumstances, produce picturesque effects, and omit disgusting, low, or uninteresting particulars: but more ordinary minds, which require long discipline, and example, and experience, to lead their taste, are insensible to these arts, either as writers or readers, in early stages of literature. In an advanced age of mental polish, even inferior authors catch a considerable portion of this skill; and even the multitude, who seek amusement in books, have learned to demand it. To a common eye therefore, there does not then appear such an immeasurable distance between the Works of natively-gifted poets, and the herd of imitators who borrow their outward garb. In our days there would not have been put forth a publication, combining such poetical excellence of the highest kind, as Sackville’s Induction and Legend contain, with a number of productions deficient in the very elements, and even shape, of poetry. All would have been polished into something like the same external form.

But this very discordancy gives The Mirror for Magistrates a high value among the records of the history and progress of the human mind. For the purposes of the English philologist; for the development of the first dawnings of our poetical phraseology; for the investigation of the commencement of that “ornate style,” as it has been well called by a modern critic, which at length became so copious and laboured, as to make the greater part of that which assumed the name of poetry, little better than a piece of hollow mechanism, till one or two poets, of genuine inspiration, disgusted with its emptiness, put it out of fashion, by a plainer and more vigorous style; for these purposes, the Mirror for Magistrates, is a treasure meriting the most serious attention and study of the English scholar; and therefore well worthy of the reprint, which will render it accessible to his inquiries.

S. E. B.”

[16] See it described p. iv. note §[i.e. Footnote 9 in this text].

[17] The copy of the quenes Maiesties letters Patentes. Mary by the grace of God, Quene of Englande, Fraunce, and Ireland, defendour of the faith, and in earth of the Churche of Englande, and also of Ireland, the supreme head. To al Prynters of bookes, and bookesellers, and to al other our Officers, Minysters, and Subiectes these our letters patentes hearing or seing gretyng. Knowe ye that we of oure especial grace and meare mocion: haue geuen and graunted, and by these presentes doo geue and graunte full power, licence, auctoritie, and Priuilege vnto our welbeloued Subiect Jhon Wayland, Citezeyn and Scriuenour of London. That he & his Assignes only and none other person or persons shal from hensforth haue auctoritie, & lybertie to prynt al and euery such vsual Primers or Manual of prayers by whatsoeuer other title y^e same shal or may be called, which by vs our heyres, successours, or by our clergy by our assent shal be auctorised, set furth, and deuysed for to be vsed of all our louing subiects thoroughout all our Realmes, and domynyons, duringe the full tyme and terme of seuen yeares next ensuing the date of these our letters patentes. And farther that it shal not be lawful for any maner of other person, or persones of our said Subiectes, to Prynt or to procure to be imprinted, anye Prymers or Manuall of prayers by whatsoeuer title the same shall or may be called, or set furth, during the said tearme, nor any booke, or bookes, which the said John Waylande or his Assignes at his or theyr costes and charges shall first Prynte, or set furth during the said terme of seuen yeares next ensuing the printing of the same booke or bookes, vpon payne of forfature, and confiscacion of the same Prymers, Manuall of prayers, and bookes, to thuse of vs and oure successours. Wherfore we woll and commaunde all you our Printers, and other our Subiectes that ye nor any of you, do presume, procure, or attempt to print or set furth any maner Prymers, Manuall of prayers, booke or bookes, which the said Jhon Wayland or his assignes shal first print during the tyme of thys our Priuilege, and licence, vpon payne of forfature and confiscacion of the same Prymers, Manual of prayers, and bookes, as aforsaide. And as ye tendre oure pleasure, and wyl auoyde the contrarie. In witnes wherof we have caused these our letters to be made patentes. Wytnes ourselfe at Westminster the foure and twentith daye of Octobre, in the fyrst yeare of our reigne. Per bren de priuato sigillo et de data predicta.

[18] A license for the first part was obtained through the means of Lord Stafford in 1559, and when published that nobleman continued to make earnest calls upon Baldwin for that he had got from other men, which is given in the second part printed 1563. Whether the whole of the first, and what portion of the second part, was inserted in the folio edition is uncertain. The following passage in the prose conclusion of the second part bears incontestible evidence that it was written in the time of queen Mary. “The frantyke heades whiche disable our Queene, because she is a woman, and our kynge because he is a straunger, to be our princes and chiefe governours, hath caused me to saye thus much.” It is therefore probable that forming the conclusion of the suppressed edition, it was reprinted from the original text, and, as happens frequently by inadvertence at the press, without being corrected.

[19] Herbert possessed a copy, ad conjectured it was “printed to fill up a spare leaf, and perhaps to try the pulse of the public.” Typographical Antiquities, p. 565.

[20] The inspection of a larger proportion of the suppressed edition can alone solve many doubts as to the contents: nor does there appear any reason for not expecting to find the whole of the matter then printed, either in the library at Knowle, or some other unexamined collection of early English books! Why may it not be expected to discover the copy no doubt gotten by Sackville from Baldwin, before he wrote the Induction, when he intended to have all the tragedies “preserved in one volume?” Vol. II. p. 307.

[21] It appears probable that some addition was made to the work in 1559. See Vol. II. p. 53, note, and p. 111, note 1.

[22] That reviler of fashions, Philip Stubbs, exhibits by the following notice of the Mirrour for Magistrates its early popularity, and a sign of his contracted reading by not knowing the contents, as, at the time he wrote, the legend of Henry the VIth had been twice printed. He says: “Holy king Henry [the sixth] was crowned in Paris, and yet lost all on that side before he was a man; and, before hys vnhappy death, he lost thys land also. So that he may with more reason be recorded among those fallen princes at the lowest of Boccace’s while; or in our English booke of fallen Maiestrates, there to be reconed up by any faythfull English man for a patent of imitation to our present Q. Elizabeth.” Discouerie of a gaping Gulf. 1579.

[23] See Vol. II. p. 8.

[24] Vol. II. p. 43.

[25] See upon that subject Vol. II. p, 168, note 1, &c.

[26] The title of this and the later editions by Marsh are in the compartment given with the title of each part of the present reprint.

[27] A copy is mentioned in Capell’s Shakesperiana, N^o 149.

[28] Higgins formed his plan on what had already appeared. In imitation of Sackville there is a poetical Induction, wherein the author is conducted by Morpheus, as the servant of Somnus, to a goodly hall, wherein successively appear the ghosts of all those whose legends are pronounced. Little invention was needed for these prolegomena, and in the selection of Morpheus, as an appropriate conductor, there exists a rivalry in one of the imitations of the Mirror for Magistrates also published in 1574. It is entitled

The rewarde of Wickednesse Discoursing the sundrye monstrous abuses of wicked and ungodly worldelinges: in such sort set downe and written as the same haue beene dyuersely practised in the persones of Popes, Harlots, Proude Princes, Tyrauntes, Romish Byshoppes, and others. With a liuely description of their seuerall falles and finall destruction. Verye profitable for all sorte of estates to reade and looke upon. Newly compiled by Richard Robinson, Seruaunt in housholde to the right Honorable Earle of Shrewsbury. A dreame most pitiful, and to be dreaded.

Of thinges that be straunge,

Who loueth to reede:

In this Booke let him raunge,

His fancie to feede.

In the dedication to Gilbert Talbote, Esq. second son of the Earl of Shrewsbury, the work is described as composed to eschew idleness, when the author’s “turne came to serue in watche of the Scottishe Queene:” I then (he says) euery night collected some part thereof, to thend that nowe it might the better appeare, that I vsed not altogeather to sleepe: Though one time I chaunsed among many watchfull nightes to take a slumber, which incited mee to compile this fiction of poetry as more largely appeareth in my prologue.

The address to the reader is dated the XIX of Maie, 1574, and the Prologue describes the time of the dream as in December, after a “good ale feast,” when the author says:

I thought none yll, my heade was layde full saft,

All carke and care my wandring sprite had laft.

Not lying thus one houre by the clocke,

Me thought the chamber shone with torches bright,

And in the haste at doore I hearde one knocke,

And sayde: “What slugge, why sleepest all the night?”

I starting vp behelde one in my sight,

Dasht all in golden raies before me did appeare,

And sayde: “I am a god, beholde that standeth here.”

Miue eares were filde with noysè of trumpets sounde,

And dazled were mine eies, my sence was almost gon,

But yet amazde my knee vaylde to the grounde,

And sayde: “Heare lorde, thy will and mine be one,

What is thy minde, more redie there is none,

To ride, to runne, to trauell here and there,

By lande and seas halfe worthie if I were.

But first to know thy name I humbly thee beseeche,

Forgiue my rudenesse this of thee to craue:”

He aunswering sayd, with meeke and lowlie speeche:

“Morpheus is my name, that alwaies power haue,

Dreames to shewe in countrie, courte, or caue.

In the heauens aboue, or Plutoe’s kingdome loe,

Its I that haue the power each thing t’unfolde and shoe.”

Morpheus, as the guide, conducts the author through Pluto’s dominions, who selects the following subjects as fit for his muse. 1. Hellen, tormented for her treason to her husbande, and liuing in fornication ten yeares. 2. Pope Alexander the sixt rewarded for his wickednesse and odible lyfe, with his colledge of cardinals, bishops, abbots, moonckes, freers, and nunnes, with the rabble of greasie priestes, and other members of idolatory and superstition. 3. Young Tarquine rewarded for his wickednesse. 4. The rewarde of Medea for hir wicked actes, and false deceyuing of hir father, sleying of hir children, and hir owne brother, and working by inchauntment. This historie is merueylous tragicall and a good example for women. 5. The wordes of tormented Tantalus, being rewarded for his extortion and couetousnes: Oppressing the poore people of his countrey, and for other wicked actes. 6. The rewarde of an ambicious and vaine glorious counseller, called Vetronius Turinus, for his wicked life among them that hee might ouercome and for his pride. 7. The wofull complaint of the monstrous Emperor Heliogabalus for spending of his dayes in abhominable whoredome. 8. The two Iudges for slaundering of Susanna: and bearing false witnesse against hir, be rewarded for the same most terribly. Q. Pope Ihoan rewarded for hir wickednesse. 10. Newes betwene the Pope and Pluto, and of the proclamation about the ladder betwixt hell and heaven. 11. The torment of Tiranny and the reward for his wickednesse, being a king called Mydas, which tirannouslye swallowed not onely his countrey for lucre sake, but his housholde seruauntes also. 12. The rewarde that Rosamonde had in hell, for murdering of hir husbande Albonius and liuing vitiouslie in hir husbandes dayes. 13 Retourning from Plutos Kingdome, to noble Helicon: the place of infinite joy.—Col. Imprinted at London in Pawles Churche Yarde, by William Williamson.

[29] See Vol. I. p. 243. Where, in note 8, the reader is requested to alter 'first’ to 'second’ edition. In a few other notes the like alteration may be wanted. I did not obtain sight of the copy described above, until the volume was in print.

[30] By very close examination it appears, as if the whole of the first sheet was reprinted.

[31] In the present edition the very numerous notes subscribed with the initial N. will point out the unusual interpolations or substitutions made upon the original text by Niccols; as the [brackets] in the text also show the words, lines, and passages wholly omitted in the edition of 1610.

[32] To select only three may be sufficient. “I account (says Sir Philip Sydney, in the Defence of Poesy) the Mirrour of Magistrates meetly furnished of beautiful parts.” That profound critic, Edmund Bolton, says: “Among the lesser late poets, George Gascoigne’s work may be endur’d. But the best of those times (if Albion’s England be not preferr’d) for our business is, the Mirrour of Magistrates, and in that Mirrour Sackvil’s Induction,” &c. And Oldys, in his preface before The British Muse, examining the reign of Elizabeth, observes: “At that time came out the fine collection, called The Mirror for Magistrates. This piece was done by several hands. It represents pathetically the falls of many great and unfortunate men of our nation, and beautifully advises others to avoid following their example. Besides the particular praises given this work by Sir Philip Sidney and Mr. Edmund Bolton, (another judicious critick, who writes not long after him;) that it received the general approbation, appears from its having been three or four times reprinted. Every impression had new additions from other eminent hands, amongst whom the Earl of Dorset is not the least conspicuous.”

[33] John Higgins was born about 1544. He was educated at Christ Church, and in 1572 describes himself as late student at Oxford. He did not learn the tongues or begin to write until he was twenty years of age, and then studied, chiefly, French and Latin. At twenty-five he taught grammar for about two years, and spent as much time in enlarging Huloet’s Dictionary. He also translated phrases from Aldus, the Flowers of Terence, and wrote, with divers other works, the first part of the Mirror for Magistrates before he was thirty. This brief account is related by himself in some lines preserved in a note at the end of the legend of Mempricius. (See vol. i. p. 102.) In December 1586, while residing at Winsham, in Somersetshire, or, as Wood has it, in Surrey, he prepared and edited, as already noticed, the best edition extant of the present work. Before 1602, it is not improbable, he had established a school at Winsham, or taken orders, for in that year he published a tract upon a subject of theological controversy. The time of his death is uncertain. For a list of his works see Wood’s Athenæ Oxonienses, vol. i. col. 734, ed. 1813.

[34] Thomas Blenerhasset was probably a descendant from the ancient family of that name which flourished in Norfolk temp. Hen. 8. of whom Jane B. is named by Skelton in the Crown of Laurel as one of the bevy of beauties attendant upon the noble Countess of Surrey; and John B. married the daughter of Sir John Cornwallis, knt. the steward of the household to Prince Edward. Our author was educated at Cambridge, and having adopted a military life, was in 1577 stationed in the Island of Guernsey, and there composed his portion of the present work. As the printer, in the following year, tells us the author was “beyond the seas,” it is probable he had then accompanied his regiment to Ireland, where he went as a captain, settled and “purchased an estate. He died about the beginning of the reign of King Charles I. and was the author of Directions for the Plantation in Ulster, London, 1610.” History and Antiquities of Ireland, by Walter Harris, 1764, vol. ii. p. 333.

[35] The note vol. i. p. 371. is a misprint for “of th’ armed Picts.”

[36] George Ferrers was born at or near St. Albans, in Hertfordshire, educated at Oxford, and afterwards became a barrister of Lincoln’s Inn. In his juridical pursuit he published, The great Charter called in latyn Magna Carta, with diuers olde statvtes, &c. Colophon, Thus endeth the booke called Magna Carta translated out of Latyn and Frenshe into Englysshe by George Ferrers. Imprynted at London in Paules church yerde at the signe of the Maydens head by Thomas Petyt. M. D. XLII. An earlier edition was printed without date. He was a polished courtier, and esteemed favourite with Henry the 8th, although that capricious monarch, for some offence, the nature of which has not been discovered, committed him to prison in 1542, in which year he was returned member of parliament for the town of Plymouth. The anger of the king was probably not of long duration, as, in addition to other rewards, he bequeathed him a legacy of an hundred marks. He appears to have served in the suite of the protector Somerset, and was one of the commissioners in the army in the expedition into Scotland. By Edward the VIth he was made Lord of Misrule: an appointment to which genius and talent only could pretend, or give its needed prominence and effect. A warrant was issued, on the 30th November, 1552, to pay him, being appointed to be Lord of the Pastimes for the Christmas, 100l. towards the necessary charges. And the honest chronicler Stowe, gives the following account of the jovial pastime and eclat which attended the keeping this annual feast. “The king kept his Christmas with open houshold at Greenewich, George Ferrers gentleman of Lincolns Inne, being lord of the merrie disportes all the twelue daies, who so pleasantly and wisely behaued himselfe, that the king had great delight in his pastimes. On Monday the fourth of January, the said lord of merry disportes came by water to London, and landed at the tower wharfe, entered the tower, and then rode through tower streete, where he was receiued by Sergeant Vawce lord of misrule, to John Mainard one of the Sherifs of London, and so conducted through the citie with a great company of yoong lords and gentlemen to the house of sir George Barne lord maior, where he with the chiefe of his company dined, and after had a great banket, and at his departure, the lord maior gaue him a standing cup with a couer of siluer and gilt, of the value of ten pound for a reward, and also set a hogshead of wine and a barrel of beere at his gate for his traine that followed him: the residue of his gentlemen and seruants dined at other aldermens houses, and with the sherifs, and so departed to the tower wharfe againe, and to the court by water, to the great commendation of the maior and aldermen, and highly accepted of the king and councell.” In the reign of queen Elizabeth he again held the appointment of Lord of Misrule in the court, and as such devised and penned a poetical address which was spoken to her majesty before the princely pleasures of Kenelworth-castle, 1576. He is one of the most prominent contributors to the Mirror for Magistrates, and was undoubtedly intimate with all the leading persons that assembled together for the purpose of completing that work. I think it is probable that the edition of 1578, which has many exclusive alterations, and his two legends of the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester, so long withheld, then first inserted, was edited by him. He died at Flamstead in Hertfordshire, whereupon administration was granted May 18, 1579.

[37] Master Cavyll. Of this writer not any particulars are known.

[38] Thomas Chaloner, born in London about the year 1515, was descended from an ancient family of Denbigh in Wales. He studied at both Universities. Having accompanied Sir Henry Knevet, embassador from Hen. VIII. to the emperor Charles Vth, he afterwards was with that emperor in the expedition against Algiers in 1541. Upon his return to his native country, he became a favourite with the protectour Somerset, and for his gallant conduct at the battle of Musselburgh in 1547, “the protectour,” says Lloyd, “honoured him with a knighthood, and his Lady with a jewel, the delicate and valiant man at once pleasing Mars and his Venus too.” He went embassador with Sir William Pickering into France, 1553. Being a consistent protestant, he remained unshaken during the turbulent period of Queen Mary, devoting his time in retirement to literature, and then wrote his contribution to the Mirrour for Magistrates. Immediately upon the accession of Elizabeth, he was again called into active life, and successively her embassadour to the Emperor Ferdinand, and to Philip king of Spain, from which last, in consequence of his irksome situation, he obtained a recal in 1564, by addressing an Elegy, written in imitation of Ovid, to Elizabeth. He probably did not afterwards meddle with public affairs, dying at his own residence which he had built upon Clerkenwell Close, on Oct. 10th, 1565, and on the 20th was buried at St. Paul’s. His publications are enumerated in the Biographia Britannica, and Wood’s Ath. Oxon. Vol. I. col. 346; but his productions as an English poet are of recent discovery. In the Nugæ Antiquæ, edited by Mr. Park, 1804, Vol. II. p. 372, is the Epistle of Helen to Paris, translated from Ovid, by Sir Thomas Chaloner, Knt. which, from the date of the manuscript, and the contemporary testimony, now first discovered, in proof of his having indulged his Muse in her native tongue, may with confidence be assigned to his pen. The authority for the appropriation to him of the Legend of the Duke of Norfolk, is given in Vol. II. p. 53. In that authority he is called Master Chaloner some years after his obtaining knighthood, and from that circumstance George Puttenham might allude to him when he praises “For Eglogue and pastorall poesie, Sir Philip Sydney and Maister Challenner, and that other Gentleman who wrate the late shepheardes callender,” although otherwise from the date of the Art of Poesy, being 1580, it might rather be transferred to his son, who was born 1559, and is said to have discovered at the University extraordinary talents in Latin and English poetry.

[39] Thomas Phaer is supposed to have been born in Pembrokeshire. He was educated, at Oxford, and afterwards became a student in the inns of court, and describes himself in 1558 “Sollicitour to the king and quenes maiesties, attending their honorable counsaile in the Marches of Wales.” From some unknown circumstance he suddenly quitted the practice of the law for that of physick, obtaining his degrees at Oxford, and was confirmed doctor March 21, 1558-9. In both professions his ready pen contributed several popular works to promote their general practice. As a poet, the first appearance of his name is prefixed to a few lines before Peter Betham’s Precepts of War, 1543. In May 1555, then residing in a house, which he possessed for a long term of years, in Kilgarran Forest, Pembrokeshire, he began to translate the Æneid of Virgil into English rhyme, which had not before been attempted. In this he proceeded at his leisure, and printed the first seven books in 1558, which were afterwards continued as far as part of the tenth, and left incomplete by his death. This work obtained him considerable reputation with contemporary scholars and critics. He was esteemed by William Webbe in the Discourse of English Poetry, 1586, as the best of those who had taken profitable pains in translating the Latin poets: and the encomiast also gives passages from the translation in proof of his own assertion of the meetness of our speech to receive the best form of poetry. Puttenham also praises “Phaer and Golding for a learned and well corrected verse, specially in translation, clear and very faithfully answering their author’s intent.” All that could be found of this work was added to the part already in print, and posthumously published by his friend William Wightman in 1562, who has given two verses at the end of the volume received from Phaer the day before his death, subscribed with his left hand, the use of the right being taken away through the hurt whereof he died. His will, dated August 12, 1560, was proved the June following, and he thereby directed his “boddie to be buried in the parish church of Kilgarran, [adding] with a stone vppon my grave in manner of a marble stone with suche scripture there vpon grauen, in brasse, as shalbe deuised by my friende master George Ferris.” An epitaph upon him is to be found with Eglogs, Epytaphes, and Sonnettes, newly written by Barnaby Googe, 1563, or in Reed’s Shakespeare, vol. ii. p. 103, n. and a Latin one by the author described in the last note, in the Miscellanea Chaloneri, 1579.

[40] William Baldwin is supposed by Wood to have been a west-countryman, and having studied several years in logic and philosophy at Oxford, supplicated for a degree in arts in January 1532. The scanty materials of his life neither shew his early pursuits nor connections. In 1549 he subscribes himself “seruaunt with Edwarde Whitchurche,” the printer; but what was his immediate station and dependance upon the press is uncertain, although he appears to have found employment therefrom for several years. It is conjectured by Herbert, that he was “one of those scholars who followed printing in order to forward the reformation,” and therefore submitted to the labour of correcting the press. Whatever department he filled, he was not considered an unfit associate by the best scholars. Besides, he was a court poet, as is shown by the following note from the Apology, by Mr. G. Chalmers. “A letter was written, on the 28th January, 1552-3, to Sir Thomas Carwerden, the master of the revels, to furnish William Baldwin, who was appointed to set forth a Play, before the King, upon Candlemas-day, at night, with all necessaries.” That he was very little dependant upon this occupation, appears by his answer to the printer, on his being counselled by many “both honourable and worshipful,” to continue Lydgate; for he refused “utterly to undertake it.” Such an answer to the solicitations of those who by birth and pursuits must have been considered the patrons of literature, can be little expected from the “servant” of the printer. In 1563 he tells his reader he has “bene called to another trade of lyfe,” and believed to have then taken orders, and commenced schoolmaster. With the exception of Sir Thomas Chaloner, he was probably the oldest man of the number who met by general assent to devise the continuation of Lydgate, and therefore made to 'vsurpe Bochas rome’, to hear the complaints of the princes: But another reason for fixing upon him, might be his long connection with the press. One of the earliest of his pieces was a treatise of Moral Philosophy, printed for E. Whitchurche, 1549, and speedily, and unblushingly adopted by Thomas Palfreyman. This compilation was nearly as popular as the Mirror for Magistrates, and went through many editions. “Keepe a smooth plain forme in my eloquence (says Tom Nash) as one of the Lacedemonian Ephori, or Baldwin in his morrall sentences, which now are all snatched up for painters’ posies.” (Haue with you to Saffron Walden, 1596.) He also penned The Funeralles of King Edward the sixt, “before his corse was buryed,” though not printed until 1560. The furniture of this poem seems a retouching after the Mirrour was commenced, vide British Bibliographer, Vol. II. p. 97. His other pieces are all enumerated in Wood’s Ath. Ox. Vol. I. col. 342. At what place and when he died is not known. There was a William Baldwin of Barrowe in the County of Lincoln, who died 1567, possessing Lands and Tenements in the territories of Normandy, Therilbie, Darbie, and Burton co. Lincoln; leaving four sons, William, Thomas, Edward, and Francis: but it is not easy to identify either father or son with our

“Baldwyne’s worthie name,

whose Mirrour doth of Magistrates

Proclayme eternal! fame.”

Heywood. 1560.

[41] John Skelton, poet laureat, born ...... died 21 June, 1529.

[42] John Dolman was student and fellow of the Inner Temple. He translated Those fyue Questions which Marke Tullye Cicero disputed in his manor of Tusculanum, 1561.

[43] Thomas Sackville was born at Buckhurst, in the parish of Withiam, in the county of Sussex. He was the only son of Sir Richard Sackville, knight, Chancellor of the Court of Augmentation to King Edward the VIth. afterwards to Q. Mary, and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer to Q. Elizabeth, (by Winifred Brydges); at whose death the jury upon the inquisition found that he died 21st April, in the eighth year of the reign of Elizabeth (1566), leaving his son Thomas S. then twenty-nine years of age, thereby making the time of his birth in 1537, a year later than that mentioned by all his biographers. Probably it should stand 1536-7. He was first sent to Hart-hall, Oxford, but removed to Cambridge, where he took the degree of Master of Arts, and was celebrated as a Latin and English poet at both universities. Like Phaer, Ferrers, and other contemporary wits, he was entered in the Inner Temple, and so far persevered in the study of the law as to be called to the bar. The earliest effort of his unrivalled genius that has been preserved was a joint production, and forms the first legitimate tragedy existing in our language. It was called by the authors Ferrex and Porrex, but is more generally known as the tragedy of Gorboduc, and only composed for “furniture of part of the grand Christmas,” or revels, a species of amusement that combined dramatic representations with feasts and balls, and then occasionally kept with great magnificence by the society of the Inner Temple. This dramatic piece was first performed by the students in their hall, and afterwards by them on the 18th Jan. 1561, before Elizabeth at Whitehall. In this composition he is supposed to have assisted Thomas Norton, as, according to the title of the spurious edition of the play, of 1565, “three actes were written by Thomas Nortone, and the two laste by Thomas Sackvyle;” but the authorised edition of 1570, only extends to say it was “never intended by the authors thereof to be published,” and without attempting any thing like the above apportionment. The claim of Norton has been repeatedly doubted. Warton observes thereon: “The force of internal evidence often prevails over the authority of assertion, a testimony which is diminished by time, and may be rendered suspicious from a variety of other circumstances. Throughout the whole piece, there is an invariable uniformity of diction and versification. Sackville has two poems of considerable length in the Mirrour of Magistrates, which fortunately furnish us with the means of comparison: and every scene of Gorboduc is visibly marked with his characteristical manner, which consists in a perspicuity of style, and a command of numbers, superior to the tone of his times. Thomas Norton’s poetry is of a very different and a subordinate cast.” Certainly all the choruses bear such strong similarity to our author’s style and versification, as to leave no question of his well-founded claim to the entire outline of the whole performance. There cannot here be omitted: “the Order and Signification of the Domme Shew before the fourth Act. First the musick of howeboies began to playe, during which there came from under the stage, as though out of hell, three furies, Alecto, Megera, and Ctisiphone, clad in blacke garmentes sprinkled with bloud and flames, their bodies girt with snakes, their heds spred with serpentes instead of haire, the one bearing in her hand a snake, the other a whip, and the third a burning firebrand; ech driving before them a king and a queene, which moved by furies unnaturally had slaine their owne children. The names of the kings and queenes were these, Tantalus, Medea, Athamas, Ino, Cambises, Althea; after that the furies and these had passed about the stage thrise, they departed, and than the musick ceased: hereby was signified the unnaturall murders to follow, that is to say: Porrex slaine by his owne mother; and of king Gorboduc, and queen Videna, killed by their owne subjects.” This shadowing out of the plot, and the extraordinary characters to be personified in the procession, are too similar to the model upon which the Mirror for Magistrates was to have been completed, had he carried his own plan into effect, to let us doubt, without supposing the author a mannerist, that the composing the Induction and the drama were nearly coeval, and that before entering his twenty-fifth year he had entirely forsaken the Muse. This circumstance leads to an inquiry of his other poetical effusions, which are supposed to be lost, or remain undiscovered. Jasper Heywood, in a poetical address before his translation of the tragedy of Thyestes, 1560, has the following lines:

There Sackvylde’s Sonnets sweetly sauste,

And featly fyned bee:

There Norton’s Ditties do delight,

There Yelverton’s do flee

Well pewrde with pen: such yong men three

As weene thou mightst agayne,

To be begotte as Pallas was

Of myghtie Jove his brayne.

Warton, in a note on the first line, remarks: “I have never seen his Sonnets, which would be a valuable accession to our old poetry. But probably the term Sonnets here means only verses in general, and may signify nothing more than his part in the Mirror of Magistrates and his Gorboduc.” An oversight of the critic leaves this conjecture without any weight. The above lines were in print before either the communication was made to the Mirror for Magistrates, or the play performed. Several other writers are named by Heywood, in the same address, also their works, and those works known; the sonnets of Sackville and the ditties of Norton and Yelverton excepted. This circumstance may well support a belief of their having been published as well as the others: neither is there any thing improbable that the sonnets and ditties of “such yong men three” were united in one volume, however it has hitherto escaped all research. There is a single sonnet by our author which shall be here preserved as not an inelegant relic of his pen. It is prefixed to The Courtier of Count Baldessar Castilio, done into english by Sir Thomas Hoby, who died embassadour at Paris 13 July, 1566, æt. 36, and was buried at Bisham, co. Berks. This translation was printed 1561, 1577, 1588, (the last supplying the present copy,) again 1603, where the sonnet is omitted.

Thomas Sackeuyll in commendation of the worke.

To the Reader.

These royall kinges, that reare vp to the skye

Their pallace tops, and deck them all with gold:

With rare and curious workes they feede the eye:

And shew what riches here great princes hold.

A rarer worke and richer far in worth,

Castilio’s hand presenteth here to thee:

No proude, ne golden Court doth he set forth,

But what in Court a Courtier ought to be.

The prince he raiseth huge and mightie walles,

Castilio frames a wight of noble fame:

The king with gorgeous tissue clads his halles,

The Count with golden vertue deckes the same;

Whose passing skill, lo, Hobbie’s pen displaies,

To Britaine folk, a work of worthy praise.

Sackville, the junior of nearly all his compeers and associates, during this short career of his Muse,[44] had also to sustain the labour and restlessness of politics. He was elected member for Westmorland, and sat in parliament the 4th and 5th of Philip and Mary. Upon the accession of Elizabeth, he represented Sussex at the time his father did Kent, and in 1562, upon the latter being chosen for Sussex, he was returned one of the members for Buckinghamshire. He early obtained the confidence of Elizabeth, (to whom he was related, as first cousin by his grand mother to Anne Boleyn), being, in his younger years, “by her particular choice and liking, selected to a continual private attendance upon her own person,” and is named in D’Ewes Journal, March 17, 1563, as conveying a message from her to the House of Commons, relative to making an “allowance for Justices Diets,” &c. About this period he visited France, Italy, and Rome, where, for some imprudency of a pecuniary nature, he was detained prisoner for fourteen days. On the death of his father he returned to England. His prodigal taste for splendour was first checked and finally stopped by the influence and admonitions of his royal relative, who, it is said, “would not know him, till he began to know himself.” On the 8th of June, 1567, he was knighted in her presence by the Duke of Norfolk, and created Baron of Buckhurst. In 1573 he was sent ambassador to France, and in the following year sat on the trial of the Earl of Arundel, being styled the Queen’s beloved and faithful counsellor. In 1586 he was nominated a commissioner on the trial of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1587 he went ambassador to the States General, but recalled by the influence of the Earl of Leicester and Lord Burleigh, and confined to his house, by the queen’s command, for nine months, when, upon the death of the Earl of Leicester, he was immediately restored to presence and favour, and on April 24, 1589, without previous intimation, made Knight of the Garter. In January 1591-2 he was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford. On the 15th March, 1599, after the death of Lord Burleigh, he was appointed Lord High Treasurer; the patent whereof was renewed for life on the accession of King James, by whom, in 1603, he was created Earl of Dorset, and appointed one of the commissioners for executing the office of Lord Marshal. He died suddenly at the council table at Whitehall on April 19th, 1608, and being taken to Dorset house, Whitefriars, was embowelled and so much of him buried on the 20th, at Saint Bride’s Fleetstreet. Much state ceremony and solemnity followed, and after a lapse of above a month there was A Sermon preached at Westminster May 26, 1608, at the Fvnerall Solemnities of the Right Honorable Thomas Earle of Dorset, late L. High Treasurer of England: By George Abbott Doctor of Diuinitie and Deane of Winchester one of his Lordships Chaplines.[45] 1608. qto. It does not appear that these funeral solemnities were followed with enterment at the Abbey. No tomb exists, and by his will one thousand pounds was given for the building of a chapel at Withiam, Sussex, where his ancestors lay, directing his remains to be there deposited; which is also alluded to in the sermon. Lloyd gives him the following character: “He was a very fine gentleman of person and endowments both of art and nature. His elocution is much commended, but the excellency of his pen more; for he was a scholar and a person of quick faculties, very facete and choice in his phrase and style. He was wise and stout, nor was he any ways insnared in the factions of the Court, which were all his time very strong. He stood still in grace and was wholly intentive to the Queen’s service; and such were his abilities, that she received assiduous proofs of his sufficiency.” As early as the first year of the reign of Philip and Mary his Lordship married his kinswoman, Cecile daughter of Sir John Baker, of Sisinghurst, co. Kent, knt. who survived him, and died Oct. 1st. 1615.

[44] It has been said he wrote the Epilogue to Ben Jonson’s comedy of Every Man in his Humour, acted 1598: but was there any epilogue to the play when first performed? Charles Lord Buckhurst, sixth Earl of Dorset, supplied an epilogue on the revival of that play, which may be found with other pieces by him, in the Miscellany Poems, by Dryden, vol. v.

[45] Dr. Abbott had but an imperfect knowledge of the productions of his patron. In one passage he says: “His yoonger daies, the time of his scholarship when first in that famous Vniuersitie of Oxford and afterward in the Temple (where he tooke the degree of Barister) he gave tokens of such pregnancie, such studiousnesse, and iudgment, that he was held no way inferiour to any of his time or standing. And of this there remaine good tokens both in English and in Latin published vnto the world.” A marginal note explains the “good tokens” by the legend undoubtedly written by Ferrers, called “The life of Tresilian. in the Mirrour of Magistr. [and] Epist. prefix. Aulic. Barth. Clerke.” 1571.

[46] Francis Segar. See Bibliographia Poetica, p. 326.

[47] Francis Dingley was probably author as well of the Legend of James IV. as that of Flodden Field, and both composed very recently after the events they record took place. Not any discovery has been made relative to the life of the author.

[48] Thomas Churchyard, born ...... died 1604.

[49] Michael Drayton, born about 1563, died Dec. 23, 1631.

[50] Richard Niccols was the offspring of respectable parents residing in London, and born about 1584. When about twelve years of age he embarked in a vessel called the Ark, which sailed with the expedition against Cadiz in June 1596, and was present at the great and complete victory obtained both by sea and land on that occasion. Whether this voyage was the result of boyish ardour, or that he was originally intended to be actively employed for his country in either marine or military service, is not known. He appears on his return to have resumed his studies, and in 1602 was entered a student in Magdalen College, Oxford. He took the degree of bachelor of arts in 1606, and was then esteemed among the “ingenious persons of the university.” In 1610, he impliedly says, he should have continued the Mirror for Magistrates further, if his own affairs would have suffered him to proceed, but being called away by other employments, he of force left the completion to others. What designation those employments gave him for the remainder of his life, beyond that of a poet, is not known. In that character his talents would appear over-rated by Headley, who considered him “a poet of great elegance and imagination,” had not Warton, unwittingly, gone further. Niccols, on reprinting the Induction, found the rhyme too perfect, and the language too polished, to allow the attempting any of his supposed emendations; but towards the conclusion of the poem, he was bold enough to reject one stanza, and foist in four of his own composing; and it is to his credit that Warton, in analysing the whole, reprinted two of those, as the genuine production of Sackville.[51] Such a compliment cannot be exceeded. He first published The Cuckow, 1607, quarto, and he says, “Cuckow-like of Castae’s wrongs, in rustick tunes did sing.” 2. He reprinted the Mirror for Magistrates, in 1610, edited in a manner that had left his volume without any value, but for the adding his own poems: viz. First the fall of Princes, and last A Winter Night’s Vision. This Vision was probably composed as long before as August 1603, as that was the last calamitous year when the plague ravaged extensively previous to its being published.[52] On that occasion our author retired for safety to Greenwich; where wandering through the walks, long-favoured by Elizabeth, the circumstance of it being her natal place, combined with her then recent death, appears to have awakened his youthful Muse to attempt this metrical history of her life. 3. His next effusion was The Three Sisters Teares, shed at the late Solemne Funerals of the Royall deceased Henry Prince of Wales, &c. 1613, qto. 4. The Fvries, with Vertves Encomium, or, the Image of Honour. In two bookes of Epigrammes. 1614. oct. 5. Monodia, or Waltham’s Complaint vpon the death of that most vertuous and noble Ladie lately deceased, the Lady Honor Hay, &c. 1615. oct. 6. London’s Artillery, briefly containing the noble practise of that worthie Societie, &c. 1616, qto. For an account of this Poem, see British Bibliographer, Vol. I. p. 363. 7. Sir Thomas Overbury’s Vision, &c. 1616. Reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, 1811. Vol. VII. p. 178. The author makes the ghost of Overbury, in his address to him, say,

O thou mortal wight!

Whose mournful muse, but whilome, did recite

Our Britain’s princes and their woeful fates

In that true 'Mirrour of our Magistrates.’

[51] Compare Hist. of Eng. Poetry, vol. iii p. 234. with vol. ii, p. 330.

[52] See the Induction: However, according to Stowe, there was not any Lord Mayor’s Show for three years after 1605 “by reason of continuall sickness.”

[53] Hee. edit. 1575.

[54] Will you that I rehearse. ib.

[55] Of. ed. 1575.

[56] Of. ib.

[57] Which must I needs be confesse. ib.

[58] Veritie: [but for so much as the above named virtue by Plotinus his iudgement hath such excellent properties it is so fit in a Magistrate, that] I surely &c. ib.

[59] Facts estates fortunes, ib.

[60] Yet. ib.

[61] Yea and though. ib.

[62] And. ib.

[63] Those whiche were counted the wisest that ever were. ib.

[64] Yea and though. ib.

[65] Be. ib.

[66] He is not counted bolde, manly and constant but made beastly and desperate. I will also sith I haue gone so farre with the vertues (and the place so vrgeth) lastly set downe the difinition of Temperaunce, according to Cicero his opinion. Temperaunce (saith he) is of reason, &c. ib.

[67] Vertue hath three, ib.

[68] Well and wisely.

[69] An immoderate, ib.

[70] Also to. ib.

[71] Learnedly touched. ib.

[72] Other. ib.

[73] Further. [Onely I would to God it were so ofte read and regarded of all Magistrates as the matter requireth.] ib.

[74] Booke (which I am so bold to dedicate to your honors.) ib.

[75] Not in first edit.

[76] And. ed. 1575.

[77] Can do farre better, either with eloquence to amend that is amisse in mine, or else when they see these so rudely pende, to publish their own, ib.

[78] Your humble Iohn Higgins, [ed. 1575.]

[79] From edition, 1587.

[80] From first edition. This address is omitted in editions 1587 and 1610.

[81] This is principally taken from the latter part of the prefatory epistle of 1575.

[82] First printed and now given from edition 1587: also in Niccols.

[83] Higins, by correcting what he had wrote before, re-composed several passages: The first three stanzas of the Induction are thus varied in the edition of 1575.

As Somer sweete with all hir pleasures past,

And leaues began to leaue both braunche and tree,

While winter cold approched neere full faste,

Mee thought the time to sadnes moued mee

On drouping daies not half such mirth haue wee,

As when the time of yeare and wether’s fayre,

So moue our mindes as mocions moue the ayre.

The wearye nightes approched on apace

With darksom shades which somewhat breedeth care,

The Sun hath take more neere the earth his race,

In Libra than his greatest swinge he bare,

For pardy then the daies more colder are,

Then fades the greene fruite timely, herbes are don,

And wynter ginnes to waste that Sommer won,

I deemde some booke of mourning theame was beste

To reade, wherwith instructions mingled so

As migh[t] againe refresh my wittes oppreste,

With tediousnes not driue mee quyte therfro:

Wherfore I went the printer’s straight vnto,

To seeke some woorke of price I surely mente

That might herein my carefull mynde contente.

[84] At leength by hap, ib.

[85] Wynter, ed. 1575.

[86] Not leaue with once, ib.

[87] Tell, ib.

[88] Pleading, ib.

[89] May. ib.

[90] More cleare then any. ib.

[91] Which, ib.

[92] His. ib.

[93] Thus in first edition.

Me thinkes they might beware by others harme,

And eke eschue to clammer vp so hye:

Yet cursed pryde doth all their wittes becharme,

They thinke of naught but prouerbes true do trie:

Who hewes aloft the chips may hurte his eye:

Who climes the tops of trees, wher bowes ar smal,

Or hawty towres, may quickly catch a fall.

This thing full well doth Phaëtons fall declare,

And Icarus aloft would flie and soare:

Eke Bladud once of Britayne rule that bare,

Would clyme and flie, but eache did fal therfore:

For Phaëton was with lightning all to tore,

And Icarus the meane that did not recke,

Was drownde; by fal did Bladud breake his neck.

The scriptures eake of such beare witnes can;

As Babilon for high presumption fell:

But let me ende my tale—

[94] And past the night with labours long. ib.

[95] My. ib.

[96]

Methoughte nothing my minde from them could take,

So long as Somnus suffered me to wake. ib.

[97] Then straight appeard in purple colour blacke. ib. At last appeared. N.

[98] After paynes were past. ed. 1575.

[99] I might receiue by Somnus ease at last. ib.

[100] Vnhappy princes were of yore. ib.

[101] Instead of Stanzas 13 and 14 the following are inserted in the first edit.

At length hee foorth his seruant Morpheus calde,

And bad him shewe mee from the first to th’ ende,

Such persones as in Britayne Fortune thralde:

Which straight vpon his calling did attende,

And thus hee spake with countenaunce of frende,

“Come on thy wayes and thou shalt see and here,

“The Britaynes and their doinges what they were.”

And as he led me through the darkes a whyle,

At length wee came into a goodly hall,

At th’ ende wherof there seemde a duskish Ile:

Out of the which hee gan the Britaynes call,

Such only as from Fortune’s hap did fall:

Which when he called thryce, me seemde to heare,

The doores to cracke from whence they should appeare.

And thryce I shrinkte aside and shund the sight:

And three times thryce I wishte myselfe away:

Eke thryce from thence there flew a flashe of light,

Three times I sawe them coming make their staye:

At laste they all approchte in such array,

With sundrie shewes, appearing vnto mee,

A straunger sighte then erste with eyes I see.

Men mighty bigge, in plaine and straunge attyre,

But some with wounds and bloud were so disguisde,

You scarcely could with reasons ayde aspire,

To know what warre such cruell death deuisde:

But sithe I haue their formes beneath comprisde,

Wheras their stories seuerally I showe,

Your selfe therby their cause of death may know.

[102] And eke their faces all and bodies were. ib.

[103] Make my fearful harte. ib.

[104] For my life eschewe. ib.

[105] Their, ib.

[106] For Morpheus wilde me byde and bad them tell. ib.

[107] Globe, ib.

[108] A person tall wide woundes in breste. ib.

[109] And as to speake he wiste he might be bolde. ib.

[110] Vnquoth, N.

[111] But thus. ed. 1575.

[112] Some copies of Niccols have a castration of this Induction with some trifling difference of orthography.

[113] The story of Brutus, or Brute, as here related by his son Albanact, closely versifies the principal incidents of his history given in the Chronicle of Saint Albans; an authority probably referred to by Higgins in the prefaratory address as “an olde chronicle imprinted the year 1515,” that being the date of one of the editions printed by W. de Worde.

[114] Me first of all the princes of this lande. ed. 1575.

[115] Behold mee here. N.

[116] Then shalt thou see, what tale I mynde to frame. ed. 1575.

[117] The following stanza is second in edition 1575.

So if thou liste to heare what I recite,

If thou intende to showe my fatall fall:

I praye thee take the paynes my tale to wryte,

As I in order here repeate it shall,

What nedst thou muse? thou nedst not feare at all.

Syth those that later liu’de their tales haue tolde,

Our elder liues to write thou mayst be bolde.

[118] Dreade, ed. 1575.

[119] Ne haue dispaire of so vncouched ryme. ib.

[120] Of. N.

[121]

Then why he flying from the Latin land

Did saile the seas and found the Briton strand. N.

[122] Greeuous. ed. 1575.

[123] The following omitted stanza from ed. 1575.

Well nowe I see thou putst apart thy fright,

(And giuste an eare to heare not heard before)

I will declare the storie all so right,

Thou shalt no whit haue neede t’inquire no more;

Do marke me well what I recite therefore,

And after write it and therewith my name,

Let hardly me receiue if ought be blame.

[124]

And reign’de iii yeares, Ascanius then his sonne,

Reignde next to him, eke Siluius was his heyre,

Begate my father, of a Lady fayre. ib.

[125] Strook. N.

[126] “An arrow with a square head.” Johnson.

[127]

But when as Brutus fiftene yeares was olde,

(For so they calde my father by his name)

With Siluius then a hunting goe he would,

And thinking for to strike in chace the game,

His father that by chaunce beyonde it came,

Receiude the glaunce and through his tender syde,

With deadly dint, the shaft did swiftly slyde. ed. 1575.

[128]

So though by chaunce my father Brutus slewe,

My grandsyre Siluius, sore against his will:

Which came by chaunce as he his arrow drewe,

That thought the fearfull Harte, not him to kill:

Yet was he banisht from Italia still: &c. ib.

[129] Thither. N.

[130] From death of those whose fall their. ed. 1575.

[131] My father all this. ib.

[132] Saw my father’s powre not weke. 1575.

[133] For of his brother he could finde no grace. N.

[134] Thus. 1575.

[135] All. ib.

[136] His post vnto the. ib.

[137] He. ib.

[138] Then whyle King. ib.

[139] My father with. ib.

[140] Him. ib.

[141] And tooke the brother of the Græcian King. N.

[142] My father into woods conueyde him than. ed. 1575.

[143]

And when the king had calde to mynde his foyle,

His flighte, and brother by the Troianes take. ib.

[144] And Brutus had. ib.

[145] By night my father. ib.

[146] He. ib.

[147] My father. ib.

[148]

Which victorie when he had wisely won,

The Trojane victour did a counsayle call,

To knowe what best were with the king be don;

Now tell (q’ he) what ransom aske we shall:

On which when none agreed scarce of all,

At length Mempricius vp from seate did ryse

And silence made, gaue thus his counsayle wise. ib.

[149] Troianes. ed. 1575.

[150] The fact. ib.

[151] Which thought, as ’twas a wicked heynous acte. ib.

[152] We rather ought. ib.

[153] All do wayle. ib.

[154] Lady. ib.

[155]

And by hir wisdome, cheere and parentes loue,

Doth vs, and Brutus, both to pitie moue. ib.

[156]

Yet some will saye, he should depriued bee,

Of kingdome quite, and worthy Brutus should

Receiue the scepter, this misliketh mee,

To this vniustice, Brutus, if we could

Consent, I deeme, agree he neuer would,

So much himselfe ambitiously t’ abuse,

Or else a king vnkindly so to vse, ib.

[157]

Our names for aye with foule defame would brand. N.

[158]

For kingdomes sake a king at home to kill

Were farre to bad, within his natiue lande:

Though he by right or wrong directed still,

His force gainst vs, that did him so withstande:

The king hath therfore ay the sworde in hand,

If any kicke against his pointes of lawe:

To cut them of, or keepe them vnder awe. ed. 1575.

[159]

’Tis best, O Brutus, if thou like her, take

His daughter Innogen vnto thy wyfe:

And let the king a dowry large hir make:

Gold, syluer, shippes, and corne for our reliefe:

With other thinges whereof this lande is rife:

That wee so fraught may seeke some desert shore

Where wee and ours may raigne for euermore. ed. 1575.

[160]

The hateful gods haue yelded mee. ib.

[161]

For feare I leese both life and goodes and landes. ib.

[162]

My father then was married by and by. ib.

[163]

The Troians proud of spoiles and victorie. N.

[164] Leogrece. ed. 1575.

[165]

Where Dian dwelt of whom the Troian crew. N.

[166] In. ib.

[167]

Wherin Diana to such credit grewe:

That sacrifice the Troianes counsayle gaue,

My father make, an aunswere for to haue. ed. 1575.

[168] Efilde with. ib.

[169]

In better sorte then I repeate it here. ib.

[170] Surelie. N.

[171] To reste and sleep. ed. 1575.

[172] Once. ib.

[173] Aunswere that it. ib.

[174] Affrica. ib.

[175]

From thence they sayled vnto Saliues lake:

Twene Azaræ hilles, and Ruscitadam

They paste, from thence to Maluæ floud they gate

To Hercules his pillers sight they came:

And then to Tuscan seas whereas by fame,

Not far from shore, like minded mates they finde,

Foure banisht races of the Troian kinde. ib.

[176] Calde. ib.

[177] For. ib.

[178]

My father did so frendely vse this man,

He was content and all his men besyde:

To trie aduentures by my fathers guyde. ib.

[179] This Stanza not in the first edit.

[180] Then. ib.

[181] And. ib.

[182] And vitayles for their men and them atchiue. ib.

[183] By fortune on an halberde then he light. ed. 1575.

[184] My father. ib.

[185] My father’s. ib.

[186]

——voide of breath,

Which pincht my fathers hart as pangs of death. ib.

[187] Cleeues. N.

[188] None. ed. 1575.

[189] But. ib.

[190]

My father had no cause but like it well

And gaue his souldiers places in to dwell. ib.

[191] My father caused Britayne called bee. ib.

[192] My father. ib.

[193] Sith. ib.

[194] Whereby his stock. ed. 1575.

[195] “Brute the fyrst King of Brytons, bylded & edefyed this cyte of London, the fyrst cyte of Brytayn, in remembraunce of the cyte of Troye, that was destroyed, and called it Troyeneweth and Trinouantum, that is newe Troye.” Trevisa’s Polychronicon. B. 1. C. xlvii.

[196] Then eke my mother all his, &c. ed. 1575.

[197] Of children erste. ib.

[198] Three sonnes because of Innogen he gate. ib.

[199] Then. ib.

[200]

Those mightie people borne of Giants brood,

That did possesse this Ocean-bounded land,

They did subdue, who oft in battell stood

Gainst them in field, vntill by force of hand

They were made subiect vnto Brutes command.

Such boldnes then did in the Briton dwell,

That they in deedes of valour did excell. N.

[201] Surely. N.

[202] Did cause vs feare. N.

[203]

His counsayle all and wee assembled were,

To bid vs hie, or haste there was no nede,

Wee went with them, this newes vs caused feare

Sith so he sent, he was not well in dede, &c. ed. 1575.

[204] Speed. ib.

[205] Doulfull. ib.

[206] I. ib.

[207] You. ib.

[208] Will. ed. 1575.

[209] Record to this mine eldest, &c. ed. 1575.

[210] Twene this and that the Stutiæ streame doth lie. ib.

[211] For which I nought but this remember craue. ib.

[212] Loe now. ed. 1575.

[213] And gasped thryse and gaue. ib.

[214] Then all at once with mourning voyce they cryde. ib.

[215] Teares. ib.

[216] And so. N.

[217] All with one assent. ed. 1575.

[218] Sayle. ib.

[219] This stanza follows in edit. 1575,

As custome wild wee funerals preparde,

And all with mourning cloathes, and chere did come,

To laye this king on beere we had regarde,

In royall sort, as did his corps become,

His Herce prepard, we brought him to his tombe,

At Troynouant he built, where he did dye,

Was he entombde, his royall corps doth lye.

[220] Flits. ed. 1575.

[221] Or. ed. 1575.

[222] This fame declarde that euen a people small. ib.

[223] Had. ib.

[224] Into three parts. ib.

[225]

——did he arriue,

In hope this lande of Britayne to atchiue. ed. 1575.

In hope to bee the King of Britanie. N.

[226] When by report. N.

[227] Foe-men. N.

[228]

And left my men as flockes without a guide. ed. 1575.

——of deadly wounds I dide,

My souldiers lost their noble prince and guide. N.

[229] To worke with princes slye. ed. 1575.

[230] By my fall beware. N.

[231]

If you repent when life and labours lost.

The Authour.

With that the wounded Prince departed quite,

From sight he slinchte, I sawe his shade no more,

But Morpheus bade remember this to write,

And therewithall presented mee before

A wight wet dropping from the water’s shore,

In princely weede, but like a warlike man,

And thus mee thought his story he began.

[232] The author’s continuation, as in first edition, is given in the preceding note. Nicolls uniformly rejected these connecting lines of “the authour” as well as those of the later edition entitled “L’envoy.”

[233] Thy. 1575.

[234]

Both from their realme and right: O filthy fye

On such ambition earst as vsed I. ib.

[235] Within. ed. 1575.

[236] The story of Humber is narrated according to the principal authorities. It is somewhat different in the Chronicle of St. Albans, which says: “so it befel that this Kynge Humbar was besyde a water that was a great riuer with his folke for to dysporte hym. And there came Lotrin and Camber with theyr folke sodaynly or that ony of the other hoost knew of them. And whan Humbar dyde se them come in aray he was sore adrad, for as moche as his men wyst it not a fore; and also that they were vnarmed. And a none Humbar for drede lept in to y^e water and drowned hymselfe, and so he deyed. And his men were all slayne in so moche that there escaped not one away on lyue. And therefore is that water called Humbar and euer more shall be, whyle the worlde is world.”

[237] The Authoure.

Then vanishte Humber, and no sooner gon

Was he but straight in place before me came,

A princely wight had complet harnesse on,

Though not so complet as they now do frame:

He seemde sometime t’aue bene of worthy fame,

In breste a shafte with bleeding wounde he bare,

And thus be told the cause of all his care. ed. 1575.

[238] A line as vigorous and musical as Dryden.

[239] My haplesse deeds of yore, the same may I. N.

[240] But I. ed. 1575.

[241] Ill. ib.

[242] Force. ib.

[243] And. ib.

[244] So. ed. 1575.

[245] His. ib.

[246] Lovely. N.

[247] No Lady went on earthely grounde. ed. 1575.

[248] Euer chaunge my minde. ib.

[249] Where he declar’d what promise I did make. N.

[250] Never. 1575.

[251] “The singuler great loue and affection that he bare vnto the saide Eastrilde coued not yet out of his minde and be forgotten, wherfore he made a Caue vnder the ground in the Citie of Troynouant and enclosed her therein—insomuch as he had the companie of her the space of vij yeres full, aud none knewe it, but a fewe of his verie familyer and faythfull friendes.” Grafton.

[252] Likewise my Elstride I as Queene ordain’d. N.

[253] Rais’d. N.

[254] Or. 1575.

[255] For. N.

[256] Stura stream. 1575.

[257] Fabian varies from the other chronicles by stating the death of Locrine as in the life time of Gwendoline’s father; as she “beynge sore discontent, excyted her Fader and frendes to make warre vpon the sayd Lotryne her husbande. In the which warre, lastly, he was slayne when he reygned or ruled Loegria, or Logiers, after the concordaunce of moste wryters XX yers; And was buryed by his Fader in the cytie of Troynouant.” This might be the authority of our author for relating his burial at Troynouant as the stanza appears in the first edition.

Then was I brought to Troynouant, and there

My body was enterrid as you reade:

When I had raigned all out twenty yere:

Lo thus I liude and thus became I deade:

Thus was my crowne depriued from my heade,

And all my pompe, my princely troupe and trayne,

And I to earth and duste resolude againe. (1575.)

[258] Now warne estates, ib.

[259] No false deceit deceiues. N.

[260] Edition 1575 has only seven lines in this stanza: it concludes thus

For though ye colour all, with coate of right:

Yet can no fained farde deceiue his sight.

The Authour.

With that this king was vanisht quite and gone,

And as a miste dissolued into ayre:

And I was left with Morpheus all alone,

Who represented straight a Lady faire,

Of frendes depriude and left in deepe dispaire:

As eke she spake, all wet in cordes fast bounde,

Thus tolde she how she was in waters drounde.

[261] Woman. ed. 1575.

[262] The first saue three amongst vs all. ib.

[263] “Eastrildis so farre excelled in bewtie, that none was then lightly found vnto her comparable, for her skin was so whyte that scarcely the fynest kind of Iuorie that might be found, nor the snowe lately fallen downe from the Elament, or the Lylles did passe the same.” Grafton.

[264] Was. 1575.

[265] Or. ed. 1575.

[266] For. ib.

[267] Night. N.

[268] T’whom. N.

[269] Manhode. ed. 1575.

[270] Or let me on thy Queene be wayting mayde. ib.

[271] Thou. ed. 1575. You. N.

[272] Omitted stanza from ed. 1575.

As for my Queene as yet I none possesse,

Therefore thou rather maiste voutchsafe to take

That place thy selfe, then waite on her I gesse,

Whose beautie with thy face no match can make:

The Gods denye that I thy heste forsake;

I saue thy life, eke God forbid that I

Should euer cause so fayre a Ladie die.

[273] In. ed. 1575.

[274] Mine armes and giue me libertie at will. N.

[275] With whom such fauour I did after find. N.

[276] Have. ib.

[277] Sayd. ib.

[278] Constraineth one mine Elstride to imbrace. N.

[279] So, in both.

[280] Yet faithlesse in his promise he did proue. N.

[281] i. e. sorrow.

[282] Attainde. ed. 1575.

[283] Not be Locrinus wife. ed. 1575.

[284] Radge. ib.

[285] Parents. ib.

[286] Woman. ib.

[287] Ladye fayre. ib.

[288] This. ed. 1575.

[289] Tygres. ib.

[290] Day. N.

[291] What strumpet, think’st, for that thou seemest braue. N.

[292] Seeme. N.

[293]

Ne stoode she still but with hir handes on syde

Walkte vp and down, and oft hir palmes she stroke;

“My husband now (quoth she) had not thus dyde,

“If such an harlot whore he had not tooke:”

And there withall she gaue me such a looke

As made me quake. ed. 1575.

[294] Thee. ib.

[295] Take. ib.

[296] Wyse. ed. 1575.

[297] Then Elstride now prepare thy selfe therfore. ed. 1575.

[298] And friends. N.

[299] The. 1575.

[300] Striving, ed. 1575.

[301] A Prince’s wife. N.

[302] Myne. ed. 1675.

[303]

Then warne all Ladies that howe much more hie

Then their degrees they clime, mo daungers nye.

ed. 1575.

[304] Flattery refuse. N.

[305] Turning, ed. 1575.

[306] Then bid beware. ib.

[307] The Authoure.

With that she flitted in the ayre abrode,

As twere a miste or smooke dissolued quite,

And or I long on this had made abode,

A virgine smale, appearde before my sight,

For colde and wet eke scarsly moue she might.

As from the waters drownd didering came,

Thus wise hir tale in order did she frame.

ed. 1575.

[308] Many of the incidents of the preceding lives are united to form the plot of “the lamentable Tragedie of Locrine, the eldest son of King Brutus, discoursinge the warres of the Britaines,” entered in the Stationers Books 1594. The first act shows Brutus sick, making the division of the kingdom among his sons Albanact, Humber, and Locrine. The succeeding acts exhibit their wars on each other, and in the last is that created by Guendoline against Locrine, concluding with his death and those of his concubine and daughter the Lady Sabrine. See Malone’s Supplement, Vol II. p. 189. There is also “an old ballad of a duke of Cornwall’s daughter,” (Guendoline) inserted in Evans’s Ballads, 1784, Vol. I. The respective writers appear to have consulted the Mirror for Magistrates. In the persons represented in the play the author has chosen to deviate from all chronicle history by making “Madan, daughter of Locrine and Guendolen.”

[309] Tis wisedome rather then to winne to saue. ed. 1575.

[310] Elstride or Astrilde, is described by Robert of Gloucester as the stern Guendoline’s “bed suster, hire lordis concubine.”

[311] Flye, flye, thy gelous stepdame seekes thy life. ed. 1575.

[312] Eke. N.

[313] Farewell in woe you cannot scape hir knife. ed. 1575.

[314] Thryse. ib.

[315] Little, ed. 1575.

[316] Sclender. ib.

[317] An omitted stanza from ed. 1575.

Thus throughe the hoste he bare me to my bane,

And shewde the Souldiours what a spoyle he had:

“Loke here (quoth he) the litle Princes tane.”

And laught, and ran as brutish butcher mad;

But my lamenting made the souldiours sad,

Yet nought preuailde, the caytife as his pray

Without all pitie bare me still away.

[318] Till. ed. 1575.

[319] Some saide lo Elstride shee resembleth right. ib.

[320] Some. ib.

[321] Some said the thiefe. ib.

[322] And. ib.

[323] Nought. ib.

[324]

“O Queene (quoth I) God knowes me innocent,

To worke my father’s death I neuer ment.” ed. 1575.

[325] Take. ib.

[326]

This Sabrine hand and foote; at once let see

Her here receyue. ed. 1575.

[327] Which. ib.

[328] Guendoline “made a proclamation throughout all the whole realme of Briteyn that the same water should be euermore called Habren, after the maydens name, for so euen at this day is Seuerne called in the Welsh tongue. And this did she as one desirous to make thereby the name of the yong mayden immortall, because she was her housband’s daughter.” Grafton.

[329] By this. ed. 1575.

[330] Hence. ib.

[331] Here may you see, the children seldome thee. ib.

[332] Farewell, and tell when Fortune most doth smile. ib.

[333] The Authour.

With that the Lady Sabrine slinckt from sight,

I lookt about and then me thought againe

Approched straight another wofull wight:

It seemde as though with dogs he had bin slaine;

The bloud from all his members torne amaine

Ran downe: his clothes were also torne and rente,

And from his bloudy throte these plaintes he sente. ed. 1575.

[334] That. ed. 1575.

[335] Was. ib.

[336]

Durst none aduenture anger mine t’ aswage

If once to freate and fume I did begin;

And I excelde in nothing els but sinne,

So that wel nighe all men did wishe my ende. ed. 1575.

[337] And. N.

[338] In pleasures pleasaunt was my whole repaste, ed. 1575.

[339] This seems a provincial word, as crome is used in Norfolk for a hook. See Grose’s Glossary.

[340] Syrtes, a quicksand or bog. Johnson.

[341] Neuer, ed. 1575.

[342] Vast. N.

[343] The conclusion of this life, from stanza 11, is thus varied in ed. 1575.

Alas that youth (in vayne) so vyly spent,

Should euer cause a king to haue such ende:

Alas that euer I should here lament,

Or else should teache vnto my cost my frende:

Alas that fortune such mishap should sende:

But sithe it is to late for me to crie,

I wishe that others may take hede herebye.

I might full well by wisdome shund this snare,

Tis sayde a wiseman all mishap withstandes.

For though by starres we borne to mischieues are:

Yet prudence bayles vs quite, from carefull bandes,

Eche man (they say) his fate hath in his handes,

And what he makes, or marres to lese, or saue

Of good, or euill, is euen selfe do selfe haue.

As here thou seest by me, that led my dayes

In vicious sorte, for greedy wolues a praye:

Warne others wysely, than to guide their wayes

By mine example, wel eschue they may,

Such vices as may worke their own decay:

Which if they do, full well is spent the time

To warne, to wryte, and eke to reade this rime.

The Authour.

When this was said, no more was Madan seene,

(If it were he) but sure I half suspecte

It was some other else, so seru’de had bene,

For that all stories do not so detecte

His death, or else I did perhaps neglecte

His tale, bicause that diuers stories brought,

Such fancies of his death into my thought.

Therefore although it be not as some write

Here pende by me, and yet as others haue:

Let it not greeue thee reade that I recite,

And take what counsaile of good life he gaue:

I trust I may (that dreame) some pardon craue,

For if the reste, no dreames but stories pen:

Can I for that they wryte be blamed then?

No sure, I thinke the readers will not giue

Such captious dome, as Momus erste did vse,

Though Zoilus impes as yet do carping liue:

And all good willing writers much misuse.

Occasion biddes me some such beastes accuse,

Yet for their bawling hurtes me not I nill:

But with my purpose, on procede I will.

Next after that, came one in princely raye

A worthy wight but yonge, yet felt the fall:

It seemde he had bene at some warlike fraye,

His breste was woundid wide and bloudy all:

And as to mynde he musde his factes to call,

Depe sighes he fet, made all his limmes to shake:

At length these wordes, or like to me he spake.

[344] Madan had reigned forty years. Fabian says there is “lytell or no memory made (of him) by any wryters.” As a strict conservator of laws and for “great sapience,” he is briefly eulogised by Harding.

[345] We. ed. 1575.

[346] We neuer could our great, ib.

[347] We. ib.

[348] Our. ib.

[349] We. ib.

[350] Our. ib.

[351] We. ib.

[352] But O we thinke. ib.

[353] We. ib.

[354] Vppon this earth is all the greatest hap. N.

[355] We. ed. 1575.

[356] We. ib.

[357] We. ed. 1575.

[358] We. ib.

[359] And by me. ib.

[360] We. ib.

[361] Manlius, ib.

[362]

Who thinkes an other of his right beguyle,

Himselfe is soonest cleane bereaude of all. ib.

[363] My elder brother, ib. The authority for making this variation was probably Harding, to whose work Higgins may refer as “an old chronicle in a kind of English verse.” (See p. 7.) Harding says, “the yonger Memprise slewe his brother Maulyne, elder of age.” The other writers seem uniform in describing Mempricius as the elder.

[364] Did euer square, ib.

[365] Lou’d me well. ed. 1575.

[366] My brother feared I should haue his right. ib.

[367] I me bore. ib.

[368] I for because I might obtaine the crowne. ib.

[369] Fauoure. ib.

[370] Our. ib.

[371] And I could not from mine. ib.

[372] An additional stanza occurs here in the first edition.

See here, th’ occasion of my haplesse happe,

See here his chaunce that might haue liu’de ful wel:

So baited swete is euery deadly trappe;

In brauiste bowres doth deepest daunger dwell.

I thought mine elder from his right t’expell,

Though he both age and custome forth did bring

For title right: I sayd, I would be King.

[373] Instead of the tenth stanza the following are in the first edition.

Wherefore as eache did watch conuenient time,

For to commit this haynous bloudy facte;

My selfe was taken not accusde of crime,

As if I had offendid any acte,

But he as one that witte and reason lackte,

Sayde traytour vile thou art to me vntrue;

And therwithall his bloudy blade he drewe.

Not like a king but like a cut throte fell;

Not like a brother, like a butcher brute;

Though twere no worse then I deserued well,

He gaue no time to reason or dispute:

To late it was to make for life my suite,

“Take traytoure here (quoth he) thy whole deserte,”

And therwithall he thrust me to the harte.

[374] Chosen. N.

[375] “Lastly by medyacions of frends a day of communycacion in louynge maner attwene these ii bretherne was appoynted, at which day of assemble Mempricius by treason slewe his brother Manlius.” Fabyan.

[376] Brutishe.

[377] Which likewyse went my brother for to kill. ib.

[378] Which do inuente anothers bloud to spill. ib.

[379]

Vsurping wrong incurres the curse of heauen,

And blood cries out for vengeance at his hand,

Who still in care of humane good is giuen. N.

[380] A step aboue their owne degree. ed. 1575.

[381] I think she. ib.

[382] The Authoure.

When Manlius had thus endid quite his tale,

He vanishte out of sight as did the reste;

And I perceiued straight a persone pale,

Whose throte was torne and blodied all his breste:

“Shall I” (quoth he) “for audience make requeste,

No sure it nedes not, straunge it semes to thee,

What he that beares this rentid corps should bee.

“Wherefore I deeme thou canst not chuse but bide,

And here my tale as others erste before;

Sith by so straunge a meanes thou seest I dyde,

With rentid throte and breste, thou musist more;

Marke well (quoth he) my ratling voyce therefore:”

And therwithall this tale he gan to tell,

Which I recite, though nothing nere so well. ed. 1575.

[383] In the first edition always called Manlius.

[384] But he that myndes for rule. ed. 1575.

[385] For empire as I did. N.

[386] Must not. ed. 1575.

[387] His impious hands. N.

[388] Is. ed. 1575.

[389] Lookist for to haue. ib.

[390] Wherefore to giue example yet to som. ib.

[391] But sith I must as others tell their fall. ed. 1575.

[392] Eldest. ib.

[393] I deemde was nought vnlawfull. ib.

[394] For. ib.

[395] I was deuoid of doubt. N.

[396] After attaining the crown he “became so lyther a man, that he destroyed within a whyle all the men of his londe.” Chr. of St. Albans.

[397] So ofter that I felle. ed. 1575.

[398] Lothsome. ed. 1575.

[399] I will declare whence. ib.

[400] Alas I fell. ib.

[401] Might any ill exceed. ib.

[402] Heedes. ed. 1575.

[403] Fainted. ib.

[404] Tender, ed. 1575.

[405] By sudden death, pockes, begging. N.

[406] The Authour.

On this me thought he vanisht quite away,

And I was left with Morpheus all alone:

Whom I desirde these gryzely ghostes to stay,

Till I had space to heare them one by one.

And euen with that was Somnus seruaunt gone,

Whereby I slept and toke mine ease that night,

And in the morning rose their tale to wrighte.

Nowe (Reader) if you thinke I miste my marke,

In any thing whilere but stories tolde:

You must consider that a simple clarke,

Hath not such skill theffect of things t’vnfolde,

But may with ease of wiser be controlde:

Eke who so writes as much the like as this,

May hap be deemde likewyse as much to misse.

Wherefore if these may not content your minde

As eche man cannot fauour all mens vaines:

I pray you yet let me this frendship finde,

Giue your good will, I craue nought els for paines.

Which if you grutch me, as to great a gaines:

Then is my loue to you, and labour lost,

And you may learne take heede, with greater cost.

But now me thinkes I heare the carpers tell,

Saith one, the writer wanted wordes to fill:

The next reprou’d the verse not couched well:

The third declares, where lackte a point of skill:

Some others say they like the meeter ill:

But what of this? shall these dismay mee quite?

No sure, I will not cease for such to write.

For with more ease, in other workes they finde

A fault, then take vpon them selues to pen

So much, and eke content eche readers minde:

How should my verse craue all their likings then?

Sith sondry are the sects of diuers men,

I must endeuour only those to please:

Which like that comes, so it be for their ease.

The rest I recke as they blame worthy bee,

For if the words I wrote for good intent:

Take other sence then they receiu’de of mee,

Be turnde to worse, torne, reached, rackt, or rent

Or hackt and hewde, not constret as I ment:

The blame is theirs, which with my workes so mell:

Lesse faulty he, that wisht his country well.

If some be pleasde and easde, I lease no toyle,

At carpers gyrdle hanges not all the keyes:

What price gaines he, that giues him fall or foyle,

Which neuer wan by wrastling any prayse,

I haue not spent in poetrye my dayes,

Some other workes in proase I printed haue:

And more I write for which I leysure saue.

And for mine age not thirty yeares hath past,

No style so rype can yonger yeares attaine.

For of them all, but only ten the last,

To learne the tongues, and write I toke the paine,

If I thereby receiued any gaine,

By Frenche or Latine chiefely which I chose,

These fiue yeares past by writing I disclose.

Of which, the first two yeares I Grammer taught:

The other twaine, I Hulœts worke enlargde:

The last translated Aldus phrases fraught

With eloquence, and toke of Terence charge

At Printers hande, to adde the flowers at large

Which wanted there, in Vdalles worke before!

And wrote this booke with other diuers more.

Then pardon whats amisse, a while giue eare,

So shall you heare the rest that I recite,

Describing next what Princes did appeare:

When I had ended these are past to wrighte.

In slomber as I chaunst to lye one night,

Was Somnus prest, whom I desyrde to sende

His Morpheus ayde, these Tragedies to ende.

Wherewith he graunted my request and calde

For Morpheus straight: which knew wherto he came

I will (quoth he) the rest, whom Fortune thralde

Of Britaynes shewe: thy selfe to heare them frame.

And therewithall he set forth one like Fame.

In fethers all with winges so finely dight,

As twere a birde, in humaine shape of flight.

Yet twas not Fame that femme of painted plume,

He rather seemed Icarus deceau’de,

With winges to flye nighe Phœbus did presume.

At length in deede I plainly well perceau’de,

It was some king of vitall breath bereaude,

From flight he fell presuming farre to hye:

Giue eare take heede and learne not so to flye.

ed. 1575.

[407] “Mempricius the fyrst king of Brytons regned X yere.” Polychronicon.

[408] Bladud is represented as a prince eager in the pursuit of learning, and of unusual mental acquirements. Having travelled to Athens he had sufficient address to obtain a visit to his native land of four of the most eminent scholars, or philosophers; for whom he founded an University at Stamford with many liberal endowments, and which flourished until the time of St. Augustine, who got the same suppressed on a presumption of heresy among the scholars, He also reputedly discovered the medicinal virtues of the hot-baths at Bath, a circumstance alone sufficient in that remote age to add a fabulous portion in the emblazonment of his character, and a belief, as the Chronicle of St. Albans hath it, that “thrugh his craft of nygromancy he made a meruaylous hote bathe, as the geste telleth.” This same “geste” seems the foundation of the tale in all the Chronicles, which, though often repeated, was early disbelieved. It is best descanted on by the enlightened Treuisa in the Polychronicon. “Bladud, Leyles sone, a nygromancer was the IX kyng of Brytons, he buylded Bathe and called it Caerbadum. Englysshmen called it after Athamannes cyte, but atte last men called it Bathonia that is Bathe.—W[illelmus Malmel.] de pontificum. li. ii. In this cyte welleth vp and spryngeth hote bathes and men wene that Julius Cezar made there suche bathes.—R[anulphus of Chestre]. But Ganfr. Monemutensis in his Brytons book sayth that Bladud made thylkes Bathes: by cause that William [of Malm.] had not seen that brytons book, wrote so, by telling of other men, or by his owne ghessing; as he wrote other thynges, not best aduisedly. Therfore it semeth more sothly that Bladud made not the hote bathes, ne Julius Cezar dyde suche a deede, though Bladud buylded and made the cyte. But it acordeth better to kendly reason that the water renneth in the erthe by veynes of brymstone and sulphure and so is kendely made hote in that cours and spryngeth vp in dyuerse places of the cyte. And so there ben hote bathes that washeth of tetres, soores and skabbes.—Treuisa. Though men myght by crafte make hoote bathes for to dure longe ynough this acordeth well to reason and phylosophye and treateth of hoote welles and bathes that ben in dyuerse londes, though the water of this bathe be more troubly, and heuyer of sauour and of smelle than other hote bathes ben that I haue seen at Akon in Almayne and at Egges in Sauoye, whiche ben as fayre and clere as ony colde welle streme. I haue ben bathed therin and assayed them.”

Higgins, in his account of the learning of Bladud, has closely copied Bale, whose character was then generally known through the medium of Grafton’s chronicle. Perhaps to form the measure on a general model this life was re-written, being first composed in quatrains. It stands thus in the first edition.

Bladud recyteth haw he practyzing by curious artes to flye, fell and brake his necke. The yeare before Christe 844.

Shall I rehearse, likewyse my name?

And eke a place amongst them fill,

Which at their endes to mischiefe came?

Sith Morpheus bids me so, I will.

And that because I see thee minde,

To write my storie fate and fall,

Such curious heads it reade and finde:

May flee to flye, and shunne my thrall.

If daunger teach them liue take heede:

If leesers harme, make lookers wyse:

If warines do safetie breede,

Or wracke make saylers shelues dispise

Then may my hurt giue sample sure:

My losse of life may lokers learne:

My warning may beware procure,

To such as daunger scarce discerne.

I am that Bladud Britaine king.

Rudhudebras his eldest sonne,

Did learning first to England bring:

And other wonders more were done.

Now giue me eare, and after wryte:

Marke well my life, example take:

Eschue the euill that I recite,

And of my death a myrour make.

In youth I gaue my minde to lore,

For I in learning tooke repaste:

No earthly pleasure likte me more,

I went to Athens at the last.

A towne in Greece, whose fame went foorth

Through all the world hir name was spred:

I counted knowledge so much woorth,

Hir only loue to Greece me led.

There first of all the artes of seuen,

Wherein before I had small skill:

I Grammer gate declares the steuen,

By rule to speake, and wryte at will.

Next after that in Rhetorike fine,

Which teacheth how he talke to fyle:

I gate some knowledge in short time,

And coulde perswade within a whyle.

I thirdly learned Logicke well,

An arte that teacheth to dispute:

To aunswere wisely or refell,

Distinguishe, proue, disproue, confute.

Then after that, of number, I

The skilfull arte likewyse attainde:

Wherin of Mathematickes lie,

Full many pointes I after gainde.

And Musicke milde I lernde, that telles

Tune, tyme, and measure of the song:

A science swete the reste excelles,

For melody hir notes among.

But sixtly I the dame of artes,

Geometrie of great engine

Employde, with all hir skilfull partes,

Therby some greater giftes to winne.

So laste I lernde Astronomie,

A lofty arte that paste them all:

To knowe by motions of the skye,

And fixed starres, what chaunce might fall.

This pleasaunt arte allured me,

To many fonde inuentions then:

For iudgements of Astrologie,

Delites the mindes of wisest men.

So doth the arte Phisiognomie,

Dependes on iudgment of the face:

And that of Metoposcopie,

Which of the forehead telles the grace.

And Chiromancie by the hande,

Coniecures of the inward minde:

Eke Geomancie by the lande,

Doth diuers many farlies finde.

Augurium eke was vsde of olde

By byrdes of future things presagde:

And many thinges therby they tolde,

Were skilfull, learned, wyse and agde.

But Magicke, for it seemid sweete,

And full of wonders made me muse:

For many feates I thought it meete,

And pleasaunt for a Prince to vse.

Three kindes there are for nature’s skill,

The first they Naturall do name:

In which by herbes and stones they will,

Worke wonders thinges, are worthy fame.

The next is Mathematicall,

Where Magike workes by nature so:

That brasen heads make speake it shall,

Of woode birdes, bodies flye, and go.

The thirde Veneficall by right,

Is named for by it they make:

The shapes of bodies chaunge in sight,

And other formes on them to take.

What nede I tell what Theurgie is,

Or Necromancie you despise:

A diuelishe arte, the feendes by this

Seeme calde, and coniurde to arise.

Of these too much I learned then,

By those such secrete artes profest:

For of the wise and skilfull men,

Whome Fame had praisde I gate the best.

They promist for to teach me so,

The secretes of dame nature’s skill:

That I nede neuer taste of woe,

But alwayes might forsee it still.

Wherfore enflamed with their loue,

I brought away the best I could:

From Greece to Britayne lande to proue,

What feates for me deuise they would.

Of which were foure Philosophers,

For passing skill excelde the rest:

Phisitions and Astronomers,

In Athens all they were the best.

My father harde of my retourne,

Of my successe in learning there:

And how the Grecians did adourne,

My wittes with artes that worthy were.

He herde likewyse what store I brought,

Of learned Greekes from Atticke soyle:

And of my laboure learning sought,

With study, trauayle, payne and toyle.

I likewyse heard he buylded here,

Three townes while absent thence was I:

By South he foundid Winchester,

By East he built Cantorbury.

By West full highe he built the last,

On hill from waters deepe belowe:

Calde Shaftesbury on rockes full fast,

It standes and giue to Seas a showe.

These causde we both might well reioyce

He for because I gate such fame:

And I, for that by all mennes voyce,

His factes deseru’de immortall name.

What nedes much talke, the peres and all

The commons eke with one assent:

Extold my name especiall,

Which had my youth in learning spent.

I was receau’de with triumphes great,

With pageauntes in eache towne I past:

And at the court my princely seate,

Was by my fathers ioyned fast.

The nobles then desir’de to haue,

On me their children wayte and tende:

And royall giftes with them me gaue,

As might their powres therto extende.

But here began my cause of care,

As all delightes at length haue ende:

Be mixte with woes our pleasures are,

Amidste my ioyes, I lost a frende.

My father, nyne and twenty yeares,

This time had raignde and held the crowne:

As by your Chronicles appeares,

Whan fates, on vs began to frowne.

For euen amidste his most of ioye,

As youth, and strength and honours fade:

Sore sickenes did him long anoye,

At laste, of life an ende it made.

Then was I chose king of this lande,

And had the crowne as had the rest:

I bare the scepter in my hande,

And sworde that all our foes opprest.

Eke for because the Greekes did vse,

Me well in Grece at Athens late:

I bad those foure I brought to chuse:

A place that I might dedicate

To all the Muses and their artes,

To learnings vse for euermore:

Which when they sought in diuers partes,

At last they found a place therfore.

Amidst the realme it lies welnighe,

As they by art and skill did proue:

An healthfull place not lowe nor highe,

An holsome soyle for their behoue.

With water streames, and springs for welles:

And medowes sweete, and valeyes grene:

And woods, groaues, quarries, al thing else

For studentes weale, or pleasure bene.

When they reported this to me,

They prayde my grace that I would builde,

Them there an Vniuersitie,

The fruites of learning for to yelde.

I buylte the scholes, like Attikes then,

And gaue them landes to maintayne those:

Which were accounted learned men,

And could the groundes of artes disclose.

The towne is called Stamford yet,

There stande the walles vntill this daye:

Foundations eke of scholes I set,

Bide yet (not maintainde) in decaye.

Whereby the lande receauid store,

Of learned clarkes long after that:

But nowe giue eare I tell thee more,

And then my fall, and great mishap.

Because that time Apollo was,

Surmisde the God that gaue vs wit:

I builte his temple braue did passe,

At Troynouant the place is yet.

Some saye I made the batthes at Bathe:

And made therefore two tunnes of brasse:

And other twayne seuen saltes that haue

In them, but these be made of glasse

With sulphur filde, and other things,

Wylde fire, saltgem, salte peter eke:

Salte armoniake, salte Alchime,

Salte commune, and salte Arabecke.

Salte niter mixid with the rest,

In these fowre tunnes by portions right:

Fowre welles to laye them in were dreste,

Wherin they boyle both daye and night.

The water springes them round about,

Doth ryse for aye and boyleth stil:

The tunnes within and eke without,

Do all the welles with vapours fill.

So that the heate and clensing powre,

Of Sulphur and of salts and fyre:

Doth make the bathes eche pointed houre

To helpe the sickly health desyre.

These bathes to soften sinewes haue

Great vertue and to scoure the skin:

From Morphew white and black to saue,

The bodies faint are bathde therein.

For lepry, scabs, and sores are olde,

For scurfes, and botch, and humors fall:

The bathes haue vertues manyfolde,

If God giue grace to cure them all.

The ioyntes are swelde, and hardned milte:

And hardned liuer, palseis paine,

The poxe and itche, if worke thou wilt,

By helpe of God it heales againe.

Shall I renege I made them then?

Shall I denye my cunning founde?

By helpe I had of learned men,

Those worthy welles in gratefull grounde?

I will do so: for God gaue grace,

Whereby I knew what nature wrought:

And lent me lore to finde the place,

By wisedome where those wells I sought.

Which once confest lo here my harme,

Eschewe the like if thou be wyse:

Let neuer will thy wits becharme,

Or make the chaunge of kinde deuise.

For if the fishe would learne to goe,

And leaue to swim against his vre:

When he were quite the waters fro,

He could not swim you may be sure.

Or if the beast would learne to flie,

That had no plumes by nature lent:

And get him wynges as earst did I,

Would not thinke you it him repent?

Though Magike Mathematicall,

Make wooden birdes to flye and soare:

Eke brasen heads that speake they shall,

And promise many marueiles more.

Yet sith it swarues from Nature’s will,

As much as these that I recite:

Refuse the fondnes of such skill,

Doth ay with death the proufe requite.

I deemde I could more soner frame,

My selfe to flye then birdes of wood:

And ment to get eternall fame,

Which I esteemde the greatest good.

I deckt my selfe with plumes and wynges,

As here thou seest in skilfull wise:

And many equall poysing thinges

To ayde my flight, to fall or rise.

Thou thinkste an arte that seldome vsde,

In hand I tooke, and so it was:

But we no daunger then refusde,

So we might bring our feates to passe.

By practise at the length I could,

Gainst store of wynde with ease arise:

And then which way to light I should,

And mount, and turne I did deuise.

Which learned but not perfectly,

Before I had therof the sleight:

I flew aloft but downe fell I,

For want of skill againe to light.

Upon the temple earst I built,

To God Apollo, downe I fell:

In fiters broisde for such a guilt,

A iust reuenge requited well.

For what should I presume so highe,

Against the course of nature quite

To take me wynges and saye to flye,

A foole no fowle in fethers dight.

As learning founds and cunning finds,

To such haue wit the same to vse:

So she confounds, and marres the minds,

Of those her secrets seeme t’abuse.

Well then deserts requirde my fall,

Presumption proude, depriu’de my breath:

Renowne bereft my life and all,

Desire of prayse, procurde my death:

Do let allureing arts alone,

They pleasaunt seeme yet are they vayne:

Amongst an hundreth scarce is one,

Doth ought thereby but labour gayne.

Their cunning castes are crafty cares,

Deuices vayne deuisde by men:

Such witched wiles are Sathans snares,

To traine in fooles, despise them then.

Their wisdome is but wily wit,

Their sagenes is but subtiltie:

Darke dreames deuisde for fooles are fit,

And such as practise pampestry.

Thou seest my fall and eke the cause,

Vnwisely I good giftes abusde:

Lo here the hurt of learned lawes,

If they be wrested or misusde.

Then wryte my story with the rest,

May pleasure when it comes to vewe:

Take heede of counsayles all is best,

Beware, take heede farewell adieu.

Farewell, will students keepe in minde,

οὐκ αρετᾳ κακὰ ἔργα:

Els may they chaunce like fate to finde,

For why, Τοῖς κακοῖς τρὶς κακα.

Τελος.

[409] Sleek. Jamieson.

[410]

The noble higher climes and to the skies

T’advance his name he daily doth deuise. N.

[411] That noble arts in Britain might be taught. N.

[412] Receiu’d both crowne. N.

[413] With right and equitie to rule this land. N.

[414]

Giuing to each such peace as best did fit

Their birth, their wealth, their persons and their wit. N.

[415]

And of my land I gaue the fertil’st partes,

To foster learning and the famous artes. N.

[416] We did in noble science so excell. N.

[417]

————commending vs to skies,

Deeming vs people valiant, learn’d and wise. N.

[418] Niccols to improve the measure made several omissions in the text which are distinguished by inverted brackets.

[419] To deeme as Gods the images of men. N.

[420] By arts I made. N.

[421]

These Tunnes I did essay

To place by arte that they might last of aye. N.

[422] Both. N.

[423] Hard it healeth well. N.

[424] Whence ye haue helpe. N.

[425] Springs vertue take of vaines that they been in. N.

[426]

Fountaines hot and cold,

To heale by them the sicke, both yong and old. N.

[427]

Extols vs to the skies,

We look not downe from whence we first did rise. N.

[428]

Ambition will not wisdome’s counsell brooke,

Pride sets her thoughts on things that vade away,

Forsaken vertue which doth nere decay. N.

[429] We might admire what monsters time did hatch. N.

[430] Surpasse in his degree. N.

[431] As all the rest in wisdome weaker bee. N.

[432] Magicke arte. N.

[433] Which in the end did proue my future ill. N.

[434] Few men did euer vse like enterprise. N.

[435] And turne and winde at last which way I would. N.

[436] And in the fall I lost. N.

[437] This was my race, this was my fatall fall. N.

[438] In their effects they are. N.

[439]

Be wise in artes exceed not wisdome’s bound,

The depth of arte by wit may not be found. N.

[440] That nothing haue yet promise all to you. N.

[441]

All which by nature are abhor’d as euill,

Practisde by fooles, inuented by the diuell. N.

[442]

——Beware of climing high,

Lest that you helpelesse fall, as erst did I. N.

The Authour.

When Bladud thus had ended quite his tale,

And tolde his life as you haue heard before:

He toke his flight, and then a Lady pale

Appeard in sight, beraide with bloudy gore:

In hande a knife of sanguine dye she bore:

And in her breste a wounde was pearced wyde,

So freshly bledde, as if but than she dyde.

She staide a while, her coulour came and went,

And doubtful was that would haue tolde hir paine:

In wofull sort she seemed to lament,

And could not wel her tongue from talke refraine.

For why her griefes vnfolde she would right faine,

Yet bashfull was: at length an ende to make,

Hir Morpheus wild, and then thus wyse she spake.

[443] Cannot still keepe in my counsaile. ed. 1575.

[444] And shew mishaps. ib.

[445] That. ed. 1575.

[446] May keep. ib.

[447] And willing be to flye. ib.

[448] For sith I see thee prest to heare that wilt recorde. ib.

[449] What I Cordila tell. ib.

[450] To thee that giu’st an eare to heare and ready art. ib.

[451] Practisde for to flye and soare. ib.

[452] Who dead his sonne my father. ib.

[453] He had three daughters faire the first hight Gonerell. N.

[454] My sister Ragan. ed. 1575.

[455] And of vs all our father deire in age did dote. ib.

[456] So. ib.

[457] To giue where. ed. 1575.

[458] Had more age. ib.

[459] My prayse t’asswage. ib.

[460] Gainst. ib.

[461] But still. ib.

[462] This stanza follows in the edit. 1575.

Yet nathelesse my father did me not mislike,

But age so simple is and easy to subdue,

As childhode weake thats voide of wit and reason quite;

They thinke thers nought you flatter fainde, but all is true,

Once old and twyse a childe tis said with you,

Which I affirme by proofe that was definde,

In age my father had a childishe minde.

[463] He thought to wed vs vnto nobles three, or peres. ib.

[464] Sent. ib.

[465]

I must assaye and eke your frendships proue.

Now tell me eche how much you do me loue.

ib.

[466] Lou’de him well and more. ib.

[467] Would agayne therefore. ib.

[468]

But not content with this he minded me to proue,

For why he wonted was to loue me wonders wel:

How much dost thou (quoth he) Cordile thy father loue

I wil (sayd I) at once my loue declare and tell:

I lou’de you euer as my father well,

No otherwyse, if more to know you craue:

We loue you chiefly for the goodes you haue.

Thus much I said, the more their flattery to detect

But he me aunswered therunto again with ire,

Because thou dost thy fathers aged yeare neglect.

That lou’de the more of late then thy deserts require,

Thou neuer shalt, to any part aspire

Of this my realme, emong thy sisters twayne,

But euer shalt vndotid ay remayne.

Then to the king of Albany for wife he gaue

My sister Gonerell, the eldest of vs all:

And eke my sister Ragan for Hinnine to haue,

Which then was Prince of Camber and Cornwall:

These after him should haue his kingdome all

Betwene them both, he gaue it franke and free:

But nought at all he gaue of dowry mee.

At last it chaunst the king of Fraunce to here my fame.

My beuty braue was blazed al abrode eche where:

And eke my vertues praisde me to my fathers blame

Did for my sisters flattery me lesse fauour beare.

Which when this worthy king my wrongs did heare,

He sent ambassage likte me more then life,

T’intreate he might me haue to be his wife.

My father was content with all his harte, and sayde,

He gladly should obtaine his whole request at will

Concerning me, if nothing I herin denayde:

But yet he kept by their intisment hatred still,

(Quoth he) your prince his pleasure to fulfill,

I graunt and giue my daughter as you craue:

But nought of me for dowry can she haue.

King Aganippus well a greed to take me so,

Hee deemde that vertue was of dowries all the best

And I contented was to Fraunce my father fro

For to depart, and hoapte t’enioye some greater rest.

I maried was, and then my ioyes encreaste,

A gate more fauoure in this Prince his sight,

Then euer Princesse of a princely wight.

But while that I these ioyes enioyd at home in Fraunce,

My father Leire in Britayne waxed aged olde,

My sisters yet them selues the more aloft t’aduaunce,

Thought well they might, be by his leaue, or sans so bolde:

To take the realme and rule it as they wolde.

They rose as rebels voyde of reason quite,

And they depriu’de him of his crowne and right.

Then they agreed, it should be into partes equall

Deuided: and my father threscore knightes and squires

Should alwayes haue, attending on him still at call.

But in sixe monthes so much encreasid hateful Ires,

That Gonerell denyde all his desires,

So halfe his garde she and her husband refte:

And scarce alowde the other halfe they lefte.

Eke as in Scotlande thus he lay lamenting fates,

When as his daughter so sought all his vtter spoyle,

The meaner vpstart gentles, thought them selues his mates

And betters eke, see here an aged Prince his foyle,

Then was he fayne for succoure his, to toyle,

With all his knightes, to Cornewall there to lye:

In greatest nede his Ragan’s loue to trie.

And when he came to Cornwall, Ragan then with ioye,

Receiu’d him and eke hir husband did the like:

There he abode a yeare and liu’de without anoy,

But then they tooke, all his retinue from him quite

Saue only ten, and shewde him dayly spite,

Which he bewailde complaining durst not striue,

Though in disdayne they last alowde but fiue.

On this he deemde him selfe was far that time vnwyse,

When from his daughter Gonerell to Ragan hee

Departed erste yet eache did him poore king despise:

Wherfore to Scotlande once againe with hir to bee,

And bide he went: but beastly cruell, shee

Bereau’de him of his seruauntes all saue one,

Bad him content him selfe with that or none.

Eke at what time he askte of eache to haue his garde,

To garde his grace where so he walkte or wente:

They calde him doting foole and all his hestes debarde,

Demaunded if with life he could not be contente.

Then he to late his rigour did repente

Gainst me, and sayde, Cordila nowe adieu:

I finde the wordes thou toldste mee to to true.

And to be short, to Fraunce he came alone to mee,

And tolde me how my sisters him our father vsde:

Then I besought my king with teares vpon my knee,

That he would aide my father thus by them misusde,

Who nought at all my humble heste refusde:

But sent to euery coaste of Fraunce for ayde,

Wherwith my father home might be conueide.

The soldiours gathered from eche quarter of the land,

Came at the length to know the king his mind and wil:

Who did commit them to my father’s aged hand,

And I likewise of loue and reuerent mere goodwill

Desirde my king, he would not take it ill,

If I departed for a space withall:

To take a parte, or ease my father’s thrall.

This had: I partid with my father from my fere,

We came to Britayne with our royal campe to fight:

And manly fought so long our enmies vanquisht were

By martial feates, and force by subiects sword and might.

The Brityshe kinges were faine to yelde our right:

And so my father well this realme did guide,

Three yeares in peace and after that he dide.

Then I at Leircester in Ianus temple, made

His tombe, and buried there his kingly regall corse,

As sondry tymes in life before he often bade:

For of our father’s will we then did greatly force,

We had of conscience eke so much remorce,

That we supposde those childrens liues to ill:

Which brake their father’s testament, and will.

[469] Who for I could not flatter did lesse fauour beare. N.

[470] Betwixt their husbands twaine they causde him to agree. N.

[471] Of sixtie Knights that on him should attendant bee. N.

[472] As thus in his distresse he lay lamenting fates. N.

[473] Ill. N.

[474] And I was Queene the kingdoms after stil to holde. ed. 1575.

[475] Becke and bay I wolde. ib.

[476] Two churlishe impes. ib.

[477] This stanza follows in edit. 1575.

The one hight Morgan th’ elder sonne of Gonnerell,

My sister, and that other Conidagus hight.

My sister Ragan’s sonne, that lou’de me neuer well,

Both nephewes mine yet would against mee Cordell fight,

Because I lou’de always that semed right;

Therefore they hated mee and did pursue

Their aunte and Queene as she had bene a jewe.

[478] This Morgane was that time the Prince. ib.

[479] Licence. ed. 1575.

[480] Was euer lady in such wofull wreckfull wo. ib.

[481] Depriu’de. ib.

[482]

When first I left, the crowne of France did me exhalt. ed. 1575.

When friends I left in France that did me first exhalt. N.

[483] This. ed. 1575.

[484] That drawes at length to ende. ib.

[485] As in this pryson. ib.

[486] Vile aliue. N.

[487] Their. ed. 1575.

[488] Carkas on couch of straw. ed. 1575.

[489] A deadly. ib.

[490] i. e. poniards.

[491] Or libertie agayne. ed. 1575.

[492] Get. ib.

[493] My Hope. ib.

[494] Nephewes. ib.

[495] My wofull plight. ed. 1575.

[496] Deadly. ib.

[497] A mortal. ib.

[498] That one. ib.

[499] Nephewes. ed. 1575.

[500] Which I, alasse, lament, bid those aliue beware. ib.

[501]

Their soules to hell, when as they vndertake

To kill a corps, which God did liuely make.

The Authour.

Now when this desperate Queene had ended thus

Hir tale, and told what haplesse grace she had:

As of hir talke some pointes I did discusse,

In slomber faln I waxed wondrous sad,

Hir nephewes dealings were me thought to bad:

Which greu’de me much, but Morpheus had let bee,

And therewithall presented one to mee.

Of stature tall a worthy princely wight,

In countenaunce he seemde yet mourning still;

His complet harnesse not so braue in sight,

Nor sure as ours, made now adayes by skill:

But clampt together, ioynts but ioyned ill:

Vnfit, vnhandsome, heauy, houge, and plaine,

Vnweldy wearing, ratling like a chaine.

Wherthrough he had receu’de a deadly stroake,

By sworde, or other instrument of warre,

And downe his thighes the bloud by sithes did soake

Which I perceiued as he came a farre.

Now sith (quoth he) to heare you present are:

I will declare my name, life, factes and fall,

And therewith thus he gan to tell it all. ed. 1575.

[502] The tale of the gentle Cordelia and her unfortunate and too credulous father is better known from the pages of Shakespeare than those of History. Though in both, if not entirely sprung from, it is enlarged by fable, yet the interest that has been excited by the drama justifies the giving it here from manuscript, in one of its earliest shapes, which as such forms a valuable record.

Of King Leir and of the answere of his yongest daughter that graciously was mariede to the kyng of Fraunce.

After kyng Bladud regned Leir his sone: and this Leir made the toune of Leicestre and lete calle the toune after his name and he gouernede the londe welle and nobly. This kyng Leir had iij doughters the first hight Gonorill, the secund Rigan and the third Cordeill, and the yongest doughter was fairest and best of condicions. The kynge hire fader, become an olde man, and wolde that his doughtres had been maried or that he deide: but first he thought to assaie whiche of ham [them] loued him best and moste, for she that loued him best shuld beste be maried. And he asked of the first doughter how moche sheo [she] him louede? and she answerd and saide, better than hier oune life. Now certes quoth the fader that is a grete loue. Tho [then] axede he of the secunde doughter, hou moche sheo him louede? and sheo said more and passing alle creatures of the world. Ma foy, quath the fader, more may I nought axen. And tho axed he of the thirde doughter, hou moche sheo him louede? Certes fader quoth she, my sustres haue tolde you glosyng wordes, but for suthe I shalle telle you treuthe, for I loue you as moche as I owe to loue my fadere, and for to bryng you more in certeyn howe love goth, I shalle you telle, for as moche as ye be worthe so muche shal ye be louede. The kyng hire fader hadde wente sheo hadde hym scorned and become wonder wrothe and swore be heuen and erthe that she shuld neuer haue good of him: but his doughtres that loued him so moche shuld be welle auaunced and maried. And the first doughter he maried to Mangles kyng of Scotlande and the secunde he maried to Hauemos Erle of Cornewaille and so they ordeynede and speken betwene ham [them] that they shulde departe the reame betwene ham too after the dethe of Leir hire [their] fader. So that Cordeill his yongest doughter shulde no thing haue of his lande. But this Cordeill was wonderous faire and of so good condicions and maners that the kyng of Fraunce Agampe, herde of hire speke and sent to Leir, hire fader, for to haue hire vnto wife and prayed him therof. And kyng Leir hire fader sente him worde that he had departed his londe vnto his two other doughters and saide he hadde no more lande wherewith hire for to marien: And whenne Agampe horde this answere he sente anone ayeyn to Leir and said, that he axid no thyng with hire, but onliche hire clothyng and hire bodie. And anone king Leir hire fader sente hire ouer the see to the kyng of Fraunce and he receyuede hire with mochel worshipp, and with moche solempnite hire spousede and made hire quene of France.

How Kyng Leir was driven oute of his londe thurz his foly and how Cordil his yongest daughter helped him at his nede.

Thus hit felle afterwarde that tho two eldest doughtres wolde nought abide til that Leir hire fader were dede but werred vppon him whiles that he leued and moche sorwe and shame him dede. Wherfore thei benomen him holly the reame and betwene ham had ordeyned that one of ham shulde haue kyng Leir to soiourne all his life tyme with xl [lx] knyghtes and hire squiers, that he myght worshipfully gone and ride whider that he wolde into what contre that him likede to playn and to solacen. So that Managles kyng of Scotland had kyng Leir with him in the maner as is aboue seide and or other halfe yere were passide Corneill [sic] his eldest doughter that was quene of Scotland was so anoyed of him and of his peple that anone he and hire lorde speken togedres. Wherfore his knyghtes and his squyers half frame him were gone and no mo lefte but oneliche xxx. And whenne this was done Leir began for to make moche sorowe, for incheson that his astate was inpeired, and men had of him more scorne and despite thanne euere thei hadde beforne. Wherfore he wiste neuer what to done and atte the laste thought that he wolde wende into Cornewaile to Ragan his other doughter. And whenne he was come there, the Erle and his wife that was Leier’s doughter, him welcomede and with him made muche ioy, and there he dwelled with xxx knyghtes and squyers. And he had dwellede there scarsly tuelf month that his doughter of him nas fulle and of his companye, and hire lorde and shee of him had scorne and despite so that fro xxx knyghtes thei brougten vnto ten and afterwarde five and so there lefte with him no mo. Tho made he sorwe enough and said, sore wepying: allas that euere he come into that lande. And seid yit had me better for to haue dwellede with my ferst doughter. And anone wente thennes a yein to his first doughter: but anone as she sawe him come, she swore be God and his holy names, and be as moche as she myght that he shulde haue no mo with him but on knyght if he wolde there abide. Tho began Leir wepe and made moche sorwe and said, tho allas nou to longe haue I leuede that this sorwe and mischefe is to me nowe falle: for now am I pouer that somtyme was riche but nou haue I no frende ne kyn that me wolle dune eny goode. But whenne that I was riche alle men me honoured and worsheped and now euery man hath of me scorne and despite: And now I wote that Cordeil my yong doughter saide me treuthe whenne she saide as moche as I hadde so moche shulde I bene beloued. And alle the while that I hadde good tho was I beloued and honoured for my richesse: but my two doughteres me glosed tho and now of me thei setten litel price. And sothe [truth] tolde me Cordeil but I wolde nought belyve hit ne vnderstonde: And therefore I lete hire gone fro me as a thing that I sette litel price of and now wote I neuer what for to done sith my ij doughteres haue me thus deceyuede that I so moche louede. And nou mote I nedes sechen hire that is in another lande, tha lightely I lete hire gone fro me with oute eny rewarde of yiftes. And sheo said she loued me as moche as she aught hire fadre by al manere resonn: And tho I shulde haue axed of hire no more, and tho that me otherwise behighten thurgh hire fals speche nou haue me deceyued. In this maner Leir longe tyme him began to make his mone and at the laste he shope him to the see and passed ouer into Fraunce and axede and aspiede where the quene myghten bene founde and men tolde where that she was. And whenne he come to the cite that sheo was inne priuiliche be sente his squyer to the quene to telle here that hire fadere was comen to hier for grete nede. And whenne the squyer come to the quene be tolde hire euere dele of hire sustres fro the beginnyng vnto the ende. Cordeil the quene anone nome gold and siluer grete plente and toke hit to the squier in counsell that he shulde gone into a certeyn citee and him arrayen, bathen, and wesshen, and then come ayein to hire and bringe with him an honest companye of knyghtes, fourty atte the leste with hire mayne: and thanne he shulde sende to hire lorde the kyng and sein that he were comen for to speke with his doughter and him for to seen. And whenne the kyng and the quene herde that he come they hym receyued with mochel honour. The kyng of Fraunce tho lete sende thurgh alle his reame and comanded that al men to him shulde ben entendaunt to Lier the quenes fader in al maner of thing as hit were to himselfe. Whenne Lier hadde duelled their a monthe and more he tolde to the kyng and to the quene his doughter hou his tueyn eldest doughtres had him serued. Agampe anone lete ordeyne a grete hooste of Fraunce and sente hit into Brutaine with Leir, the quenes fader, for to conquere his lande ayein and his kyngdome. And Cordeill also come with hire fader into Brutaine for to haue the reame after heir fadres deth. And anone thei wente to shipp and passede the see and come into Brutaigne and foughten with the felons and ham scomfetede and quelde and Leir tho had his lande ayein and after leued iij yere and helde his reame in pees and afterward deid and Cordeil his doughtere him lete entere with mochel honour at Leycetre.—Whenne that kyng Leir was dede Cordeill his yongeste doughter helde and hadde the lande v yere and in the mene tyme deide here lorde Agampe that was kyng of Fraunce and efter his dethe she lefte wedowe. And tho come Morgan and Conadage, that wer Cordiell sistre sones, and to hire had enuye for as moche that hire aunte shuld haue the lande: so that betwene ham they ordeyned a grete pouer and vppon hire werrede gretely, and neuere they reste til that they hadde here taken and putte hire vnto dethe. M. S. Brute.

[503] Selfe from blame, blame worthy I. ed. 1575.

[504] Am. ib.

[505] Mothers, ed. 1575.

[506] Foe-mens. N.

[507] I deem’d if that I might once put her downe. N.

[508]

By force or fraud I did intend alone,

To sit as King vpon the Britaine throne. N.

[509] Nephewes. ed. 1575.

[510] O caytife vile, that did constraine a Queene. N.

[511] Nay traytour I as nowe by proofe is seene. ed. 1575.

[512] For vengeaunce and at length procurde. ib.

[513] Cunedagius “slough Morgan that was rebel ayanst him in Glamorgan in Wales, and by cause of that happe that countree is called Morgan’s londe.” Polychronicon.

[514] That. N.

[515] The Authour.

With that Morganus quickly past away,

The night me thought likewise was far epast,

Whereby it weried me so long to staye,

But Morpheus bad me bide and see the last,

“(Quoth he) the stories passe awaye as fast,

“As doth the tyme, and sith th’art nigh th’ende:

“Thou nedste not grutche, so short a space to spend.”

And turning then him selfe from me asyde,

He calde the next which therwithall in sight

Appear’d, and all his breste with bloud bedide.

What chaunce (quoth I) hath so thy corps bedight,

Thou worthy prince, or what mishaps of fight?

“I will (quoth he) with all my hart vnfolde

“My fatall fall, and therwithall he tolde.”

[516] This legend is not in the first edition.

[517] Which sought by outrage golden gaines to winne. N.

[518]

A sleepie sicknesse, nam’d the Lethargie,

Opprest me sore till death tooke life away:

This was the guerdon of my gluttonie,

As with the candles light the flie doth play,

Though in the ende it worke her liues decay:

So of the gluttons cup so long I drunke,

Till drown’d in it with shamefull death I sunke. N.

[519] This line omitted by Niccols.

[520] In the first edition this legend is in quatrains.

Forrex declares howe hee minding to kill his brother which ruled with him (that he might therby raigne alone) was by him slain. About the yeare before Christe, 491.

Pride moues the mindes of stately wightes

Such hauty hartes to haue,

And causeth vs for glory vayne,

That is not ours to craue.

Pryde pluckes out reason forth hir place,

And planted will in stede:

She puffes our mindes with vayne desires,

Our fancies fonde to feede.

Wherby we growe so obstinate,

And so ambitious ill:

That vs at length our brauery bids

In all things vse our will.

Ambition thinkes that lawefull is,

Which likes hir fancie best:

And demes she ought to haue hir forth,

And swinge before the rest.

She loues no mates, controlment shee

And warning doth despise:

She demes her selfe in all hir deede

And actions, wonders wise.

She hath desire of this and that,

To get by crouche or clawe:

By right or wrong she forceth not,

She vseth will for lawe.

No kinde, or countrey she regardes,

No mother, father shee:

Nor wyfe, or husbande, kithe or kin:

But enuies eche degree.

For if thy hart Ambition haue,

Thy greedy mynde to still:

Thou wilt not sticke thy dearest frende,

Or nerest kin to kill.

But as the prouerbe sayes that Pryde

Must needes at length haue fall:

Though we suppose of strength and powre

We haue the deuill and all.

Euen so I say: Ambition makes

Vs often clime so hie:

At length we fall, we come to nought,

And drownde in darkenes lye.

This may I Forrex well auouche,

By proufe to true I finde:

Wherefore I praye thee with the rest,

Do put my faultes in mynde.

My father olde, hight Gorboduge,

Raignde three score yeares and three:

And at his death gaue all his lande

Twene Porrex proude and mee.

Fiue yeares we helde it so in peace,

In reste we ruled well:

But at the last by pryde and wrath

We foule at discorde fell.

We eache encrochte on others partes,

For rule we liu’de at strife:

And eache did seeke occasion aye

To reaue the others life.

I made this counte I elder was,

By birth the realme was myne:

By warre, or wrong, or bloud I ment

To haue it all in fine.

And he although he yonger were,

Esteemde his state so sure

As mine: and thought it his, if hee

My death might once procure.

My mother eke that lou’de me more

Although he yonger was:

By diuers meanes did helpe me still

To bring my feates to passe.

Wherby I thought my selfe so sure

To haue my purpose sped,

As I requirde: if once I might

Get of his crafty head.

See here what faith what frendship is,

What loue what fauour wee

Do shewe to any wight aliue,

If once aloft we bee.

To fathers we are faithlesse ofte:

To brothers, butchers vile:

Of sisters small accounte we make,

And wedded wyues exile.

If any kithe, or kin, we haue,

By whom we vantage may:

We care not by what cruell meanes

Their liues we take away.

But for to get the seate alone,

And for to wynne the crowne:

We care not whom, nor when, nor how:

So we may get them downe.

O brutish beasts! nay worse then those,

For they are still content

With that they haue, what euer them

Hath God or Nature sent.

But we do gape, and gaze for glore:

We prowle, and powle, and pill,

And sweare, and stare, and striue, and fight,

And one another kill.

And all for pompe, and glorie great,

For name, renowne, estate:

Not caring of the commons crye,

Or God’s eternall hate.

If I had had the giftes of grace,

I neuer would haue sought

By any meanes such worldly trashe,

With brother’s bloud to bought.

But as I ment euen so I sped,

So bloudy butchers thye:

When moste I deemde my purpose sure,

He was to good for me.

For as I thought his bloud to shed,

I compast was about,

So that for thousand kingdomes, I

Could not with life scape out.

He pearst my hart, what skilles it sith,

My minde was euen as bad:

For why what measure I him mente,

My selfe like measure had.

And so all such, as murder meane,

Intende, or treason vse,

Shall at the length, like ends attayne,

Or worse they cannot chuse.

[521] To tell my storie on the tragicke stage. N.

[522]

I may complaine that felt god Mars his rage,

Alas, that fate to state should be so fell;

Had I been meaner borne I know right well. N.

[523] While that my kingly sire, Gorbodug, raign’d. N.

[524] Not sticke oft times in field to fight. N.

[525]

Into her bowels by the force of hand,

With steele and iron we do dig profound,

Working her woe to make our ioyes abound. N.

[526] If we behold the substance. N.

[527] How he is made of elements. N.

[528] Armie strong for field. N.

[529] Heard the counsell. N.

[530] Hope will slip. N.

[531] Bred. N.

[532] The concluding Alexandrine omitted by Niccolls.

The Authour.

When as king Forrex thus had tolde his tale,

Me thought he stayde no whit but went his way.

Then came a mangled corps as full of bale,

And or he nerer came made half a stay.

(Quoth Morpheus) come, for shame thou nedste not stay,

As bad as thou haue tolde their tales before,

And so must thou and diuers other more.

[533] The life of Porrex was also re-written. It is thus in the first edition.

Porrex recites howe for the slaughter of his brother, he was slaine by his owne mother and hir maydens, as he laye sleeping. About the yeare before Christ, 491.

Genes. 4.

From darkesome dennes, where cruel Cayne,

And other like do lye:

Whose bloudie blades were bathde in bloud,

Poore caytiue thence come I.

Annius.

Where Typhon is, his brother slewe,

Osiris in despite:

And where their sister Isis is,

Did him againe requite.

Virgil. in culi.

Where Dardanus to rule alone

His brother made away:

Etheocles, Polinices,

At once did others sley.

Seruius. 3. Aeneid. Ouid in Ibin.

Where Helenus king Priam’s son

His brother Theon kilde.

Medea eke in bloudy wyse,

Hir brother’s bloud that spilde.

Statius.

Where Tydeus is in hunting shote

His brother through the side:

Polytes eke his brother’s harte

With sworde that opened wyde.

Herodotus. Gel. li. 4. cap. 3.

And where as that Cambyses is,

His sister once that slewe:

And Polipontes king that made,

His brother treason rewe.

And cruell where Odores s,

Which mercy did deny

To Mithridate his brother deare,

That did for pardon crie.

Herodotus.

Eke where Learchus is, that did

His brother sicke destroy:

With poyson deadly hoping so,

To make him selfe a Roy.

Ouid in Ibin.

And where that wretche Mamertes lies,

His brothers sonnes that spilte:

And Sisapho tormenting him,

For such an heynous gilte.

Plutarch. Laert. Volater.

Where Rhesus and Caduidus are,

With shaftes their brethren slewe:

And Philadelphus Ptolomæ

His brother’s death did brewe.

Volater.

Where Philopater Ptolomæ

His father made away

And after that his brother with

His dearest frendes did slay.

Plato. 10. de rep.

And where Ardieus, tyraunt vile,

His aged father stroyde,

And after that his elder brother,

Kingdomes to enioyde.

Cælius.

Where Mithridates, beastly king,

Of Pontus feeles anoye:

Which mother his, and brother eke,

Sixe children did destroye.

Volater.

Where is Antiochus the great,

His brother brought to graue:

That he might onely raigne alone,

And all the kingdome haue.

Liuius. Lucan. Ouid.

Wher Romulus, that Remus slew,

Of Romaines, first had fall:

Though louing brother first he were,

Presumde to scale the wall.

Flores Histor.

And where Mempricius lewde doth lye,

A Britayne Prince that slue,

His brother Manlius fearing lest

He were to him vntrue.

Salust.

Where Iurgurth eke that basterde is,

His brethren brought to graue:

That after them Numidia

He might for kingdome haue.

And where a thousande are beside,

Which were to long to tell,

Their parentes deare and brethren slue,

And now in darkenes dwell.

From thence I came a Britayne yore,

Namde Porrex once a king:

Againe to shewe what vices mee

To sodaine death did bring.

Now list a while and then do write,

What I thee tell, that others may

Themselues in such attempts as these,

From bloudy acts, as brethren stay.

My brother Forrex fiue yeares space,

And I this kingdome helde:

Betweene vs both the common weale,

We scace did wisely welde.

At length we fondly fell at strife,

So Princes bide no mate,

Nor make, nor partners, with to raigne

But beare their equals hate.

The heire because I yongest was,

Thought his by right the crowne:

But I esteemde the halfe was mine,

And all if he were downe.

Whereby, O brothell, butcher eke,

Not brother I did slay:

My brother for to haue it all,

And get his right away.

Such are the acts of heedelesse youthes,

Such are their studies still:

Which care not what offence they make,

So they their fancies fill.

But as it is vniustice, and

An haynous acte to vse:

Such murder, slaughter, parricide

And iustice all refuse.

So Ioue the iust at length requites

Our deedes: and makes vs rewe

We euer were, to God, or man

Or nature’s hestes vntrue.

For when I deemde the crowne was mine,

Which had my brother slayne,

O griefe to tell, my mother, and

Hir maydens wrought my payne.

Both for my fault, and for she lou’de

My brother Forrex still:

With all hir maydes she came by night,

My sleeping corps to kill.

And I that slombring sleeping lay,

Though many dreames fortolde

My haplesse fall, could neuer wake,

The meaning to vnfolde.

But last supposing with my selfe,

I cruell Tigres sawe,

With rauening fearcenes rent their yong,

Against dame Nature’s lawe.

She came on me to fill my dreame,

Before my eyes could wake,

And with a dagger reft my life,

For Forrex slaughter’s sake.

Virgil in Culice.

Much like Agaue and his mates,

Shee and hir maydens got

Them tooles therefore, and hewde my corse,

As small as fleshe to pot.

Ouid. 6. Metamor.

Or Progne Queene hir children slue,

and hewde their membres small:

In wrathfull ire made Tereus feede,

and fil himselfe withall.

Virgil. 8. Aegl.

Or like Medea monster Queene,

hir Iason’s sonnes that kilde:

Because she was forsaken when

his purpose was fulfilde.

Like these was shee, nay worse, for why,

This ended Brutus lyne:

Brought me to ende and hir to shame,

though first the fault were mine.

Bid those beware that weene to winne,

by bloudy acts the crowne:

Lest from the height they feele the fall

of topsy turuye downe.

For if when they suppose themselues

aloft to touch the skie,

There chaunce a storme, there is no holde

to staye themselues so hie.

But faster farre, more swiftly they,

and with more swinge descende,

Then euer erst they could with all

there force to clime contende:

Do bid them then in all their deedes

marke well the finall ende.

[534]

Or Typhon who for state and worldly pelfe,

His deare Osiris. N.

[535] Then to do the like may trie. N.

[536] Orodes slew his brother. N.

[537] So I my brother’s life away did take. N.

[538] Procur’d the slaughter. N.

[539] This. N.

[540] They would not so aspire to Princes place. N.

[541] From bale to blisse and downe from heauen to hell. N.

[542] Touch not the Prince, crowne, scepter, &c. N.

[543] The Authour.

Next after Porrex came an other such,

Had all his body quite in peeces rent:

A desperate man, his life bewayling much:

Which for he seemed sorely to lament,

I was the rather him to heare content:

That I might also note his story here,

From like attempts of vices you to feare.

[Here follows the tragedy of Kimarus, as at p. 208.]

[544] The author has followed the authority of the Polichronicon in making Porrex the survivor. In the chronicle by Harding and other authorities their destiny is reversed; though generally it is stated, that the conqueror obtained the kingdom through the powerful aid of the king of France. Upon the story of these brothers was founded the tragedy of Gorboduc, produced by Norton and Sackvile in 1561, which was one of the earliest legitimate productions of the English drama. The murderous events of their history seem not to have been considered sufficient to maintain the interest of the play, and the traditionary tale was deviated from by making the old king Gorboduc survive his sons, and to fall a sacrifice with the queen, to the rage of the multitude. But this accumulation of horror was in taste with the times, and Sir P. Sidney describes the piece as “full of morality, which it doth most delightfully teach, and thereby obtain the very end of poetry.”

[545] The three formed part of a pentarchy, whereon the chronicles are uniform as to the obscurity.

[546] Not in the first edition.

[547] Right ouerrunnes. N.

[548] After comes. N.

[549] If good be gaine. N.

[550] The grape growes on the vine and not the hop. N.

[551]

Of this now spoken, this would I inferre,

Men may by might a kingdome long withhold

Not due to them: but they far better were

To yeeld vnto the right, what reason would.

Good mettals bides the touch, which tries the gold,

When copper counted counterfeit in cast,

Is deem’d but drosse and called in at last. N.

[552]

I am that Pinnar, who when Brutus blood

Extincted was in bloodie Porrex raigne,

Amongst the Princes in contention stood,

Who in the Britaine throne by right should raigne:

Mongst whom by might a part I did obtaine,

That part of Albion call’d Logria hight,

I did long time vsurpe against all right. N.

[553]

Stater who stept into the Scottish throne,

And Rudacke, that vsurpt the Cambrian crowne,

Their minds to mine did frame and ioyn’d in one,

To keepe the Cornish Prince stout Cloten downe,

Twixt whom and vs in fighting, for renowne

Faire Ladie Albion Europes wondred Ile,

Rob’d of her beautie was, alas the while. N.

[554]

Duke Cloten, though a man of worthie praise,

Who claim’d the crowne as due to him by right:

Could not preuaile till death did end his daies,

His sonne Mulmucius that vndaunted Knight

Pursu’d his fathers claime with all his might,

And meeting vs in many a bloodie field,

At length in manly fight did make vs yeeld. N.

[555]

He Lion-like himselfe with his all troope

Of nimble Cornish met vs on the way,

And to his conquering arme did cause vs stoope,

The price of treason I with blood did pay,

My wrong deem’d right appear’d in my decay.

Who so by violence scales the throne of State,

Seldome sits sure, but falles by violent fate. N.

[556] Not in the first edition. It is scarcely necessary to notice to the reader the change to the anapæstic metre in this short life, which the author has just called “staylesse staggering footed verse.”

[557] Desist not in histories truly to tell. N.

[558] Mirrours. N.

[559] Our souldiers were slaughter’d, or forced to yeeld. N.

[560] Were killed before. N.

[561] Or forced to yeeld, or abandon the coast. N.

[562] Not in the first edition.

[563] Esteem’d. N.

[564] Bladhud’s fond deuice. N.

[565] Adowne. N.

[566] By my mishaps let other men be wise. N.

[567] (For Forrex hight and Porrex both were slayne. N.)

[568] The wors er thereby our faithfull friends were. N.

[569] We do enioy her vaine ioyes. N.

[570] Stand. N.

[571] When I who with others did thinke myselfe sure. N.

[572] Who, when to field our power we did draw. N.

[573] Donwallo with honour. N.

[574] Oppose. N.

[575] Not inserted in the first edition.

[576]

Mulmucius who with conquering blade did free

The Britans troubled state from tyrants vile. N.

[577] With me in Albany to leade a princely life. N.

[578] His eie on Samye’s beautie had so fed. N.

[579] By force of armes to beare the. N.

[580] Erst bene heard mongst wise men sawes. N.

[581]

——the like by strife,

Or make assault by wrong to winne a Prince’s wife. N.

[582]

But on his side the conquest did appear,

I yeelded her. N.

[583] For tribute hostage gaue to Beline ere he past. N.

[584] And why false fortune my attempt did crosse. N.

[585] At seas we met our foes. N.

[586] The. N.

[587] And threatned Beline sore. N.

[588] Then appointed was to take the warre in hand. N.

[589] Whose bounteous grace for aye my loue to him did bind. N.

[590] Rashnes (by proofe I found) incurs the greatest ill. N.

[591] With her his Dukedome. N.

[592] By this you shall defame. N.

[593] Wore. N.

[594] Or force him yeeld.

[595]

By bloodshed they do build and prop their tottering state,

Raigne, liue and die despisde, in never dying hate. N.

[596]

——your force, by discord and by strife,

Distaine your bloods and reaue Corwenna’s of her life. N.

[597] Then let my iust request haue place. N.

[598]

——Pleading for a righteous peace

Aswage the warres which gods commands you to surcease. N.

[599]

——We met, and did imbrace,

All warre was set aside and ladie peace tooke place. N.

[600]

The craggie mountaines that do touch the skies,

With aged heads are euer white with snow,

The seas allow do rore, whence vapours rise,

And from the hilles great streames of waters floe,

The pathes so strict to passe which few do goe. N.

[601] Hang threatning death to them below. N.

[602] The Tuscans as we droue our heards of neat. N.

[603] Frenchmen with vs were. N.

[604] Could not hold vs well. N.

[605]

We raised straight, at Rome we founded loud alarmes,

To wreake reuenge for breach done gainst the law of armes. N.

[606] We came, which we possesse. N.

[607] Paid. N.

[608] Desired peace not daring vs prouoke. N.

[609] Though by the gods. N.

[610] And here he them. N.

[611] Who for a crowne breakes faith, and murders foule commits. N.

[612] He will be. N.

[613]

But from King Ptolomie these newes we heare,

No peace he crau’d, no tribute. N.

[614] Ne friendship crau’d. N.

[615]

Except our weapons laid adowne we should submit,

No arguments of peace he would admit. N.

[616] Quoth he, not lost. N.

[617] Will all dispoiled bee. N.

[618] Without your powerful aides, whose actes the world haue won. N.

[619]

For which the souldiers all did chuse him for their king,

But them as captaine he against their foes would bring. N.

[620] Horse, which made a goodly sight. N.

[621] We wan the fielde in fight, we spoild the land at will. N.

[622] After this battle Beline must be presumed to haue returned to his native land, and many are the notable deeds which he reputedly effected for the weal of Britain. He, “both in ciuile iustice and also religion, as at that time was vsed, encresed his realm, constituting thre Archflamins, whose seas wer at London, York, and Carleon: He finished the foure great waies begun by his father: [Viz. Watling-street, Ikenild-street, the Fosse, and Ermin-street, thus referred to in Camden’s Britannia: 'Some imagine that these ways were made by one Mulmutius, God knows who, many ages before the birth of Christ: but this is so far from finding credit with me that I positively affirm, they were made from time to time by the Romans!’ To return: he] subdued and made tributarie vnto him Denmark. In London he made the hauen which at this day reteineth the name of him, called Belines-gate: and as master Leiland writeth (whose labour and industrie, in most diligent serchyng out the antiquities of this realm, is greatly to be commended) builded the tower of London. He maried his daughter Cambra vnto a prince of Almain called Antenor, of whom those people were called Cimbri and Sycambri. Finally after he had reigned with his brother and alone 26 yeres he died, and after the pagan maner with great pompe was burned.” Lanquet.

[623] On high his temple. N.

[624] With gifts of gold. N.

[625] Brenne ouercame the Macedones with their Duke Sosteme, and after spoyled their goddes and their temples, and sayde in myrth, riche Goddes must geue to men some of their riches. Grafton.

[626] Brought both far and wide. N.

[627] No foes to doubt. N.

[628] Could since be made. N.

[629] One that cride, one cride. N.

[630] T’erect a temple. N.

[631] Was spread a wondrous fame. N.

[632] The answere of deluding sprites the priests do show. N.

[633] The gold of kings and iewels rich were there. N.

[634] Run that doubtfull are. N.

[635] Then. N.

[636] Was with gold so inricht. N.

[637] Courage good nought feare I bid. N.

[638] With Delphos spoile. N.

[639] Stout Euridane and Thessalone I did assay. N.

[640] Did prouide defence. N.

[641] Their foes in face. N.

[642]

The Greekes in villages to make them trip

Intreated them to make. N.

[643] Our foes scarce fourteene. N.

[644] Statures all of gold. N.

[645] Stood faire golden. N.

[646] For here the God Apolloe’s pride. N.

[647] Surmounts all Greece beside. N.

[648] Ouerborne. N.

[649] The principal events of this long life of Brennus are also recorded by Grafton and Harding, or may be found in the amusing and copious relation of Fabian. The supernatural discomfiture of his army and occasion of his death is thus related in the Polychronicon. “Efte Brennius tourned agayn oute of the eest countrees: And efte ouercome the Macedoyns and theyr duck Sosten, and spoyled goddes and temples and sayde meryly, that ryche goddes muste gyue men somwhat of her rychesse. Also he spoyled Appolyn Delphicus temple in the hylle mount Pernasus. There men of the countrey prayde helpe of her God, and sodaynly the erthe began to shake and a grete parte of the hylle felle vpon the hooste of Galles; and haylestones slough that other dele. The duc Brennius for sore of his woundes myght not endure, and therefore he slough himself with a sharpe swerde. No man shal wonder though Appolyn toke wreche of hem that spoyled the goddes and the temples: for God suffred Appolyn destroye many nacions by cause of theyr trespaas and euyl lyuyng and dedes. For it is certayn that spirites of the ayer may vse her shrewdnes in them that be mysbyleuyd and euyll of dedes: For grace is wythdrawe from suche maner men and euyl of spirytes haue leue graunted to noye them and to greue them.”

[650] Declare what good. N.

[651] No kingly state. N.

[652] Lofty. ed. 1575.

[653] Sith vertue. ib.

[654] Such praise that all the world giue them applause. N.

[655] “Marcia was right connynge and conde many maner craftes, she made the lawe called Marcene lawe.” Polychronicon.

[656] Or shall I saye, Kimarus I was king. ed. 1575.

[657] Praise the men that vertuous bin. N.

[658] Purpose I to passe did meane to bring. N.

[659] Of Kimarus “there is nothing written, but that he was a wilde and wanton Prince, geuen to all pleasure and pastime, and reigned but thre yeres, beyng slain of his aduersaries as he was a hunting.” Grafton.

[660] The Authoure.

On this Kimarus left me all alone,

And so did Morpheus, then I thought to reste:

But yet againe he came presenting one,

For audience likewise making his requeste,

A worthy prince, he ware a warlike creste:

A blade in hande, he bloudy rusty bore,

Was all his harnesse from his shoulders tore.

His armes and handes were all embrued in bloud,

So was his breste, but all the rest beside

Seemde rayde with matter vyle, or slimy mud,

With red and yelowe as it were bedide:

You scarcely could the sight therof abide:

Yet sith he seemde some worthy wight to be,

It brought by farre lesse squemishnes to me.

[661] Which I do beare. N.

[662] I the dreadfull monster slew. N.

[663] On whom long time did. N.

[664] Till on her wheele’s steepe top she did me bring. N.

[665] Subiected thoughts doth wicked pride suppresse. N.

[666] Without all law as was my lawlesse life. N.

[667] Whom. ed. 1575.

[668]

By strokes to find a passage to his life,

But now I found in vaine was all my strife. N.

[669] From scales. ed. 1575.

[670] Seazed. N.

[671] Vs. N.

[672] This fable of the monster is repeated with little if any variation by most writers. “As he (Morindus) wente vppon a tyme by the see side, he mette a grete beste that was blak and horrible, and hidous: and wente that hit had bene a whale of the see: And bente an arweblaste and wolde haue slayn that beste with a quarell, but he myght nought smyte hit. And when he hade shote alle his quarell, the beste anone come to hym in grete haste, and him deuourede alyue, and so he deide.” M. S. Brute.

[673]

—— an haplesse falle,

Or God’s reuenge, example take by mee,

And let my death sufficient warning bee. ed. 1575.

The Authoure.

I could not thus departe to take my reste,

For Morpheus bad me byde and heare the last.

(Quoth he) behinde as yet, is one the beste:

“Do stay a whyle, giue eare till he be past,

“And therewithall approtched one full fast,

The worthiest wight I euer erste did see”:

These wordes he spake, or like it seemed mee.

[674] Not in the first edition.

[675] Except the rest of Britaine princes should. N.

[676] The chronicles say six or seuen years, and deposed for his tyranny.

[677] To yex, to have the hiccough. Johnson.

[678] Not in the first edition.

[679] An unwilling dolt.

[680]

A drunken sot whose faltering feete do slip,

Must pardon craue, his tongue in talke will trip. N.

[681] Erynnys, i. e. the goddesses that were to search into those men who had committed heinous offences: their names are Megæra, Tisiphone, and Alecto.

[682] Chaung’d in me. N.

[683] Sow, a great lump of melted iron or lead. Bailey.

[684] Not in the first edition.

[685] Also prosper. N.

[686] Yet doth stand. N.

[687] Their. N.

[688] With those that will. N.

[689] Doth spoile the corps. N.

[690] Weaker force to. N.

[691] The like examples. N.

[692] Neuerthelesse. N.

[693] This censure was probably from the circumstance of the deeds and name of Nennius being omitted in the Polychronicon, and by Fabian, Lanquet, Rastell, and Stowe.

[694]

As on such tyrants who as bloodie foes,

Vnto their countrey wrought such deadly woes. N.

[695] As for myselfe I doe not. N.

[696] That to the dead these moderne writers doe. N.

[697] Any one of yore. N.

[698] Both tall forraine force in fight. N.

[699] Of their foes may haue. N.

[700] Place height Ely of his name. N. Some, as Camden observes, derive the name of Ely “from Helig, a British word signifying willows or sallows, which it bears in abundance; and indeed they are the only thriving trees here.” Camden’s Britannia.

[701] This stanza omitted by Niccols.

[702] Lanquet, Stowe, Grafton, Flores Histor. Margin of ed. 1575.

[703]

——as stories tell,

And fame did beare his name both wide and far. N.

[704] Enlargde them made with. ed. 1575.

[705] Sic. Strong. N.

[706] A place for gates to keepe. ed. 1575.

[707] Foemen. N.

[708] The. ed. 1575.

[709]

——these letters he did frame,

Brought by ambassadours which hither came. N.

[710] Pledges. ed. 1575.

[711] This. N.

[712] Require. ed. 1575.

[713] No doubt the Romaines more then half were mad. ed. 1575.

[714] Ile to mee. N.

[715] He fully straight decreed. ed. 1575.

[716] Therefore. ib.

[717] The Britaines eke prepar’d themselues. N.

[718] They. N.

[719] Wee Britaynes then farre deemde. ed. 1575.

[720] To meete him first. ib.

[721] Giue an entry here. ib.

[722] Here. ib.

[723] The enemies t’aband. N.

[724] Straunger. ed. 1575.

[725] Sought the noble Britaines. N.

[726] Not looke on mee. ed. 1575.

[727] The ancient stories. N.

[728] I had. N.

[729] My case haue tride. ed. 1575.

[730] Wounded in fight. N.

[731] Romaines stout their courage lose. N.

[732] A. ed. 1575.

[733] “Upon land Cæsar’s horsemen at the first encounter were vanquished, and Laberius Durus the tribune slaine, in a place now called Cheston wood neare vnto Rochester, as saieth the Chronicle of Wigmore.” Stowe.

[734] Make thee mendes. ib.

[735] Friendship.

[736] For. ib.

[737] “The same [British] historie also maketh mention of one Belinus that was generall of Cassibellane’s armie, and likewise of Nenius brother to Cassibellane, who in fight happened to get Cesar’s swoord fastened in his shield by a blow which Cesar stroke at him. Androgeus also and Tenancius were at the battell in aid of Cassibellane. But Nenius died within 15 daies after the battell of the hurt receiued at Cesar’s hand, although after he was so hurt, he slue Labienus one of the Romane tribunes: all which may well be true, sith Cesar either maketh the best of things for his owne honour, or else coueting to write but commentaries maketh no account to declare the needeful circumstances, or any more of the matter, than the chiefe points of his dealing.” Holinshed.

[738] Behofe. ed. 1575.

[739] The first eight stanzas of the “L’enuoy” form the like number commencing “the Author” in the edition of 1575.

[740] He vanisht with so sweete an heauenly smell. ib.

[741] Me seemde the. ib.

[742] With. ed. 1575.

[743] And mazed. ib.

[744] Which graunted, al they vanisht. ed. 1575.

[745]

On this in traunce I lay me thought a while

And musde reioysing. ib.

[746] Knight. ib.

[747] Playne. ib.

[748] Whose vertues so did passe. ib.

[749] As. ib.

[750] Deseruede. ib.

[751] So. ib.

[752] And let your. ib.

[753] The remainder of “the Authour” from the first edition.

But let me nowe retourne againe to tell,

What after this, me chaunst to see and heare.

I trust yee Readers like my dealing well,

In promise that I made, this later yeare.

For sure I thinke, a man farre better were

Not speaks at all, to promese hilles of gold,

And in performance, waxe as key full colde.

I saide (if God sent time, and space therfore)

Ye should receaue from mee (as leysure came)

Of these my simple toyles, a greater store,

And partly you perceaue, how I performe the same.

Such workes, as this my simple muse can frame,

(With all my harte and minde) you freely haue:

As free, as God these giftes me frely gaue.

Wherefore giue eare, now harken well to this:

As to these tunes, I gaue me thought some heede,

In doubte if sences led my mynde amisse,

Or whether [Greek: pathos] me with toyes did feede.

What doth (said Morpheus) now this musing nede?

Art thou so farre orewatcht, thy wittes the fayle?

Or els do fancies more then wit preuayle?

Not so (quoth I) though far the night be past,

And yet me thinkes, I could be well content

To leaue them so (if this were now the last)

So thou therto and Somnus sweete consent:

This noble Nennius well the time hath spent.

I would haue staide, if he had spoken more:

’Twas his departure, troubled me so sore.

(Quoth he) thou must a whyle yet longer byde:

In fewe he shall declare, how he hath sped

That commes. And euen with that I lookt aside,

And sawe a coarse approache without a head.

What now (quoth I) though erste (by thee) the dead

Were causde to speake, declaring all their will,

Yet speach of headlesse men doth passe my skill.

With that gan Morpheus touch him with his mace,

And sodainly an head, on shoulders pight.

For lacke of vse, he could not turne his face,

Or else had Morpheus scarcely set it right.

He had forgotten eke, to turne his sight:

But still he stode his face to set awrye,

And wappering turnid vp his white of eye.

As t’were a dead man, reared vp an end,

Deuoyde of life, and yet a feeling had:

His lippes lay open, grimly ofte hee grend:

With hollowe eyes, full oft he frowned sad,

And bent his browes, and lookte as he were mad:

I sawe not in my life, I thinke his pere:

Nor shall not, if I liue this hundred yeare.

At length he tryde, which way to tell his mynde:

Yet how to speake his tonge had quite forgotte:

Each instrument forgotten had his kinde,

That erste could run at randon and by roate,

But then me thought, with fist his brest hee smote,

The other hande his musing browes did holde:

And as awakte (at laste) this tale he tolde.

[754] Daunce. N.

[755] As. ed. 1575.

[756] Their. ib.

[757] Insteede of cheese to fill thy chaps with chalke. ed. 1575.

[758]

I will be briefe and truly tell thee all

The cause why I from graue do now appeare. N.

[759]

Let who so stands trust to a stedfast hold,

If stedfast hold he thinke that he may find,

Presume not on thy strength, nay yet be bold

On Fortune’s gifts, nay let her guide thy mind

In hope of hap, for she is counted blind. N.

[760]

So bad but we it frame. N.

[761] To done. ed. 1575.

[762] Nephewe. ib.

[763] For feates in armes, for fauour, and for fame. N.

[764] Nephew, ed. 1575.

[765] No, no, be sure. ib.

[766] How seeming friends did prooue my chiefest foes. N.

[767] As. N.

[768] That. N.

[769] Quoth we, by thee did all these Britaines die. N.

[770] Yet darst not. ed. 1575.

[771] Their wounds in flight all scattered. N.

[772] Tongues ioy to light could bring. N.

[773] Our king. N.

[774] Therewith for battaile bent as mad. N.

[775] Our foes foule flight. N.

[776] Seemely there but swordes in sight. ed. 1575.

[777] And men lesse deem’d do giue the conquering stroke. N.

[778] (And turneys.) ed. 1575.

[779] The stanza thus altered by Niccols.

A solemne iusts proclaimed was for those,

Who would to win renowne their valour trie,

Where th’earle of London’s cosin did expose

Himselfe to purchase praise, against whom I

To win the prize did all my powers applie:

But fatall was the scope I did intend,

Th’effects bewray’d my folly in the end.

[780] Fawting eye. ed. 1575. i. e. favouring eye. Their former friendly eie. N.

[781] Their foes to feare. N.

[782] Friends worse then forren. N.

[783] That fall at oddes for fond vaine glorie’s sake. N.

[784] That. ed. 1575.

[785] Wise before it be to late. ed. 1575.

[786] Did foule display. ed. 1575.

[787] He me. ib.

[788] Mens. N.

[789] The common rout. N.

[790] Made my foes to stare. N.

[791] Nothing lesse. ed. 1575.

[792] Not be well therwith. ib.

[793] But rather therfore beare. ed. 1575.

[794] Here the following stanzas occur in the first edition.

To which he aunswerd as despite had spoke,

With hasty wordes and tauntes of hygher peres.

I list not any iote (quoth he) reuoke,

Of that is sayd, ne darste thou for thine eares

(What euer lookes in place thy fauters beares)

Alone to mete me in the field to fraye.

But I may hap (by chaunce) to finde the day,

Wherein thou shalt not beare the price away.

As for the king we doubte if he be heyre,

The kingdome is the Earle of London’s right,

And though that he the prince his person beare

(In his nonage) he ought not reue it quyte,

Ne shall he stay mee if I mynde to fighte.

Then where thou speakst (quoth he) of princes peace,

And wouldst me warne, from furder dealing seace:

Thou better were (perhaps) to holde thy peace.

On which I playnly sayde, highe treason t’was,

So much to speake, against our soueraigne Lorde:

Quoth I, the boundes of modestie you passe,

That dare your case with prince his right accorde:

Your betters would far better wordes auorde,

And you perhaps your selfe so stoute that showe

Which make as though you sought his ouerthrowe,

Shall shortly more his grace his pleasure knowe.

[795] And. ed. 1575.

[796]

Thyselfe a traytour rather semest right,

That darste presume amongst thy betters so. ib.

[797] I raught to him. ib.

[798] My frendes likewyse could. ib.

[799] They drew. ib.

[800] We freshly. ib.

[801] They. ed. 1575.

[802] Was. ib.

[803] They. ib.

[804] Wherfore they layde about them francke. ib.

[805] Knight. ib.

[806] Several of the early historians concur in representing that this improvident quarrell, and unexpected rencounter, first enabled Cæsar to establish his landing in Britain, from the assistance afterwards given him by the Earl of London. The following is one of the briefest of the statements:—“It befell thus vpon a day that the gentylmen of the kynge’s housholde and the gentylmen of the Erle’s housholde of London after meet, went togyder for to play. And thrugh debate that arose ymonge them Enelin, that was the Erle’s cosyn of London, slewe Irenglas that was the kynge’s cosyn. Wherfore the kynge swore that Enelyn sholde be hanged. But the Erle of London, that was Enelin’s lorde, wolde not suffer hym. Wherfore the kynge was greatly wroth and vexed towarde the Erle and thought hym to dystroye. And pryuely the Erle sende letters to Julius Cezar, that he sholde come into this lande for to helpe hym, and hym auenge vpon the kynge, and he wolde helpe hym with al his myght. And whan the emperour herde these tydynges he was full glad, and ordeyned a stronge power, and came agayne the thyrde tyme into this lande, and the Erle of London helped hym with viii M. men. And at the thyrde tyme was Cassybolon ouercome and dyscomfyted, and made peas to the Emperour for thre thousande pounde of syluer, yeldynge by yere for truage for this lande for euermore.” Chron. of St. Albans.

[807] Oh that my friend of yore. N.

[808] The edition of 1575 finishes with the life of Lord Irenglas, which Higgins calls the FIRST PART in his concluding lines of

The Author.

With that (me thought) he vanisht quite away:

And I was come to end my worke at last:

Not minding longer on the which to staye,

My penne did trudge to wryte these verses fast.

I trust sith once, they haue the Printer past

That went before: these fragmentes come behinde,

Shall of the Readers, likewyse fauour finde.

So of my first part here I make an ende,

The Seconde parte which I haue now to fyle

Doth call me hence, from these to those to wende:

In which if God send grace to guyde my style,

I shall (I trust) and that in shorter whyle,

Againe retourne, to Printer’s presse with those:

Which shal likewise, their fight and falles disclose.

Till then farewell a thousand times to thee,

Which takst in hand this booke to shun the ill,

That was the fall of these describde by mee,

And haste to mende their faultes a firme good will,

I wishe thy health, increase of vertu still,

Adieu, farewell, I haue but this to say,

God send vs both his heauenly grace for aye.

I. Higgins.

[809] Surely. N.

[810] In brief. N.

[811] Aurelia faire. N.

[812] Morall discipline instruct. N.

[813]

——and write the truth,

Of all my noble actions from my youth. N.

[814] The divorce of Henry VIIIth from Q. Katherine is undoubtedly here alluded to by the poet.

[815] That wrought his swift decay. N.

[816] The valiant Galles. N.

[817] Nations which were whilome. N.

[818] My famous warres. N.

[819] Each. N.

[820] That eke. N.

[821] Haue in field of Romane. N.

[822] Both stout. N.

[823] Went. N.

[824] Shippes againe: a wondrous thing. N.

[825] Where hauens be. N

[826] “The Brytons had pyght sharpe stakes in the ryuer of Tamyse there Julius hadde landed, the stakes were grete, shapen as a manne’s thygh and sette about with lede as it is yet seen.” Polychronicon.

[827] When many diu’d the deepe before the land wee won. N.

[828] Being hardly. N.

[829] Come the following yeare. N.

[830] So stubburne. N.

[831] By our power bee ruled. N.

[832] For our second flight with sports. N.

[833] Neither best appeares. N.

[834] Elenine was stout, for. N.

[835] Vntill at length in fight hight Irenglas was slaine. N.

[836] Before the iudge doe doome. N.

[837] To me in France. N.

[838] He also Sceua sent for pledge. N.

[839] His losse in doubtfull war. N.

[840] His people’s base reuoult he chiefly did deplore. N.

[841] I after sent. N.

[842] The warlike Galles. N.

[843] I led my conquering host. N.

[844] But from. N.

[845] Slaine in fight, or more. N.

[846] But either fell in fight, or from the field did flie. N.

[847] For all our. N.

[848]

——and sonnes by myght did oft assaye,

When he was done to death. N.

[849] Of cunning skill. N.

[850] He wins immortall fame, thrice blessed is the crowne. N.

[851] The. N.

[852] Was alone. N.

[853] Sole to be. N.

[854] Me many secret. N.

[855] Soueraigne sway. N.

[856] My ruin and decay. N.

[857] Could no thing in state determin’d bee. N.

[858] Enui’d at me that. N.

[859] As hautie Cassius. N.

[860] The chiefest crime. N.

[861] Dispatch and death. N.

[862] Mine acts, my raigne, and. N.

[863] Yet. N.

[864] Fatall tombe. N.

[865] Without the guide of man. N.

[866] A little wren. N.

[867] My fall in slumber, I. N.

[868] Was from earth and. N.

[869] Hand in hand I thought I walkt with. N.

[870] Make me much that morning to mislike. N.

[871] Can void death’s dart when he doth strike. N.

[872] Seekes his life for to betray? N.

[873] Traytor bloodie Brutus. N.

[874] At last I went and there did meet vntimely fate. N.

[875] To senate as I went behold a Roman stood. N.

[876] Euery traytours name. N.

[877] Sought to spill my blood. N.

[878] Presently decreed to execute. N.

[879] I blind wretch supposde. N.

[880] My vnhappie hand. N.

[881] For which I lost my life, as you shall vnderstand. N.

[882] Diuinings true I then did. N.

[883] To warne me of my death the priest did seeke in vaine. N.

[884] I gaue. N.

[885] My cruell foes. N.

[886] Beset me round about. N.

[887] Perceiu’d my death’s approching sting. N.

[888]

Yee princes all and noble men beware of pride,

Wracke not the Commonwealth for wealthie kingdome’s sake;

Be warn’d by me that set myselfe the world to guide,

Beware what bloodie warres for rule you vndertake:

Ere three and twentie wounds had made my heart to quake,

How many thousands fell from Pompeyes pride and mine?

How many valiant Knights did loued life resigne? N.

[889] Themselues againe for griefe. N.

[890] For they would neuer yeeld though I did them subdue. N.

[891] Some trauail’d farre away. N.

[892] Loth to stay and see. N.

[893] Swift. N.

[894] On Aphrike’s coasts, and Asia. N.

[895] Also knew. N.

[896] Was nought but glorie. N.

[897] Rule 'mongst men aboue. N.

[898] In mind of. N.

[899] So oft addrest. N.

[900] I iustly deeme. N.

[901] Wounds this sentence long hath stood. N.

[902] Of. N.

[903] All men that in affaires themselues imploy. N.

[904] Doe. N.

[905] But first vnto Augustus what befell.

[906] I was both vnto warre. N.

[907] The Romanes heapt on me all worldly blisse. N.

[908] Best 'mongst them. N.

[909] But otherwise then I had thought it fell. N.

[910] About that time did. N.

[911] Loe now when as the Hebrewes. N.

[912] Fiends. N.

[913] All men called. N.

[914] The priests in enuie brought him vnto me. N.

[915] Wisard ’gainst. N.

[916] Which I belieuing whipt him. N.

[917] They kept three daies with souldiers stout: yet he. N.

[918] Which wheu they heard, they. N.

[919] Say, his corpes was stolne away. N.

[920]

—they money taken had;

I write the truth, if any otherwise

Do bring report, account it but vain lies. N.

[921] Punish. N.

[922] To their accusers threaten. N.

[923] I eke Germanicus with poyson slew. N.

[924] But mine owne selfe who did abuse my place. N.

[925] Caligula at last did poyson me. N.

[926]

In throne on earth a prince as God doth sit,

And as a God no iustice should omit. N.

[927] Of foul lust incest. N.

[928]

Which mine owne seruants loathing at the last,

With their owne hands my timelesse death did hast. N.

[929] The princely rote no tyrant thoughts can hide. N.

[930]

Guiderius was my name, the sonne of yore,

Of noble Cimbaline, and after king:

The Romane tribute I would pay no more. N.

[931]

I stoutly did deny what they did claime,

Though many counseld me to yeeld the same. N.

[932]

By force and fraude proud Cæsar heere did raigne,

But now by might my right I would maintaine. N.

[933]

Amongst his men, a Captaine stout he had,

With whom in fight I made my party good;

Hamonius men him cal’d, who for his blade

In single fight so often I withstood:

At last did worke a wile to shed my blood. N.

[934]

He marcht with vs as he a friend had been,

And when we came to fight he shew’d a face

Of comfort and bold courage ’gainst his men:

And when they fled, and we pursu’d the chace,

Pursue (quoth he) the Romans flie apace,

In British tongue he cride, they flie, they flie,

Our hostages had taught him so to crie. N.

[935] His. N.

[936]

Thus by deceits my life hee did confound,

Of my decay this was the fatall ground:

Which thou must pen that I a miror be,

For men to shun the sleights of trecherie. N.

[937] The Cronycle of Englande, and also Gaufride, say that in the hoost of the Romaynes was a Capitayne named Hame or Hamon, the whiche entendyge hurte & destruccyon of the Brytons, chaunged his shelde or Armure and dydde vpon hym the armoure of a Brytayne, and by that meane as a Bryton mysclad, he entred into the thyckest of the hoost, and lastly vnto the place where as kynge Guyderius faught, and shortly after slewe the kynge. But Aruiragus seynge this sodayne myschyef, to the ende that the Brytons shulde nat gyue backe, he hastely causyd hymselfe to be armyd with the cognisaunce of the kynge, and so for kynge contynued the fyght with suche manhode that the romaynes were put to flyght.—Aruiragas, brother to Guyderius, before slayne, wes ordeyned kynge of Brytons, in the yere of our Lord xliiii. This in the Englysshe booke is named Armager, the whiche, as there is shewed, well and knyghtley maynteyned the warre agayne the Romaynes, and after slewe the forenamed Hamo nere vnto an Hauen or port of the see, and hym, so slayne, threwe Gobet meale into the same see. For this skyll was this Hauen longe tyme called Hamon’s Hauen, which at this daye is called Southampton. Fabian.

[938] By treason vile deserues a shrowding sheete of shame. N.

[939] So well they say, I thinke. N.

[940] Tell thee heere what. N.

[941] Expresse the madnesse of my mind. N.

[942] But also me in ire a monster. N.

[943] Nor fully compleat fram’d. N.

[944] Oft in anger me defam’d. N.

[945] Blood and high descent was. N.

[946] The supreame throne. N.

[947] The bloodie Senate. N.

[948] Determining in minde t’ abolish. N.

[949] Ancient linage. N.

[950] They could, they thought. N.

[951] But still by our proud raigne were. N.

[952] I myselfe had hid. N.

[953] Loe from a place obscure. N.

[954] Forth, by force. N.

[955] I seem’d in heart. N.

[956]

Eke t’ obtaine th’ Emperiall place,

Whereby the warriers stout were vnto me inclin’de,

Supposing I was meeke, and of a gentle mind. N.

[957] The wilie wolfe that seekes to slay the silly sheepe. N.

[958] Oft times to beare. N.

[959] The craftie fox likewise would. N.

[960] If that he do perceiue the mastiue lying by. N.

[961] The Crocodile in Nile will faine. N.

[962] Wolfe, foxe, and Crocodile. N.

[963] Could wisely faine. N.

[964] Charge forme too great. N.

[965] Well in mind I wist. N.

[966] Not me by force thereof defeate. N.

[967] They had no power to stay me. N.

[968] But after I was thron’d, I gaue. N.

[969] To sport, and bellie chere. N.

[970] And foolish fearefull. N.

[971] Who Messalina hight. N.

[972] The cuckold’s horne. N.

[973] They did seeme t’ abhor the fact. N.

[974] Or if that men with her adulterate would not be. N.

[975] Some famous crime. N.

[976] For which not they. N.

[977] My houshold seruants were prefer’d in place by me. N.

[978] Her for to be. N.

[979] No more with women for to wed. N.

[980] My vicious wiues. N.

[981] Whoredome vile to violate my bed.

[982] But blind at length with folly from my vow I fled. N.

[983] And Agrippina hight, my. N.

[984] And lothsome sinne. N.

[985] Riot, drinking, cards and dice. N.

[986] Skilfull was by practise growne therein. N.

[987] That I of dicing arte did write a worke. N.

[988] May full well declare. N.

[989]

Growne old in all my deeds, so credulous was I.

That in each doubtfull place I had some secret spie. N.

[990] So bloodie was I growne, that euery light offence. N.

[991] Cause enough. N.

[992] I so forgetfull was, and such. N.

[993] I would enquire for those that causde my former griefe. N.

[994] For Messalina faire, of late. N.

[995] Others dead I would enquire again. N.

[996] As I in rage before commanded to be slaine. N.

[997] I fondly did extoll. N.

[998] Adorning their degrees with titles. N.

[999] Euen such as seruants were and seru’d. N.

[1000] Amongst the ancient men in senate often sate. N.

[1001] For which the Romans me vnto the death did hate. N.

[1002] Cruell deeds and beastly. N.

[1003] That I their prince were dead. N.

[1004] My Agrippina perswaded me t’adopt her hopefull sonne. N.

[1005] That after my decease the. N.

[1006] When too soone at length. N.

[1007] Her vniust request. N.

[1008] The deadly poyson. N.

[1009] Whereof at last I di’d. N.

[1010] Which as a mirour heere to thee I do commend. N.

[1011] My mother Agrippine so wrought for me. N.

[1012] One man had me for bride and for bride-wife. N.

[1013] Of all they had. N.

[1014] With life to scape. N.

[1015] Waues. N.

[1016] Experience and the prouerbs. N.

[1017] Each tide his flowe. N.

[1018] Went for to destroy. N.

[1019] Mine outrage they no longer could endure. N.

[1020] To saue my selfe away by night I steale. N.

[1021] Which in the ditches stanke. N.

[1022] At my request my friend would me not kill. N.

[1023] Yet. N.

[1024] So mine owne sword I ran quite through my hart. N.

[1025] Euill. N.

[1026] I sought by death to post proud Nero hence. N.

[1027] Although his vice were made the chiefe pretence. N.

[1028] A thing indeed that. N.

[1029] In purple gore oft yeeldes like gainfull good. N.

[1030] The wolfe of wolfe no friendship doth refuse. N.

[1031] The crafty foxe the foxe for friend doth chuse. N.

[1032] As well the shape as qualities of minde. N.

[1033] One loues soft musick and sweet melodie. N.

[1034] For Neroe’s crue. N.

[1035] With. N.

[1036] To seeke reuenge for Neroe’s death. N.

[1037] Souldiers all I. N.

[1038]

I cast about and many waies did trie

With prudent fore cast to preuent all ill. N.

[1039] Bereft. N.

[1040] Fortune was wont in state to lift her children high. N.

[1041] Fall adowne againe. N.

[1042] Those that haue renowne. N.

[1043] Amongst the states of men, best is the meaner sort. N.

[1044] A mightie man doe. N.

[1045]

And yet with men as great doe daily liue in strife,

His pleasure is but paine, and all his ioy but griefe:

When we not with our own contented can abide,

With auarice we clime, but fall againe with pride. N.

[1046] I came, had won before. N.

[1047] In fruitfull Westmerlande. N.

[1048] Londricus “landed with a great nauy in the prouince of Albania, now called Scotland, and there vnmercifully he began to spoyle the country, with sworde and fire: whereof when Marius was warned, he in all haste assembled his knightes and people, and made towardes them, and gaue them a strong battaile, in the which Londricus was slaine, and a great part of his people ouerthrowne. In the remembraunce of which victorie, King Marius caused a great stone to be erected, and commaunded therein to be grauen these woordes, Marii Victoria, that is, the victory of Marius. This battaile, as the English Chronicle sayth, was foughten at a place which is called Stanes Moore. But wheresoeuer this stone is set, the countrie thereabout was long after called Westmarie, and is nowe called Westmerland.” Grafton.

[1049] As she before had done. N.

[1050] The certaine truth. N.

[1051] By Fortune false with death so dearely bought. N.

[1052] She sometimes sets vp. N.

[1053]

As I that thought this land from Britaines to regaine,

In field with all my Picts were vanquished and slaine. N.

[1054] Their happie fate. N.

[1055] For vnto change of chaunce subiected is their state. N.

[1056] She enriched well. N.

[1057] And vnresisted to. N.

[1058] Take. N.

[1059] Against the law of arms. N.

[1060] Fit we found to worke our harmes. N.

[1061] King Artebane we did subdue in fight. N.

[1062] Slew his men that did with stand. N.

[1063] Mappes. N.

[1064] Rome honour’d mee. N.

[1065] Geta far more mild. N.

[1066] To rule my sonnes, I was vnblest. N.

[1067] Despite, and auarice. N.

[1068] Be. N.

[1069] My. N.

[1070] Probably a line of this stanza was dropt at the press.

[1071] My wicked children sought my death. N.

[1072]

That by my death the empire he might sway,

T’obtaine the same he often gaue th’assay. N.

[1073] To Britaine ouer seas from Rome went I. N.

[1074] And tame the stout that tribute did denie. N.

[1075] So in throne to raigne. N.

[1076] Reape our tribute. N.

[1077] In league with them. N.

[1078] I made edict. N.

[1079] Sixe score miles and twelue. There was some error of the press in this number. According to Lanquet, it should be five score and twelve, while the Polychronicon, which appears to be the poet’s authority, says, “he made a walle in Brytayne that stretcheth six score myle and tweyne vnto the see.”

[1080] Fulgentius stout without delay. N.

[1081] To Scythia sail’d, and there his chance did tell. N.

[1082] And with an host of Picts. N.

[1083] And vnsure. N.

[1084] A wall an hundred mile. N.

[1085] Our ancient race (as I can shew with skill.) N.

[1086] Ioue’s. N.

[1087] Their foule sin. N.

[1088]

As God did make the zones hot, milde, and cold,

So did he make like men the same to hold. N.

[1089] Is no fit clime, whence man should. N.

[1090] As they do vse. N.

[1091] But of proud Rome’s Seuerus. N.

[1092] Made to keepe me out. N.

[1093] And taking land. N.

[1094] The cries and shouts of men to skies resound. N.

[1095] I made my way. N.

[1096] Where with my Picts the Parthique I did stay. N.

[1097]

For as I conquest sought,

With my life blood the conquest deare was bought. N.

[1098] Gifts. N.

[1099] Do. N.

[1100] Germanie. N.

[1101] I fauour had, and liu’d belou’d alway. N.

[1102] Appointed it my right. N.

[1103] Iustice had from N.

[1104] But gaue an end to causes. N.

[1105] Le stories tell if I do faine in this. N.

[1106] In warres as stout, but. N.

[1107] I not opprest the weaker sort. N.

[1108] Pleasure all, both. N.

[1109] But brother’s treason caused all our ill. N.

[1110] Hight Antonine. N.

[1111] Was, as may appeare. N.

[1112] To kill. N.

[1113] That so by them his sire might poisoned bee. N.

[1114] This when our sire Seuerus wist and saw. N.

[1115] That bloodie beast was bent. N.

[1116] Perswading vs true concord for to hold. N.

[1117] Oft. N.

[1118] T’enlarge his power for th’empire him addrest. N.

[1119] Pursuing warre: neere Yorke. N.

[1120] I was foretold my life. N.

[1121] Apart from his, that did my death deuise. N.

[1122] My seruants were allur’d. N.

[1123] By poison to procure my life’s decay. N.

[1124]

Because they would not to his will be wrought,

To bring them vnto death he daily sought. N.

[1125] In danger I was forst. N.

[1126] Not long to wrecke. N.

[1127]

That in the euen he came to spill my blood,

As I vnarmed with my mother stood. N.

[1128] She him besought. N.

[1129] Fates. N.

[1130] Antonine that wretch. N.

[1131] Now maist thou deeme. N.

[1132] He to his sire of sonnes was most vnkind. N.

[1133] What monster wrought his faithfull friends such woe. N.

[1134] Throng.

[1135] Their deathes my wicked heart could glad. N.

[1136] And some who did my trecherie disclose. N.

[1137] All my friends I sought to make. N.

[1138] To forsake. N.

[1139] To which in shew I granted N.

[1140] Perceiue then one alone. N.

[1141] I said, I should by foes be forc’d to die. N.

[1142] All resorted to my tent. N.

[1143] Our foe is slaine. N.

[1144] I promist if the soldiers me would saue. N.

[1145] Should haue. N.

[1146] At large in that one day. N.

[1147] Seuerus treasure I did make away. N.

[1148] The souldiers all perceiuing well my mind. N.

[1149] By them the Emperour. N.

[1150] Ill. N.

[1151] My brother’s house and fame I did deface. N.

[1152] Coach. N.

[1153] Cau’lling. N.

[1154] So that few men. N.

[1155] Could with like strength such weightie burthens beare. N.

[1156] With eie to view. N.

[1157] Giue her me to wife. N.

[1158] To vse their hand. N.

[1159] The king scarse scap’d. N.

[1160] Of all wise men. N.

[1161] What he did write againe. N.

[1162] To campe. N.

[1163] The sword at length shall iustly shed his bloud. N.

[1164] There are some lines by Turbervile, entitled: 'The author here declareth why he wrote these histories, and forewente the translation of the learned poet, Lucan.’

[1165] This seems as if Blenerhasset thought Lord Buckhurst and Sackville different persons!

[1166] Neither the printer’s address, author’s epistle, or any of the prose inductions, are inserted in the edition of 1610.

[1167] Not in the edition 1610; Higgins having inserted a life of Guidericus among the additions to Part I. after the appearance of the above by Blener-Hasset. See p. 286.

[1168] How Carassvs a hvsbandman’s sonne, and after King of Britaine, was slaine in battell by Alectus a Roman, Anno Dom. 293. N.

[1169] Picts. N.

[1170] And did so far preuaile. N.

[1171] To bring the barbarous Picts. N.

[1172] of th’ armed Picts. N.

[1173] Rome. N.

[1174] The Picts preuented of their wished pray. N.

[1175] For his gray grotes. N.

[1176] The end of th’act. N.

[1177] Bred such sterne debate. N.

[1178] Our author, in the Epistle to his Friend, (see p. 350,) describes himself to have been “altogether destitute” of books, and that his memory and invention, or diligence, were forced to supply the place of chronicles. Any attempt, therefore, to trace the supposed authorities seems useless if not irrelevant; and where errors of fact are discovered they must probably be considered excusable, from the peculiar disadvantages under which the work was composed. Thus the beauty of queen Helena, her piety, skill in music, and knowledge of the liberal arts, added to the presumption of her having founded seventy colleges, too firmly established her fame to make it doubtful that the remembrance of her might be “smothered with oblivion.” (See the Chronicle of St. Alban’s, Geoffery of Monmouth, Grafton, &c.) Neither is the “little report of the chronicles,” in another respect, inconsequential. Several of them agree in her having, at an advanced period of life, at the instigation of her son Constantine the great, travelled to Jerusalem for the purpose of seeking for the HOLY CROSS, and having fortunately discovered it. And hence is supposed to originate the name of St. Helena in the Roman Calendar, and the festival held May the third, called “the Invention of the Cross.” Later writers have placed the birth-place of Saint Helena in Bythinia.

[1179] How Qveene Helena of Britaine married Constantivs the Emperour, and much aduanced the Christian faith through the whole world, An. Dom. 289. N.

[1180] So. N.

[1181] They. N.

[1182] Heere at your commaund. N.

[1183] Grace. N.

[1184] Shape. N.

[1185] Misprint for land. It was not altered by Niccols.

[1186] A. N.

[1187] Anno Dom. 446. N.

[1188] Hauens some with forewinds haue. N.

[1189] Choakt. N.

[1190] One. N.

[1191] One. N.

[1192] The barbarous Picts, with speede themselues addrest. N.

[1193] Picts. N.

[1194] The poet has studiously avoided naming the young and beautiful Rowena, and has also neglected, or forgot, to avail himself of depicting the amusing incident of her introducing the wassail bowl, though repeated in several of the chronicles. The following description is from one of the earliest authorities. “And whenne nyghte come, that the kyng shude gone into his chambre, for to take ther his nyghtes reste, Ronewen, that was Engestis doughter, come with a coupe of golde in here hande, and knelede before the kyng, and said to him: “Whatsail.” And the kyng wiste nought what it was to mene, ne what he shulde answere: for as moche as him selfe, ne none of his brutons, yette couthe none englisshe speke, ne vnderstonde hit, but speken tho that same langage that brutons yet done: na the lees a latymere tolde the kyng the ful vnderstandyng ther of whatsaill; and that that other shulde answere: “Drynk, haill.” And that was the firste tyme that “whatsaill,” and “drinke haill,” comen vp in this lande; and frame that tyme into this tyme hit hath bene wel vsede. The kyng Vortiger sawe the fairenesse of Ronewenne, and his armes laide aboute hire nek, and thrise swetely he kissed hire; and anone right he was anamerede of hire, and he desirede to haue hire to his wife, and axede of Engeste hire fadere, and Engeste grauntede, vpon this couenaunt, that the kyng shulde yeue him all the cuntre of Kente that he myght dwelle in and alle his peple. The kyng him graunted preuely with a good wille. And anone after he spousede the damysell that was moche confusion to himselfe: and therfore all the brutons becomen so wrothe for encheson that he had spousede a woman of mysbileue wherfore thai wente alle fro him and no thing to him toke kepe, ne helpe him in thinges that he hadd to done.” MS. Brute.

[1195] Queene. N.

[1196] Sic.

[1197] Bereaue vs of. N.

[1198] How Vter Pendragon was inamovred on the wife of Gorolus Duke of Cornewall, whom he slew, and after was poisoned by the Saxons, Anno Dom. 500.

[1199] That wounds my fame, which now too late I rew. N.

[1200] There in the church. N.

[1201] Misprint for Cirens. Syrens. N.

[1202] Ut sup. Syrens. N.

[1203] I learn’d with losse of my renowne at last. N.

[1204] Like basiliske doth spoile the gazing wight. N.

[1205] I sent the duke away to warres in haste. N.

[1206] This stanza wants the fifth line in the original edition.

[1207] Niccols substituted the following lines in place of the eighteenth and nineteenth stanzas.

[Vnconquered beautie whence had’st thou that power

To make stout Vter stoope to his owne shame,

That neuer stoopt to foes? why for that flower

Of sweete delight in Igren, that faire dame,

Did I forgoe the golden flower of fame?

Victorious beautie and base yeelding lust

Did cast great Vter’s conquests in the dust.

Yet no such blame as writers do record

Do I deserue for this vnhappie deed

Proud Gorolus, the bright-cheekt Igren’s lord,

Receiu’d no wrong but his owne merits meed,

When in the field I made his heart to bleed,

If thoughts of treason merit death and shame,

His trecherous deeds did well deserue the same.

His gracelesse treason he in act did show,

For when I sent him to Nathaliod hight,

In bloodie field against the Saxon foe,

He swolne in heart with enuie and despight

Of his associates good, did leaue the fight,

And leauing stout Nathaliod for a pray

Vnto the foes, from field he fled away.

By which enforc’d I was with Mars to rise

From Venus’ bed, and arme me for the field,

Where like a storme in thunder clad from skies,

Vpon my foes I fell, they could not shield

Themselues from death, few scap’t that did not yeeld:

Occa and Ossa both I downe did bring,

And led them captiue like a conquering king.

Againe I then gan thinke vpon my loue,

Vpon mine Igren deare, against whose lord

I finding cause, for that he late did proue

Faithlesse to me, did with my lust accord

’Gainst him, as ’gainst my foe to draw my sword,

Whom by his castle called Dunilioc,

I slew with blade in battailes bloodie stroke.

Then did I take mine Igren as mine owne

And crown’d her queene in my emperiall chaire,

On whom great Arthur I begot anone:

And after him my Anna hight the faire,

In seeming blisse I long liu’d void of care,

For thrice nine yeares with Igren I did raigne,

And ’gainst the Saxons did my state maintaine.

But for the rape of Gorolus his wife,

The heauens did powre down vengeance on my head,

I by vntimely death did end my life,

My sad soule hence enforc’d by poison fled,

By Saxons wrought, who often wish’d me dead,

And left behind for all my deeds of fame

Iust cause for writers’ pens to speake my shame.] N.

[1208] How Cadwallader the last king of the Britaines was expelled by the Saxons, went to Rome, and there liued in a religious house. N.

[1209] Grizlie. N.

[1210] And the Medes. N.

[1211] Misprinted “farce,” ed. 1578.

[1212] Misprinted “doth dayly dothe,” 1578.

[1213] How Sigebert for his wicked life was thrust from his throne, and miserablie slaine by a heardsman. Anno Dom. 755.

[1214] Leache, ed. 1578.

[1215] Mine. N.

[1216] Misprinted “would haue drownde,” ed. 1578.

[1217] Truth. N.

[1218] My poorer soule who drownd doth death request. N.

[1219] Lamenting. N.

[1220] And night the earth did with her darkenesse vaile. N.

[1221] O wicked deed, may. N.

[1222] Or. N.

[1223] Anno Dom. 870. N.

[1224] An. 870. Saint Ebbe, Abbesse of Coldingham, vi miles north from Berwike, cut off her nose and vpperlip, and perswaded all her sisters to do the like, that they being odible to the Danes, might the better keepe their virginity; in despite whereof the Danes burned the abbey and the nuns therein. Stowe.

[1225] The complaint of Alurede, or Alfred, is omitted by Niccols.

[1226] “Aluredus was fayre of shappe, and more loued of fader and moder than his other bretheren, and dwellyd in his fader’s courte to the yere of his age twelue, and was not yet lettred. Yet after that the chylde lerned ryght well and helde Saxon poesye in mynde.” Polychronicon.

[1227] “Guttrun, kynge of Danes, was crystned, and twenty of the grettest that were wyth hym, the whyche kynge Alfredus receyued of the colde water, and yaue him a name, and callyd hym Adelstan. Therfore to kyng Guttrun, that we calle Gurmundus, were yeuen the prouynces of Eest Angles, and of Northumberlonde, for to dwelle ynne. But for the blewe man chaungeth not lyghtly his skynne. This Guttrun destroyed the londes wyth tyrannye and wyth pryde enleuen yere and dyede the twellyfth yere. The other Danys that wolde not be crysten wente in to Fraunce.” Polychronicon.

[1228] Stowe describes him as a “victorious prince, the studious prouider for widowes, orphanes, and poore people, most perfect in Saxon poetrie, most liberall, endued with wisedome, fortitude, iustice, and temperance, the most patient bearer of sicknesse, wherewith he was dailie vexed, a most discrete searcher of trueth in executing iudgement, and a most vigilant and deuout prince in the seruice of God.” Chronicle.

[1229] Sic.

[1230] “He auentred hym to translate the sawtre into Englissh, but he translated vnneth the fyrste parte before his deth. Whan he come to age and wolde stable his herte and his thought in goddes heestes, and lechery of his flesshe greuyd hym and lette hym ofte tyme, therfore to putte awaye temptacyon of flesshely lykynge, he wente and vysyted ofte temples of hooly sayntes erly and late, and at cokkes crowynge, and prayed God that he wolde chastyse his flesshe with suche a sekenes that he shold not be vnprouffytable to wordly dedes, and that he myght the more frely serue God Almyghty. At Godde’s ordenaunce he hadde many yere the euyll called Fycus.” Polychronicon.

[1231] “He established good lawes, by the which he brought so great a quietnesse to the country, that men might haue hanged golden bracelets and iewels, where the waies parted, and no man durst touch them for feare of the lawe. He caried euer the psalter in his bosome, that when he had any leasure he might read it ouer with diligence.” Stowe.

[1232] “This Alured regnede xxx yeere and a good kyng had bene and wel couthe chastise his enemyes for he was a good clerk and lete make meney bokes and oo[one] boke he made of Englisshe of auentures of kynges and of batailes that hadde bene done in the londe and many other bokes of gestes he lete ham write that were of grete wisdome and of good lernyng thurz whiche bokes meny men may hamamende that wille ham rede and vppon loke: vppon whos soule Almighti God haue mercy and this kyng Alured lith atte Wynchestre.” MS. Brute.

[1233] Anno Dom. 1016. N.

[1234] Doe. N.

[1235] My mind enclined to ill, did spoile my hart. N.

[1236] “Egelredus, Edgar’s sone bigoten on his seconde wyfe Elfrytha, was made kyng after his elder broder Edwarde, at Kyngeston. He was a fayr knyghte and a louely. Eyghte and thyrty yere he byseged the kyngdome more verely than ruled it: for the cours of his lyfe was cruell and vngracyous in the begynnynge, wretched in the myddyll, and fowle in the ende.” Polychronicon.

[1237] In all impietie. N.

[1238] All, my foes the dreadfull Danes. N.

[1239] “The Danes came in to euery hauen of Englonde, so that me wyst not where me myght mete hem. Therfore men myghte not putt hem away wyth yren and put hem away wyth syluer. And payed hem the fyrst yere x. M. li. by counseyle of Sirycus that was archbysshop next after Dunstan. And the second yere xvi. M. li. the thyrd yere xx. M. li. the fourth yere xxiiii. M. li. the fifth yere xxx. M. li. at last xl. M. li. tyll all the money faylled.” Polychronicon.

[1240] Sure a footing. N.

[1241] Will bring thy fomen downe. N.

[1242] “Etheldrede, kyng of Englande, toke to wife Emma, the sister of Richard Duke of Normandie: which for her beautie was called the flower of Normandie. Anno 998.” Lanquet.

[1243] “Egelrede, king of England, being greatly enhanced in his own mind, for the mariage of the duke’s sister of Normandy, sent forth into all partes of his realm secret and straict commissions, charging the rulers, that vpon a certain daye and houre assigned, the Danes (which proudly vsed gret crueltie in the land) shold be sodeinly slaine. And so was it done, which thing was after cause of great miserie.” Lanquet.

[1244] Did here. N.

[1245] “In processe of tyme the Danys were voyded the lande. This worde lorde Dane was, in dyrision and despyte of the Danys, tourned by the Englysshemen into a name of opprobrie, and called Lurdayn, whiche, to our dayes, is nat forgoten; but whan one Englisshe man woll rebuke an other, he woll, for the more rebuke, call hym Lurdayn.” Fabyan.

[1246] How Edricvs Earle of Mercia, destroyed the valiant king Edmvnd Ironside, in hope of aduancement, and how he was rewarded, Anno Dom. 1018. N.

[1247] “This Edmunde Irensides and Knoughte [Canute] werred strongely togedres, but at the laste thei were acorded in this maner that thei shulde departe the reaume betuene ham, and so thei deden: and after thei becomen sworn brotherne and so wel loueden togedere as thei hadde be bretherne geten of o [one] bodie and o [one] moder borne.” M. S. Brute.

[1248] The manner of Edrith effecting his treachery is variously related. In the MS. Brute he is said to have invited the monarch to a banquet, “and whenne nyghte come that he shulde gone to bedde the kyng toke his owene mayne and wente into a chambre, and as he lokede aboute he sawe a wondere faire ymage and wel made and in semblant as hit were an archere with a bowe bente in his hande, and in the bowe a fyne arwe. Kyng Edmunde wente tho nere to beholde hit bettere what it might bene, and a none as his honde touchede the arwe anone the arwe him smote thrugh the bodie and ther slough the kyng; for that engine was made to quelle his owene lorde treytoursly.” M. S. Brute.

[1249] Hent. N.

[1250] How king Harold raigning bvt nine moneths, had continuall warre with the Danes, with the Norway king, with his brother Tostivs, and was at last slaine in battell by William the Conqueror, An. Dom. 1095. N.

[1251]

My men of warre were mustred out of hand,

But all my haste was then of none auaile:

My brother Tostius with his rebell band,

In euery place my subiects did assaile,

And euery where did cause their hearts to quaile:

Whose wretched state from farther spoile to shield,

I by my power did force him flie the field.

He fled to Norway whence a cloud did rise

That did obscure the shine of my content,

When loe the Norman duke did then deuise,

If I to yeeld my scepter would assent,

For which betwixt vs to and fro there went

Despightfull letters, which I will recite,

Wherein he claimes, and I defend my right. N.

[1252] Be. N

[1253] Thence. N.

[1254] Tostius. N.

[1255] My. N.

[1256] I arm’d in haste all danger to auoid. N.

[1257] Tostius. N.

[1258] Earles had in the north destroy’d. N.

[1259] My wounded men were wearie. N.

[1260] Know the plot where he his campe. N.

[1261] I with loude voice to them these words did say. N.

[1262] Your king. N.

[1263] Might then preuaile. N.

[1264] Prefer, N.

[1265] Smart. N.

[1266] Ill. N.

[1267] Sustain’d, and felt that pinching paine. N.

1.	Tresilian	by	Ferrers.
2.	Two Mortimers		Cavyll.
3.	Gloucester		Ferrers.
4.	Norfolk		Chaloner.
5.	Richard II.		Ferrers.
6.	Owen Glendour		Phaer.
7.	Northumberland		*Baldwin.
8.	Cambridge		Baldwin.
9.	Salisbury		*Baldwin.
10.	James I.		Baldwin.
11.	Suffolk		Baldwin.
12.	Jack Cade		*Baldwin.
13.	Yorke		*Baldwin.
14.	Clifford		*Baldwin.
15.	Worcester		*Baldwin.
16.	Warwick		*Baldwin.
17.	Henry VI.[22]		*Baldwin.
18.	Clarence		Baldwin.
19.	Edward IV.		Skelton.

20.	Rivers	by	Baldwin.
21.	Hastings		Dolman.
	Induction		Sackville.
22.	Buckingham		Sackville.
23.	Collingborn		Baldwin.
24.	Richard III.		Segar.
25.	Jane Shore		Churchyard.
26.	Somerset		*Baldwin.
27.	The Blacksmith		Cavyll.

28.	Dame Eleanor Cobham, Duchess of Gloucester.	Ferrers.
29.	Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester.	Ferrers.

18.	Jago.	30.	Hamo.
19.	Pinnar.	31.	Drusus.
20.	Stater.	32.	Domitius.
21.	Rudache.	33.	Galba.
22.	Brennus.	34.	Otho.
23.	Emerianus.	35.	Vitellius.
24.	Chirinnus.	36.	Londricus.
25.	Varianvs.	37.	Severus.
26.	Caesar.	38.	Frelgentius.
27.	Nero.	39.	Geta.
28.	Caligula.	40.	Caracella.
29.	Guiderius.

1.	Albanact.	21.	Emerianus.
2.	Humber.	22.	Chirinnus.
3.	Locrinus.	23.	Varianus.
4.	Elstride.	24.	Nennius.
5.	Sabrine.	25.	Irenglass.
6.	Madan.	26.	Cæsar.
7.	Malin.	27.	Nero.
8.	Mempricius.	28.	Caligula.
9.	Bladud.	29.	Guiderius.
10.	Cordila.	30.	Homo.
11.	Morgan.	31.	Drusus.
12.	Jago.	32.	Domitius.
13.	Forrex.	33.	Galba.
14.	Porrex.[Pg xxxiv]	34.	Otho.
15.	Pinnar.	35.	Vitellius.
16.	Stater.	36.	Londricus.
17.	Rudacke.	37.	Severus.
18.	Brennus.	38.	Fulgentius.
19.	Kimarus.	39.	Geta.
20.	Morindus.	40.	Caracalla.

1.	Guidericus.	7.	Sigebert.
2.	Carassus.	8.	Lady Ebbe.
3.	Hellina.	9.	Alurede.
4.	Vortiger.	10.	Egelrede.
5.	Pengragon.	11.	Edricus.
6.	Cadwallader.	12.	Harold.

30.	Burdet. Higgins.	32.	Flodden Field. Dingley.
31.	James IV.	33.	Wolsey. Churchyard.

1.	Arthur.	6.	K. Richard I.
2.	Edmund Ironside.	7.	K. John.
3.	Alfred.	8.	K. Edward II.
4.	Godwin.	9.	K. Edward V. and brother.
5.	Robert Curthose.	10.	K. Richard III.

*1.	Guiderinas.	7.	Sigebert.
2.	Carassus.[35]	8.	Ebbe.
3.	Hellina.	*9.	Alurede.
4.	Vortiger.	10.	Egelrede.
5.	Pendragon.	11.	Edricus.
6.	Cadwallader.	12.	Harold.

1.	Tresilian	Ferrers.[36]
2.	Two Mortimers	Cavyll.[37]
3.	Gloucester	Ferrers.
4.	Norfolk	Chaloner.[38][Pg xxxvii]
5.	Richard II.	Ferrers.
6.	Glendour	Phaer.[39][Pg xxxviii]
7.	Northumberland	Baldwin.[40]
8.	Cambridge	Baldwin.[Pg xxxix]
9.	Salisbury.	Baldwin.
10.	*James I.	Baldwin.
11.	Duchess of Gloucester	Ferrers.
12.	Duke of Gloucester	Ferrers.
13.	Suffolk	Baldwin.
14.	Jack Cade	Baldwin.
15.	Somerset	Ferrers.
16.	Yorke	Baldwin.
17.	Clifford	Baldwin.
18.	Worcester	Baldwin.
19.	Warwick	Baldwin.
20.	Henry VIth	Baldwin.
21.	Clarence	Baldwin.[Pg xl]
22.	Edward IVth	Skelton.[41]
23.	Rivers	Baldwin.
24.	Hastings	Dolman.[42]
	Induction	Sackville.[43][Pg xli]
25.	Buckingham	Sackville.
26.	Collingborn	Baldwin.[Pg xlii]
27.	*Richard III.	Segar.[46]
28.	The Blacksmith	Cavyll.[Pg xliii]
29.	Burdet	Higgins.
30.	*James IV.	Anonymous.[Pg xliv]
31.	*Floddon Field	Dingley.[47]
32.	Jane Shore	Churchyard.[48]
33.	Wolsey	Churchyard.
34.	Lord Cromwell	Drayton.[49]

PART I.
Dedication to the nobility, &c. John Higgins	Page 3
Address to the Reader from first edition. John Higgins	7
Preface from ed. 1587. John Higgins	11
To the Reader from ed. 1587. Thomas Newton	13
The Author’s Induction, 1575-8. John Higgins	15
LEGENDS.
1 How King Albanact the yongest son of Brutus, and first King of Albany (now called Scotland) was slaine by King Humber. Ant. C. 1085. John Higgins	21
2 How Humber the King of Hunnes minding to conquer Britaine was drowned in the arme of sea now called Humber. Ant. C. 1085. Higgins	47
3 How King Locrinus the eldest sonne of Brutus liued vitiously, and was slaine in battaile by his wyfe Queene Guendoline. Ant. C. 1064. Higgins	53
4 How Queene Elstride the Concubine, and second Wife, of King Locrinus, was miserably drowned by Queene Guendoline. Ant. C. 1064. Higgins	62
5 How the Lady Sabrine, daughter of King Locrinus and Elstride, was drowned by Queen Guendoline. Ant. C. 1064. Higgins	77
6 How King Madan for his euill life was slayne by wolues. Ant. C. 1009. Higgins	86
7 How King Malin was slayne by his brother King Mempricius. Ant. C. 1009. Higgins	92
8 How King Mempricius giuen all to lust, was deuoured by wolues. Ant. C. 989. Higgins	98
9 How King Bladud taking on him to fly, fell vpon the Temple of Apollo, and brake his necke. Ant. C. 844. Higgins	106[Pg xlviii]
10 How Queene Cordila in dispaire slew her selfe. Ant. C. 800. Higgins	123
11 How King Morgan of Albany was slayne at Glamorgan in Wales. Ant. C. 760. Higgins	143
12 How King Iago dyed of the Lethargie. Ant. C. 612. Higgins	149
13 How King Forrex was slayne by his brother King Porrex. Ant. C. 491. Higgins	153
14 How King Porrex which slewe his brother, was slaine by his owne mother and hir maydens. Ant. C. 491. Higgins	163
15 How King Pinnar was slain in battayle by Mulmucius Donwallo. Ant. C. 441. Higgins	172
16 How King Stater of Scotland was slayne by Mulmucius Donwallo. Ant. C. 441. Higgins	175
17 How King Rudacke of Wales was slayne by Mulmucius Donwallo. Ant. C. 441. Higgins	178
18 How the noble King Brennus after many triumphant victories, at the seege of Delphos in Greece slewe himselfe. Ant. C. 375. Higgins	183
19 How King Kimarus was deuoured by wilde beastes. Ant. C. 321. Higgins	208
20 How King Morindus was deuoured by a monster. Ant. C. 303. Higgins	213
21 How King Emerianus for his tirany was deposed. Ant. C. 235 Higgins	220
22 How King Chirinnus giuen to dronkennesse, raygned but one yeare. Ant. C. 137. Higgins	222
23 How King Varianus gaue himselfe to the lustes of the flesh. Ant. C. 136. Higgins	226
24 How the worthie Britaine Duke Nennius, as a valiaunt soldier and faithfull subiecte, encountred with Iulius Cæsar, and was by him death wounded. Ant. C. 52. Higgins	230
25 How the Lord Irenglas cosen to King Cassibellane, was slayne by the Lord Elimine cosen to Androgeus Earle of London. Ant. C. 51. Higgins	246
26 How Caius Iulius Cæsar, which first made this Realme tributorie to the Romans, was slaine in the Senate house. Higgins	260[Pg xlix]
27 How Claudius Tiberius Nero Emperour of Rome, was poysoned by Caius Caligula. A. D. 39. Higgins	276
28 How Caius Cæsar Caligula Emperour of Rome, was slayne by Cherea and others. A. D. 42. Higgins	283
29 How Guiderius King of Britayne and the elder sonne of Cimbaline, was slayne in battayle by a Romayne. A. D. 44-46. Higgins	286
30 How Lelius Hamo the Romayne Captayne was slayne after the slaughter of Guiderius. A. D. 46. Higgins	289
31 How Claudius Tiberius Drusus Emperour of Rome, was poysoned by his wife Agrippina. A. D. 56. Higgins	291
32 How the Emperour Domitius Nero liued wickedly and tyrannously, and in the end miserably slewe himselfe. A. D. 70. Higgins	296
33 How Sergius Galba the Emperour of Rome (gieuen to slaughter, ambition, & glotony) was slayne by the souldiers. A. D. 71. Higgins	301
34 How the vicious Siluius Otho, Emperour of Rome, slew himselfe. A. D. 71. Higgins	304
35 How Aulus Vitellius Emperour of Rome, came to an infortunate end. A. D. 71. Higgins	307
36 How Londricus the Pict was slayne by King Marius of Britaine. A. D. 80. Higgins	310
37 How Seuerus the Emperour of Rome and Gouernour of Britayne was slaine at Yorke, fighting against the Picts. A. D. 206-13. Higgins	313
38 How Fulgentius a Scythian, or Pict, was slayne at the seege of Yorke. A. D. 206-13. Higgins	320
39 How Geta the yonger sonne of the Emperour Seuerus once Gouernour of Britayne, was slayne in his mother’s armes, by his brother Antonine Emperour of Rome. A. D. 214. Higgins	325
40 How Aurelius Antonius Bassianus Caracalla Emperour of Rome, was slayne by one of his owne seruauntes. A. D. 209. Higgins	330[Pg l]
PART II
The Printer’s Advertisement	347
The Authour’s Epistle. Blenerhasset	348
The Induction. Blenerhasset	353
LEGENDS.
41 How Guidericus refused to paye tribute vnto Claudius Cæsar: how he subdued Galba: how hee became desirous to winne all the worlde: spoyled France, Germany, and a great part of Italy: and lastly how hee was miserably slayne in a tempest of Thunder. Blenerhasset	355
42 How Carrassus a Husbandman’s son, slewe Lodrike the King of the Pictes, and howe the Emperour made him a captayne. Then howe he obtayned the Britayne crowne and how suspition brought him to decay. A. D. 293. Blenerhasset	369
43 How Queene Helena was Empresse of all the world. A. D. 289. Blenerhasset	384
44 How Vortiger destroyed the young King Constantine, and howe he obtyned the crowne: & how after many miseries he was miserably burnt in his Castle by the brethren of Constantine. A. D. 446. Blenerhasset	396
45 How Vter Pendragon was inamoured with Duke Garelus wife: and howe by lawlesse loue he lost his kingdome. A. D. 500. Blenerhasset	409
46 How Cadwallader the last King of the Britaynes, after he had behaued very valiantly against the Saxons, resigned his crowne, and went to Rome, where he liued in a religious house. Blenerhasset	419
47 How Sigebert was thrust from his throne and miserably slayne by a heardman. A. D. 755. Blenerhasset	428
48 How Ladie Ebbe dyd flea her nose and vpper lippe away to saue her virginitie. A. D. 870. Blenerhasset	443
49 How Alurede was brought vnto disease and vnto vntimely death, being inclined vnto the sinne of the fleshe. Blenerhasset	449[Pg li]
50 How Egelred for his wickednesse was diuerslye distressed by the Danes, and lastly died for sorrow. A. D. 1016. Blenerhasset	458
51 Howe Edricus destroyed the valiant King Edmunde Ironsyde, hoping to haue greate preferment for his labour of Canutus the Dane, and howe the same Canutus caused him to be be-headed for his labour. A. D. 1018. Blenerhasset	466
52 How King Harrold raynyng but niene monthes had continuall warre with the Danes, with the Norway King, with his brother Tosto, and with Duke William, who partely by hys strength but chiefly by policie, ouercame hym, and by killyng him in the feelde obteyned the kingdome of England. A. D. 1095. Blenerhasset	470[Pg lii]

PART III.
The Author’s Preface. Baldwin	Page 3
To the reader. Baldwin	7
To the reader, ed. 1610. Niccols	11
LEGENDS FROM THE CONQUEST.
53 The falle of Robert Tresilian Chiefe Iustice of England, and other his fellowes, for misconstruing the Lawes, and expounding them to serue the Prince’s affections. A. D. 1388. G. Ferrers	13
54 How the two Rogers surnamed Mortimers for their sundry vices ended their liues vnfortunately, the one An. 1329, the other 1387. Cavil	23
55 How Syr Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, vncle to King Richarde the seconde, was vnlawfully murdered. A. D. 1397. G. Ferrers	33
56 How the Lord Mowbrey, promoted by King Richard the second to the state of a Duke, was by him banished the Realme, in 1398, and after died miserablie in exile. Sir Thomas Chaloner	44
57 How King Richard the second was for his euill gouernance deposed from his seat, 1399, and murdered in prison. G. Ferrers	56
58 How Owen Glendour seduced by false prophecies tooke vpon him to bee Prince of Wales, and was by Henry Prince of England chased to the mountaynes, where hee miserably died for lack of food. A. D. 1401. Thomas Phaer	65
59 How Henrie Percy Earle of Northumberland, was for his couetous and trayterous attempt put to death at Yorke. A. D. 1407. Attributed to Baldwin	78
60 How Richard Plantagenet Earle of Cambridge, intending[Pg liii] the Kings destruction, was put to death at Southhampton. A. D. 1415. Attributed to Baldwin	86
61 How Thomas Montague Earle of Salisbury, in the middest of his glory was chaunceably slayne at Orleaunce with a piece of Ordinaunce. A. D. 1428. Attributed to Baldwin	90
62 Howe King Iames the first for breaking his othes and bondes was by God’s sufferaunce miserably murdered of his owne subiectes. A. D. 1437. Attributed to Baldwin	103
63 How Dame Eleanor Cobham Duchesse of Glocester, for practising of Witchcraft and sorcery suffred open penaunce, and after was banished the realme into the Ile of Man. Ferrers	112
64 How Humfrey Plantagenet Duke of Glocester, Protector of England, during the minority of his nephue King Henry the sixt, commonly called the good Duke, by practise of enemyes was brought to confusion. Ferrers	128
65 How Lord William de la Pole Duke of Suffolke, was worthely banished for abusing his King, and causing the destruction of the good Duke Humfrey A. D. 1450. Baldwin	147
66 How Iacke Cade naming himselfe Mortimer, trayterously rebelling against his King, was for his treasons and cruell doinges worthily punished. A. D. 1450. Baldwin	157
67 The tragedye of Edmund Duke of Somerset, slayne in the first battayle at St. Albons, in the 32. yeare of Henry the sixt. A. D. 1454. Ferrers	168
68 Howe Richarde Plantagenet Duke of York, was slayn through his ouer rash boldnesse, and his sonne the Earle of Rutland for his lacke of valiaunce. A. D. 1460	184
69 How the Lorde Clyfford for his straunge and abhominable cruelty, came to as straunge and sodayn a death. A. D. 1461. Attributed to Baldwin	195
70 The infamovs end of Lord Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, for cruelly executing his Prince’s butcherly commaundements. A. D. 1470. Attributed to Baldwin	201
71 How Sir Richard Neuill Earle of Warwicke, and his brother Iohn, Lord Marquise Montacute, through their too much boldnesse were slaine at Barnet. A. D. 1471. Attributed to Baldwin	210[Pg liv]
72 How King Henry the sixte a vertuous Prince, was after many other miseries cruelly murdered in the Tower of London. A. D. 1471. Attributed to Baldwin	217
73 How George Plantagenet third sonne of the Duke of Yorke, was by his brother King Edward wrongfully imprisoned, and by his brother Richard miserably murdered. A. D. 1478. Attributed to Baldwin	226
74 How King Edward the fourth through his surfeting &, vntemperate life, sodaynly dyed in the middest of his prosperity. A. D. 1483. Skelton	244
75 How Syr Anthony Wooduile Lord Riuers and Scales, Gouernour of Prince Edward, was with his nephue Lord Richard Gray and others causelesse imprisoned, and cruelly murthered. A. D. 1483. Attributed to Baldwin	249
76 How the Lord Hastings was betraied by trusting too much to his euill counsellour Catesby, and villanously murdered in the Tower of London by Richard Duke of Glocester. A. D. 1483. Dolman	275
MAYSTER SACKUILLE’S INDUCTION	309
77 The complaynt of Henry Duke of Buckingham. Sackville	333
78 How Colingbourne was cruelly executed for making a foolish Rime. Attributed to Baldwin	366
79 How Richarde Plantagenet Duke of Glocester murdered his brother’s children, vsurping the crowne, and in the third yeare of his raigne was most worthely depriued of life and kingdome, in Bosworth plaine, by Henry Earle of Richmond after called King Henry the VII. A. D. 1485. Segar	381
80 The wilfvll fall of the Blackesmith, and the foolishe end of the Lorde Audley A. D. 1496. Cavill	396
81 How the valiant Knight Sir Nicholas Burdet, Chiefe Butler of Normandy, was slayne at Pontoise. A. D. 1441. Higgins	418
82 The Lamentation of King Iames the fourth, King of Scots, slayne at Brampton in the fifthe yeare of King Henry the eight. A. D. 1513.	442
83 The Bataile of Brampton, or Floddon fielde, faught in the[Pg lv] yeare of our Redeemer 1513, and in the fifth yeare of the raygne of that victorious prince King Henry the eyght. Dingley	449
84 How Shore’s wife, King Edward the fourth’s Concubine, was by King Richard despoyled of her goods, and forced to doe open penaunce. Churchyard	461
85 How Thomas Wolsey did arise vnto great authority and gouernment, his maner of life, pompe and dignitie, & how hee fell downe into great disgrace, and was arested of high treason. Churchyard	484
86 How the Lord Cromwell exalted from meane estate, was after by the enuie of the Bishop of Winchester and other his complices brought to vntimely end. A. D. 1540. Drayton	502
PART IV.
(The remainder of the volume by Richard Niccols)
Dedicatory Sonnet to the Earl of Nottingham	543
To the reader	544
The Induction	546
87 The famovs life and death of King Arthur	553
88 The life and death of King Edmvnd svrnamed Ironside	583
89 The lamentable life and death of Prince Alfred brother to King Edmund Ironside	605
90 The treacherous life and infamovs death of Godwin Earle of Kent	622
91 The life and death of Robert svrnamed Curthose Duke of Normandie	639
92 The memorable life and death of King Richard the first, surnamed Cœur de Lion	673
93 The vnfortvnate life and death of King Iohn	699
94 The wofvll life and death of King Edward the second	726
95 The lamentable lives and deaths of the two yong Princes, Edward the fifth and his brother Richard Duke of York	766
96 The tragicall life and death of King Richard the third	785
97 The Poem annexed called England’s Eliza	813[Pg lvi]
PART V.
Dedicatory sonnet to Lady Elizabeth Clere	817
Advertisement to the Reader	818
The Induction	819
98 Englands Eliza, or the victoriovs and trivmphant reigne of that virgin Empresse of sacred memorie, Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland &c.	828

a͞	an
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w ͭin	within

Mirror for Magistrates.

INTRODUCTION.

The Mirror for Magistrates.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Loue and liue.

To the nobility and all other in office, God graunt the increase of wisedome, with all thinges necessary for preseruation of theyr estates.

“I. HIGGINS TO THE READER.

A PREFACE TO THE READER.

THOMAS NEWTON TO THE READER,

THE AUTHORS INDUCTION.

How King Albanact the Yongest Son of Brutus,[113] and First King of Albany (now called Scotland) was slayne by king Humber, the yeere before Christ, 1085.

How Hvmber the king of Hunnes minding to conquer Britaine, was drowned in the arme of sea now called Humber, about the yeere before Christ, 1085.

How King Locrinvs the eldest sonne of Brutus liued vitiously, and was slaine in battaile by his wyfe Queene Guendoline, the yeere before Christ, 1064.

How Qveene Elstride the Concubine and second wife of king Locrinus was miserably drowned by Queene Guendoline, The yeare before Christ, 1064.

How the Lady Sabrine daughter of King Locrinus and Elstride, was drowned by Queene Guendoline, the yeare before Christ, 1064.

How King Madan for his euill life was slayne by Wolues, The yeare before Christ, 1009.

How King Malin was slayne by his brother King Mempricius, the yeare before Christ, 1009.

How King Mempricius geuen to all lust was deuoured by wolues, the yeare before Christ, 989.

How King Bladvd,[408] taking on him to fly, fell vpon the Temple of Apollo, and brake his necke, The yeare before Christ, 844.

How Qveene Cordila in dispaire slew her selfe, The yeare before Christ, 800.

How King Morgan of Albany was slayne at Glamorgan, in Wales, The yeare before Christ, 766.

How King Iago dyed of the Lethargy, about the yeare before Christ, 612.[516]

How King Forrex was slayne by his brother King Porrex, about the yeere before Christ, 491.[520]

How King Porrex[533] which slewe his brother was slayne by his owne mother and hir maydens, about the yeare before Christ, 491.

How King Pinnar was slain in battayle by Mulmucius Donwallo, about the yeare before Christ, 441.[546]

How King Stater of Scotland was slayne by Mulmucius Donwallo, about the yeare before Christ, 441.[556]

Howe King Rvdacke of Wales was slayn by Mulmucius Donwallo about the yeere before Christ, 441.[562]

How the noble King Brennus, after many triumphant victories, at the seege of Delphos in Greece slew him selfe, about the yeare before Christ, 375.[575]

How King Kimarvs was deuoured by wilde beastes the yeere before Christ 321.

How King Morindus was deuoured by a monster, the yeare before Christ, 303.

How King Emerianus for his tirany was deposed, about the yeare before Christ, 235.[674]

How King Chirinnus giuen to dronkennesse raygned but one yeare. Hee died about the yeare before Christ, 137.[678]

How King Varianvs gaue himselfe to the lustes of the flesh, and dyed about the yeare before Christ, 136.[684]

Howe the Lord Irenglas cosen to king Cassibellane was slayne by the Lord Elimine cosen to Androgeus Earle of London, about the yeere before Christ, 51.

How Caivs Ivlivs Cæsar which first made this Realme tributary to the Romaynes, was slayne in the Senate house, about the yeare before Christ, 42.

How Clavdivs Tiberius Nero Emperour of Rome was poysoned by Caius Caligula, The yeare of Christ, 39.

How Caivs Caesar Caligula Emperour of Rome was slayne by Cherea and others, The yeare of Christ, 42.

How Gviderivs King of Britayne and the elder sonne of Cimbaline was slayne in battayle by a Romayne, The yeare of Christ, 44.

How Laelivs Hamo the Romayne Captayne was slayne after the slaughter of Guiderius, about the yeare of Christ, 46.

How Clavdivs Tiberius Drusus, Emperour of Rome, was poysoned by his wife Agrippina, the yeere of Christ, 56.

How the Emperovr Domitius Nero liued wickedly and tyrannously, and in the ende miserably slewe himselfe, the yeere of Christ, 70.

How Sergivs Galba the Emperour of Rome (gieuen to slaughter, ambition, and glotony) was slayne by the souldiers, The yeare of Christ, 71.

How the Viciovs Siluius Otho, Emperour of Rome, slew hym selfe, The yeare of Christ 71.

How Avlvs Vitellius Emperour of Rome came to an infortunate end, The yeare of Christ, 71.

Londricvs the Picte slayne by King Marius of Britayne, about the 80. yeere of Christ, giues his verdit of Fortune.

How Seuerus the Emperour of Rome, and Gouernour of Britayne, was slaine at Yorke, fighting against the Pictes, about the yeere after Christ, 206, after others, 213.

How Fvlgentivs a Scythian, or Picte, was slayne at the seege of Yorke, about the yeare of Christ, 206, or 213.

How Geta the Yonger sonne of th’Emperour Seuerus once gouernour of Britayne, was slayne in his mother’s armes by his brother Antonine, Emperour of Rome, about the yeare of Christ, 214.

How Aurelius Antonius Bassianus Caracalla, Emperour of Rome, was slayne by one of his owne seruauntes, about the yeere of Christ, 209.

THE PRINTER TO THE FRIENDLY READER.

THE AUTHOUR’S EPISTLE VNTO HIS FRIENDE.

[[1166]THE INDUCTION.

[1167]THE COMPLAINT OF GUIDERICUS.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAINT OF CARASSUS.

[THE INDUCTION

THE LYFE OF QUEENE HELLINA.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAYNT OF VORTIGER.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAINT OF VTER PENDRAGON.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAYNT OF CADWALLADER.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAINT OF SIGEBERT.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE LYFE OF LADYE EBBE.

[THE INDUCTION.

[THE COMPLAYNT OF ALUREDE.[1225]

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAYNT OF EGELREDE.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAINT OF EDRICUS.

[THE INDUCTION.

THE COMPLAINT OF HAROLDE.

William Duke of Normandie, and ryght heyre to the Englyshe crowne, to Harolde the Vsurper.

Harolde the English King, to thee William, Duke of Normandie.

FOOTNOTES:

Transcriber’s Notes

“I. HIGGINS TO
THE READER.

A PREFACE TO
THE READER.

THOMAS NEWTON
TO THE READER,

THE PRINTER TO
THE FRIENDLY READER.

THE AUTHOUR’S EPISTLE
VNTO HIS FRIENDE.